The Scottish historical review

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THE SCOTTISH
HISTORICAL REVIEW

PUBLISHED BY

JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS, GLASGOW,
•publishers to the

MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD., LONDON.

New York, • • The Macmillan Co.

Toronto, - . • The Macmillan Co. of Canada.

London, • • • Simpkin, Hamilton and Co.

Cambridge, • • Bowes and Howes.

Edinburgh, • • Dovgias and Fowlis.

Sydney, • • • Angus and Robertson.

r

THE

SCOTTISH
HISTORICAL

REVIEW

Volume Ninth

GLASGOW
JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS

PUBLISHERS TO THE UNIVERSITY
1912

-750

sa.3

v.9

.

Contents

The Black Friars and the Scottish Universities. By W.

Moir Bryce i

The Reformers and Divorce ; a study on Consistorial

Jurisdiction. By David Baird Smith 10

Scotsmen Serving the Swede. By the Hon. George A.

Sinclair. With three Portraits - - 37

The Hospitallers in Scotland in the Fifteenth Century. By

John Edwards 52

The Chronicle of Lanercost. By the Right Hon. Sir

Herbert Maxwell, Bart. - 69, 159, 278, 390

The Old Schools and Universities in Scotland. By

Alexander Gray - -113

On the Early Northumbrian Poem, 'A Vision of the

Cross of Christ.' By Professor Alois Brandl 139

Ragna-rok and Orkney. By Alfred W. Johnston 148

A Roll of the Scottish Parliament, 1344. By J.

Maitland Thomson. With Facsimile - 235

The Monuments of Caithness. By Geo. Neilson. With

nine Illustrations- - - - 241

vi Contents

i PAGK

The Post-Reformation Elder. By Sir James Balfour

Paul- 253

Superstition in Scotland of To-day. By A. O. Curie - 263
Notes on Swedo-Scottish Families. By Eric E. Etzel - 268

Helenore, or The Fortunate Shepherdess. By John S.

Gibb. With Note by D. Hay Fleming - 291

Student Life in St. Andrews before 1450 A.D. By

James Robb - 347

Ballad on the Anticipated Birth of an Heir to Queen

Mary, 1554. By C. H. Firth - 361

A Ballad Illustrating the Bishops Wars. By C. H.

Firth 363

John Bruce, Historiographer. 1745-1826. By W.

Foster 366

A Secret Agent of James VI. By J. D. Mackie 376

San Viano : a Scottish Saint. By Rev. J. Wood Brown 387
Reviews of Books 81, 172, 301, 411

Communications and Replies —

Note on the Portrait of James I. By J. Hamilton Wylie 106

Scottish Islands in the Diocese of Sodor. By Robert L.

Bremner and David MacRitchie - - 107

Battle of Dundalk. By G. Law 108

Order of the Star of Bethlehem. By J. G. Wallace-James 109

Contents vtt

PAGE

Communications and Replies —

The Battle of Harlaw - in

Bishop Wardlaw and the Grey Friars. By W. Moir Bryce ;

with note by J. Maitland Thomson - 219

The Finn-Men. By David MacRitchie - - 223

The Scottish Exhibition of 1911. With two Illustrations - 225

Catherine, Marchioness of Carnarvon ? By Hon. Vicary

Gibbs - 343

An Old Tiree Rental of 1662. By Niall D. Campbell - 343

From the Burgh Charter Room, Haddington. By J. G.

Wallace- James - - 345

John Home's Epigram. By George Mackay - - 346

Johne of Arintrache : A Knapdale Query - 346

John Home's Epigram. By the Right Hon. Sir Herbert

Maxwell, Bart.- - - 448

The Clan MacPherson Abroad. By D. MacPherson - 448

A Recipe for Making Red Wax in Sixteenth Century

Scots. By F. C. Eeles - 450

Index

- 451

Illustrations

PAGE

James King, Lord Eythin - ----- 40

Patrick Ruthven, Earl of Forth and Brentford. From oil paint-
ing in Skokloster Castle, Sweden - 44

Patrick Ruthven, Earl of Forth and Brentford. From oil paint-
ing in the Bodleian Library - - 48

Stair Arms in The Scots Peerage - -172

Sutherland Arms in The Scots Peerage - - 174

Darnley and his Brother - - - 228

Prince Charles Edward - - 230

Facsimile of a Roll of the Scottish Parliament, 1344 - - 238

The Broch of Mousa on the Island of Mousa, Shetland - - 242

Broch, Ousedale Burn, Parish of Latheron - - 244

Ground-plan of Horned Long Cairn, Yarrows - - 245

Ground-plan of Horned Round Cairn, Ormiegiel - - 246

Galleried Dwelling, Wagmore Rigg, Parish of Latheron - - 246

Ground-plan, with Section, of Broch at Ousedale Burn, Parish

of Latheron - - - - 248

Castle of Old Wick - 248

Site of Castle Mestag, Island of Stroma - 250

The Grot Stone, Canisbay Church - - 252

Contributors to this Volume

P. J. Anderson
C. T. Atkinson
William George Black
Father Odo Blundell
Professor Alois Brandl
Robert L. Bremner
Prof. G. Baldwin Brown
Rev. J. Wood Brown
W. Moir Bryce
Niall D. Campbell
A. H. Charteris
A. Cunningham
A. O. Curie
James Curie

Sir George Douglas, Bart.
John Edwards

F. C. Eeles
Eric E. Etzel

G. Eyre-Todd

C. H. Firth

D. Hay Fleming
W. Foster

William Gemmell

John S. Gibb

The Hon. Vicary Gibbs

J. P. Gibson

Gilbert Goudie

Alexander Gray

Alfred W. Johnston

Theodora Keith

G. Law

Mary Love

George Macdonald

George Mackay

W. S. McKechnie

W. M. Mackenzie

J. D. Mackie

James MacLehose

D. MacPherson

David MacRitchie

Andrew Marshall

Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

Frank Miller

W. G. Scott Moncrieff

Xll

Contributors

W. G. Blaikie Murdoch

George Neilson

Alexander N. Paterson

Sir J. Balfour Paul

Prof. F. M. Powicke

Robert S. Rait

James Robb

W. R. Scott

The Hon. George A. Sinclair

David Baird Smith

D. Nichol Smith

E. Stair-Kerr

A. Francis Steuart
J. Maitland Thomson
Prof. T. F. Tout
J. G. Wallace-James
Rev. James Wilson
A. M. Williams
J. Hamilton Wylie

The

Scottish Historical Review

VOL. IX., No. 33 OCTOBER 1911

The Black Friars and the Scottish Universities

IT is to the foresight and the action of St. Dominic and his
great Order of Friars Preachers — colloquially known as the
Black Friars — that the first introduction into Scotland of a
systematic course of education is to be attributed. No doubt,
there were schools in existence in the twelfth century, and men of
high literary attainments were to be found among the Roman
hierarchy as well as in the monasteries ; but there was no
organized system of study in operation in this country until the
advent of the Black Friars in 1230^ Among the monks of
every class, education was to a large extent — in the early days at
least — a mere matter of personal inclination. In the original
rules laid down by St. Benedict and the other monastic founders,
the leading obligation is manual labour ; while study as an art
is conspicuous by its absence. The celebration of the divine
offices and the reading of the Holy Scriptures or of works by
the Fathers, etc., formed, practically, the sole official outlet for
the spiritual aspirations of the monk ; and, hence, progress in
education depended entirely upon the intellectual calibre of the
individual. The monk who tilled the ground fulfilled his obliga-
tions equally with him who, of a higher intellect, chose to spend
his spare hours in study.

St. Dominic's ideals were lofty, although, as they took ten

years to arrive at fruition, they lacked the spontaneity of those

of St. Francis. He sought to counteract the heresies of the

Cathari, the Patarini, the Albigenses and other wild sectaries

1 Melrose Chronicle, p. 1 43.

S.H.R. VOL. IX. A

2 W. Moir Bryce

of his day, by equipping and training a special body of public
evangelists, who, by their preaching in the streets and squares of
cities and villages, and even in the fields, would not only educate
the people in the tenets of the orthodox religion, but would
render them immune against the insidious attacks of heresy.
There lay, however, a fundamental distinction beneath the con-
firmation granted by the Holy See to the Franciscan ideal as
opposed to that of the Dominican. St. Francis was a layman
and unlearned ; while St. Dominic had knowledge, and was not
prepared to sacrifice ecclesiastical tradition. He was a canon
regular of the Church, and he and his followers were confirmed
as an Order of Canons serving God under the Rule of St.
Augustine.1 There were no lay preachers within their ranks,2
and hence, so far, there was no change in ecclesiastical life as was
the case with the Grey Friars. As canons, the priory church, in
which the usual offices were celebrated day and night, became
their principal possession, to which the other buildings formed a
mere adjunct. Then, the Augustinian rule was expressly selected
as a framework on which their institutes and constitutions of
government — to be afterwards devised by their Chapter General
— could be engrafted ; and it left them free to raise their edifice
in independence. To carry out his special mission of ' universal
preaching,' St. Dominic foresaw from the beginning, that, to com-
mand success, study and knowledge were necessary corollaries.
Among his opponents — the Patarini, for example — there were
many powerful preachers ; and he resolved to convert his friars
into an Order of learned men, able and ready at all times to
face an intellectual adversary. It was the educational scheme
which he inaugurated for his friars that led Honorius III. to
describe them as futuros pugiles fidei, et vera mundi lumina?
Indeed, it may be asserted that the Black Friars were the first
in Europe to devise and introduce for their students a complete
and systematic course of education extending over a long period
of years, and ending in a degree at a university recognized by the
Order ; and it is to the distinguished share, direct and indirect,
taken by the Black Friars in assisting and furthering the establish-
ment of our Scottish Universities, that attention is here drawn.

1 Bullarium Ord. Praed. i, 2, 4.

2 The lay-brothers — the laiici of the Grey Friars — were known as the fi-atres
tonversi, and performed the meaner offices of the priory, such as cooking, etc.

*Nos Attendentes, 22 Dec. 1216; Bull. Ord. Praed, i. 4.

The Black Friars and Scottish Universities 3

Unfortunately, the native material at our command is singularly
scanty. To whatever cause — the ignorant zeal of the * rascal
multitude ' at the Reformation, or subsequent wanton neglect —
the loss of the major portion of the vast array of ecclesiastical
muniments, other than those of a purely legal nature, that
undoubtedly existed in pre-Reformation times, constitutes one
of the great misfortunes of our country. The Black Friars
excelled all the other religious communities in the number and
variety of the records which, under their statutes, they were
bound to compile ; and yet, but little is now extant from which
any idea of their personal life can be obtained. At the head-
quarters of the whole Order at Rome, also, very little informa-
tion relating to Scotland has been preserved ; l but, in recent
years, great literary activity has been evinced by members of
the Order, and many of their records, so far as extant, have
been published. These include their Constitutions — codified in
1228, and again in 1239 — the Acta of the Chapter General and
of many of the leading provinces in Europe, the more famous
chronicles, etc.

Briefly stated, the Black Friars divided their scholastic system
into three well-defined sections — an arrangement which has been
followed down to the present day in this and all other countries
where a national system of education prevails. There were, first
of all, the Conventual Schools, in which the novices and young
friars were trained. Then came the Provincial or Secondary
Schools known as the Studia Solemnia, and, lastly, the Inter-
national University Colleges, or Studia Generalia.

The priory was, of course, the principal arena of Dominican
life, and it was there that the fountain of knowledge took its
rise. The constitutions of 1228 to 1236 — dating in reality back
to the time of St. Dominic — declared that, without both a prior
and a doctor, there could be no priory — * Conventus . . . sine priore
et doctore non mittatur' 2 This doctor was practically a professor
of theology, and his theological classes were open to the laity as
well as to all the clergy and * religious * in the neighbourhood.
Hence, he was also described as a publicus doctor. Every friar,
including the prior, was compelled, when not engaged in other
special work, to attend the doctor's classes, and in this way there
was no room left for idleness within the septa of a priory. In the
encyclic of John of Strasbourg of 1249, he orders his friars to
* study without cessation . . . love your cell ; it is the road to
1 AnaUcta Ord. Praed. 1896, p. 646 n. 2 Analec ta, 1896, p. 642.

4 W. Moir Bryce

Heaven, do not leave it unnecessarily ' ; l and, as years rolled
on, the demand for study grew more insistent and imperious
in all the Chapters, both General and Provincial. Latterly, the
education and training of their preachers became the most
important function of the Order. As a safeguard to doctrine,
the doctor, prior to appointment, must have * heard ' theology for
a period of not less than four years,2 and, if a master of theology,
he was given precedence 3 over his prior in the event of the latter
not having attained to academic rank. Friar William Cumyn,
Doctor and Reader of Theology in the Priory of Perth, was
unanimously chosen by the members of the Chapter of the See of
Argyll to the bishopric. Their selection was confirmed by
Gregory X., and the Bishops of St. Andrews and Dunkeld were
directed to proceed with his consecration, provided that the
Order consented to his elevation.4 In addition to these public
classes of theology, others for the instruction of the novices and
young friars were to be found in every convent. They were
under the management of the master of the novices, the lector,
and the lector principalis, and were not open to the general public.
The novices entered at the age of fifteen, and served a novitiate,
in the early Dominican days, of six months ; but this period was
afterwards extended to twelve months,5 and even, in some cases,
until the novice had attained the age of eighteen. There was no
compulsion on the novice on entry, although, on the other hand,
only the apt student was retained.6 There existed in these days
no false sentiment against the use of punishment, and the master
of the students was given full power of correction.7 The
lectors conducted the arts classes, including grammar, rhetoric,
and logic, and in some of the priories, moral philosophy.
Young friars, however, were not permitted to attend the

1 Litterae Encyclicae Magist. Gen. p. 9, ed. Reichert. At least one-third of the
Acta of the General Chapter is devoted to the question of study.

2 Analecta, 1896, p. 643. Nullus fi at publicus doctor, nisi ad minus theologian per
quatuor annoi audierit. Acta Cap. Gen. i. 35.

3 Chap. Gen. of 1542; Acta Cap. Gen. iv. 296.

4 24th May, 1275, Theiner, No. 262. It was the custom, at this date, for friars,
even when raised to the episcopate, to continue to wear the dress of their Order.
There were in all seven Scottish Black Friars who were promoted to the episcopal
bench.

6 At first most of the novices were already masters or bachelors of arts, and,
therefore, learned men.

6 The poor student to be replaced by a better. Analecta, 1896, p. 643.

7 ' Item, utrum magiiter studencium pouit corrigere et punlre — Respondemus quod sit.'
Douais, Acta Cap. Trovincialum, Prov. of Provence, 16.

The Black Friars and Scottish Universities 5

arts classes until they had completed a thorough course of
training in singing and in the divine offices, and, in any case,
not sooner than two years from date of admission.1 The lectors
were provided during office with a special camera or chamber,2
and were freed from many of the ordinary duties such as the
hearing of confession,3 taking charge of the infirmary,4 etc. In
the event of there being other suitable friars in the province, the
lectorship could only be held for a period of five years.5 The
students were freed from many of the £ offices ' or other duties
which interfered with their studies ; and they were also allowed
to read, write, pray, sleep, and watch in their cells.6 Even the
prior, the controlling head of the schools, required to be an
efficient preacher in Latin as well as in the vernacular. The
Chapter General of 1518 declared that he must be able to speak
grammatically and without false Latinity — absque falsa Latinitate,
et bene intelligere grammaticam — and be sufficiently versed in
moralibus divine Scripture to preach the word of God in his own
convent.7 The Magister Studentium had the right to denounce in
the priory chapter any remissness on the part of his prior, and
even to appeal, if necessary, to the provincial chapter.8

The second rung in the Dominican educational ladder was the
establishment in every province and vicariate of one or more
Secondary Colleges, to which the more advanced of the friar
students were regularly sent. These Provincial Schools were
under the direct supervision of the Provincial Master. For many
years Scotland was only a vicariate of the Province of England,
and the appointment of the vicar required confirmation by the
English Provincial. Although, therefore, the Scottish Provincial
School was under the immediate control of the Provincial Vicar,
it was the duty of the English Provincial to send his Visitors 9 to
report to him on the condition of all the schools, provincial and
conventual, in this country. In the same way, the Chapter
General sent Visitors10 to far distant countries; and in 1261 a
representative appeared in the person of Friar Stephen de Salanhac,
Prior of Toulouse, deputed ' to visit Scotland, and to transact
the other affairs in England which the Master of the Order may

1 Acta Cap. Gen. i. 285. To promote the study of grammar and music, the
Provincials were instructed to provide the necessary accommodation at the
expense of the respective convents; Ibid. ii. 323.

*lbid. i. 37. *lbid. i. ii. *I6M. i. 16. *lbid. ii. 246.

6 Analecta, 189*6, p. 643. 7 Acta Cap. Gen. ii. 380 ; iii. 103, 412; iv. 163.

*lb\d. i. 65. *Ibid. i. 99. ™lbid. ii. 91.

6 W. Moir Bryce

put upon him.'1 Unfortunately, his report on the Scottish
Dominican Schools has not been preserved ; but the * other affairs'
referred to the punishment awarded by the Master General to
Friar Simon, the English Provincial, for disobedience — an incident
to which further reference will be made. At the Chapter General
at London of 1335, it was ordained that in each province there
should be not less than two schools of theology, two of natural
philosophy, and two schools of arts;2 while in 1347 provincials
were ordered to provide studio, particularia of theology, natural
sciences and logic. The lectors or professors were selected by
the provincial, and each of the students received a contribution for
his support from his own priory. Of the many records relating to
the Scottish Provincial and Conventual Schools not a vestige now
remains, but it may be assumed that, until the fifteenth century,
the Provincial Schools were held in the Edinburgh Priory.3

From the commencement of the Dominican movement, it had
been the practice to send friar students from all the different
provinces to the Studium Generate at Paris ; but at the Chapter
General of 1246, the number from each province was restricted
to three.* At the same time, four provinces, including that of
England, were each ordered to erect a '•generate studium et sollempne*
in one of the larger convents, to which two friars could be sent.
The English friars — more insular than their neighbours across the
border — refused to receive their foreign brethren ; and the Master
General, at the Chapter of 1261, fixed peremptorily upon Oxford
as the Studium Generate for the English Province. For his con-
tumacy, Friar Simon was relieved of his office as Provincial, and
sent in exile to be lector in the Priory at Cologne.6 Some of the
Scottish friars are alleged to have attended this Studium, but the
tendency in this country was, from the first, to favour that at
Paris. Among the Denmyln MSS.6 is a letter, dated 29th
September, 1349, by Jean des Moulins, the twentieth Master
General, to the Scottish * Vicar General.' In it the Master grants,

1 Acta Cap. Gen. \. 112. ^Ibid. ii. 229.

3 The Acta Capltulorum Provincialiumy by C. Douais, of the Provincial Chapters
of the Provinces of Provence, Rome, and Spain, 1239 to 1302, furnishes the best
account of the vigorous management, even at this early date, by the friars of their
Provincial Schools.

4 Acta Cap. Gen. i. 34.

5 Ibid. i. no, in. In view of his submission, he was permitted in the follow-
ing year to return to his native country.

6 No. 77, Adv. Lib.

The Black Friars and Scottish Universities 7

* as a mark of our esteem, this privilege — that your Vicar who
shall be for the time may assign to some Studium Generak of our
Order a friar as a student, and recall him at his good pleasure.' l
It is possible to assume that the friars had at last thrown off the
yoke of the English Provincial, although the vicariate continued
without representation in the Chapter General until the loth June,
1481, when it was, at the request of King James III., erected
into a province Separate and distinct from that of England.'2
By the Chapter General of 1410 and subsequent Chapters, the
study and practice of both medicine and surgery3 were forbidden
as unnecessary qualifications for a friar preacher ; while, for the
study of alchemy, the severest punishments — excommunication
and imprisonment — were meted out to offending friars.4

Owing to their steadfast pursuit of learning, the Black Friars
as a body attained to a position of great eminence in the scholastic
world, and there sprang from among their ranks many of the
most celebrated scholars in Europe. Naturally, it brought them
into close relationship with the various universities ; and, amid
the strife that arose in the University of Paris, two of the friars
were raised to professorial rank in 1 229-30 5 — a practice that was
followed, with the advance of time, in other studia generalia. By
the beginning of the fifteenth century the ground had been
prepared for the establishment of universities in Scotland.

It is at this point that the loss of our native Dominican
records becomes strongly felt ; but assistance, to a certain extent,
is to be found in the Munimenta of the University of Glasgow.6
For many years after its foundation, the Black Friars of Glasgow
lent their arts class-room, their chapter house, and even their
church for the purposes of this poorly endowed university. The
arts class-room was repaired and utilized for the professorial arts
classes ; while the professors of canon and civil law made their
prelections in the chapter house. It was there, also, that the
ceremony of incorporating with the University the Slite of the

1 ' Friar Alexander of Scotland' is mentioned as having been assigned in 1525
to the Studium Generale at Paris. Acta Cap. Gen. iv. 206.

"-Ibid. iii. 368, loth June, 1481. 3 Ibid. iii. 139; iv. 65 and 350.

*lbid. i. 170, 238, 252 ; ii. 65, 72, 147.

5 The question of the Mendicant Friars and the Universities is beyond the
scope of our inquiry. See Illustrations of Mediaeval Thought, by Dr. Reginald L.
Poole; Universities of Europe, by Dr. Rashdall ; The Mediaeval Mind, by H. B.
Taylor, and numerous works by foreign writers.

6 Munimenta Alme Univ. Glasguen. ii.

8 W. Moir Bryce

clergy in the neighbourhood — a practice which also prevailed at
the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge — was held. Among
the incorporate were Friar John Mure, the first provincial ap-
pointed under the Act of 1481; the successive priors of the
local convent, all of whom were professors or bachelors of sacred
theology ; and many of the friars.1 The name of Friar Robert
Lile, one of the priors, also appears as having, on 24th March,
1521-2, commenced in the priory, in the presence of the Rector,
the Dean of the Faculty and other Masters of the College, the
statutory lectures on the Four Books of the Sentences. Friar
John Adamson, Professor of Sacred Theology and Provincial
of the Order, presided over the meeting, and we may conclude
that the public classes of theology devised by St. Dominic had,
by this time, received the imprimatur of this university. Friar
Lile was a distinguished alumnus of the University of Aberdeen,
and all contemporary writers unite in commending the great
scholarship and piety of the Provincial, Friar Adamson. It was
to his care in the priory at Aberdeen that the Abbot of Kinloss
committed his young friars to be instructed in theology.2 In
1518 the Chapter General recorded its approval of the agree-
ment entered into between the Dean of Dunkeld and the
Reverend the Provincial of the Province of Scotland relative
to the foundation for five or six students in the Convent of the
University of St. Andrews.8 This, strange to say, is the only
reference to a Scottish university to be found in the Acta; but
from it, and from what has been already said, it is fair to assume
that the priories at Glasgow and St. Andrews had both been
erected into Dominican studia generalia^ and, therefore, become
incorporated, in imitation of the priories at Paris, Oxford, etc.,
into their respective universities. From the Lord Treasurer's
accounts we also learn that, during the reign of James IV., there
were among the ' studentis of Sanctandrois ' several Irish friars,
who no doubt preferred the Scottish studium to that of either
Oxford or Cambridge. Although all university degrees required

1 M unimenta, pp. 66, 67, 78, 100, 136, 156, 157, 182, 206, 208.

2 See the remarks of the late Dr. Joseph Robertson in his learned preface to the
Liber ColUgii. Friar John Spens was another of the Glasgow priors who attained
to great distinction. He was translated in 1519 to the Priory at Elgin, which,
from the want of funds, had fallen into decay. MS. Chartulary of Elgin, Adv. Lib.

8 ' Hpprobamus pactum initum inter dominum decanum Dunclidensem et reverendum
provincialem provincie Scocie super fundationem quinque vel sex studcntium In convent u
universitatis sancti Andree? Acta Cap. Gen. iv. 173.

The Black Friars and Scottish Universities 9

confirmation by the Chapter General, very few names of either
Scottish or English friars are recorded in the Acta as having
attained to academic rank. The only notice of the friar Scot
is to be found in the Acta of the Chapter General of 1525, which
approved of Friar James Crichton in the Mastership, and licensed
as Bachelors Friars Alexander Campbell, Alexander Barclay, Alex-
ander Lawson, James Cheuvot, Francis Carpentar, John Makcap,
John Makdorod (Macdonald ?), and James Pryson.1 Although
Cardinal Betoun appointed an Edinburgh Black Friar to act as
his penitentiary south of the Forth,2 he seems, to judge by his
charities as noted in his Granitar and Chamberlain's accounts,
to have favoured the Observantine Grey Friars rather than the
Dominicans. The Grey Friars may not, at least in this country,
have adopted the systematized educational itinerary of the Black
Friars ; but their scholars were the rivals of the latter in learning,
and maintained an equally close connection with the Universities
of Paris, Oxford, and other well-known studia generalia. Their
school for novices was at St. Andrews, and the friars had some
relationship with the College of St. Salvator. The Cardinal paid
annually the sum of 2 is. 4d. to the* CollegioSanctiSahatorisetfratribus
Minoribus de Observantia Civitatis Sanctiandree pro eorum firma
burgali? On the day of his murder, in 1546, this College, as
well as both the Black and Grey Friaries, was committed to the
flames. This incident, unnoticed hitherto by our historians,
appears in the prosaic pages of the Register of the Privy Seal,
in which the heritable property of Norman Leslie and his asso-
ciates are recorded as having been escheated and gifted to certain
followers of the Governor, the Earl of Arran.3

In this country the difficulties in tracing the genesis of our
university system are great, and the above sketch, taken mainly
from Dominican sources, is offered as a possible step in the
inquiry. A close connection certainly did exist between the
Black Friars and our Scottish universities.

W. MOIR BRYCE.

1 Approbamus magisterium fr. Jacobi Criton, provincial Scotiae, licentiamusque ad
bacchalariatum fr. Alexandrum Camvel, fr. Alexandrum Barclai, fr. Alexandrum
Lanson, fr. Jacobum Cheuvot, jr. Franciscum Carpitarii, fr. Joannis Makcap, fr.
Joannii Macdorod, fr. Jacobi Pryson, dictae provinciae Scotiae.' Acta Cap. Gen.
iv. 206.

2 MS. vol. in Adv. Lib. known as the Rental Book of the Archbishopric of St.
Andrews. It contains only the accounts of the Granitar and Chamberlain of
that See between the years 1538 and 1545.

*Reg. of Privy Seal, xxi. ff. 29, 30, 32, 50.

The Reformers and Divorce

A Study on Consistorial Jurisdiction

struggle for consistorial jurisdiction was not a conse-
J. quence of the religious reformation of the sixteenth century.
The warring interests, civil and ecclesiastical, which lay behind the
religious upheaval, gave momentum and sanction to the claims of
the Reformers. But had the struggle been exclusively religious,
the course of the Reformed Church would have been clearer, and
political and constitutional cross-currents would not have so
effectually confused the issues of the critical years. The Reformed
Church did not in or about 1560 step into the shoes of the Church
of Rome. The civil power had already asserted itself, and right
through the period of the Reformation there were three contend-
ing forces — the Church of Rome, the Reformed Church and the
Civil Power. The first and the last were old opponents, and had
they been permitted to continue their struggle undisturbed the
conflict would have been prolonged, but it would have been
more logical and the subsequent history of Scotland would have
been more akin to that of England or France or Spain than has
been the case.

But the Reformers stepped into the arena, doctrinaire, cosmo-
politan and deracinh) and the struggle became a triangular one.
The Reformers drew their strength from the two other com-
batants ; their weakness they brought with them from Geneva.
From the Roman Church they drew the religious enthusiasm and
reforming fervour which had manifested themselves in the belated
reforming legislation of the Church Councils of 1543-9 and 1559.
They reaped the harvest of the Indian summer of the Church of
Rome which faded before the strong chill blasts from Trent.
From the Civil Power they filched the bloom of its tardy youth.
When under the influence of the awakening to political ideals
which formed one of the developments of the Renaissance the
central executive in Scotland began to be conscious of its rights
and duties, the Reformers brought back with them from the

The Reformers and Divorce n

Continent the elaborately articulated and fascinating theocratic
political philosophy of Geneva, and the weak and youthful aspira-
tions of the civil spirit in Scotland appeared for a time to yield to
the hardy growth which flourished on the northern soil. They
appeared to yield, and for a time the Civil Power had to dress
itself up in Episcopal robes to confront the Geneva gown of the
Reformers, but ultimately the Cromwellian despotism beat both
to the ground, and when Presbyterianism was finally established
at the Revolution settlement it was a chastened figure that bore
the Keys of Heaven on the steps of the Hanoverian throne.

The question of consistorial jurisdiction was only a subordinate
one, but the solution of it involved the consideration of some of
the ultimate grounds of political philosophy. Its beginnings can
be traced back to the earlier years of the fifteenth century when
the only parties involved were the laity and the Roman clergy.
In its earlier stages the question in dispute was not one of juris-
diction. There was no attempt to withdraw consistorial cases
from the cognisance of the spiritual courts, but there can be
traced in the legislation of the period an effort to define and
limit the law which was to be applied by the clerical tribunals to
the cases which came before them. Thus at the Provincial Synod
held at Perth in 1420 the clergy stated their claims to consistorial
jurisdiction as regards the confirmation of testaments with
precision and at length,1 and five years later we find the estates
enacting that ' all and sundrie the Kinge's Leiges of the Realme
live and be governed under the Kings lawes and statutes of the
Realme aleanarlie : and under na particular Laws nor special
Priviledge, nor be na Lawes of uther Countries nor Realmes.' 2
The same Parliament made an ineffectual attempt to codify the
law. The Great Schism had ended in 1416, and the confusion
which it had created had added strength to the civil encroach-
ments which marked the reign of James I. During the reign of
Robert III., in 1401, the Estates had regulated appeals in the
spiritual courts from the Ordinary to the Conservator, and
from the Conservator to the Provincial Council * Cui ordinationi
censuit clerus durante schismate, sicut caeteri regis legii.'3
It will be observed from the last clause of this statute that the
consent of the Provincial Council is expressed. This attempt to

1 Patrick, p. 80.

2 1425, cap. 48 ; cf. 1503, cap. 79. On the other hand, the authority of the
Canon Law is recognised in 1493, cap. 51 ; 1540, cap. 80; 1551, cap. 22.

3 1401, cap. 6; cf. James II. 6, cap. 12.

12 David Baird Smith

carry the Church along with it marked what might be described
as the intrusive civil legislation of the fifteenth century. Thus
in 1426 the Estates 'ad parcendum expensis et vexationibus
pauperum in cauria spirituale litigantium ' laid down regulations
regarding processes in which the pursuer was a layman and the
defender a cleric, and the act concludes : ' Et quod istud statuatur
de presente authoritate Concilii Provincialis.' l But as time
passed, this semblance of co-operation was dropped, and by the
beginning of the sixteenth century the state had begun to legislate
on matters which the canonists claimed for the ecclesiastical forum*
It will be observed that all the legislation to which reference has
been made was confined to the content of the law, and that the
consistorial jurisdiction was left undisturbed. But there was
grave discontent among the laity with the ecclesiastical courts,
and in the synodal constitutions of Archbishop Forman (d. 1522)
the attempts of * lords temporal and other secular persons ' to
prohibit their dependents from having recourse to spiritual courts
are denounced, and the guilty persons are threatened with excom-
munication.3

In 1532 the foundation of the College of Justice on the model
of the Parliament of Paris marked a steady advance in the
development and consolidation of the centralised secular forces
within the Kingdom. It took the place of the old Session and
substituted a permanent and professional tribunal for the sporadic
and fitful activities of an amorphous body whose decisions were
guided by extraneous and generally political considerations. Its
foundation was an act of the Royal prerogative and only received
legislative sanction in 1540,* though its early Acts of Sederunt
are commonly treated as Acts of Parliament. But to effect his
purpose the King had to evoke Papal co-operation, and the new
College of Justice was maintained on ecclesiastical revenues.
While this material consideration was no doubt predominant, the
Papal sanction was of importance as giving the new Court a
prestige which it would have found it hard to acquire had it been
launched by the Civil Power alone and left to compete on
unequal terms with the full-fledged spiritual courts of the country
and the local feudal jurisdictions. The Bulls of Clement VII.
and Paul III., which were dated respectively September, 1531,

1 James I. 6, cap. 87.

2 James IV. 6, cap. 77, * Anent the exceptions proponed anent Widowes, in
hindring of them of their teirces.'

8 Patrick, 270. 4Cap. 93.

The Reformers and Divorce 13

and March, 1534, conferred wide powers and immunities on the
new foundation, but the Popes attempted to maintain their hold
on its activities by stipulating that of the senators ' media pars in
dignitate ecclesiastica constituta omnino esse debeat.' The second
bull added the additional proviso 'pro uno Presidente semper
prelate ecclesiastico,' and the first President was the Abbot of
Cambuskenneth. The Crown was conscious of the uncertain line
of development of such a mixed tribunal, and the ordinances and
statutes which the Lord Chancellor produced on 2 1 st February,
1 534, expressly reserved, e.g. the Treasurer's right to payment of
the usual fines on the issue of letters of legitimation per rescriptum
principis. But the lay element seems to have predominated from
the beginning, and we find the Clerk Register formally protesting
in the King's name against the use of inhibitions by spiritual
judges to the hindrance of Royal justice and the protest entered
as an Act of Sederunt of the Court on I4th February, 1538.

As the fateful year of 1560 approached and the two parties in
the state began to draw apart and define themselves, the clerical
members of the Court displayed an inclination to absent them-
selves from its sittings, and on the 2yth of March, 1546, it was
found necessary to pass an Act of Sederunt providing with the
approval of Cardinal Beaton that the spiritual lords should
remain in their places for the administration of justice. The
court vindicated its independence of the Church in the case of
Friar Archibald Arnot, in December, 1546, holding itself a
competent tribunal in this case, which was in fact an ecclesiastical
one. Yet its clerical members were drawn from fields of activity
which would naturally give a strong ecclesiastical bias. On i yth
February, 1547, e.g. Abraham Crichton, Official of Lothian, was
admitted a senator.1 It may be noted that the absorption of
the leading ecclesiastics in civil administration gradually secularised
them and gave them national sympathies. They were influenced
by the gradual awakening of the country to the reality of a
national civil life. They came to look for their future to the
expanding civil organisation of the country, and when the time
came did not find it difficult to turn their backs on the Church of
Rome, which could only offer them the doubtful prospect of a
purely ecclesiastical career in the midst of a hostile population.
The clerical element remained in the Court of Session after the
Reformation, and it was only in the year 1579 that the Estates

1 It may be noted that by the Act, 1567, cap. 50, it was provided that com-
missaries should not be Lords of Session or advocates and have any other office.

14 David Baird Smith

dispensed with the stipulation of the original foundation that the
President should be an ecclesiastic.1

A further step in this direction is marked by the Act of the
year 1584 which expressly excluded clerics from judicial office in
the Court of Session.2 The aim of the early Reformers to leaven
the civil organisation of the country with the spirit of the true
Evangel found expression in a resolution of the General Assembly
of December, 1560, to the effect that all judicial officers, including
Lords of Session, should be chosen from the professors of the
true word of God.3 It was not, however, in accordance with
their political theory that the clerical element should remain in
the Court, and in March, 1572, the General Assembly decided
that it was not expedient that ministers should be appointed
Senators of the College of Justice, an exception being made in
favour of Robert Pont, who already occupied that office.4 The
Act of 1584 was passed to meet the claims of the restored
Episcopate to the jurisdiction of the Pre-Reformation prelates and
was not directed against the Presbyterian party. Any claim to
participate in the administration of civil justice came from the
Bishops.5 Thus in January, 1609, in the Memorials sent by the
Bishops to King James, it was stated, 'And since our greatest
hindrance is found to be in the Session, of whom the most part
are even in heart opposite unto us, and forbear not to kyth it
when they have occasion, you will humbly entreat His Majesty to
remember our suit for the Kirkman's place according to the first
institution, and that it may take at this time some beginning,
since the place vacant was even from the beginning in the hands
of the spiritual side, with some one Kirkman or other till now.' 6

It cannot be too often insisted upon that the early Reformers
and their Presbyterian successors kept before them with remark-
able consistency two successive conceptions of the relations between
the civil and spiritual elements in the state, which made it unneces-
sary in their view that the representatives of the latter element
should intervene in the civil administration of the state. The
original political theory of the reformers involved no separation of

1 6 James VI., cap. 93. 2 8 James VI., cap. 133.

3 Book of the Universal Kirk.

4 Calderwood, iii. 277 ; Book of the Universal Kirk, i. 264.

6 The claim made in 1585 on behalf of the Presbyterian party was the work of
Robert Pont, and was not approved by the leaders of the party. Cf. Calderwood,
iv. 454.

*Book of the Universal Kirk, 1069 ; cf. 1112.

The Reformers and Divorce 15

powers ; there was such a subtle interfusion of the secular and
sacred functions of the magistrates that, to the enthusiastic minds
which directed the new movement, there did not appear any
possibility of a failure on the part of the civil forces to be directed
and controlled in accordance with the ideal which the Church
would hold before them. The power of the Evangel seemed so
overwhelming that a godly laity under its influence could be
counted upon to use the power which they had seized in accord-
ance with its teaching. The direct intervention in the administra-
tion of affairs on the part of the Church seemed neither politic
nor necessary. The later political theory of the Reformers was
distinctively Presbyterian, and was largely the creation of Andrew
Melville. It insisted on the complete separation of powers, on the
existence of two kingdoms in Scotland, and from an attitude of
solicitous and paternal supervision and admonishment, the Church
passed to one of opposition and imperious isolation. During this
phase there was no inclination on the part of the Church to mix in
matters of civil administration. The leaders of the Church party
regarded the Civil Power as purely secular, and deprived it of the
mysterious sanctions with which the Lutheran influences of the
earlier stage of the Reformation movement had invested it.

Having thus indicated the centralising and civil forces which had
been at work for some time, and indicated the line of development
of the Court of Session, the most adequate embodiment of these
forces, we must now turn to the eventful years which followed the
casting off" of Papal jurisdiction in 1560. From the point of view
of this article, the most interesting feature of this great change
was the resumption of jurisdiction by the Crown, based on a view
of the secular origin of ecclesiastical jurisdictions. In 1560 we
find the Crown, through the Privy Council and Court of Session,
acting on the theory that it is the source of all jurisdictions,
and, after some hesitation, dismissing the claim of the early
Reformed City units to step into the shoes of the Church of
Rome.1 Just as the nobles who had seized the Church lands were
determined to retain them, and the Reformed Ministry had to rest
satisfied with a moderate sustenance, so the central power was
determined to retain the jurisdiction which had fallen to it from
the nerveless hand of the Church of Rome. The Reformed
Ministry found itself confined to the exercise of ecclesiastical
discipline. The civil origin of the jurisdiction of the Roman
prelates was accepted by Calvin,2 and it will be found that the Scottish

1Balfour's Practices (ed. 1754), 269 and 659. 2 Institutes, iv. cap. 1 1, sec. 10.

1 6 David Baird Smith

Reformers were true to their spiritual father in admitting the
claims of the Civil Power. The civil origin of the consistorial
jurisdiction, and the fitness of the resumption thereof by the
Civil Power, are expressed in many of the symbolical documents
of the period.1 This view generally maintained its position in
Scotland through all the confusion which marked the latter half of
the sixteenth century,2 and when the consistorial jurisdiction was
conferred upon the Bishops in 1609, it came to them from the
Crown, and their decisions remained subject to the appellate
jurisdiction of the Court of Session.8 As has been indicated, the
policy of the Reformers in regard to civil administration was one
of permeation rather than absorption, of direction rather than of
execution. Denying, as they did, the claims of Rome, they could
not consistently treat jurisdiction on consistorial questions as
within the scope of the Church, and, accepting the claim of the
Crown, did not desire to intervene directly in a civil matter.

We must now turn to the different spheres in which the theory
of the resumption of consistorial jurisdiction by the Crown was
made effective.

(i) The Court of Session. The Consistorial Courts of the
Roman Church dealt with cases up to August, 1560, when the
authority on which they acted was repudiated. While their
regular activity ceased at that date, the old hierarchy dealt with a
few cases during the interregnum which preceded the foundation
of the Royal Commissariots, and even after that date, a special
tribunal being erected for the trial of each case.4 In the absence
of tribunals, the Court of Session acted as a court of first instance
in consistorial cases until the establishment of the Commissariot of
Edinburgh in February, I564.6 Thus, on I9th December, 1560,
it dealt with the case Chalmers v. Lumsden, an action of adherence,
in which the defender was assoilzied on the ground of the pursuer's
adultery.6 Similar cases were dealt with in the two following
years, but in March, 1564, the Court remitted a case to the newly
erected Commissary Court. While thus ceasing to act as a court

1 Conftssio Augustimana (1531), art. vii. ; Confessio Helvetica (1536), art. xxvii. ;
Cmfessio Saxionica (1551), art. xviii. and xxiii. But cf. C. Helvetica (1566), art.
xx ix.; Reformatio legum, etc. ; De officio et juristic tione omnium judicum.

2 For denial of this view cf. Calderwood, iv. 283, 453.

3 1609, cap. 8 ; Stewart's Dir/eton, 81. 4 Robertson's Statuta, clxxiv. n.
5Cf. 7 James VI. cap. 115, with reference to appeals to Rome. This Act

confirmed an Act of July, 1560.

'Balfour's Practicki (ed. 1754), p. 655.

The Reformers and Divorce 17

of first instance, the Court of Session retained its appellate juris-
diction, and reduced in several cases decrees of divorce granted in
the Commissary Court.1 The Court of Session was, in fact, ' the
King's great consistory,'2 but, unfortunately, the central power did
not maintain the rights of this Court during the interregnum
which subsisted between 1560 and 1564. Had the Government
looked only to the Court of Session during that period, much
confusion would have been avoided, and there would have been
no middle course between the claims of the Civil Power and the
Roman claim formulated by the Council of Trent in November,
I563.3 But, unfortunately, the Government appears to have
passed through a period of hesitation, during which the activities
of the local Reformed units received undue recognition, and the
powers of the Court of Session were frequently ignored.

(2) The Privy Council was largely responsible for this state of
matters. This body was largely resorted to in the period of
uncertainty which preceded the creation of the Commissary
Courts, but, instead of directing petitioners to the Civil Court,
it referred them on several occasions to the small reformed
communities. Thus on 22nd December, 1560, a husband who
petitioned the Privy Council to obtain a divorce on the ground of
his wife's adultery had his case remitted to the Kirk Session of
St. Andrews, and in a similar manner in June, 1562, the Privy
Council remitted to the Kirk Session of Glasgow, which failing to
that of Edinburgh, the trial of an action of divorce at the instance
of the Countess of Eglinton. It is to be noted with reference to
the latter case that the Countess had obtained a divorce from a
Court constituted by the Archbishop of St. Andrews a month
before her petition to the Privy Council.4 She made assurance
doubly sure by taking advantage of the facilities offered by the
two religions. The favour which the central executive showed to
the local organisations of the Reformers caused nothing but con-
fusion, and is difficult to explain except on the ground that to the
men of the day matrimonial questions were so intimately associated
with the Church that they were at first inclined to accept the theory
that the Reformed Church had stepped into the shoes of the
Church of Rome. This temporary hesitation was atoned for by
the foundation of the Commissary Courts, which set the final
seal on the theory of the civil origin of consistorial jurisdiction.
After March, 1564, the Privy Council only intervened in

ilbM. 659. Riddel), 426. 2Cf. 1609, cap. 6.

3 Session 24, cap. 20. 4 Robertson's Statuta, clxxiv. n.

B

1 8 David Baird Smith

matrimonial cases when a question of beneficial interest was
involved, e.g. in regulating the aliment to be paid during divorce
proceedings.1 But it heard appeals against the disciplinary regula-
tions of the Kirk Sessions and the General Assembly with reference
in particular to the remarriage of adulterers. Reference may be
made to the cases of Carmichael of Gallowflat on 3oth October,
I5y6,2 and Balwaird of Enterkin in April, 1579.

(3) The Commissary Court was erected by an Act of the
Privy Council of 28th December, I563.3 This erection seems to
have been a temporary expedient and did not receive legislative
sanction until 5th June, 1592."* The old local commissary
courts apparently continued to exercise their functions to a
limited extent, ' but subject to new regulations corresponding to
the change which had taken place in the religion and ecclesiastical
polity of the Kingdom.'5 An appeal lay from these local courts to
the Commissary Court at Edinburgh and thence to the Court
of Session.6 It is to be noted that the Commissary Court of
1563 was to a large extent the creature of the Court of Session,
which was appealed to when as the years passed there seemed
room for improvement in its methods. Thus in I5667 a com-
mission was granted to the Court of Session to appoint and
superintend the Commissioners, and on 29th July, 1569, in
response to a complaint by the General Assembly, the Regent
undertook to consult the Lords of Session as to the appointment
of commissaries throughout the country.8 Again on ist June,
1575, the Privy Council, with reference to the abuses which had
crept into the administration of the Commissaries, summoned
them all to Edinburgh to give an account of their stewardship.9
This characteristic of the Commissary Court as being the creature
of the Royal prerogative was indicated in one of the steps taken
by Queen Mary in connection with her projected divorce from
Bothwell. On 3Oth July, 1569, Lord Boyd appeared before the
Privy Council at Perth as procurator for the Queen, and pursued
a mandate for pursuing an action of divorce in her name against
Bothwell, and asked for an order on the Commissaries of Edin-
burgh to deal with the case.10 Again on I2th January, 1580-1,

1 Rtgister of Privy Cou*ci!, ill. 34, 108, 402, 598. * IbiJ. ii. 560, iii. 224.
*1KJ. ToL i. 252. 4 1592, cap. 64 ; 1606, cap. 38.

'Fergusson's Comsistorial Late, pp. 95, 102-3.
•Cf. Balfour's Practicks (ed. 1754), pp. 655 et sqq.t 673, 676.
T Cf. 1581, cap. 56. 8 Rtgzsifr oftke Privy C***ctl, ii. 7.

8.

The Reformers and Divorce 19

the Provost, Bailies, Council and Community of St. Andrews and
the Commissary thereof and his clerk complained to the Privy
Council regarding the proposed dismemberment of the Com-
missaryship of St. Andrews at the instance of the Lords of
Session. The Privy Council remitted the question to somei of
their number along with some of the Session, who determined
that the Session had acted within its powers, but deferred the
particular case for Royal consideration.1 The early records of the
Commissary Court are not now available, but their decisions
would appear to have been based on the old canon law, subject to
such modifications as it had undergone at the hands of the Court
of Session and as the result of the Reformed legislation.2 It is
worthy of note that the Commissary Court generally declined to
recognise the validity of divorces granted by the small Reformed
units.3 One of the most significant features of this court was the
activity of the Procurator-Fiscal. This official * in the acknowledged
capacity of censor castigatorque morum1 pursued divorces before the
commissaries independently of the parties involved, and e.g. in
the case of Stevenson v. Pollock, in the year 1565, is found
setting aside before the commissaries with the concurrence of
the innocent spouse a pretended marriage between a divorced
adulterer and his paramour.4 In December, 1598, in the case of
Whytlaw v. Ker the Procurator of the Church intervened in pro-
ceedings before the Commissary Court to enforce the view that
marriages of adulterers were unlawful, and in 1601 the Church
appeared before the same court in the form of the Presbytery of
Ayr as procurator for the Church.5 We observe in this curious
activity of a Governmental functionary evidence of the disciplinary
and criminal view which even the civil power took of sexual
offences, and of the * cumulative assistance ' by the civil power to
which reference will subsequently be made.6

(4) The activity of the civil power in the field of consistorial
law was further manifested in the exercise of what may be de-
scribed as the Royal dispensing power. The Crown, ignoring the

1 Ibid, iii. 342.

2Cf. 1567, cap. 8 and 31 ; 1581, cap. 99; 1592, cap. 116 ; 1609, cap. 6 ; cf.
Riddell, 450.

3Cf. Hamilton v, Sempil (1568), Maxwelie v. Hamilton (1564), etc., but cf.
Riddell, 392.

4 RiddelFs Peerage and Consistorial Late, 1002-5 ; cf. case of Ogilvie v. Chisholm,
Ibid. 461.

5 Riddell, 396 et sqq. 6 Fergusson's Consistorial Reports (1817), p. 363 et sqq.

20

David Baird Smith

existence of the special tribunals which it had created, and the civil
legislation which had been promulgated on matters which had
been formerly treated as being within the spiritual field, took
upon itself to dispense in individual cases with the law. Thus on
29th July, 1592, the King passed a remission and dispensation in
favour of one Robert Duguid, who had married again during the
lifetime of his former wife, who had divorced him for adultery.
The same claim on the part of the Crown manifested itself in the
creation of special tribunals for the consideration of particular
cases. The leading instance of this is, of course, the restoration
of consistorial jurisdiction to the Archbishop of St. Andrews for
the purposes of Bothwell's divorce.

This activity on the part of the civil power coincided with
an even greater activity on the part of the Reformers.
Before the public recognition of the fact of the Reformation in
August, 1560, the Reformers were in full activity maintaining an
imperium in imperio and seeking a premature recognition of their
claims at the hands of an indifferent and passively hostile country,
half conscious of the disruptive force which the new movement
contained. Faced by the increasing activity of the civil power on
the one hand and by the spasmodic struggles of the Roman
Church on the other, tardily conscious of the inevitable failure
which awaited it, the Reformers had a difficult course to steer.
It is perhaps unfair to criticise their methods : they were suited to
a small unobtrusive religious organisation and failed owing to
that theocratic wave which swept the indigenous growth from its
roots and to the fact that through its own force the new movement
began to represent an ideal of national organisation. Had their
original cadre not crumbled under these expansive forces, the Re-
formed units would probably have flourished for a time as isolated
and purely local organisations and then died a natural death.

The early history of Presbyterianism in England seems to
indicate the normal line of its development when its theocratic
pretensions did not find a favourable soil (cf. ' The Presbyterian
Movement in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, as illustrated by the
Minute Book of the Didham Classis, 1582-1589 M). The
interesting documents printed in this volume give the reader
a vivid picture of the activities of Presbyterian divines deprived of
lay support and yet carrying on an isolated struggle to justify the
faith that was in them. The following entries might be paralleled
from many a Scots Kirk Session Register :

Society, iii. series, vol. 8 (1905).

The Reformers and Divorce 21

3rd December, 1582. Mr. Stocton moved whether fornication make affinity;
not thought convenient to be decided.

4th February, 1582-3. Another question was propounded by Mr. Dowe
whether a man divorced from his first wief justly and marying a second should
retaine the second as his wieff ; to be determined the next meetinge.

4th March, 1582-3. It was concluded that the Worde of God alloweth that a
man justlie divorced from his first wieff might mary a second, so his proceedinge
to the second mariage be orderly and in the lorde.

1st July, 1584. Tuchinge mariage of cosins children (moved by Mr. Negus) it
was determyned to be lawfule, and the conveniency of it to be waighed by
circumstances of the place and people there wher such questions shall come
in use (36).

The new movement first showed itself in the smaller centres of
organised life. In a letter to Mrs. Anna Lock of 2nd September,
1559, Knox wrote that there were organised Reformed communities
in Edinburgh, St. Andrews, Dundee, Perth, Brechin, Montrose,
Stirling and Ayr.1 In the form of these small isolated units the
forces of the Reformation first showed themselves in Scotland. The
General Assembly did not begin to exercise its functions until
December, 1560, and Presbyteries date only from the Glasgow
Assembly of April, 1581. These small city units were independent
of the great territorial magnates, and when once a common interest
was discovered, readily associated themselves with the smaller landed
gentry, thus producing a force which soon controlled the national
destinies. They were well organised and only accountable to the
central power when once the old hierarchy had vanished. The
declaratory, propaganda and polemical work of the Reformation
was done by the Lords of the Congregation and the General
Assembly, but the most effective and permanent work was done
in these small city units. The leaders of the Reformed party
were conscious of this, and the Parliament of 1563 expressly
ratified the privileges of the boroughs. This ratification was
repeated in 1571, 1578 and I579-2 Every effort was made to
support the claims of the boroughs, and in the Confession of
Faith of 1567 the Article on the Civil Magistrate includes in the
definition of the term, £ uthers magistrates in the citties.' It will
be noted that the other civil magistrates mentioned in the Article
are sovereign powers, and that the right of magistrates in cities is
recognised almost as an imperium in imperio?

1 Laing's Knox, iv. 76.

21563, cap 86; 1571, cap. 7; 1578, cap. 64; 1579, cap. 85.

3 Article 25. It is to be noted that the Act VII. James VI., cap. 115, which
confirmed an Act of 1560, expressly confers on inter olios the provost and baillies of
boroughs the right to deal with consistorial cases.

22 David Baird Smith

1 1 is probable that the city unit appealed to the more far seeing
of the early Reformers as being an organised community which
had never received close definition and could be made use of
without any apparent violence being done to the more prominent
features of the national organisation. The boroughs, further, had
shown an independence of the spiritual courts of the Roman
Church in the first half of the sixteenth century which seemed to
indicate that they would offer a fair field for the development of
a new religious system based on the awakening of the more
influential members of the community to the reality of their
spiritual and moral responsibilities. These members consisted of
the more educated men whom the new doctrines attracted. In
the earlier stages of the Reformation the prevailing influences
were Lutheran, full of that respect for the civil power which
characterised the German movement, but before many years had
passed the Calvinistic idea of the theocratic city community
found a congenial field for its realisation in the easily controlled
and comparatively isolated towns of sixteenth-century Scotland.
This absorption of these self-contained units by the new political
ideal gave the Church of Scotland its peculiar character. It
gained precision, but it lost something in exchange ; a looser hold
on corporate life, a less intense absorption in the general life of
small centres would have given the Reformed Church a tolerance
and power of comprehension which would probably have enabled
it to satisfy the requirements of the whole nation in a way in
which Presbyterianism has never satisfied them.

The chief note of the Reformers was the exercise of discipline.
They conceived of a moral standard higher than that which
prevailed, and towards the realisation and acceptance of which the
civil authorities were to be urged. This recognition was to be
obtained by penal legislation and its enforcement by the state.
By their persistent activities the Reformed Church obtained the
legislation which it desired, but it found it impossible to get it
enforced, and it remained in some respects a dead letter.

The Reformers had no desire to legislate ; they were satisfied with
the field of their activity, were inclined to discentralisation, to the
Calvinistic idea of the Reformed City. The life of one of these
communities is fully portrayed in the Register of the Kirk Session
of St. Andrews. Their activity began before the public recognition
of the Reformation. Thus on ist February, 1559, in a petition
for divorce * on the ground of adultery, the husband concludes
1 Rantoun v. Rantoun ; Register of the Kirk Sfssian of St. Andrews (S.H.S.), i. 1 8.

The Reformers and Divorce 23

* to decerne the said Elizabeth to haif brokin and violated the said
band of matrimony betwix me and hir, and, conforme to the law
of God, that I therefore aucht and suld be fre fra the samyn band,
and that I may haif fredome and libertie in God to mary in the
Lord quhome I please, according to Goddes law, Christes Evangell
and the richtousness therof.' The wife's defence is addressed to
the ' maist honorabill ministre and counsale of this cietie.' Decree
of absolvitor was granted. The wife thereupon raised an action
of divorce on the same ground and obtained decree in the follow-
ing terms : * And the said Williame to be holdin and reputte ane
dead man, worthy to want his lyfe be the law of God, quhen ever
it sale pleas God to stirre up the heart of ane gude and godlie
magistrate to execute the same with the civile sworde ; to quhome
we will that our sentence prejudge nathing, bott committes the
same to him, quhen it salbe thocht expedient and ganand tyme to
tak forther triale and cognition heirintill, according to the law of
God forsaid.' l

It will be observed that the Kirk Session was proceeding on the
Mosaic code, which punished adultery with death, and that the
decree was in fact an act of discipline which placed the injured
wife in the position of a widow.2 Now the Estates made adultery
punishable with death only in I563,3 and expressly provided that
the penalty so inflicted would not prejudice the right to sue for a
divorce. But while thus acting in anticipation of a code in embryo
the Kirk Session was careful to note any recognition at the hands
of the civil power, and in a case which was decided on I5th
December, 1560, the decree proceeds in the names of the minister
and elders < being requested and charged be the Lordes of Secrete
Consale, and the commissioun in wryte directed to us thereupon,
haif taken cognition and tryall &c.' 4 In an action on 2Oth
February, 1560, decree of divorce was granted by 'the ministrie
of the Christiane congregation of this reformed cietie of Sanctan-
trois and parochin thereof, juges in the actioun and caus of
divorce.'5 Again, in a case on I4th May, 1561, the decree
proceeds : ' Bayth the saidis parties submittying tham to the

lSf, Andrews Register, i. 59. Cf. Records of Aberdeen Kirk Session (Spalding
Club), 8.

2Cf. First Book of Discipline ; Knox's Works, ii. pp. 227, 231, 247-9. It is not
necessary for the purposes of this article to deal with the distinctions which were
drawn by the Reformers and the Civil Courts when dealing with the marriage of
adulterers, between cases in which the injured spouse did and did not survive.

8 9 Mary, cap. 74. * St. Andrews Register, i. 59. ^ Ibid. i. 62.

24 David Baird Smith

jurisdiccione of this ministrie, and to the disciplin of the Kyrk.'1
The Kirk Session would not recognise the jurisdiction of the old
Church, and in an action of adherence decree was granted against
a husband who alleged that he had obtained divorce in a private
house in the reformed city of St. Andrews on the ground of
propinquity, after the date of the Reformation.2 On I2th August,
1562, however, the Kirk Session accepted the validity of a Roman
pre-Reformation divorce for nullity on the ground of impotency.3
The underlying idea of discipline was shown in a case on I3th
January, 1563, when the Kirk Session refused to hear procurators
and insisted on the parties appearing in person.4

The next case shows the alteration of matters produced by the
institution of the new commissariots. On 9th January, 1566, one
of the bailies and the town clerk of Crail appeared before the
Kirk Session and protested against its taking cognisance of a case
in which the parties belonged to Crail, to the prejudice of the
Kirk and ministers of that town, * and forder allegis bayth the
contractyng of marraige and divorcement is provydit, be the King
Quene's Maieste and Secreit Consale, to be discussit and tryed
befoir the commissaris of Edinburgh, deput tharto.'5 This contra-
dictory protest indicated changed times, and the new spirit which
was awake is shown in the report of the interesting case of
Dalgleish and Wemyss, which came before the Kirk Session on
lyth April, 1566. Dalgleish maintained that the Session had no
jurisdiction, * Havand na commissione or power gevyn to thaim
be our sowerane's Lord and Lady or thar Session, nor ony other
ordinar juge havand power to gyf the sammyn,' and proceeded,
* that nan thar liegis nor subjectes suld tak upon hand or usurp
ony jurisdiccion of thais causis, quhilk wes wont to be tretit,
cognoxit and decidit befoir be the spirituale jugis Lyikas this
pretendit caus and utheris sictyik war wont, in all tym bypast, to
be treatit and decidit befoir tham, as ordinarie jugis, tharto havand
sufficient power, bayth of the spirituale and civil magistrat to that
effect and be tham apprevit, be the lawes of this realm and actis
of Parliament maid tharupon, standand as yit unrevocat, reducit,
or tane away be only contrar statut or law, be ony havand power

lSt. Andrews Register, \, 64. zIbiJ. i. 134. 3 Ibid. i. 147.

*lbid. i. 175. A curious appellate jurisdiction exercised by the Kirk Session of
Edinburgh is shown in a case on 27th January, 1564, in which on appeal
a decision by the Kirk Session of Orkney was affirmed by the Edinburgh body.
Cf. Riddell, p. 431.

*lbid. i. 257.

The Reformers and Divorce 25

to do the sammyn. And suathe saidis pretend minister, eldaris
and deaconis of this citie, being hot certan pryvay and ignorant
personis for the maist part, ar na wayis jugis competent to
cognosce in this caus, havand na power tharto, as said is, hot
onlye usurpit in his contempt of the King and Quene's Maiesteis
autorite and utheris mennis jurisdiccione, mittentes falcem in messem
alienam. And tharfor the saidis M. Jhon and Jonat aucht and
suld be remittit to thar jugis ordinar and competent in this caus,
vidz the commissaris of Edinburgh, quhair ar speciale deput to
that effect, as said is.' This objection which, it will be observed,
maintained the civil origin of the consistorial jurisdiction, was
repelled by the Kirk Session on the strength of the Royal
proclamation of 25th August, 1561, which maintained the status
quo as it existed at the date of the landing of Queen Mary. The
Kirk Session ignored subsequent civil legislation and treated the
proclamation as a recognition of the claims of the Reformers.1
Again, on 26th July, 1570, in an action of adherence the wife
declined the jurisdiction of the Kirk Session on the ground that
she had a divorce action pending before the Commissary Court at
Edinburgh.2

In spite of the bold front maintained by the Kirk Session, the
day of the small isolated Reformed units on the Geneva model
was done, and the growing reorganisation of Church and State
forced the local bodies to cast in their lot with the former. There
is a growing body of evidence of this change in the St. Andrews
Kirk Session records. Thus on i4th October, 1568, the question
of the right of an adulteress to remarry was remitted to the
General Assembly.3 This idea of a remit was resorted to more
frequently when the Presbyteries began to come into prominence,
and we find instances on 28th February, 1582, 5th June, 1583,
1 8th May, 1584, and 3rd August, I586.4 We also find remits
to the Synodal Assembly on I3th July, 1586, 24th November,
1586, and I2th July, I587.5 But this tendency was not regarded
with favour by the civil authorities which feared the influence of
centralised Reformed organisations with theocratic and doctrin-
aire characteristics on the small local bodies unconsciously linked
to the past, conservative, lay, and limited in their scope and
jurisdiction. Thus we find the Archbishop of St. Andrews on
iyth June, 1584, declaring the Royal approval of the Kirk
Session and indicating that it was only Presbyteries that were

i Ibid. i. 266. *ltid. i. 340. *Ibid. i. 340.

id. ii. 500, 503, 523, and 570. 5 Ibid. ii. 567, 579, and 595.

26 David Baird Smith

objected to.1 The Kirk Sessions gradually confined themselves
to the execution of discipline, and on 2ist October, 1590, we
find a wife asking for a certificate of her marriage to enable her to
seek divorce from the secular court.2 Again on 23rd August,
1592, we find a decree of divorce by the Commissary Court at
Edinburgh, referred to in a disciplinary case.3 It is worthy of
notice that during a considerable period of the recorded activity
of the Kirk Session the Commissary of St. Andrews was
numbered among its members.4 The disciplinary idea gradually
reasserted itself. On 3ist December, 1589, penance was pre-
scribed in a case of adultery without any attempt being made to
deal with the status of the guilty parties,5 and ten years later the
ultimate stage is reached when we find the Kirk Session on 22nd
April, 1599, urging the magistrates to put the Act of Parliament
against fornicators into force.8

Church discipline was gladly undergone in the earlier years of
the Reformed regime as a means of obtaining freedom from the
marriage tie, and there are indications that the consistorial jurisdic-
tion of the Kirk Session was frequently based on the consent of
parties, but when the new secular commissary courts offered
freedom without discipline recourse was seldom had to the Kirk
Session, which could only inflict punishment, and whose decrees
afforded too onerous a proof of inconstancy. Yet it is probable
that this temporary consistorial activity on the part of Kirk
Sessions was not in fact of assistance to them in furthering their
ultimate aim : it tended to specialise their work, to transform
what was intended to be a theocratic government interesting
itself in every detail of the life of the community which it had
chosen for its field, into a body of referees with a consensual
jurisdiction limited to the acceptors of their claims, and only
active when an appeal was made to it. The Kirk Session was
properly an executive and not a judicial body. It never claimed
any legislative powers. During a period of years it was diverted
from its proper functions into a field of activity which, owing to
the special circumstances of the times, offered it that scope and
recognition for which it was struggling. But when circumstances
changed, it relinquished this somewhat narrow field and, ceasing
to combine judicial and executive functions, became a magisterial

lSt. Andrews Register, ii. 529. 2 Ibid. ii. 685. 8 Ibid. ii. 724.

*lbid. ii. 789, 802, 870, 941. *lbid. ii. 656.

*Ibld. ii. 887 ; cf. i. 28, 49, 112, 244, 250, 421, 422, ii. 552, 557, 580, 591,
599. 643, 645, 659, 889.

The Reformers and Divorce 27

body alone. As the influence of the Reformed Church made
itself more and more apparent in civil legislation, the reference of
questions to the Church, which has always been common in
isolated religious communities in the midst of a hostile popula-
tion, ceased to be expedient. As the theocratic claims of the
Reformers grew, it was seen to be a tactical error to limit the
faithful to what were technically ecclesiastical courts. The whole
kingdom and its organisation had become the province of the
Church.

This tendency to direct the energies of the civil power is
plainly revealed when we turn to the consideration of the role
played by the General Assembly. This powerful body which was
destined in the course of its history to determine the fate of
Scotland on more than one occasion, began its recorded life in
December, 1560, though it did not receive its distinctive name
until two years later. Its earlier activities reflect the interest in
questions of a matrimonial character which generally followed the
abolition of Papal authority in August of that year. Thus we
find that the Civil Power was urged to remove the old impedi-
ments to the marriage of blood relations, and at the same time to
inflict the death penalty on adulterers. On the other hand it was
resolved that none but adherents of the Reformation should
obtain public office in towns, and it was decided to petition the
Estates and the Privy Council to confer judicial offices only on
such. These resolutions embody the aspirations of the members
of the first Assembly. In July, 1562, it was decided regarding
actions of divorce to petition the Privy Council either to give up
the jurisdiction in consistorial cases to the Kirk or else to make
provision of suitable judges.1

While thus vigilantly exercising pressure on the civil authorities
the central organisation of the Church was careful to maintain its
internal discipline, which appeared to be threatened by the
uncontrolled activity of the local units, and on 3ist December,
1562, it was ordained that no minister or other bearing office
within the Kirk should take in hand to decide actions of divorce
except such as were given commissions by the superintendents and
the superintendents themselves, and that, in the case of the former,
the commission must be a special one for each case.2 On 26th
June, 1563, moreover, it was arranged further to petition the civil
power to constitute judges in every province to deal with divorce

1 Book of the Universal Kirk, i. 19.

2 Ibid. i. 30 ; cf. Aberdeen Kirk Session Records, p. 8.

28 David Baird Smith

cases and to punish the guilty parties according to the Act of
Parliament (i.e. Mary 9, cap. 74).1 Again on ist March, 1571,
a number of articles * to be proponit to the Regents grace
and secret Council ' were approved, including the following :
1 Because the conjunction of marriages pertaines to the ministry,
the causes of adherence and divorcements ought also to pertain to
them, as naturally annexed thereto.'2 Yet among the injunctions
given to the Commissioners sent to the Regent all that was
provided on this subject was that sexual offences should be
punished, * and Commissioners of Justice be appointed in every
Province to that effect.'3 Again, in the following March, note is
taken of a case in which the civil magistrate would not proceed,
' seeing the judicial law is not yet received.'4 In the records of
the Assembly held in March, 1572, we find the right of the
civil judge in consistorial cases fully recognised. In August,
1574, we find the General Assembly petitioning the Regent to
appoint gentlemen in every country to punish sexual crimes, and
* that her Grace will grant commission to certain persons in every
dyocie to sitt in causes of divorcement where the parties are
poor.' 6

It will be observed from the foregoing that after the first
uncertainty which followed the abolition of the Papal jurisdiction,
the General Assembly confined its energies mainly to the exercise
of constant pressure on the civil authorities to legislate on the
basis of the new marriage theory founded on the Mosaic code, and
to carry such legislation into effect, and, in fact, discouraged the
consistorial activity of Kirk Sessions. There were, no doubt,
sporadic outbreaks of clerical ambition, but these were mainly
attempts to counteract intruding activity on the part of the Civil
Power. But here and there a straw showed the way the wind
was blowing. On 29th December, 1563, on the complaint of
John Baron, minister of Gladstone, the General Assembly directed
letters to be sent to the Archbishops of York and Canterbury,
requesting these dignitaries to order the minister's wife, who had
deserted him and fled to England, to appear before the Superin-
tendent of Lothian and Kirk Session of Edinburgh to answer for
her conduct. This was, no doubt, a case of internal discipline,
but it indicated a consciousness of affinity with the ecclesiastical
organisation of England and of the reality of the independence
and claims of the Scottish Church.

lBook of the Universal Kirk, i. 34. * Ibid. i. 187. »/£«. i. 188.

4 MM. i. 197. * Ibid. i. 305.

The Reformers and Divorce 29

The most interesting feature of the activity of the General
Assembly from the point of view here adopted was its attention
to the questions of consistorial law which were referred to it for
judgment by its members. From the point of view of the
Reformers, the abolishing of the Papal authority implied the
sweeping away of the mass of canonical jurisprudence which had
been built up through centuries round the sacrament of marriage
and a return to the apparent simplicity of the Mosaic regulations.
We find, accordingly, the attention of the Assembly directed to
such questions as the constitution of marriage by promise
subsequente copula, the consent of parents, marriage between cousins,
marriage per verba depraesenti, marriage with a wife's niece, divorce
for desertion, enforcement of promise of marriage for immoral
consideration, marriage with an aunt, enforcement of promise of
marriage per verba de futuro, and many other cognate questions.

The Reformers conceived of themselves as having the task laid
upon them of restoring all things in Christ. They conceived
themselves cut off from the past and with nothing to guide them
for the future but the Law of God as revealed in his Word. They
approached the questions which were submitted to them with
deference and circumspection, and soon realised that their judg-
ments would be of little weight unless they were adopted by the
civil power and enacted in the form of new legislation. They
made no attempt to retain for the Church the ultimate decision on
consistorial questions so far as legislation was concerned, and after
a short period of uncertainty, devoted their energies to the effort
to induce the Christian magistrate to enact the Law of God as part
of the law of the country.1

The line which the General Assembly adopted may be best
illustrated by considering the question of divorce for adultery and
the marriage of adulterers. In the eighteenth chapter of Leviticus
adulterers were punished with death, and in the early years of the
new regime the Kirk Sessions proceeded on the theory enunciated
in the First Book of Discipline, that, the offence having been
proved, the guilty party had ceased to have any rights, being
theoretically dead. The injured spouse was in the position of a
surviving spouse and could, of course, marry again. This was no
substitution of divorce a vinculo for divorce a memo, et thoro : it
was simply the recognition of a disciplinary measure with its
logical consequences. But the Reformers were at once met with
the difficulty that the civil power had not yet adopted their point
1This was not Calvin's view; cf. Institutes, iv. cap. 20, 14-16.

30 David Baird Smith

of view, and declined to impose the death penalty on adulterers.
The ministers were met with applications for marriage by
adulterers and their paramours, and in disciplinary cases their
accusations of fornication were opposed by parties who alleged
their divorce from their former spouses and remarriage with their
paramours. The only way out of the difficulty was to get the
state to adopt their view of the punishment of adulterers, for it
was not in accordance with their theocratic ideals to cut themselves
and their adherents off from the life of the nation and form an
imperium in imperio within the state. They desired rather to
permeate the civil organisation and to lead it in the way of
truth.

In the spring of 1551 the Estates under the old regime had
legislated regarding such as were f manifest, commoun and incor-
rigible adulterers, and will not desist and cease therefra, for feare
of any spiritual jurisdiction, or censures of Halie Kirk/ and
provided that such persons should be denounced as rebels and
put to the horn with consequent confiscation of moveables,
and that no appeal from the spiritual court would be allowed.1
This disciplinary measure, an instance of the belated reforming
zeal of the old church, remained a dead letter, and as has
been seen, the local judicatories of the Reformed Church in
granting divorces expressly sanctioned the remarriage of the
injured spouse in accordance with their view of the legal death
or the adulterer. Matters remained in this unsatisfactory position
until June, 1563, when an act was passed2 imposing the death
penalty, but containing the significant reservation that the act
would not prejudice the right of the injured party to sue for
divorce. The penal part of the statute was not enforced, and
on 27th December, 1566, the General Assembly provided that
the superintendents should * admonisch all ministers within ther
jurisdictiouns, that none joyne any partie separatit for adulterie
in manage, under paine of removeing from the ministrie.' Again,
on 27th June, 1567, the minute of the General Assembly bears :
'Ane man being divorceit for adulterie, Quether he may marie
again lawfullie or not ? The Kirk will not resolve heirin schortlie,
bot presentlie inhibites all ministers to meddle with any sick
manages, quhile full decision of the question.' On 25th July
and 22nd December, 1567, the General Assembly urged the
penal punishment of adulterers, ordering superintendents to report
to the civil magistrate, and on 3rd March, 1569, regulations were

1 Mary 5, cap. 20. 2 Mary 9, cap. 74.

The Reformers and Divorce 31

approved regarding public penance ' that thereby the civil magis-
trates may know the crimes and pretend no ignorance thereof.'
Again the real question was evaded on i6th March, 1569, when
we find the following question and answer : ' A woman divorced
for adultery committed be her, contracting marriage with another
beareth a child to him, and desireth to proceed to the solemnisa-
tione of marriage, whither shall the man be permitted to marrie
this woman. Let her present herself to the Assembly to be
punished ; and then let her supplicatione be given in, and
she shall have ane answer.' At the sixth session of the
General Assembly of March, 1571, in reply to the general
question it was directed that the marriage of adulterers was
unlawful.

But in August, 1574, the Regent was required by the General
Assembly to give commission to certain gentlemen in every
country that inter alia adultery might be punished, and at
the same Assembly it was ordained that adulterers marrying
their paramours after their wife's death should separate them-
selves from them 'untill the tyme it be decydit be the Judge
Ordinar, whither the said mariage be lawfull or not, under the
paine of excommunication to be execute against dissobeyers.' l
Again at the Assembly of August, 1575, Robert Graham, Com-
missioner of Caithness, was deprived of his office for inter alia
celebrating a marriage between a divorced daughter of the Earl
of Caithness and the Laird of Innes. He pled in his defence,
'As to the marriage, grants he gave to her such liberty as the
Kirk gives to others ; and that she has made her repentance
bareheaded and barefooted.' At the same Assembly we find
another case of evasion. The question was asked, ' What shall
the minister do, who is required to marry a man that has com-
mitted adultery in his wife's tyme, now his wife is departed,
and he has satisfied the Kirk therefore, and desires to be married
upon another woman that he had in his wive's tyme.' The only
answer given was ' Ordaines to form this question better.'
On 27th February, 1576, the Privy Council ordered ministers
in Edinburgh and other boroughs to report adulterers and
persons guilty of incest to the Lord Treasurer and Justice
Clerk for punishment.2 Some punishment seems to have been
at times inflicted by zealous magistrates. On 6th October, 1579,
the Privy Council granted, on caution being found, release from
the Tolbooth of Edinburgh to William Turner who had been

1 Book of the Universal Kirk, i. 310. 2 R. o/P.C. ii. 499.

32 David Baird Smith

imprisoned sixteen weeks for adultery,1 and on 2nd December,
1581, John Duguid petitioned against the provost and bailies
of Aberdeen who had discharged him from using his craft as
a cordiner on the ground of his adultery. The question had
again to be faced at the Assembly of October, 1576, and again
the Assembly delayed the decision of the matter. The record
deserves quotation : 4 Q. Whether if a man or a woman divorced
for adultery ought to be admitted to the second marriage ; and
if the Kirk ought not, like as they have inhibit the Ministers to
marrie any such, so plainly to give their judgments in this
case, and to declare it to be unlawfull, specially in respect of
the great inconveniences that follow daily thereof; namely, some
forge causes of adultery ; some make causes indeed ; and some
be collusion corrupt judgements ; and all in hope of a new
marriage, which daily they attain unto be some hyreling smaikes,
who are but suspended therefor for a while ; swa that if provision
be not shortly made hereunto, no man may brooke his wife,
nor no wife her husband longer than they lyke ; and a barbarous
confusion unknown to the very Ethnicks and Turks shall enter
in among us. A. The Kirk will not presently resolve the
question, whither if a man or a woman divorcit for adulterie,
ought to be admitted to the second marriage ; but inhibites
all Ministers and Reidars to marie any sick persons, under the
paine of deprivatioun simpliciter, without any restitution to
their offices in tymes cuming ; and the persons so joynit to be
chargeit to separate themselves conforme to the Act of the
Assembly in August, 1574.'

It will be observed that the Act of Assembly referred to has
been quoted above, and that it left the decision of the question to
the * Judge Ordinar.' The position was becoming untenable, and
we find the Assembly of April, 1577, again urging the infliction
of the capital punishment on adulterers, and four years later among
the Heads referred by the Synod of Lothian to the General
Assembly in October, 1581, the matter was brought up again.
The eleventh Head is as follows : ' Seing the Act of Parliament
appoins them that are convict of notorious adulterie, and through
the ambiguous exposition of this word, Notorious, no execution is
used thereupon : Therfor for avoyding the plagues hingand above
this haile countrie for this cryme, That the Generall Assemblie
wald crave that ane act may be made in Parliament for punishment
of all persons to the death, quhosoevir are lawfullie convict of

1R. ofP.C. iii. 224.

The Reformers and Divorce 33

adulterie.' * The question was brought before the King by the
Assembly of October, 1583, and the reply was given that the
default of punishment could not justly be imputed to His
Highness c quho has ever bein willing and ready to grant commis-
sioun to such as the Ministers thoght mertest to execute the same,
quhen inhabititie was in the Judges ordinar.' At the General
Assembly of June, 1589, 'it was appointed, that in every
Presbytery they shall dispute concerning the manage of adulterers ;
and report their judgement unto the next Assembly.' 2

Apparently the local organisations had had their views modified
by contact with the life of the country, and the General Assembly
had begun to realise that it was a vox clamantis in its attempt to
impose the literal interpretation of the Book of Leviticus on
Scotland. Perhaps realising that the lapse of time had made their
task more easy, the civil authorities took up the question at this
stage, and in June, 1592, passed an Act which was retrospective to
July, 1587, and which is known as 12 James VI., cap. 119. This
act impliedly forbids the remarriage of an adulteress, and prohibits
the alienation of her property in favour of the issue of a pretended
second marriage with her paramour by a woman who had been
divorced from her former husband for adultery. It will be
observed that this Act, unlike that of 1563, imposes a civil
penalty on the guilty spouse, probably a more efficacious measure
than the infliction of penal punishment, which was, as a matter of
fact, not enforced. At length, at the Assembly of 28th June,
1595, a definite conclusion was arrived at: * Anent manages:
The Assemblie declarit thir two sorts to be unlawfull ; first, when
ane person marieth another quhom they have polluted by adulterie;
nixt, quhen the innocent person is content to remaine with the
nocent and guiltie, and the guiltie will have another, or takis
another.'

In the following March we find the General Assembly com-
plaining that £ Adulteries, fornicatiouns, incests, unlawfull mariages,
and divorcements are allowit be publik lawis and Judges ; and
children begotten in such marriages declarit to be lawfull ' ; and
protesting against ' Universall neglect of justice both in civile and
criminall causes, as, namelie, in granting of remissions and respetts

1 Ibid. i. 536. ' Andrew Melville described the legislation of the civil power as
'addercope webs, that takethe sillie flees, but the bumbarts breake through them.'
Calderwood, iv. 152.

^Ibid. i. 746; Archbp. Bancroft was fully cognisant of the position; cf.
Calderwood, v. 78.

C

34 David Baird Smith

for blood, adulteries and incests.' Among the * Greivis to be
proponit to his Majestic' in March, 1597, was included 'To
crave ane redresse anent adulterous marriages, quhen two persons,
both divorcit for adulterie committit either with uther, craves the
benefite of the Kirk to be joynit in marriage.' The King's answer
was as follows: 'Anent adulterous marriages: His Majesty
thought good that ane supplication should be given in to the next
Parliament craving such marriages to be declared null in all times
coming and the bairnes gotten therein to be bastards.' Accord-
ingly, in March, 1600, the General Assembly decided to petition
the Convention on the subject. This continual agitation at length
produced the Act of I6OO,1 which declared the marriage of
adulterers null and their issue incapable of succeeding to their
parents.

The long struggle of forty years shows clearly the functions
which the General Assembly conceived it its duty to exercise ; it
conceived itself as a purifying and illuminating influence in the
community, and as a consultative body like the old Lords of the
Articles, suggesting legislation and urging its enforcement.2 Its
attempt to enforce criminal penalties failed, and it had to content
itself with the infliction at its instance of civil disabilities. Its
failure was, in fact, the failure to induce the State to incorporate
the disciplinary system of the Church in the penal code. This
sketch of its activity indicates that after the period of confusion
which marked the first years of the new regime the most self-
conscious and calculating organ of the Reformed Church, the
organ which alone displays the articulated policy of the Reformers,
maintained with almost complete consistency the theocratic ideal.
The General Assembly would have nothing but the nation for its
field of activity, shunned separation and only under the influence
of the disruptive forces which the restored Episcopacy set in
motion cut itself adrift from the full current of national life. It
was only when the State granted recognition to a rival ecclesias-
tical system that the Presbyterian leaders began to differentiate
between their adherents and the nation at large. The era of the
covenants marked the recognition of the fact that another test
than citizenship was required to define the limits of the community
over whose welfare the General Assembly watched.

1 1 6 James VI. cap. 20.

2 ' For, to draw out of the pure fountains of God's word an ecclesiastical canon
agreeable to the same, and to sute, like humble supplicants, the approbation of the
same, is the duetie of the Kirk.' Calderwood, iv. 271.

The Reformers and Divorce 35

Note. — The goal towards which the General Assemblies of the latter years of the
sixteenth century were making, received clear and precise definition at the hands
of the theorists of the next generation. If George Gillespie's ' Aaron's Rod
blossoming ' be taken as a typical exposition of full blown and perhaps over-ripe
Presbyterianism, we find such pronouncements as the following : * Presbyterial
government is not despotical, but ministerial ; it is not a dominion, but a service . . .'
' That power of government with which pastors and elders are invested, hath for
the object of it not the external man, but the inward man. It is not, or ought not
to be, exercised in any compulsive, coercive, corporal, or civil punishments ; when
there is need of coercion or compulsion, it belongs to the magistrate, and not to
the minister.'1 Again, 'The civil sanction added to church government and
discipline is a free and voluntary act of the magistrate, that is, church government
doth not, ex natura ret, necessitate the magistrate to aid, assist, or corroborate the
same, by adding the strength of a law. But the magistrate is free in this to do or
not to do, to do more or to do less, as he will answer to God and his conscience.
It is a cumulative act of favour done by the magistrate. My meaning is not, that
it is free to the magistrate in genere moris, but in genere entis. The magistrate ought
to add the civil sanction hie et ttunc, or he ought not to do it. It is either a duty
or a sin ; it is not indifferent. But my meaning is, the magistrate is free herein
from all coaction, yea, from all necessity and obligation, other than ariseth from
the word of God binding his conscience. There is no power on earth, civil or
spiritual, to constrain him. The magistrate himself is his own judge on earth how
far he is to do any cumulative act of favour to the church.'2 * Magistracy, or civil
power, is monarchial and legislative. . . . The ecclesiastical power is merely minis-
terial and steward-like.' ' The subordinate end of the civil power is, that all public
sins committed presumptuously against the moral law may be exemplarily punished,
and that peace, justice, and good order may be preserved and maintained in the
commonwealth, which doth greatly redound to the comfort and good of the church,
and to the promoting of the course of the gospel." 3 ' The fifth difference between
the civil and ecclesiastical powers is in respect of the effects. The effects of the civil
power are civil laws, civil punishments, civil rewards ; the effects of the ecclesias-
tical power are determinations of controvercies of faith, canons concerning order
and decency in the church, ordination or deposition of church officers, suspension
from the sacrament, and excommunication.' 'The eighth difference stands in the
correlations. The correlation of magistracy is people embodied in a commonwealth,
or a civil corporation. The correlatum of the ecclesiastical power is people em-
bodied in a church, or a spiritual corporation. The commonwealth is not in the
church, but the church is in the commonwealth ; that is, one is not therefore in or
of the church because he is in or of the commonwealth, of which the church is a
part ; but yet every one that is a member of the church is also a member of the
commonwealth, of which that church is a part.' ' They differ in a divided execu-
tion ; that is, the ecclesiastical power ought to censure sometime one whom
the magistrate thinks not fit to punish with temporal or civil punishments ; and
again, the magistrate ought to punish with the temporal sword one whom the
church ought not to cut off by the spiritual sword. . . . Again, the most notorious
and scandalous sinners, blasphemers, murderers, adulterers, incestuous persons,
robbers, &c., when God gives them repentance, and the signs thereof do appear,
the church doth not bind but loose them, doth not retain but remit their sins, I
mean ministerially and declaratively ; notwithstanding the magistrate may and
ought to do justice according to law, even upon those penitent sinners.' ' Powers

xCap. iii. z and 3. z Ibid. iii. 5. *lbid. iv. 4.

36 The Reformers and Divorce

that are collateral are of the same eminency and attitude, of the same kind and
nature; but the civil power is a dominion and lordship ; the ecclesiastical power
is ministerial, not lordly.' ' The magistrate may and ought to be both custos et
vindex utriusque tabulae, he ought to preserve both the first and second table of the
holy and good law of God from being despised and violated, and punish by
corporal and other temporal punishments such (whether church officers or church
members) as openly dishonour God by gross offences, either against the first or
against the second table.' 'It doth properly and of right belong to the magistrate
to add a civil sanction and strength of a law for strengthening and aiding the
exercise of church discipline, or not to add it. And himself is judge whether to
add any such cumulative act of favour or not.'

In attempting to trace in an abstracted form the development
of one of the many questions which faced the Reformers there is
a danger of attributing theories to historical parties and individuals
of which they were quite unconscious, but this danger is slight
when the subject dealt with is a phase of the Scottish Reformation.
While this is so, it must be kept in view that between 1560 and
1581 there lay a period of rapid development and essential change,
and that, while an attempt has been made in the foregoing pages to
treat one question in an abstracted form, the surroundings were
perpetually changing and giving new significance to the forces at
work in the narrow field on which attention has been directed.
The tendencies which revealed themselves obscurely and inter-
mittently during the second half of the sixteenth century, and
of which glimpses can be caught in the foregoing sketch, were fully
disclosed in the succeeding generation. Strictly speaking, there
was in fact no struggle for consistorial jurisdiction, and the
Reformers declined to limit themselves to the narrow field which
the question offered, but in that field can be observed the progress
of a more important and far-reaching struggle the echoes of which
still sound in our ears. The episode was a preliminary recon-
naissance in the long campaign between church and state, and
is of interest not only to the legal antiquarian but also to the
student of history.

DAVID BAIRD SMITH.

Scotsmen Serving the Swede

r I ^HE tercentenary of the accession of Gustavus Adolphus,
A who succeeded his father, Charles IX., as King of Sweden
on October 30, 1611, cannot fail to arouse sympathetic interest
in this country, especially amongst those Scottish families whose
annals contain some record of reputation won or achievement
performed under the great champion of the Protestant faith in
Europe. His brief, but brilliant, intervention in the Thirty
Years War attracted many officers and men to his standard, as
appears from the number of royal warrants for the levying of
troops for service abroad.1 Whilst he lived his * valiant Scots,'
as he affectionately called them, contributed in no small degree
to the success of his cause ; and after his death at Ltltzen, they
remained on in Germany to gain fresh laurels under his successors,
Duke Bernard of Weimar, Gustavus Horn, Baner, Torstenson,
and Wrangel. Then the news of the troubles at home reached
them. Writing to Secretary Windebank on September 26, 1640,
Sir Thomas Rowe says : — * Advice has come to me that twenty-six
of the principal colonels and officers that have served the Swede
have obtained their license and got their rests in munitions of
war, a course begun by Leslie the Great, and are preparing at
Gottenburg to sail in three ships for Scotland/ Although the
Peace of Westphalia was not concluded until 1648, the majority
of officers, who had survived the prolonged struggle, returned
home at the outbreak of the Civil War to take sides with King
or Parliament.

In his essay on Gustavus, Archbishop Trench points out that
none of his officers were more entirely trusted by the king when
some difficult and dangerous exploit had to be undertaken than
those belonging to the Scottish brigade.2 Perhaps the hardest

1 Calendar of State Papers, Scotland, Dom. Ser. 1626-32. It was about two
months before Gustavus actually assumed his father's title.

2 Gustavus Adolphui and Social Aspects of the Thirty Tears War, London, 1865,

p. 22.

38 George A. Sinclair

task which fell to the lot of any of them was the defence of
Stralsund by Sir Alexander Leslie against Wallenstein in 1628,
just two years before the King of Sweden himself landed at
Usedom to carry out his arduous work. Stralsund was one of the
most flourishing cities of the north. It belonged to the Han-
seatic League, and owed no allegiance to the Empire. Though
nominally subject to the Duke of Pomerania, it was practically
independent ; and, sheltered by the Island of Rugen in the very
centre of the Baltic trade, its geographical position rendered it of
the utmost importance. The Emperor Ferdinand II. had seized
the possessions of the two Dukes of Mecklenburg for supporting
Christian IV. of Denmark, and had conferred their duchies on
Wallenstein, who assumed the high-sounding title of Admiral of
the Baltic and the North Seas. He sent his lieutenant Arnim to
besiege Stralsund, and he was determined to have it. The town
was triangular in shape ; 3 one side of it was washed by the sea
and the other two sides were protected by wide lagoons and salt-
marshes, over which three causeways led to the gates.

In February hostilities began. The garrison at first consisted
of only 150 soldiers, with 2000 citizens capable of bearing arms;
but it was augmented by fugitives from the Danish War and
peasants seeking safety from the cruelty of the Imperialist
soldiery. By May 23 Arnim had taken all the outworks, when
Wallenstein arrived in person to aid him. Gustavus then allied
himself with the German town against the Emperor, and sent
Count Brahe and Colonel Alexander Leslie to Stralsund with
2000 picked troops. They forced their way into the fortress on
July 1 8th, and Wallenstein, who had assembled a huge army
of 25,000 men4 round the place, found himself opposed by a
garrison of experienced soldiers. Still the odds in favour of the
besiegers were fearful.5 Wallenstein * tried it,' according to
Carlyle, ' with furious assault, with bombardment, sap and
storm ; swore he would have it, " though it hung by a chain
from Heaven"; but could not get it, after all his volcanic

3 Life of Wallenstein, Duke ofFriedland, by Lieut.-Col. J. Mitchell, London, 1837,
p. 117; and see map of Stralsund in Life of Gustavus Adolphus, by C. R. L.
Fletcher, 1910, p. 84.

4 Gardiner does not hesitate to say that it was the most numerous and well-
appointed army which had been seen on the Continent since the days of the
Romans (History of England, vii. p. 97) ; The Cambridge Modern History, vol. iv.
p. 107 (1906).

5 Gardiner's Thirty Tears War, 1874, PP- 107-8.

Scotsmen Serving the Swede 39

raging.' 6 At length rain began to fall in torrents, and the flat
oozy ground upon which the invading army was encamped
became untenable. The Imperialist commander gave orders on
August 3 to raise the siege, and his failure marked the limit
of Austria's advance.7 All historians, including Carlyle, who
regarded the affair as world famous, are agreed that it was an event
of incalculable importance, and that if the city had fallen both
Sweden and Denmark would have been excluded from further
interference in Germany. Leslie received a gold medal from
Gustavus, and the grateful Stralsunders, who claimed the victory
as a triumph for the Hanseatic League, caused further medals
to be struck in his honour.

The gallant defender of Stralsund served in the Swedish army
for thirty years (1608-1638), at first under Charles IX. and
then under his successor in their campaigns in Russia, Poland,
Denmark, and Germany. Before the advent of Gustavus, Leslie
was busily employed in 1630 recruiting along the coasts of
Mecklenburg and Pomerania; and on hearing that Wallenstein,
whose troops were in possession of Rugen, intended to hand it
over to Christian IV. in the hope of embroiling the two Northern
Powers, he promptly occupied the island and turned out the
Imperialist garrison of two thousand men.8 He was then
appointed commandant at Stettin, and when the King of Sweden
continued his march to Landsberg after the storming of Frank-
fort-on-the-Oder on April 3, 1631, he left Leslie behind as
Governor.9 He was present at the Battle of Ltltzen, where the
Protestant leader fell on November 6, i632,10 and he retired
six years later from the service of Sweden with a pension of 800
rix-dollars. Then he set about organizing the forces of the
Covenant. The favourite field-marshal of Gustavus, his influence
in Scotland was also great.11 ' Such was the wisdom and authority
of that old, little crooked soldier,' writes Baillie the Covenanter
of Leslie at Dunse Law, ' that all with one incredible submission,
from the beginning to the end, give over themselves to be guided

6 Frederick the Great, book iv. chap. v.

7 The House of Austria in the Thirty Tears War, by A. W. Ward, M.A., 1869,
p. 61.

* Gustavus Adolphus, by C. R. L. Fletcher, 1910, pp. 114 and 127.

9 An Old Scots Brigade, by John Mackay, 1885, pp. 109 and 142.

10 The Scots Peerage, edited by Sir James Balfour Paul, vol. v. 1908, p. 374.

11 The Scottish Covenanters, by James Dodds, 1860, p. 32.

40 George A. Sinclair

by him as if he had been Great Solyman.' 12 He was created
Earl of Leven and Lord Balgonie in 1641, but his subsequent
career does not concern us. ' Excellent, though unfortunate,' is
Carlyle's valediction, and he recalls his supreme achievement.
* He bearded the grim Wallenstein at Stralsund once, and rolled
him back from the bulwarks there, after long tough wrestle ;
and, in fact, did a thing or two in his time. Farewell to him.' 1;
He died at Balgonie, Fifeshire, in 1661, and was succeeded by
his grandson as second Earl of Leven. His eldest son, who was
significantly named Gustavus, predeceased him.

Both Leven and his kinsman David Leslie, afterwards Lord
Newark, another officer of Gustavus and Cromwell's opponent
at Dunbar, were prominent at Marston Moor. The Earl brought
an army across the border with Major-General David Leslie as
Commander of the Horse, and occupied the centre of the field
between the armies of Manchester and Fairfax. It is a debatable
point whether the victory was due to Cromwell or to Leslie, but
the Scottish officer's magnificent handling of the cavalry seems to
have decided the issue.14 That is not surprising. Leslie had the
experience of the Thirty Years War behind him, whilst Cromwell's
reputation as a military commander was yet in the making. The
various accounts of the battle are somewhat conflicting, but its
interest for us lies in the fact that opposed to the Leslies was
James King, Lord Eythin, their comrade in arms in Germany.
He was second in command to the Marquis of Newcastle and
led the Royalist centre. It is possible that if he had been able
to co-operate freely with Prince Rupert throughout the campaign
unhampered with Newcastle's sluggishness, and they had come
to appreciate each other's good qualities, the day might not have
proved so disastrous for Charles. However that may be, Eythin
declined at Rupert's request to begin the battle late in the evening,
and blamed him for drawing up his men so near the enemy. The
prince admitted his fault and offered to move them to a further
distance. ' No, sir,' replied Eythin, * it is too late/ and the
Parliamentarians, noticing certain signs of unpreparedness, com-
menced the attack.15 Clarendon says16 that King was an officer

12 Carlyle's Miscellaneous Essays, edit. 1866, iv. p. 234.
^CromwlFs Letters and Speeches, edit. 1857, ii. p. 299.

14 History of Scotland, byj. H. Burton, edit. 1870, vii. p. 180; The Scots Peerage,
vol. vi. 1909, p. 440 ; CromweWs Letters and Speeches, edit. 1857, i. p. 151.

15 Gardiner's History of the Great Civil War, 1893, i. p. 377.

16 History of the Rebellion, edit. 1720, ii. p. 509.

JAMES KING, LORD EYTHIN.

DIED 1652.
From oil painting in the collection of Colonel Alexander /. King of Tertourie

Scotsmen Serving the Swede 41

of great experience and ability, and that the marquis being utterly
unacquainted with war, referred all matters of importance to the
discretion of his lieutenant-general.

As early as 1609 King sought service in Sweden, and he
attained the rank of general-major and colonel of the Dutch
Horse and Foot. He became Governor of Vlotho, a fortified
town on the Weser, which belonged to the Dukes of Brunswick
and Counts of Waldeck.17 After the death of Gustavus he
fought under his generals Baner and Wrangel, and his portrait
is still to be seen with others of his adventurous countrymen
in the Chateau of Skokloster, near Upsala, which belonged to
the Wrangel family. He received the Swedish order of knight-
hood in 1639, and returned to England. He was an Aberdeen-
shire laird, and his Scottish title, which was bestowed upon him
on March 28, 1642, is taken from the river Ythan in that
county.18 The Queen sent him from Holland next year, with
other officers of reputation, to join Newcastle in the North, who
accepted him as his military adviser. After Marston Moor he
crossed over to the continent, and Queen Christina, in recog-
nition of his services to her father, created him a peer of Sweden
with the title of Baron Sanshult and granted him estates in the
district of Calmar as well as a pension of 1800 rix-dollars
annually. At his death in Stockholm, on June 9, 1652, he was
accorded a public funeral, the Queen attending in person, and
was buried in the Riddarholm Church, where rest the remains
of Gustavus and Charles XII. Lord Eythin left no children,
but two of his brothers died in Swedish service.

Sir Donald Mackay of Strathnaver, Lord Reay, may be
described as the recruiting sergeant for Gustavus in Scotland.
Whilst assisting Christian IV. of Denmark he distinguished him-
self at the Pass of Oldenburg in Holstein, where in 1627, with
his famous regiment 19 he kept Tilly and the Imperialists at bay,
being himself wounded in the engagement.20 But the exploits of
' Drunken Christian,' as Carlyle calls him, soon came to an end
and he was easily beaten.21 And so we find Mackay two years

17 Life of Sir John Hepburn, by James Grant, 1851, p. 167.

18 The Scots Peerage, vol. iii. 1906, p. 592.

19 Its achievements are set out in Colonel Robert Monro's rambling, but valuable
Expedition with the Worthy Scots Regiment called Mac-Key es Regiment, London, 1637.

20 An Old Scots Brigade, p. 36.

21 Frederick the Great, ed. 1858, vol. i. p. 331.

42 George A. Sinclair

later, back again in Scotland, collecting men on this occasion for
a worthier master, the King of Sweden.22 He was present with
him at the taking of Stettin and Damm when they surrendered,
and was mainly responsible for the capture of Colberg in Pomerania.
In an encounter with the Imperialists who had advanced to its
relief, the Swedes, led by an inexperienced officer, fled without
firing a shot, and if it had not been for Lord Reay's Scottish
musketeers, who were in the van and stood firm, the enemy
would have been victorious. In 1631 he returned home, but
he was in constant communication with Gustavus regarding the
raising of fresh levies. The death of his patron was a great
blow to him. Of the large sums of money which he had spent
to pay his recruits he received nothing back,23 and he was com-
pelled to denude himself of part of his estates to pay his debts.

When the King of Sweden accepted the Order of the Garter at
the hands of King Charles's envoys after the Battle of Dirschau
in West Prussia in the autumn of 1627, he made six knights.
The ceremony took place in the presence of the whole army in
front of the royal tent, and was performed with great triumph. M
One of the recipients of the honour was Sir Alexander Leslie, and
another Sir Patrick Ruthven, who afterwards became Earl of
Forth and Brentford.25 Powerfully built and covered with scars,
or, as Colonel Robert Monro, the author of the Expedition with
the Worthy Scots Regiment puts it, ' carrying the marks of valour
on his body,' he was a man of great courage and a trusted leader.
In spite of his propensity to hard drinking which earned him the
nickname of General Rotwein (red wine), he always kept a cool
head.26 Scott probably had him in mind in drawing Dugald
Dalgetty, for his hero is said to have acquired in these wars a
capacity to bear an exorbitant quantity of strong liquor. Ruth-
ven's career as a soldier began about 1606-9, when his name
figures in the lists of Swedish officers, and he was soon appointed
captain in a regiment of Scots in Sweden. Thus he joined the
army at the same time as Leslie, and he must have served with
him under Charles IX.

22 The Book ofMackay, by Angus Mackay, 1906, p. 134.

2STAe Scots in Germany, by T. A. Fischer, Edin. 1902, p. 91 ; TAe 'Book of
Mackay, p. 136.

24 Ruthven Correspondence, Roxburghe Club, 1858, Introd. p. ix.

25 The Scots Peerage, vol. iv. 1907, p. 104.

26 The Scots in Germany, p. 107.

Scotsmen Serving the Swede 43

After his accession in 1611 the attention of Gustavus was first
engaged by the war in Denmark, in which Ruthven does not
appear to have taken any part. But he was ordered during the
Russian war to conduct certain troops to Narva, and was present
at the storming of PleskofF (1615), having in the following year
the command of an East Gothland troop of 300 men ; and in
the campaign against Sigismund III. of Poland he shared in the
successful siege of Riga (1621). He held successively the
Governorships of Memel, Marienburg and Ulm, and many of his
letters to Axel Oxenstiern, commencing in 1629, have been
preserved.27 He urges on the Swedish Chancellor the necessity
of rendering Memel safe from the attacks of the enemy. When
at Marienburg he defends himself against the charge of having
delayed General Wrangel's departure by not supplying him with
horses and conveyances. ' I did command the magistrates,' he
writes, * two days previous to be ready with their horses and carts,
but what they furnished was of such miserable description that I
put the mayor into prison, and sent him home after a time to
provide better horse material.' He thanks Oxenstiern for
allowing him the rights of fishing in the neighbourhood, and begs
for money to pay his troops. As to this, he complains in one
letter, dated August, 1630 : — * I and my captains have ever and
anon pawned our store of clothes and other things to content the
men, but now the well is exhausted and I know of no other
means.' Whilst in command of Ulm he succeeded by his
vigilance in suppressing two conspiracies and in reducing a
number of Catholic towns in the vicinity, although his garrison
only amounted to 1200 men. His reward was the Grafschaft
or Earldom of Kirchberg, near Ulm, worth about £1800 a
year.

In May, 1632, Ruthven was raised to the rank of major-
general, and was given the first command with Duke Bernard of
Weimar of 800 men in Swabia, to watch the movements of the
Catholic general Ossa, who was threatening Ulm. Seeing that he
was engaged with Christian of Birkenfelt at the siege of Landsberg
near Frankfort-on-the-Oder, in October, he cannot have been
present at the Battle of Lutzen in the following month. During
1634-5 he was travelling in Scotland, England and France, but
he returned to Germany to take part in the Battle of Nordlingen,
so disastrous for the Swedes. Later on he was lieutenant-general
with Baner and assisted him in defeating the Catholics at Domitz,
27 The Scots in Sweden, by T. A. Fischer, Edin. 1907, p. 102.

44 George A. Sinclair

Liltzen, Goldberg and Kosen.28 In 1636 Ruthven retired from
active service abroad. Clarendon29 says that he joined King
Charles at Shrewsbury, and he was appointed to command as
general at Edgehill, succeeding the Earl of Lindsey who fell at
this battle. His place was, however, soon taken by Prince
Rupert, and the last we hear of him in connection with the
country he served so well was in 1649, when he was sent on a
royalist mission to Sweden.

The oldest colonel at the great battle of Breitenfeld, near
Leipzig, on September 17, 1631, where, in spite of the cowardice
of his Saxon allies, the King of Sweden defeated the aged Tilly
with the loss of 6000 of his veterans, was Sir James Ramsay, who
commanded three regiments of chosen musketeers forming the
vanguard.30 They sustained a furious charge by a body of
cuirassiers under Pappenheim, the bravest soldier, according to
Schiller, Austria possessed, whom they compelled to fall back on
their main body by dint of pike and musket.31 This officer was
usually called the Black Colonel of Scots, to distinguish him from
Sir James Ramsay the Fair, Governor of Brissac. With a
detachment of his countrymen he led the storming party at the
capture of Wurzburg in Franconia on October 10, and was
wounded in the arm. Monro says that this was the greatest
exploit performed during the war. The castle was approached
by a bridge which had to be repaired under a shower of cannon
and musket shot. Gustavus asked the Scots if they were willing
to take the place by assault, knowing that if they refused it would
be useless to expect any others to go upon such a forlorn hope.32
For these and other conspicuous services Ramsay received a grant
of lands in the Duchy of Mecklenburg and the government of
Hanau, an important fortress on the river Main near Frankfort.

After the defeat of the Swedes at NOrdlingen in 1634 the
Imperialists besieged Hanau, which its commander defended with
the greatest skill and courage. His sallies from the town were
well conducted and generally successful, and, in order to gain
time and rest for his worn-out garrison, Ramsay began a series of

28 The Scots Peerage, vol. iv. 1907, p. 104.

29 History of the Rebellion, ed. 1720, vol. ii. pp. 40 and 57.
30 Monro' s Expedition, ed. 1637, ii. 63.

81 Life of Sir John Hepburn, by James Grant, 1851, p. 101.

32 An Old Scots Brigade, p. 163 : Gustavus Adolphus, by C. R. L. Fletcher,
p. 207.

PATRICK. RUTHVEN, EARL OF FORTH AND BRENTFORD.

DIED 1651.
Front oil painting in Skokloster Castle, Sweden, formerly the seat of General W'rangel.

The correctness of the attribution of this portrait has not been doubted.
See page 48 for another portrait of Patrick Ruthven.

Scotsmen Serving the Swede 45

sham negotiations with the Catholic general Lamboy, proposing
to send an envoy to Oxenstiern and to Duke Bernard of Weimar
for their condition to surrender the fortress, which he knew
would never be given.33 Undaunted by plague and famine,
Ramsay held on doggedly, until the besieged were reduced to
feeding on dogs and cats. He was so joyful at the success of his
punitive exhibitions against Lamboy that he could afford to
indulge in a grim joke at his expense. His enemy had scorn-
fully presented him with two fat pigs, when the Governor sent
him in return a gift of fifty pounds of carp caught in the moats,
with the mocking request for news, especially concerning the
rumour current in the town, of Hanau being besieged.

At length the brave defenders were relieved. The London
apprentice, Sydnam Poyntz, who joined Wallenstein's army and
wrote an account of his campaigns, bears witness to the stubborn-
ness of their resistance to the last. * The Comaunder of Hannow '
he writes, c who was old Coronell Ramsey, a Scotch man, having
gotten notice of the Duke of Hessen's coming to succour hym
and at hand, and the other side not dreaming of any Adversary
nere, sallyed out of the Towne, beat the Imperialists out of their
Trenches, killed and drowned in the River of Mume (Main) as
good as fower thousand and levelled all their workes.' 34 On
June 23, 1636, the Landgrave of Hesse and Sir Alexander Leslie
entered the town amidst the ringing of bells and joyful shouts of
the populace, bringing with them 600 waggon loads of provisions
and herds of cattle for slaughter. In memory of this deliverance
the so-called Lamboy festival is celebrated in Hanau to this day.
Ramsay's end was a tragic one. In the same year the fortress
was again invested by the Elector of Mainz, and the Governor,
realising the impossibility of sustaining another siege, agreed to
evacuate it on certain terms. When, however, it was clear to
him that the treaty was about to be violated he retook the
place, which was eventally surprised by Henry, Count Nassau
Dillenburgh. Ramsay defended himself as best he could in this
extremity, but he was wounded, and, after having been treated
with the most cruel rigour and severity, he died a prisoner in the
Castle of Dillenburgh, on March n, 1638. He was buried in
the church there, but the grave of this devoted hero has never
been discovered.

Scots in Germany, p. 94.

Relation of Sydnam Poyntz (1624-1636), Camden Society, Third Series,
vol. xiv. p. 1908, 122. We cannot vouch for the accuracy of this writer's figures.

46 George A. Sinclair

Next to Gustavus himself Sir John Hepburn was accounted
the ablest leader on the Protestant side. He was the second son
of George Hepburn of Athelstaneford near Haddington, and he
may be described as a typical man of action, and one of the most
famous soldiers the world has ever seen. With a genius for
command, he combined quick decision and dauntless courage.
Handsome in appearance and dignified in bearing, he far outshone
his comrades in the magnificence of his arms and attire, and this
seems to have been the only fault that the plain Swedish king had
to find with him. Like Dugald Dalgetty, who is never tired of
telling us that he had studied humanity at the Marischal College
of Aberdeen, and had served half the princes of Europe, Hepburn
was scholar as well as courtier. When the unfortunate Winter
King, Frederick, Elector Palatine, lost the crown of Bohemia
after his defeat by Tilly and the Catholic League at the White
Hill of Prague on November 8, 1620, his bodyguard consisted of
a company of Scots under Sir Andrew Gray, in which young
Hepburn commanded a band of pikes. Two years later he
distinguished himself with Ernest, Count of Mansfield, against
the Spanish commander, Spinola, at the defence of Bergen-op-
Zoom, and at the Battle of Fleurus in the Low Countries.
Attracted to Sweden by the fame of its ruler, his services were
readily accepted by Gustavus, who, in 1625, appointed him
colonel of one of his Scottish regiments.

Thenceforth Hepburn's career is in the nature of a triumphal
progress. During the King of Sweden's first campaign in
Pomerania and Mecklenburg in 1630, he was sent by Oxen-
stiern to the relief of his fellow countryman and constant
companion in these campaigns, Colonel Robert Monro, at
Rugenwalde,35 and he was rewarded with the governorship of that
place. Already he had been knighted, as his name appears in the
Swedish Intelligencer of the time as ' Sir John Hebron.' In con-
junction with Kniphausen and Bauditzen he successfully inter-
cepted the Imperialists who were advancing to succour Colberg,
then being blockaded by the Swedes. In March, 1631, Gustavus
formed his Scots Brigade, consisting of Hepburn's own regiment,
Mackay's Highlanders, Stargate's Corps, and Lumsden's Muske-
teers, and gave the command to Sir John. Throughout the
army it was known as the ' Green Brigade,' from the tartan of the
Highlanders and the colour of the doublets, scarfs, feathers,

85 Gustavus Adolphus, by C. R. L. Fletcher, p. 137.

Scotsmen Serving the Swede 47

and standards of the other regiments.36 The actual date of
Hepburn's birth is unknown, but his biographer 37 claims that at
the age of thirty he was at the head of the four best regiments in
the Swedish army. With every allowance for partiality there
appear to be sufficient grounds for this contention, judging from
the subsequent exploits of the brigade. During the Thirty
Years War the Saxons could not understand Tilly's veterans and
always ran away, the Swedes and the Finns generally acquitted
themselves nobly, but the Scots as a rule were entrusted with the
most perilous enterprises and invariably stood firm.

The brigade soon had an opportunity of displaying their
courage at Frankfort-on-the-Oder which was taken by storm on
April 3, Hepburn and Colonel James Lumsden directing the
attack on the Guben Gate, lighted petards in hand. ' Now my
valiant Scots, remember your brave countrymen who were slain
at New Brandenburg,' cried Gustavus in allusion to the terrible
massacre of Lord Reay's Highlanders by Tilly a few days before.
Monro in his Expedition has given a graphic account of the
struggle which was stubbornly maintained on the part of the
Imperialists by Walter Butler and his Irishmen. Hepburn was
hit above the knee and retired for a time to get his wound
dressed. ' Bully Monro, I am shot,' he jocularly called out to
his friend who was passing into the line of fire with his High-
landers ; at which the other tells us in his characteristic way he
was ' wondrous sorry.' The enemy's guns were captured and
turned upon them. In the streets the ground was contested inch
by inch, the Austrians slowly retreating and begging for quarter,
but to every appeal the merciless answer was * New Brandenburg.
Remember New Brandenburg ! ' Thus was the slaughter of the
Scots avenged, for three thousand of the garrison were put to the
sword.38 Landsberg then fell, after a blockade of ten days, on
April 1 6, and Hepburn, although still suffering from his wound,
was actively engaged upon the operations which led to its
surrender.

During the next few months the Green Brigade was encamped
in the open fields, at first near Berlin and later at Old Brandenburg,
where they lost many of their men by pestilence. In July
Gustavus concentrated his forces at Werben, and Tilly with

36 An Old Scots Brigade, p. 125.

37 Diet. Nat. Bwg. ; Life of Hepburn, by James Grant.
88 Fletcher's Life of Gustavus Adolphus* p. 160.

48 George A. Sinclair

20,000 troops appeared in the neighbourhood of his camp. The
Catholic leader reduced Leipzig, and his opponent, drawing out
his army in full battle array, marched towards the city. After
the flight of the Saxons at Breitenfeld, Hepburn's brigade, which
was held in reserve, was hurried up to the assistance of Field-
Marshal Horn, who commanded the Swedish left wing, and was
being hard pressed by Tilly. Lord Reay's Highlanders are
credited with being the first to make the breach in the enemy's
ranks which decided the issue. The slaughter which ensued was
fearful. About 600 of Tilly's veterans who remained alive
closed round their aged leader and bore him wounded from the
field. The Scottish Brigade was publicly thanked in the presence
of the whole army, and Monro, who himself fought valiantly, says
that whilst Gustavus principally ascribed the victory to the
Swedish, Finnish, and Dutch horsemen, Hepburn's men got
great praise for their foot service. Following up this success
General Bauditzen and Sir John between them captured six large
towns on the way to Wiirtzburg. The latter's defence of Oxen-
ford was a notable achievement. The Duke of Lorraine rein-
forced Tilly after his defeat with 1 2,000 troops, and the Imperialist
ranks rose to 40,000 men. Gustavus ordered Hepburn to
garrison this place with 800 musketeers so as to prevent the
enemy crossing the Maine, and if he found the service too
desperate to blow up the bridge and retire on Wttrtzburg. So
skilfully did Hepburn make his dispositions that Tilly, with his
huge army imagined that a large force was behind the walls and
turned aside to Nu'rnburg.

In December, 1631, Gustavus crossed the Rhine and attacked
the first Spanish garrison at Oppenheim. After taking a strong
fort or sconce on the east side of the river and putting the
commandant under terms to depart to Bingen, Hepburn immedi-
ately went to the assistance of his chief in reducing the castle,
which surrendered after the seizure of one of its outworks. Mainz
gave the Swedes very little trouble. Such was Hepburn's repu-
tation at this period, it is said that when Don Philip de Silvia and
his Castilians saw his brigade about to storm they laid down their
arms. The conquerors remained in the city till March, 1632,
when they marched to Frankfort-on-the-Maine to take part
eventually in the capture of DonauwOrth, from which Gustavus
drove the garrison after a hot resistance. At the passage of the
Leek, a tributary of the Danube, where Tilly received his mortal
wound, Hepburn led the van. It was, however, an artillery

PATRICK RUTHVEN, EARL OF FORTH AND BRENTFORD.

DIED 1651.
From oil painting in the Bodleian Library.

It differs in various particulars from the dated portrait of Ruthven at Skokloster (see page 44),
and also from the engravings of him. Hence its identity must remain doubtful.

Scotsmen Serving the Swede 49

duel in which the Swedish guns were vastly superior.39 The
Austrians had taken up a position on the right bank of the river,
between Augsburg and Rain, and on the night of April 3,
Gustavus threw up earthworks upon which he mounted 72 pieces
of artillery. The enemy were forced to retire by a converging
fire, and he gained the passage of the river. With Frederick of
the Palatinate in his train, the king entered Munich in triumph,
a city which Hepburn knew as a subaltern in the Scottish bands
of Sir Andrew Gray, and of which he was now made military
governor.

The merits of the quarrel between Gustavus and Hepburn
which deprived the Protestant leader of the services of his ablest
general before the battle of Liitzen have never been ascertained.
It is sad to have to recall this unhappy termination of their friend-
ship, but whether it was the outcome of a taunt regarding Hepburn's
religion, which was Catholic, or the extreme magnificence of his
armour and apparel is not very material at this date. At all events
the haughty Scot took offence at some real or imagined slight, and
vowed never to unsheath his sword in the service of Sweden again.
He remained on, however, to perform some hazardous work for
his master against Wallenstein on the Altenburg, and there was
an affecting parting between him and the Scottish officers who
accompanied him for a mile on the road. Within a month of his
departure Gustavus fell. The Scots Brigade, having lost heavily
at Nurnburg, were not present at Liitzen, though Alexander
Leslie and several officers of Mackay's regiment were with the
king at the end. There was no need, however, for leadership
at this supreme moment, for each individual Swede fought with
furious courage to avenge him. ' Life falls in value, since the
holiest of all lives is gone ; and death has now no terror for the
lowly, since it has not spared the anointed head.' Such is
Schiller's tribute to the romantic devotion of the victorious army.

Hepburn's last years were spent in the wars of France,
where he gained the friendship and esteem of Richelieu, and
fought under the Cardinal Duke de la Valette and the great
Turenne, then at the outset of his career, against his old
enemies the Imperialists. Before he reached his fortieth year this
brave soldier of fortune was shot in the trenches at the Siege of
Saverne, assisting Duke Bernard of Weimar, on July 8, 1636, and
his death was universally mourned. In his distress at the news
Richelieu wrote a touching letter to Valette, extolling the worthi-
39 Article on Artillery in Encyclopaedia Britannica.

50 George A. Sinclair

ness of his character and deploring his loss, which had affected him
so sensibly that he found it impossible to receive any comfort.

While Hepburn, Ramsay, Ruthven, Mackay, King, Alexander
Leslie and Robert Monro were the principal officers 4 serving the
Swede,' the military achievements of three other Scottish colonels
stand out conspicuously. What Gustavus would have done with-
out Alexander Hamilton's guns, especially at the passage of the
Lech, it is difficult to say. ' Dear Sandie,' as he was called, was
half-brother of the first Earl of Haddington and a celebrated
artillerist. He had workhouses at Urbowe or (Orebro) in Sweden,
which Lord Reay and Monro visited in 1630, and he invented
' cannon and fireworks for his Majesty.' 40 Gustavus recognised the
need of mobile field artillery and used iron 4-pounder guns, weigh-
ing about 5 1 cwt. and drawn by two horses, whilst Tilly's weapons
were cumbrous 24-pounders, each requiring 20 transport horses,
and 12 horses for the waggons. The service of his guns was
primitive and defective, but the Swedes obtained rapidity of fire
by the use of cartridges in place of the old method of ladling the
powder ; and as two of their light guns were attached to each
regiment, they had a distinct advantage over the Imperialists who
had difficulty in moving their artillery during the course of an
action.41 Hamilton returned home about 1635, and joined the
Covenanters ; and his guns were mainly responsible for the defeat
of Lord Conway, who opposed the Scots under Leven at the
passage of Newburn-on-Tyne.

The officer in command of Lord Reay's Highlanders, who were
slaughtered at New Brandenburg, was Lieutenant-Colonel John
Lindsay, grandson of David, tenth Earl of Crawford.42 In March,
1 63 1, Tilly with 15,000 troops arrived before the town, where
General Kniphausen was stationed with 2000 men.43 His garri-
son included about 600 Highlanders under Lindsay, who, although
in his twenty-eighth year, had seen much service, having been
dangerously wounded at the Siege of Stralsund. Gustavus
ordered Kniphausen to retire, as the place being in a wretched
condition of defence was not worth holding against such fearful
odds. The message miscarried. For nine days the heroic
defenders kept the Austrian veteran at bay. At length the town,

40 An Old Scots Brigade, p. 88. As to Hamilton's guns in the Civil War see
CromwelPs 4rmy, by C. H. Firth, 1902 (passim).

41 Article on Artillery in Encyclopaedia Britannica.

42 The Scots Peerage, vol. iii., 1906, p. 30.

43 Gustavus Adolphus, by C. R. L. Fletcher, p. 158.

Scotsmen Serving the Swede 51

after a desperate struggle, was taken, and the entire garrison,
except the commander, his wife and daughter, and about sixty
men, were barbarously massacred. Lindsay fell in the breach,
fighting to the last with a pike in his hand, his tartaned soldiers
slain in a heap around him. In the town records he is singled out
as the Scottish nobleman ' Earl Lindz,' who defended his post
long after all other resistance had ceased. According to Monro
the first men over the ramparts at Frankfort-on-the-Oder to
avenge this slaughter were Major John Sinclair and his lieutenant
Heatley. They placed their backs against the wall and resisted
the attack of the enemy's oncoming horsemen with a handful of
musketeers until relieved. Sinclair was the third son of George,
fifth Earl of Caithness, and he obtained the temporary command
of Mackay's famous regiment when Monro returned to Scotland
to procure recruits. He was killed at Newmarke in the Upper
Palatinate in 1632, his place being taken by Major William
Stewart, brother of the Earl of Traquair. Lamenting the loss of
his friends during the war, Monro writes thus : ' Shortly after
him (i.e. his own brother, Colonel Monro of Obstell) my dear
Cosen and Lieutenant-Colonel John Sinclaire being killed at
Newmark, he did leave me and all his acquaintance sorrowfull,
especially those brave Heroics Duke Barnard of Wymar and
Feltmarshall Home, whom he truly followed and valourously
obeyed till his last houre ; having much worth he was much
lamented, as being without gall or bitternesse.' His epitaph in
Latin by Joannes Narssius is prefixed to Monro's remarkable

narrative. ^ A c

CJEORGE A. SINCLAIR.

The Hospitallers in Scotland in the Fifteenth

Century

rTPHE Knights of S. John of Jerusalem, and their brethren
JL the Templars, were popular Orders in their early history,
and as fighting forces of trained warriors their services during the
Crusades and in support of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem are
recognised as valuable, and would have been still more so but for
the jealousy and frequent quarrels between them.

When the Spanish Jew, Benjamin of Tudela, visited the Holy
City, somewhere about the year 1170, during the time when the
Order of the Hospital was governed by its fourth Grand Master,
he found its special work both in war and peace being efficiently
performed. He says ' The city contains two buildings, from one
of which — the hospital — there issue forth four hundred knights ;
and therein all the sick who come thither are lodged and cared
for in life and in death.' He then goes on to refer to the
Templars quartered in the Temple of Solomon who numbered,
according to Benjamin, three hundred knights, and ' issued there-
from every day for military exercise.' l

About twenty years before Benjamin's visit to Jerusalem the
Hospitallers had been introduced into Scotland, and had estab-
lished their preceptory at Torphichen in East Lothian.2 The
earliest charter evidence takes us back to the year 1 1 60, during
the reign of Malcolm IV., when Richard of the Hospital of
Jerusalem and Robert, brother of the Temple, appear on record.8

1 Adler, Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela, p. 22.

^Transactions of Glasgow Archaeological Society > vol. iii. (N.S.), 313 ff.

3 Regist. St. Andrews, p. 207. It is true that in the alliterative Morte Arthure
there

* Comez a templere tyte, and towchide to ]?e kynge,'
and we also have a Hospitaller in

' Raynalde of )?e Rodes and rebell to Criste,

Pervertede with paynyms J>at Cristen persewes,'
but romance and history are not synonymous.

The Hospitallers in Scotland 53

Owing largely to the loss of the chartularies, which must at one
time have existed for both the Templars and Hospitallers, no
connected narrative of the doings of the knights in Scotland is
possible until the latter half of the fifteenth century is reached,
when Sir Henry Livingston became preceptor. Our own Scottish
records before this time tell us little of their military strength or
economic position, of the succession of preceptors at Torphichen,
or of the attitude taken by them and their brethren in the War of
Independence and subsequent events. We can glean, indeed,
some scattered facts from the muniments of the Order. Of this
nature is the Bull or Act of the Grand Master Philibert de Naillac
(1396-1421), dated nth August, 1418. To M. J. Delaville
Le Roulx, editor of the Cartulaire General des Hospitallers and
author of other works of prime authority on the subject, we are
indebted for calling attention to this document, which is recorded
in the archives of the Order at Malta. Its importance as bearing
on the history of the knights in Scotland in the early years of the
fifteenth century admits of no question.1

This Bull or Act presents a clear view of the policy adopted
at its date by the Order in solemn assembly for the purpose of
securing, as far as possible, an annual revenue from its precep-
tories and possessions in this outlying kingdom, and indicates a
distinct resolve to deal directly with Scotland as an independent
realm, and not through the prior of England.

Owing to the fact that England, Scotland, and Ireland formed
a single * langue ' or division of the Order, the English prior
claimed to be head and receiver-general of the revenues in these
countries, a claim which the Scottish War of Independence caused
to be looked upon with distrust, and which was soon repudiated.
The hundred years' war between France and England, in pro-
gress when the Bull was granted, was doubtless a considerable
factor in bringing about this determination to have no Scottish
remittances through England. At this date three years were not
past since the battle of Agincourt, and the fortunes of the English
king were yet in the ascendant. Scotland, with her young ruler
(James I.) still in captivity, was giving unofficial but effective help

1 Lib. Bull. Mag. vol. xxvii. f. 130. The original is written on paper u in.
by 8 in. and the writing covers 10 in. by 6|- in. of the sheet.

At M. Delaville Le Roulx's suggestion, and by courteous permission of the
keeper of the archives at Malta, a photograph of the pages of the volume has been
taken, and a transcript and translation are appended to the present article. The
writer is indebted to Mr. George Neilson, LL.D., for valuable assistance in several
palaeographical difficulties.

54 J°hn Edwards

to France in the struggle, and the Knights Hospitallers, whose
Grand Master, Philibert de Naillac, before his elevation had been
Grand Prior of Aquitaine, were desirous of keeping the revenue
from this country free from the control of the prior of England, —
the more so as there are indications that remittances through him
from Scotland had been irregular.

This policy was not a new one. Upwards of sixty years before,
Master David de Mar, treasurer of Moray, secretary to Queen
Johanna, first wife of King David II., had a lease of a preceptory
of Torphichen, evidently only a portion of the estates, and he
seems to have proved a very unsatisfactory tenant. He held the
property for twenty years and more, and for seven of these years
he neglected to pay the rent. In 1363 Urban V. wrote from
Avignon to King David II. urging him to ' favour the Master and
convent of the Hospitallers in recovering from David de Mar,
treasurer of Moray, what is due to them on account of a pre-
ceptory and goods of the Hospital in Scotland farmed by de Mar
at one hundred marks a year, and which has been unpaid for
seven years, although he has been publicly excommunicated in
the Roman court.' l It seems safe to assume that the culprit was
reduced to reason, as he kept possession for upwards of twenty
years in all, which is unlikely if he had persisted in refusing to
make remittances to head-quarters.

After this we find a layman in possession. He is Robert
Mercer, Lord of Innerpeffray, a kinsman and member of the
household of King Robert II., and a member of the well-known
family of Mercer of Aldie. In the spring of 1374 he visited the
Holy See at Avignon and presented to Pope Gregory XI. a
petition from the king along with a letter from King Charles V.
of France. The result of this influential support was a communi-
cation from His Holiness to the Master of the Hospital (Ray-
mond Berenger) desiring him ' to grant certain property in
Scotland belonging to the Hospital, accustomed as the pope has
learned to be governed by laymen,' 2 to Mercer for a pension due
to him.3 King Robert proposed to pay Robert Mercer's pension
by getting for him a lease of the property of the Knights in
Scotland, and for this purpose he invoked the assistance of his
ally the King of France. At first they gained their end, for

1 Bliss, Calendar Papal Letters, iv. 3.

2 This statement is doubtful. David de Mar was an ecclesiastic. Possibly he
managed the estates through a lay factor.

3 Bliss, u.s. p. 135.

The Hospitallers in Scotland 55

Robert de Julliac, successor of Raymond Berenger in the Grand-
mastership, granted a lease to Robert Mercer ' for ten years at a
yearly rent of four hundred gold florins of Florence to be paid at
Paris at the feast of the Ascension,' which the pope declared was
double that paid by the prior of England. This grant was duly
confirmed by the Holy See and intimation was sent to Robert II.1

Within a few months, however, the pope found that he had
placed himself in a difficult position, for Edward III. and the
prior of Clerkenwell protested, the former asserting that the
preceptory of Scotland pertained to the King of England's crown.
To this Gregory XI. replied that he had learned that the Scottish
preceptory did not belong to the priory of England, and was not
in any way inter regalia of England, ' but had been held with the
goods thereof for very many years by divers clerks and laymen,
and among others was held in farm for twenty years and more
by a certain David [de Mar] Clerk, a Scot, who had been wont
to dwell at the papal court.' 2

The pope saw that action must be taken at once, as both the
king and the prior of the Hospitallers in England, Robert de
Hales, were threatening to stop supplies of money and men for
the crusade which lay very near to the pope's heart.3 What he
did shows the strait he was in, for he disavowed his own action,
writing in October next year (1375) to the Bishops of Scotland

* requesting them to assist Henry de St. Trond, preceptor of
Avalterre,' Treasurer of Rhodes, to whom he had assigned the
task of collecting the revenues of the Scottish preceptory pending
the decision in the suit brought by the English prior against

* Robert de Julliac, master of the Hospital, he having let the said
preceptory on farm to Robert Mercerii, a layman of Scotland, who
obtained papal confirmation of the grant and now holds it to the
injury of the said prior of England to whom of right it belongs.'4
He wrote in similar terms to the King of Scots, adding c Henry is
to govern pending the pope's decision.'5 There does not seem
to be any evidence that the Treasurer of Rhodes visited Scotland

1 Bliss, u.s. p. 146. The gold florin at the end of Charles V.'s reign was value
for twenty shillings. See Ducange, Moneta.

2 Bliss, u.s. p. 140.

3 Edward III. arrested the property of the Order in England, and thus pre-
vented all remittances. In 1375 the pope wrote twice to the king desiring the
removal of the sequestration. (Hardy, Rimer's Foedera, R.S., i. p. 473.)

4 Bliss, u.s. p. no. 5 Bliss, u.s. p. 140.

56 J°hn Edwards

in person to collect the revenues assigned to his administration.
As to the lord of Innerpeffray he disappears from the records.

The great Schism in the Church having taken place, Scotland
adhered to the anti-pope, as did France, while England favoured
Urban VI. The result was confusion in the Order in Britain. In
1380-2 the estates were leased to Sir Robert of Erskine, Chamber-
lain of Scotland, and in 1387 to his son, Sir Thomas Erskine,
Keeper of Edinburgh Castle.1

The disputes regarding administration of the Scottish precep-
tories and estates eventually gave rise to the determination to place
these under the direct control of the Order at Rhodes. In 1410
John de Bynnyng received from the Grand Master a grant of the
bailliage of Scotland for five years. Philibert de Naillac, Grand
Master, appears to have visited England in this year, as he had a
safe conduct on March 8th, I4io.2 In 1415 Brothers Alexander
of Lyghton, John of Bynnyng, and Thomas Goodwyn, Scottish
Hospitallers, come into view as possessors of a safe conduct from
the English king to attend the Chapter in England, and in the
autumn of that year the last of these was preparing to travel to
Rhodes. He was then designated Chaplain of the Scottish
Hospitallers.3

Let us now turn to the Bull or Act under consideration. It
begins thus : c Brother Philibert de Nailhac, etc., Recognising
what great damage to the goods, returns, revenue, rights and
lordships of our order may result from want of proper admin-
istration, and that the obligation of making provision of this nature
rests upon us : We make known to all men by these presents,
that, after effecting the satisfactory adjustment of many difficult
affairs of our order dealt with in our present assembly, bestowing
keen consideration upon the administration of the property ofth.e
said order within the realm of Scotland and upon the suitable
maintenance of our three brethren residing there, namely,
Alexander de Lahton, John Benyn, and Thomas Gudwyn, and
having heard the views of our dearest brethren in Christ, John
d'Autun de Bellacombe, Garcia de Tours, Doctor of Laws, of
Villa-Francha de Penedes, preceptor, and Pascal Martini de
Torrellas, prior of the Church of Montressa, deputed and specially
appointed by us and the said assembly for the assessment of the

1 M. Delaville Le Roulx has found these lessees mentioned in the Archives as
* Robert Eslrin, Chevalier Seigneur d'Arqui,' and * Thomas d'Arquin, Seigneur
d'Arquin.'

2 Hardy, Rymet's Foedera, R.S., i. p. 565. 3 Bain, Calendar, iv. 854, 868, 869.

The Hospitallers in Scotland 57

value of all the property which the before-named order in the said
realm of Scotland has heretofore owned and possessed and now
owns and possesses, and for the blessing of the cultivation of peace,
union, and brotherly affection among the said brethren, and also
for the conservation of the property and legal rights of the said
order existing within the said realm : By will, advice and consent
of our very dear and reverend brethren in Christ ' — (here follow
the names of thirty-four officials and preceptors, and the deed at
the end of the list continues) — { and numerous other brethren
present and taking part in the business of our assembly, Have
Willed and Ordained and Do by these presents Will and Ordain in
manner following.'

One may remark in passing that the meeting at which this deed
was granted was not a general Chapter of the Order, which was
appointed to be held at Rhodes. It is styled an Assembly
(Assembleya\ which is explained in the Statutes of the Order as a
term used to describe a congregation or meeting gathered together
to discuss and arrange urgent matters pertaining to the Order.1
This assembly was held at Avignon, and was composed chiefly of
French and Spanish preceptors. Thus it was only justified in
making a temporary adjustment of Scottish grievances, and the
final settlement is reserved to the next Chapter at headquarters in
the Island of Rhodes.

Looking again at the deed itself, we find that the outstanding
feature disclosed by the operative clauses is the division of the
ecclesiastical property, revenues and general income of the Order
in Scotland into three parts, and the assignment of these, in a
specific but unequal way, to three separate individuals with varied
rents payable by each. Thus the church of Torphichen, which is
leased to John Binning along with certain lands adjoining, bears
an annual rent of seventy-one gold crowns (scuta auri), the church
of Balantrodach, with lands in the immediate neighbourhood,
assigned to Thomas Goodwin, of thirty-nine, and the other emolu-
ments, including all dues of entry of vassals of the Order, are
granted on lease to Alexander de Leighton at an annual payment
of two hundred and eighty-nine gold crowns.2

The arrangement made, however, is stated to be only
provisional, and was to remain firm and stable until the next

1 Statufa, tit. i. § 12. Ducange, s.v. Assembled.

2 Omnia alia emolumenta et introitus dicti religlonis. At first one is apt to consider
4 introitus ' as applying to dues payable by intrants into the Order, but none were
admitted in Scotland. It is clear that the reference is to feudal rents and casualties.

58 J°hn Edwards

General Chapter to be held at Rhodes, in which a definite
agreement was to be come to.

The whole property is stated as amounting in value yearly
to four hundred and fifty pounds (frand\ each pound being
reckoned as equal to sixteen shillings of Paris (solidi Parhiemes]
or to four hundred gold crowns (scuta auri\ each crown being
estimated as value for eighteen shillings of Paris.1

The rent above mentioned as payable by the three lessees
amounts in cumulo to three hundred and ninety-nine gold
crowns, which sum is one crown short of the annual value,
four hundred. This is somewhat curious, as the deed states
distinctly that added together, the three sums reach four
hundred scuta. One explanation that occurs is, that forty
having been expressed in the original by xxxx, xxxix has been
written by the copyist, per incuriam, inserting a i in front of
the last x.

It seems at first sight rather remarkable that the two
first-mentioned brethren pay between them a rent of only one
hundred and ten scuta, while Alexander de Leighton is taken
bound to pay two hundred and eighty-nine. The reason of
this is, that he gets possession of property yielding an indefinite
and elastic revenue, described as * all other emoluments and dues
of entries of the said Order existing in the said Kingdom as
well jurisdictional lordships of every kind of the said place of
Torphichen, as of all other places [in Scotland] belonging to our
Order.'

It is clear that these rights thus granted were valuable — the
stipulated rent is more than two and one-half times that pay-
able by the other two brethren combined — and this is explained
by the fact that the Order possessed real estate, ecclesiastical
and civil, all over Scotland, including churches, teinds, annual
rents and other heritable subjects, and that these carried with
them the feudal rights and privileges of a lord of a barony.
Sir Alexander de Leighton was thus granted by an outside
authority the position of a lay-lord with all the emoluments

1 The calculation of values in francs — Torphichen 260, Balantrodach 140 — is
to be looked upon as a gross valuation which makes no allowance for the expense
of living, upkeep, etc. (reprise}, and it does not include the * alia emolumenta et
introitus ' assigned to Leighton. These latter are not valued in gross as they are
indefinite and fluctuate from year to year. We may take it for granted, that
Sir Alexander de Leighton made what he considered a good bargain at 289 6cus.
He was on the spot, and presumably quite able to look after himself. Cf. Regis-
trant Efts, Aberdon. i. 220, 228.

The Hospitallers in Scotland 59

and immunities thereto belonging — soc and sac, thol and theme,
infangthief and outfangthief. In fact, he became thus entitled,
after investiture, to exercise the rights of jurisdiction, holding
of courts of the barony, admitting of vassals, wardship and
relief, which we find from later records were actually claimed
and exercised by his successors the preceptors of Torphichen.1
He was thus granted, what may be called the Mastership or
office of prior of the Scottish ' langue,' and the other two
brethren were virtually chaplains and entitled merely to the
ecclesiastical revenues of the churches with a certain added
return, in the case of Torphichen from the lands of Locharis,
and in that of Balantrodach from the two mills and the lands
of Hudspeth, Esperstoun and Utterstoun.

These properties, which lay in the immediate vicinity of the
respective churches,- were added in order to secure a sufficient
annual stipend for the chaplains, after remitting the stipulated
rent to headquarters. It is true that in the deed Thomas
Goodwin, who gets Balantrodach, is called preceptor, and so he
was at his own preceptory, the term thus applying solely to his
position at Balantrodach. He is elsewhere styled chaplain.2 He
and his colleague John Bynning were clearly in priests' orders.
To them was granted the cure of souls at Balantrodach and
Torphichen, and they thus were made responsible for the due
performance of divine service,3 while no such care is assigned to
Alexander de Leighton, who, although he belonged to the clergy
in the medieval sense, in virtue of his vows as a member of the
Order, yet was probably not in priest's orders. He would thus
represent the militant side, while Thomas Goodwin and John
Binning were entrusted with the maintenance in Scotland of the
religious worship and work which were undertaken by the Order
in its preceptories proper.

We can readily understand that a warlike knight, although
bound, as all the Hospitallers and Templars were, by the three
monastic vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, was not quite
a suitable person for celebrating divine service in Latin. He was
more in his element in a battle, and the arm of flesh was a weapon
to which he was thoroughly accustomed. This fact is vividly
brought out by an occurrence in Buckinghamshire about sixty years

1 Reg. Mag. Sigilli, i Jac. IV. 1791. 2Bain, Calendar, ut supra.

3 Philibert de Naillac promulgated a Statute ordering all officers, commanders,
and brethren to make it their earnest duty to have all churches and chapels under
their care put into ' a good and honourable state.' Vertot. Hist, de Maltey iv. p. 91.

60 °hn Edwards

before the date of our Charter. We quote from the Calendar
of Patent Rolls : ' Commission of oyer and terminer to William
de Shareshull [Chief Justice] and others on complaint by Simon
Warde of Buyton [Bonington] that John de Pavely, prior of the
Hospital of S. John of Jerusalem in England, Richard Wrikele
[de Werkele], John Dyngele, and Robert Cherleton his confreres
and others took him at Merlawe, county Buckingham, threw him
in a stank of water there, and kept [him] in the water as far as to
submersion, until to escape death he made oath not to sue against
the prior or any other of the said transgressors by reason of any
trespass done to him in the King's court or elsewhere, and that
afterwards drawing him out of the stank they assaulted and
greviously wounded him and likewise maimed his horse worth
iocs, and cut off its tail and ears, then set him so wounded
thereon and led him through the market of the town in the sight
of all the people assembled there, with loud shouting (ingenti
clamor e}.' 1 The gentleman thus treated by the head of the
English Hospitallers had arrived in the town with the object of
serving a summons upon the Order.

But to return to the document before us. It may be looked
upon as an attempt to reduce administration of the affairs of the
Hospitallers in Scotland to proper order and thus to secure two
results, — first, the due performance of the religious services and
duties attaching to the churches of the knights and those others of
which they were patrons, and second, the regular payment of the
revenue as stipulated to headquarters for behoof of the Order in the
East. These objects were both very desirable, but could only be
attained by eliminating competition and quarrels among the
brethren in Scotland, and by laying down the duties which each
was to undertake and the sum he was bound to remit yearly.

Of course, in order to form an idea of the total rent payable
according to present-day values, one must multiply the sum of
^450 by twelve or thereabouts. It would thus represent a rental
of ^5400 drawn by the Order from the estates in Scotland, after
providing for maintenance of the three brethren and the expenses
of the preceptories and churches.

We are in a position to compare this rent of the fifteenth
century with an earlier valuation. It is that of 1338, a time, as
will be remembered, when the fortunes of our land had sunk
very low, after the defeat of Halidon Hill. At that time the
English prior obtained a detailed return of the annual revenue
1 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 31 Edward III. part i, May 9, 1357.

The Hospitallers in Scotland 61

derived from all the preceptories under his jurisdiction for pre-
sentation to the Grand Master of the Order, Elyan de Villanova.
Scotland figures as capable of yielding no revenue whatever owing
to ' the fierce war waged there for many years, whence,' it is
declared, ' in these days nothing can be raised.' The report goes
on : * It was wont however, in time of peace, to return per annum
200 marks.' In the same document, when we reach the list of
possessions formerly belonging to the Knights-Templars and
thereafter to the Knights of St. John, we are told that, although
from the same cause ' they have been completely destroyed, burned
up, and annihilated, yet they used in the time of the Templars
and in time of peace to yield a revenue of 300 marks.'1 From
these statements of an official character — emanating, it is true, from
England, but still in all probability trustworthy — the following
facts as to values emerge. First, the original possessions of the
Templars, which were given over to the Hospitallers after the
suppression of the former in 1312, were of greater value in
Scotland than those of the Hospitallers themselves, viz., as 300
marks are to 200 marks. Second, the combined revenues of both
estates in time of peace reached 500 marks, equal to £333 6s. 8d.
This must have been during the reign of Alexander III., when a
large measure of peace and prosperity prevailed, and thus it was
during the time when each Order was drawing its own revenues.
The rental at that time represents to-day an annual sum of about
^4000 clear going to headquarters. Lastly, one sees the economic
disasters caused by Edward IIL's devastation of the country
during the reign of the weak King David Bruce. It must be
borne in mind that possibly advantage was taken of the state of
war between the countries to refuse all remittances to England,
but this explanation does not cover the whole case, for they could
have and would have been sent to France, if the Order in Scotland
had been able to do so. No return whatever from any of the
estates was received, and only one brother of the Order, William
de la Fforde, was to be found in the country, and no one knew
how he managed to live.2

In 1412 Alexander de Leighton had petitioned Benedict XIII.,
anti-pope, for a grant of the preceptory or priory, meaning
thereby the whole estates, and he then stated the value as £500.
In that petition he mentions that they have been committed to
John de Benyng.3 His petition was granted, but probably he

1 Hospitallers in England (Camden Society), pp, 129, 201. 2 Ibid. p. 201.
3 Calendar of 'Papal 'Registers, Petitions, i. p. 598.

62 °hn Edwards

found that possession was nine points of the law, and that it
was impossible to oust John, and thus the amicable understanding
was eventually come to, which recognised the Chaplain Thomas
Goodwin as preceptor at Balantrodach in Midlothian and John
Binning as preceptor at Torphichen, while Sir Alexander contented
himself with the general revenues of the Scottish estates of the
Order. Thus our deed embodies this arrangement.

The number of members of the Order in Scotland was always
small. We gather that in 1418 there were no more than three,
but of course there was a considerable body of servants engaged
in the varied occupations arising from the management of the
preceptories and estates, and there were at least five chaplains in
addition to the two who were located at Torphichen and Balan-
trodach.1 These served the several appropriated churches of
which the Order was rector, including the church at Maryculter
on the south side of the Dee in Kincardineshire. This property
came like Balantrodach to the Hospitallers upon the fall of the
Templars. It formed the Barony of Maryculter, which was
held by the Lords of Council and Session in 1548 to belong
to the preceptory in free regality, having been * in tymes by-
past replegit fra the Schiref of Kincardin & his deputis to the
fredome & privelege of the said regalite & baillies courttis
thairof.' z

We know that Alexander Seton, guardian of the house of
S. John of Jerusalem at Torphichen (i 345-6) 3, belonged to a
family connected by ties both of marriage and of patriotism with
the cause of Bruce, and possibly King Robert had facilitated the
gaining by the Hospitallers of effective possession of the extensive
estates of the Templars in the north. Of the seven churches
which the Order possessed in Scotland, four were in the Aber-
deenshire district.4 Thus we have evidence of the strong position
which the Knights eventually occupied in the north-east of Scot-
land. Maryculter, although itself a small preceptory or camera,

1 The churches belonging to the Order seem to have been (i) Torphichen, (2)
Temple of Balantrodach, the original chapel of the Templars, (3) Maryculter in
Kincardineshire, (4) Inchinnan in Renfrewshire, (5) Kilbathock or Kinbattoch,
the old name of Towie parish, Aberdeenshire (see Chartulary of Torphichen, p. 6),
(6) Aboyne, regarding which early in the eighteenth century we learn that ' the
Church is but a little edifice and thatched with heather without a bell,' (7)
Tullich (Chartularies of Torphichen and Drem, p. 9).

2 Register of Privy Council, vol. i., 1545-69.

8 Report Hist. MSS. Commission, v. 646 ; Robertson, Index, p. 1 6, 29.
4 These were Maryculter, Kilbathock [Towie], Aboyne, and Tullich.

The Hospitallers in Scotland 63

was clearly a centre of influence of an Order owning large
possessions in the neighbourhood, which were controlled and
administered from it.

It will be observed that in the same month in which this bull
of the Grand Master was granted, Alexander de Lychtoun had a
safe conduct to proceed to the Convent at Rhodes in such manner
as he pleased, with sufficient retinue (equis et armis], and to return.
He required this in order to attend the General Chapter of the
Order, which was to be held forthwith. It would thus appear
that he was the only one of the three Scottish brethren who
attended the Assembly at Avignon, and that his presence at
Rhodes was desired for a full and final adjustment of the matters
now put upon a basis holding out the prospect of a satisfactory
modus 'Vivendi in Scotland. What took place at Rhodes we know
not, but we do know that he retained his position in the Order,
and returned to Scotland, and we possess indications that his
interest lay in the north. Probably he made his residence at
Maryculter on the Dee, as we find that, in 1422, he was a witness
at Aberdeen to an important charter. He is the first witness,
and is styled ' Alexander de Lychtoun, Knight, Prior of the house
of Torfychyne.'1 He was a relative, probably a brother, of Henry
de Lychtoun, Bishop first of Moray and afterwards of Aberdeen,
a great builder who completed the walls of the Cathedral of Aber-
deen and erected the two western towers.2 The bishop's effigy
and epitaph are to be found at S. Machar's.

' Friar Alexander de Lychtone Knight prior of Torphikyn and
guardian and governor of all the lands of Saint John of Jeru-
salem within the realm of Scotland,' granted, in 1423, a charter
of confirmation as superior, by which he confirmed a mortification
of certain lands in the regality of the Garioch, for the purpose of
founding a chaplainry at the altar of S. Mary the Virgin, situated
in the south choir of the Church of Aberdeen. Bishop Henry,
Alexander Stewart, Earl of Mar and Garioch, ' the hero of
Harlaw,' and his son Thomas Stewart, Lord of ' B'onach '
[Badenoch] are the three first witnesses. Sir Alexander's close
connexion with the Bishop doubtless was the reason of the
privileges of his order being engrossed for preservation, as we

1 Reg, Mag. Sigitti, 23 Jac. I. No. 1 1 1. If the word 'Prior' is used strictly, it
indicates that he was head of the province of Scotland.

^Macfarlanis Geographical Collections, ii. 486. Mr. William Kelly, A.R.S.A.,
architect, author of St. Machar's Cathedral, has kindly lent his drawings and given
valuable information.

64 John Edwards

find them, in the Regis trum Album of the Bishopric of Aberdeen.1
It appears that early in his career he held the office of rector of
the hospital of S. Peter, which Bishop Matthew of Aberdeen
founded in the twelfth century. This, along with the endow-
ments, he resigned into his relative the bishop's hands, the deed
recording the transaction bearing that the bishop had come to the
conclusion that the management of the hospital had been for a
long time lax, and the original purpose of charitable hospitality
towards the poor and infirm had not been observed.2 The
Leightons were kinsmen of Robert, Duke of Albany, Regent
of Scotland, which fact accounts in part for their influential
position.3 Sir Alexander de Leighton must have been dead
before October 14, 1427, for at that date 'Brother Thomas
Gudwyn and John Ledal, Esquire (Scutifer\ and of the king's
household, were appointed procurators of the house of the
hospital of S. John of Jerusalem, for directing, governing, and
levying the lordships and possessions of the said hospital in
Scotland during the king's pleasure.'4 This appointment was
of course only temporary during a vacancy, and the nomination
of Thomas Goodwin as one of the procurators shows that he
(who it will be recollected got the Church of Balantrodach or
Temple) was trusted by the king (James I.) as a suitable adminis-
trator. Ledal, his colleague, is apparently a layman, and possibly
was not a member of the Order.

By the year 1432 Sir Andrew Meldrum emerges as on his way
to Rhodes with six attendants, and by the autumn of the follow-
ing year he had reached Flanders on his return with a retinue of
six persons and horses, etc.5 His chaplain, Sir John Kyndeloch
(Kinloch) appears as accompanying him in 1438 to England.6 He
and Thomas of Torphichen, Chaplain — probably Thomas Good-
win — figure in the Exchequer Accounts for the same year as
having received between them £23 6s. 8d. in lieu of the teinds
(decimae garbales) of the Churches of ' Obyne ' and * Kylbethow '
(Towie), which had been diverted two years before by royal
authority to the maintenance of the king and court at the Castle

1 The documents are Bulls of Pope Honorius III. and Pope Alexander IV. in
favour of the Templars and those of Innocent IV. in favour of the Hospitallers. Reg.
Epis. Aberdon. ii. p. 259^

2 Reg. Epis. Aberdon. i. p. 228. 3 Bliss, C.P.R. Petitions, i. 639.

. Mag. Sigilli, 22 Jac. I. No. 104. 5Bain, Calendar, iv. 1058, 1066.
1117.

The Hospitallers in Scotland 65

of Kildrummy.1 He is there styled Sir Andrew of Melgdrum,
Knight, Master of Torphichen.

We have attempted to deal somewhat in detail with the
economic and financial aspect of the administration of the Hospi-
tallers in Scotland in the fifteenth century, because it tends to
throw light upon the state and resources of the country at that
period, a subject not, perhaps, adequately handled in political
histories.

A considerable amount of material bearing upon the properties
of the Hospitallers has been collected and published by the late
Mr. James Maidment, Advocate, from MSS. in the Advocates'
Library, Edinburgh, and other private sources. Among these he
has printed an Abstract of the Charters and other papers recorded in
the Chartulary of Torphichen. This was taken from a document,
now lost, produced in the Court of Session in 1782. The
Abstract embraces a period of fifteen years between 1581 and
1596. In those fifteen years the deeds granted by the superior
(Lord Torphichen) to his vassals and tenants, and registered for
preservation, number upwards of eight hundred ; and these deal
with properties scattered over the whole country from Inverness
to Wigtown — excluding the West Highlands — in the somewhat
pompous phraseology of the record itself & lie limitibus versus
Angliam et sic descendendo per totum regnum ab dictis limitibus usque
ad Orchades.

JOHN EDWARDS.

APPENDIX.

[Lib. Bull. Mag. Vol. xxvii.f. 130.]

TEXT. TRANSLATION.

ANGLIE HYBERNIE & SCOCIE ENGLAND IRELAND AND

cxxx SCOTLAND.

Frater Philibertus de Nailhaco etc. Brother Philibert de Nailhac &c.

Attendentes in quanta possunt nostre Recognising what great damage

religionis bona redditus prouentus to the goods, returns, revenues,

lura et dominia debite regiminis ob rights and lordships of our Order

defectum cadere detrimenta Quod- may result from want of proper ad-

que prouisionis huiusmodi nobis onus ministration, and that the burden

incumbit Notum facimus uniuersis of making provision of this nature

presentes literas inspecturis quod lies upon us, We make known to

post multiplicium nostre religionis all men by these presents that after

1 Exchequer Rolls, v. p. 35.
£

66

John Edwards

TEXT.

negociorum arduorum in nostra pre-
senti assembleya tractatorum salu-
brem epedicionem (sic) regiminis
bonorum prefate religionis in regno
Scocie existencium nostrorumque
trium fratrum inibi commorancium
videlicet Alexandri de Lahton
Johannis Benyn et Thome Gudwyn
status condecenciam (sic) nostre con-
sideracionis aciem dirigentes audita
relacione religiosorum in Christo
nobis carissimorum fratrum Johannis
de Autuno de Bellacomba Garcie de
Turribus legum doctoris de Villa
francha de Penedes preceptoris et
Pascalis Martini de Torrella prioris
ecclesie Montessoni per nos et dictam
Assambleyam ad inquisicionem exti-
macionis bonorum omnium que lam-
dicta Religio in dicto regno Scocie
hactenus habuit et possedit et de
presenti habet et possidet deputa-
torum et specialiter commissorum
pro bono pacis unionis et concordie
fraternalis dilectionis nutriendarum
inter prenominates fratres ac con-
servacione bonorum et lurium dicte
Religionis in eodem Regno existen-
cium De voluntate consilio et assensu
Religiosorum in Christo nobis Caris-
simorum fratrum Galteri Crassi de-
cretorum doctoris prioris ecclesie
conuentualis nostri Rodi Johannis
Gamelli preceptoris Vallifranche
procuratoris nostri Rodi conuentus
Johannis Flote Sancti Egidii Gauf-
fridi de Canadal Catalonie prioris
Petri Pignatelli Anthonii de Verneto
forensis Johannis de Patria de
Tenale Thesaurarii dicti Conuentus
Petri de Galberto Arelatensis Karoli
de Busca Johannis Dotun de Bella
comba Bailliui insule nostre Rodi
Guillelmi de Sancto Juliano de
Marchia Philiberti de Aqua de
Maloleone Anthonii de Sancto
Amendo de Bignes Georgii de

TRANSLATION.

the satisfactory adjustment of many
difficult affairs of our Order dealt
with in our present assembly, be-
stowing keen consideration upon
the administration of the goods of
the said Order within the realm of
Scotland and upon a suitable pro-
vision for our three brethren residing
there, viz. Alexander de Lahton John
Benyn and Thomas Gudwyn and
having heard the views of our
dearest brethren in Christ John
d'Autun de Bellacombe Garcia de
Tours Doctor of Laws of Villa-
francha del Panades preceptor and
Pascal Martini de Torrellas prior
of the Church of Montressa com-
missioned and specially appointed by
us and the said assembly for the
investigation of the value of all the
property which the beforenamed
Order in the said realm of Scotland
has hitherto owned and possessed
and at present owns and possesses,
and for the blessing of the culti-
vation of peace, union, and brotherly
affection among the said brethren,
and also for the conservation of the
property and legal rights of the said
Order existing within the said realm
By will, advice and consent of our
very dear and reverend brethren in
Christ, Walter Crassi, Doctor of
Decrees prior of the conventual
Church of our island of Rhodes,
John Gamelli, preceptor of Villa-
francha procurator of our convent
at Rhodes, John Flote of Saint
Gilles, Geoffrey de Canadal, prior of
Catalonia, Peter Pignatelli, Anthony
de Vernet Advocate, John de Patria
de Tenale Treasurer of the said
Convent, Peter de Galbert of Aries,
Charles de Busca, John d'Autun de
Bellacombe Bailiff of our Island
of Rhodes, William of Saint Julian
de Marchia, Philibert de Aqua de

The Hospitallers in Scotland

TEXT.

Crinellis Auinionensis Michaelis
Ferrendi Verone Petri de Limam
de Terrento et de Cinqua Pascalis
Martini prioris Montissoni Ludouici
de Galbis Barchinonensis Dalmacii
Patruai de Maillorqua Johannis de
Bellagut degreynencis Grasie de
Turribus legum doctoris de Villa-
francha de Penendes Johannis de
Villafrancha Gabrielis de Gabalbis
de Aqua Vina Bernardi de Quos-
queri de Salnera Michaelis de Pena
de Nouasso Gabrielis de Asineriis
Montistalerii Johannis Gerandi
Sancti Petri Anecii preceptoris Petri
Medici Raymondi Delmas Fres-
chine de Pereya Aymory de Sesselo
dementis de Xrecis et Reginaldi
Parui clerici ac aliorum fratrum
nostrorum plurium in nostre assem-
bleye celebratione nobis assistencium
Voluimus et Ordinauimus Volumus-
que et per presentes Ordinamus in
modo qui sequitur Primo eidem
fratri Johanni Benyn assignamus
ecclesiam de Torfychin quod deci-
mas oblaciones et alia obveniencia
ratione cure animarum unacum
firmis terre de Locharis infra domi-
nium de Torfachin que omnia
ducentos sexaginta francos compu-
tando sexdecim solidos Parisienses
pro quolibet franco valent annuatim
Item eidem fratri Thome Gudwyn
pariter assignamus ecclesiam de
Bartrodoch quod decimas et obla-
ciones et obveniencia ratione cure
animarum cum duobus molendinis
et cum firmis terrarum Hudspeth et
Esperstoun et Utherstoun que omnia
centum quadraginta francos secun-
dum predictum valorem ascendunt
communiter annuatim Omnia vero
alia emolumenta et introitus dicte
religionis in eodem regno existencia
tarn dominia iuridicionalia qualia-
cunque died loci de Torfychin

TRANSLATION.

Mauleon Anthony de Saint Amand
de Bigny, George de Crinelli of
Avignon, Michael Ferrend of Verona
Peter de Limam de Terrent and
de Cinqua, Pascal Martini prior
of Montisson, Louis de Galbi of
Barcelona, Dalmacius Patruai of
Majorca, John de Bellagut de
Greynan, Garcia de Turris Doctor
of Laws of Villafrancha del Penedes
John de Villafrancha Gabriel de
Gabalbis de Aqua-vina, Bernard de
Quosquer de Salnera Michael de
Pena de Novaes, Gabriel de Asnieres
Montisvalerii (Montvalerien) John
Geraud of St. Peter's of Annecy,
Preceptor, Peter Medicus, Raymund
Delmas, Freskin de Pereya, Aymory
de Sesselo, Clement de Trecis and
Reginald Small clerk and numerous
other brethren present and taking
part in the business of our assembly
Have Willed and Ordained and
Do by these presents Will and
Ordain in manner following: In
the first place we assign to the said
brother John Benyn the church
of Torfychin, the teinds oblations
and other emoluments by reason of
the cure of souls along with the
rents of the land of Locharis within
the Barony of Torfachin all which
amount together annually to two
hundred and sixty pounds com-
puting sixteen Parisian shillings
for each pound : Also to the
said Brother Thomas Gudwyn,
preceptor, We Assign the Church
of Bartrodoch, the teinds and obla-
tions and emoluments by reason
of the cure of souls with the two
mills and with the rents of the lands
of Hudspeth and Esperstoun and
Utherstoun all which amount to-
gether annually to one hundred and
forty pounds according to the fore-
said value : But all other emolu-

68

The Hospitallers in Scotland

TEXT.

quam de aliis quibuscunque locis
eidem nostre Religion! pertinentibus
eidem fratri Alexandro remanebunt
Eisdem tribus fratribus quadringenta
scuta auri vel eorum valorem advalu-
atum ad quadringentos quinquaginta
francos computandos decem et octo
solidos Parisienses pro quolibet scuto,
nostro communi thesauro singulis
annis per eos soluenda cuilibet scili-
cet pro sua rata de voluntate consilio
et assensu predictis imponenda vide-
licet fratri Johanni Benyn scuta
septuaginta unum dicto vero fratri
Thome Goudwyn scuta xxxix et
eidem fratro (sic) Alexandro de
Lychon scuta ducenta octoginta
nouem que simul iuncta ad summam
predictorum quadringentorum scuto-
rum ascendunt Hoc autem usque
ad nostrum Generale Capitulum
Rodi Diuina fauente clemencia
proximo celebrandum in quo de hiis
penitus concludetur firma et stabilia
manere volumus, et interim per iam
nominates fratres inuiolabiliter obser-
uari : Datum Auinioni die undecima
mensis Augusti Anno Incarnacionis
Domini Millesimo ccccmo xviiimo

Item die xxiija mensis Augusti anno
et loco predictis, data fuit licencia
fratri Alexandro de Lychtoun de
Scocia eundi ad Conuentum Rodi
quomodo voluerit cum equis et armis
sufficientibus secundum statuta &c
et deinde redeundi &c.

TRANSLATION.

ments and dues of entry of the said
religious Order existing in the said
Kingdom as well jurisdictional lord-
ships of every kind of the said Place
of Torfychin as of all other Places
belonging to our religious Order
shall remain in the possession of
the said Brother Alexander : The
said three Brethren paying each
year to our common treasury four
hundred gold crowns or their esti-
mated value, calculated at four
hundred and fifty pounds reckoning
eighteen shillings of Paris for each
crown, this sum being assessed to
each pro rata by will advice and
assent aforesaid, namely to brother
John Benyn seventy-one crowns, to
the said brother Thomas Goudwyn
thirty-nine crowns and to the said
brother Alexander de Lychon two
hundred and eighty-nine crowns
which added together amount to the
foresaid sum of four hundred crowns:
This however We desire to remain
firm and stable until our next general
Chapter to be held at Rhodes by
Divine favour in which a definite
arrangement shall be come to, and
meanwhile to be observed inviolably
by the foresaid three brethren :
Given at Avignon upon the eleventh
day of the month of August in
the year of the Incarnation of our
Lord 1418.

Item, upon the twenty-third day
of the month of August, year and
place before written there was given
licence to Brother Alexander de
Lychtoun of Scotland to proceed to
the Convent at Rhodes in what
manner may please him with suitable
horses and armed retinue conform to
the Statutes &c. and to return thence
&c.

Chronicle of Lanercost1

ALL lepers who could be found in nearly all parts across the
sea as far as Rome, were burnt; for they had
been secretly hired at a great price by the Pagans to
poison the waters of the Christians and thereby to cause their
death.

In summer of the same year Humfrey de Bohun, Earl of
Hereford, Sir John de Mowbray, Sir Roger de Clifford, with
many other barons, knights, esquires and a great force of other
horse and foot, entered the March of Wales, and speedily took
and occupied without opposition the various castles of Sir Hugh
Despenser the younger, who was, as it were, the King of England's
right eye and, after the death of Piers de Gavestoun, his chief
counsellor against the earls and barons. These castles they
despoiled of treasure and all other goods, and put keepers therein
of their own followers ; also they seized the king's castles in those
parts, and although they removed the king's arms and standard
from the same, they declared that they were doing all these things,
not against the crown, but for the crown and law of the realm of
England. But all these things were done by advice and command
of the Earl of Lancaster. These earls and barons were specially
animated against the said Sir Hugh because he had married one of
the three sisters among whom the noble earldom of Gloucester
had been divided, and because, being a most avaricious man, he
had contrived by different means and tricks that he alone should
possess the lands and revenues, and for that reason had devised
grave charges against those who had married the other two sisters,
so that he might obtain the whole earldom for himself.

The aforesaid [knights], then, holding the castles in this manner
and prevailing more and more against the king from day to day,
in the following autumn they, as it were, compelled the king to
hold a parliament in London and to yield to their will in all things.

JSee Scottish Historical Revietvy\'\. 13, 174, 281, 383 ; vii. 56, 160, 271, 377 ;
viii. 22, 159, 376, 377.

70 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

In this parliament Sir Hugh Despenser the younger was banished
for ever, with his father and son, and all their property was con-
fiscated.

Now after the Epiphany,1 when the truce between the kingdoms
lapsed, the Scottish army invaded England and marched into the
bishopric of Durham, and the Earl of Moray remained at Dar-
lington. But James of Douglas and the Steward of Scotland went
forward plundering the country in all directions, one of them
raiding towards Hartlepool and the district of Cleveland, the
other towards Richmond. The people of Richmond county,
neither having nor hoping to have any defender now as formerly,
bought off the invaders with a great sum of money. This time
the Scots remained in England a fortnight and more ; and when
the northern knights came to the Earl of Lancaster at Pontefract,
where he usually dwelt, ready to fight against the Scots if he would
assist them, he feigned excuse ; and no wonder ! seeing that he
cared not to take up arms in the cause of a king who was ready
to attack him.

Howbeit, as time went on, the king, through the efforts of
some of his adherents, drew to his party by large gifts and
promises the citizens of London and other southerners, earls as
well as barons and knights. And he granted leave for the said
two exiles to return,2 received them to his peace, and caused this
to be publicly proclaimed in London.

When this report was received, the party of the Earl of
Lancaster besieged the king's castle of Tykhill with a large army ;
and thus war was declared and begun in England, and the enmity
between the king and the earl was made manifest.

When, therefore, the whole strength of the king's party south
of Trent was assembled at Burton-upon-Trent, some 60,000
fighting men, in the second week of Lent, about the feast of the
Forty Martyr Saints,3 the Earl of Lancaster and the Earl of
Hereford (who had married the king's sister) attacked them with
barons, knights and other cavalry, and with foot archers ; but
the earl's forces were soon thrown into confusion and retired
before the king's army, taking their way towards Pontefract,
where the earl usually dwelt. The king followed him with his
army at a leisurely pace, but there was no slaughter to speak of
on either side ; and although the earl would have awaited the
king there and given him battle, yet on the advice of his people
he retired with his army into the northern district.

*6th January, 1322. 2The Despensers. 3 loth March, 1322.

Chronicle of Lanercost 71

Now when that valiant and famous knight, Sir Andrew de
Harcja, Sheriff of Carlisle, heard of their approach, believing that
they intended to go to Scotland to ally themselves with the Scots
against the King of England, acting under the king's commission
and authority, he summoned, under very heavy penalties, the
knights, esquires and other able men of the two counties, to wit,
Cumberland and Westmorland, all who were able to bear arms,
to assemble for the king's aid against the oft-mentioned earl.
But when the said Sir Andrew, on his march towards the king
with that somewhat scanty following, had spent the night at Ripon,
he learnt from a certain spy that the earl and his army were
going to arrive on the morrow at the town of Boroughbridge,
which is only some four miles distant from the town of Ripon.
Pressing forward, therefore, at night, he got a start of the earl,
occupying the bridge of Boroughbridge before him, and, sending
his horses and those of his men to the rear, he posted all his
knights and some pikemen on foot at the northern end of the
bridge, and other pikemen he stationed in schiltrom, after the
Scottish fashion, opposite the ford or passage of the water, to
oppose the cavalry wherein the enemy put his trust. Also he
directed his archers to keep up a hot and cc "tant discharge upon
the enemy as he approached. On Tuesday, then, after the third
Sunday in Lent, being the seventeenth of the kalends of April,1
the aforesaid earls arrived in force, and perceiving that Sir Andrew
had anticipated them by occupying the north end of the bridge,
they arranged that the Earl of Hereford and Sir Roger de Clifford
(a man of great strength who had married his daughter) should
advance with their company and seize the bridge from the pikemen
stationed there, while the Earl of Lancaster with the rest of the
cavalry should attack the ford and seize the water and the ford
from the pikemen, putting them to flight and killing all who
resisted ; but matters took a different turn. For when the Earl
of Hereford (with his standard-bearer leading the advance, to wit,
Sir Ralf de Applinsdene) and Sir Roger de Clifford and some
other knights, had entered upon the bridge before the others as
bold as lions, charging fiercely upon the enemy, pikes were thrust
at the earl from all sides ; he fell immediately and was killed with
his standard-bearer and the knights aforesaid, to wit, Sir W.
de Sule and Sir Roger de Berefield ; but Sir Roger de Clifford,
though grievously wounded with pikes and arrows, and driven
back, escaped with difficulty along with the others.

1 1 6th March, 1322.

72 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

The Earl [of Lancaster's] cavalry, when they endeavoured to
cross the water, could not enter it by reason of the number and
density of arrows which the archers discharged upon them and
their horses. This affair being thus quickly settled, the Earl of
Lancaster and his people retired from the water, nor did they dare
to approach it again, and so their whole array was thrown into
disorder. Wherefore the earl sent messengers to Sir Andrew,
requesting an armistice until the morning, when he would either
give him battle or surrender to him. Andrew agreed to the earl's
proposal ; nevertheless he kept his people at the bridge and the
river all that day and throughout the night, so as to be ready for
battle at any moment.

But during that night the Earl of Hereford's men deserted and
fled, because their lord had been killed, also many of the Earl of
Lancaster's men and those of my Lord de Clifford and others
deserted from them. When morning came, therefore, the Earl of
Lancaster, my Lord de Clifford, my Lord de Mowbray and all
who had remained with them, surrendered to Sir Andrew, who
himself took them to York as captives, where they were con-
fined in the castle to await there the pleasure of my lord the
king.

The king, then, greatly delighted by the capture of these
persons, sent for the earl to come to Pontefract, where he remained
still in the castle of the same earl ; and there, in revenge for the
death of Piers de Gaveston (whom the earl had caused to be
beheaded), and at the instance of the earl's rivals (especially of
Sir Hugh Despenser the younger), without holding a parliament
or taking the advice of the majority, caused sentence to be pro-
nounced that he should be drawn, hanged and beheaded. But,
forasmuch as he was the queen's uncle and son of the king's
uncle, the first two penalties were commuted, so that he was
neither drawn nor hanged, only beheaded in like manner as this
same Earl Thomas had caused Piers de Gaveston to be beheaded.
Howbeit, other adequate cause was brought forward and alleged,
to wit, that he had borne arms against the King of England in
his own realm ; but those who best knew the king's mind declared
that the earl never would have been summarily beheaded without
the advice of parliament, nor so badly treated, had not that other
cause prevailed, but that he would have been imprisoned for life
or sent into exile.

This man, then, said to be of most eminent birth and noblest
of Christians, as well as the wealthiest earl in the world, inasmuch

Chronicle of Lanercost 73

as he owned five earldoms, to wit, Lancaster, Lincoln, Salisbury,
Leycester and Ferrers, was taken on the morrow of S. Benedict
Abbot 1 in Lent and beheaded like any thief or vilest rascal upon
a certain hillock outside the town, where now, because of the
miracles which it is said God works in his honour, there is a great
concourse of pilgrims, and a chapel has been built. In the afore-
said town Sir Garin de 1'Isle, a king's baron, also was drawn and
hanged, and three knights with him. But the aforesaid Sir
Andrew [de Harcla] was made Earl of Carlisle for his good
service and courage.

Besides the decollation of the most noble Earl of Lancaster at
Pontefract, and the slaying of the Earl of Hereford and two
knights at Boroughbridge, eight English barons, belonging to the
party and policy of the earl and his friends, were afterwards drawn
and hanged, as I have been informed, and one other died in his
bed, it is believed through grief. Four others were taken and
immediately released ; ten others were imprisoned and released
later. Also fifteen knights were drawn and hanged ; one died in
his bed, and five escaped and fled to France ; five were taken and
released at once, and sixty-two were taken and imprisoned, but
were released later. O the excessive cruelty of the king and his
friends !

In addition to all these aforesaid, the following barons were
taken with the earl at Boroughbridge and in the neighbourhood :
Sir Hugh de Audley,2 who owned a third part of the earldom of
Gloucester, Sir John Giffard,3 Sir Bartholomew de Badlesmere,4

1 22nd March, 1321-22.

2 Sir Hugh de Audley of Stratton Audley, youngest son of James Audley or
de Aldithley of Heleigh, co. Stafford: created baron by writ in 1321. After
being taken at Boroughbridge he was confined in Wallingford Castle, whence he
is said to have escaped and afterwards to have been pardoned. His second son,
Hugh, was created baron by writ during his father's life, 1317. He also was
taken at Boroughbridge, but was pardoned and summoned again to parliament in
1326. He was created Earl of Gloucester in 1336-37. He married Margaret de
Clare, Countess of Cornwall, widow of Piers Gavestoun.

8 Sir John Giffard, called le Rycb, of Brimsfield, Gloucestershire, was son of
that John Giffard who took prisoner Llewelyn, Prince of Wales, and beheaded him in
1282. He was Constable of Glamorgan and Morgannoe Castles, and was hanged
at Gloucester.

4 Sir Bartholomew de Badlesmere in Kent, summoned as baron by writ 1309-2 1 ;
hanged at Canterbury, 22nd April, 1322. His wife Margaret, aunt and
co-heir of Thomas de Clare, refused to admit Queen Isabella to the royal castle of
Leeds (Kent) in 1321, was besieged there, and, having been taken oh nth
November, 1321, was imprisoned in the Tower, but was afterwards released.

74 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

Sir Henry de Tyes,1 Sir John de Euer,2 Sir William Touchet,3
Sir Robert de Holand,4 Sir Thomas Maudent.5 Now Sir John de
Mowbray 6 and Sir Roger de Clifford,7 were drawn and hanged at
York with Sir Jocelyn de Dayvile, a knight notorious for his mis-
deeds ; but Sir Bartholomew de Badlesmere was taken near
Canterbury, and was there drawn, hanged and beheaded. Sir
Henry Tyes was drawn and hanged in London, each of them in
his own district for their greater disgrace, except the aforesaid
Sir Hugh de Audley and others. Also there were imprisoned at
York about sixty-seven knights, but most of these afterwards
obtained the king's pardon.

After this the king held his parliament at York, and there
Hugh Despenser the elder, sometime exiled from England, was
made Earl of Winchester.

About this time the question was raised and discussed in
various consistories and before the Pope, whether it was heresy to
say that Christ owned no private property nor even anything in
common ; the Preaching Friars held that it was [heresy] and the

1 Sir Henry de Tyes of Shirburn, Oxon., baron by writ, 1313-21, was
beheaded. He was brother-in-law of Sir Warine de Lisle.

2 Sir John de Euer. I find no baron summoned under this name till 1544,
when Sir William Eure or Evers of Wilton, co. Durham, appears as Lord Eure,
Baron of Wilton. His father and he were successive Wardens of the East Marches,
and his son and grandson Wardens of the Middle Marches.

8 Sir William Touchet was probably the same who was summoned as baron by
writ, 1299-1306. He belonged to Northamptonshire, and subscribed the famous
letter to the Pope in 1301 as Willielmus Touchet dominus de Levenhales.

4 Sir Robert de Holand, co. Lancaster, baron by writ, 1314-21. He married
Maud, 2nd daughter of Alan, Lord Touche of Ashley, and acted as secretary to
Thomas, Earl of Lancaster ; but, having failed to support him in his rebellion, he
was taken by some of the earl's adherents near Windsor as late as 1328, and
beheaded on yth October.

5 Sir Thomas Maudent. There is no trace of a baron of this name in
Edward II.'s parliaments ; though Sir John Mauduit of Somerford Mauduit,
Wilts., was summoned in 1342 to Edward III.'s parliament.

6 Sir John de Mowbray of the Isle of Axholme, co. Lincoln, had done
excellent service in the Scottish war. That he was concerned in Lancaster's
rebellion is one of the many proofs of the despair which the best men in the realm
entertained of any good coming from Edward II. He was Warden of the Marches
and Sheriff of Yorkshire in 1312-13, and was hanged at York in 1322. But there
was no attainder, and the present Lord Mowbray claims, as 24th baron, to be the
senior of his degree.

7 Sir Roger de Clifford of the county of Hereford, son of Sir Robert killed at
Bannockburn. According to some accounts, he was alive in the reign of
Edward III. He was the second baron : the present Lord de Clifford is the 26th
baron.

Chronicle of Lanercost 7

Minorite Friars that it was not, chiefly on the strength of that
decretal in Sextus — Exiit quod seminat. Of the cardinals and
other seculars, some held one opinion, others another.

The king mustered an army in order to approach Scotland about
the feast of S. Peter ad Vincula ; l hearing of which Robert de
Brus invaded England with an army by way of Carlisle

A n T 3 2 ?

in the octave before the Nativity of S. John the
Baptist,2 and burnt the bishop's manor at Rose,3 and Allerdale,
and plundered the monastery of Holm Cultran, notwithstanding
that his father's body was buried there ; and thence proceeded to
waste and plunder Copeland, and so on beyond the sands of
Duddon to Furness. But the Abbot of Furness went to meet
him, and paid ransom for the district of Furness that it should
not be again burnt or plundered, and took him to Furness Abbey.
This notwithstanding, the Scots set fire to various places and
lifted spoil. Also they went further beyond the sands of Leven
to Cartmel, and burnt the lands round the priory of the Black
Canons,4 taking away cattle and spoil : and so they crossed the
sands of Kent 5 as far as the town of Lancaster, which they burnt,
except the priory of the Black Monks and the house of the
Preaching Friars. The Earl of Moray and Sir James of Douglas
joined them there with another strong force, and so they marched
forward together some twenty miles to the south, burning every-
thing and taking away prisoners and cattle as far as the town of
Preston in Amoundness, which also they burnt, except the house
of the Minorite Friars. Some of the Scots even went beyond
that town fifteen miles to the south, being then some eighty miles
within England ; and then all returned with many prisoners and
cattle and much booty ; so that on the vigil of S. Margaret
Virgin 6 they came to Carlisle, and lay there in their tents around
the town for five days, trampling and destroying as much of the
crops as they could by themselves and their beasts. They re-
entered Scotland on the vigil of S. James the Apostle,7 so that
they spent three weeks and three days in England on that
occasion.

The King of England came to Newcastle about the feast of
S. Peter ad Vincula,8 and shortly afterwards invaded Scotland

1 ist August. 2 1 7th June.

3 About seven miles from Carlisle. 4 Austin Canons.

6 The river Kent, between Westmorland and Lancashire whence Kendal takes
its name, i.e. Kent dale.

6 1 2th July. 7 24th July. 8 ist August.

76 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

with his earls, barons, knights and a very great army ; but the
Scots retired before him in their usual way, nor dared to give
him battle. Thus the English were compelled to evacuate
Scottish ground before the Nativity of the Glorious Virgin,1
owing as much to want of provender as to pestilence in the
army ; for famine killed as many soldiers as did dysentery.

After the retreat of the King of England the King of Scotland
collected all his forces, both on this side of the Scottish sea 2 and
beyond it, and from the Isles and from Bute and Arran,3 and on
the day after the feast of S. Michael * he invaded England by the
Solway and lay for five days at Beaumond, about three miles from
Carlisle, and during that time sent the greater part of his force to
lay waste the country all around ; after which he marched into
England to Blackmoor6 (whither he had never gone before nor
laid waste those parts, because of their difficulty of access), having
learned for a certainty from his scouts that the King of England
was there. The king, however, hearing of his approach, wrote
to the new Earl of Carlisle,6 commanding him to muster all the
northern forces, horse and foot, of his county and Lancaster, that
were fit for war, and to come to his aid against the Scots. This
he [Carlisle] did, having taken command of the county of Lan-
caster, so that he had 30,000 men ready for battle ; and whereas
the Scots were in the eastern district, he brought his forces by
the western district so as to reach the king. But the Scots burnt
the villages and manors in Blackmoor, and laid waste all that they
could, taking men away as prisoners, together with much booty
and cattle.

Now my lord John of Brittany, Earl of Richmond, having
been detached with his division by the king to reconnoitre the
army of the Scots from a certain height between Biland Abbey
and Rievaulx Abbey, and being suddenly attacked and surprised
by them, attempted by making his people hurl stones to repel
their assault by a certain narrow and steep pass in the hill ; but
the Scots forced their way fiercely and courageously against them ;
many English escaped by flight and many were made prisoners,

1 8th September. 2 The Firths of Forth and Clyde.

8 Df Brandanis : the Atlantic was known as Brendanicum mare.
4 3Oth September.

6 Blakehoumor, Blackmoor in the North Riding, the old name of the moorland
south of Cleveland.

* Sir Andrew de Harcla.

Chronicle of Lanercost 77

including the aforesaid earl. Justly, indeed, did he incur that
punishment, seeing that it was he himself who had prevented
peace being made between the realms.

When this became known to the King of England, who was
then in Rievaulx Abbey, he, being ever chicken-hearted and
luckless in war and having [already] fled in fear from them in
Scotland, now took to flight in England, leaving behind him in
the monastery in his haste his silver plate and much treasure.
Then the Scots, arriving immediately after, seized it all and
plundered the monastery, and then marched on to the Wolds,
taking the Earl [of Richmond] with them, laying waste that
country nearly as far as the town of Beverley, which was held to
ransom to escape being burnt by them in like manner as they
had destroyed other towns.

Now when the aforesaid Earl of Carlisle heard that the king
was at York, he directed his march thither in order to attack the
Scots with him and drive them out of the kingdom ; but when
he found the king all in confusion and no army mustered, he
disbanded his own forces, allowing every man to return home.
The Scots on that occasion did not go beyond Beverley, but
returned laden with spoil and with many prisoners and much
booty ; and on the day of the Commemoration of All Souls1 they
entered Scotland, after remaining in England one month and
three days. Wherefore, when the said Earl of Carlisle perceived
that the King of England neither knew how to rule his realm nor
was able to defend it against the Scots, who year by year laid it
more and more waste, he feared lest at last he [the king] should
lose the entire kingdom ; so he chose the less of two evils,
and considered how much better it would be for the community
of each realm if each king should possess his own kingdom freely
and peacefully without any homage, instead of so many homicides
and arsons, captivities, plunderings and raidings taking place
every year. Therefore on the 3rd January [1323] the said Earl
of Carlisle went secretly to Robert the Bruce at Lochmaben and,
after holding long conference and protracted discussion with him,
at length, to his own perdition, came to agreement with him in the
following bond. The earl firmly pledged himself, his heirs and
their adherents to advise and assist with all their might in main-
taining the said Robert as King of Scotland, his heirs and successors,
in the aforesaid independence, and to oppose with all their force all
those who would not join in nor even consent to the said treaty,

1 ist November.

78 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

as hinderers of the public and common welfare. And the said
Robert, King of Scotland, pledged himself upon honour to assist
and protect with all his might the said earl and all his heirs and
their adherents according to the aforesaid compact, which he was
willing should be confirmed by six persons each [kingdom] to be
nominated by the aforesaid king and earl. And if the King of
England should give his assent to the said treaty within a year,
then the King of Scots should cause a monastery to be built in
Scotland, the rental whereof should be five hundred merks, for
the perpetual commemoration of and prayer for the souls of those
slain in the war between England and Scotland, and should pay
to the King of England within ten years 80,000 merks of silver,
and that the King of England should have the heir male of the
King of Scotland in order to marry to him any lady of his
blood.

On behalf of the King of Scotland my Lord Thomas Randolf,
Earl of Moray, swore to the faithful fulfilment of all these con-
ditions without fraud, and the said Earl of Carlisle in his own
person, touching the sacred gospels ; and written indentures
having been made out, their seals were set thereto mutually.

Now the Earl of Carlisle made the aforesaid convention and
treaty with the Scots without the knowledge and consent of the
King of England and of the kingdom in parliament ; nor was he
more than a single individual, none of whose business it was to
transact such affairs. But the said earl, returning soon after from
Scotland, caused all the chief men in his earldom to be summoned
to Carlisle, both regulars and laymen, and there, more from fear
than from any liking, they made him their oath that they would
help him faithfully to fulfil all the things aforesaid. But after all
these things had been made known for certain to the King and
kingdom of England, the poor folk, middle class and farmers in
the northern parts were not a little delighted that the King of
Scotland should freely possess his own kingdom on such terms
that they themselves might live in peace. But the king and his
council were exceedingly put out (and no wonder !) because he
whom the king had made an earl so lately had allied himself to
the Scots, an excommunicated enemy, to the prejudice of the
realm and crown, and would compel the lieges of the King of
England to rebel with him against the king ; wherefore they [the
king and council] publicly proclaimed him as a traitor. So the
king sent word to Sir Antony de Lucy that he should endeavour
to take him [Harcla] by craft ; and if he should succeed in doing

Chronicle of Lanercost 79

so by any means, the king would reward him and all who helped
and assisted him. Therefore Sir Antony, taking advantage of a
time when the esquires1 of the aforesaid earl and his other
people had been scattered hither and thither on various affairs,
entered Carlisle Castle on the morrow after S. Matthew the
Apostle's day,2 as if to consult with him as usual upon some
household matters. With him went three powerful and bold
knights, to wit, Sir Hugh de Lowther, Sir Richard de Denton, and
Sir Hugh de Moriceby, with four men-at-arms of good mettle,
and some others with arms concealed under their clothing.
When they had entered the castle, they were careful to leave
armed men behind them in all the outer and inner parts thereof
to guard the same ; but Sir Antony, with the aforesaid three
knights, entered the great hall where the earl sat dictating letters
to be sent to different places, and spoke as follows to the earl :

* My lord earl, thou must either surrender immediately or defend
thyself.' He, perceiving so many armed knights coming in
upon him on a sudden, and being himself unarmed, surrendered
to Sir Antony.

Meanwhile the sound arose of the earl's household crying —

* Treason ! treason ! ' and when the porter at the inner gate tried
to shut it against the knights who had entered, Sir Richard de
Denton killed him with his own hand. Nobody else was killed
when the earl was arrested, for all the earl's men who were in the
castle surrendered and the castle was given up to the aforesaid
Sir Antony. But one of the earl's household ran off to the pele
of Highhead and informed Master Michael, the earl's cousin (an
ecclesiastic) of all that had been done at Carlisle. Michael went
off in haste to Scotland, and with him Sir William Blount, a
knight of Scotland, and sundry others who had been particular
friends of the earl. Then a messenger was sent to the king at
York, to announce to him the earl's arrest and all that had taken
place, that he might send word to Sir Antony how he wished the
oft-mentioned earl to be dealt with.

Meanwhile, to wit, on the morning after his arrest, the earl
made confession to the parish priest about his whole life, and
afterwards, before dinner on the same day, to a Preaching Friar,
and later to a Minorite Friar, and on the following day to the
Warden of the Minorite Friars — each and all of these about the
whole of his life, and afterwards repeatedly to the aforesaid
Minorite ; all of whom justified him and acquitted him of

1 Armigcri, 2 25th February, 1322-23.

80 Chronicle of Lanercost

intention and taint of treason. Whence it may be that, albeit he
merited death according to the laws of kingdoms, his afore-
said good intention may yet have saved him in the sight of
God.

On the feast of S. Cedda Bishop1 (that is, on the sixth day
after the earl's arrest), there arrived in Carlisle from the king a
number of men-at-arms, with whom was the justiciary Sir Galfrid
de Scrope, who on the next day, to wit, the 3rd of March, sat in
judgment in the castle, and pronounced sentence upon the earl as
if from the mouth and in the words of the king, condemning him
first to be degraded and stripped of the dignity of earldom by
being deprived of the sword given him by the king, and in like
manner of knightly rank by striking off from his heels the gilded
spurs, and thereafter to be drawn by horses from the castle
through the town to the gallows of Harraby and there to be
hanged and afterwards beheaded ; to be disembowelled and his
entrails burnt ; his head to be taken and suspended on the Tower
of London ; his body to be divided into four parts, one part to
be suspended on the tower of Carlisle, another at Newcastle-on-
Tyne, a third at Bristol and the fourth at Dover.2

When this sentence was pronounced the earl made answer :
' Ye have divided my carcase according to your pleasure, and I
commend my soul to God.' And so, with most steadfast counten-
ance and bold spirit, as it seemed to the bystanders, he went to
suffer all these pains, and, while being drawn through the town,
he gazed upon the heavens, with hands clasped and held aloft
and likewise his eyes directed on high. Then under the gallows,
whole in body, strong and fiery in spirit and powerful in speech,
he explained to all men the purpose he had in making the afore-
said convention with the Scots, and so yielded himself to undergo
the aforesaid punishment.8

1 2nd March, 1322-23.

2 It appears from the Parliamentary Writs (ii. 3,971) that the destination of
the earl's quarters was to Carlisle, Newcastle, York and Shrewsbury.

8 It is not difficult to discern in this most tragic fate of a gallant knight the
influence upon the king of men who were jealous of Harcla's rapid rise. Harcla
had been appointed by the king to treat with King Robert : he agreed to little
more than what the king two months later was obliged to concede at Newcastle
in fixing a truce for thirteen years. The terms of Harcla's indenture with King
Robert are given in Bain's Cal. Doc. Scot. iii. 148.

(To be continued.}

Reviews of Books

THE COLLECTED PAPERS OF FREDERIC WILLIAM MAITLAND, DOWNING
PROFESSOR OF THE LAWS OF ENGLAND. Edited by H. A. L. Fisher.
Three Volumes. Vol. I, pp. ix, 497 ; Vol. II, pp. 496 ; Vol. Ill,
pp. vi, 566. Demy 8vo. Cambridge: University Press. 1911. 305.
nett.

ALL scholars will be under a deep debt of gratitude to the Cambridge Press
for publishing in three handsome volumes the scattered papers of the late
Professor Maitland, and to Mr. Fisher for his prompt and careful perform-
ance of the duty of bringing the papers together from many scattered
sources, arranging them in chronological order, and providing them with
a copious index.

In an almost too short introduction the editor tells us how he has gone
about his work. His main principle has been the wise one of bringing
together the whole mass of Maitland's scattered writings. We are heartily
glad of this comprehensiveness. If the early philosophical writings, such as
the fellowship dissertation of 1875 and the paper on Herbert Spencer's
theory of society, seem thin in comparison with later work, they are,
especially the former, of real historical interest in showing the growth of
Maitland's mind, and even the early formation of his characteristic style.
Even the shortest note and review in the later volumes is well worth
preserving, containing, as Mr. Fisher truly says, 'a new grain of historical
knowledge,' or a revelation of Maitland's original thought. Mr. Fisher
notes one exception to his rule of inclusion, and has no difficulty in
justifying his policy of not tearing from the texts which they illustrate
Maitland's eight prefaces, written for as many volumes of the Selden
Society, and his introduction to the Memoranda de Parliamento (1305) in
the Rolls Series. He might with advantage have also noted that the most
important of Maitland's many contributions to the English Historical Review
are similarly excluded, namely the papers on * Roman Canon Law in the
Church of England,' which were made sufficiently accessible by their
separate publication in 1898. We miss also Maitland's 'Introduction to
the Pleas of the Crown for Gloucestershire, 1221,' which has special
importance as the first of his efforts to set forth in print some of the con-
tents of the Plea Rolls. We regret also that the Rede lecture for 1901 on
* English Law and the Renaissance ' was not also included, since its publica-
tion in the form of an isolated lecture has hardly given it the publicity
which it deserves. If also it were thought worth while to reprint the

F

82 Frederic William Maitland

luminous * Outlines of English Legal History,' which are readily accessible
in the pages of Social England, it is hard to see why so original and
characteristic a piece of Maitland's work as his chapter on the * Anglican
Settlement and the Scottish Reformation' should not also have been
extracted from the second volume of the Cambridge Modern History. Any-
how, if the reasons against publication in each of these cases were decisive,
it is a pity that they were not told to us.

Mr. Fisher has absolutely refrained from annotation in any part of this
book. We entirely agree with him that what has been written since does
not 'in an appreciable degree affect the permanent value of Maitland's
work,' though in the two or three sentences of unrestrained eulogy that
follow, Mr. Fisher does less than justice to his hero's memory by almost
suggesting an infallibility which Maitland himself would have been the first
to disclaim. Yet though Maitland's bold and happy use of hypothesis and
analogy more than once led him to conclusions which the majority of
scholars are not likely to ratify, it would, we entirely agree, have been quite
unnecessary, and indeed dangerous, to make any attempt to bring his work,
so to say, up to date. It is permissible, however, to think that a little more
might have been done with advantage by the editor with the view of
making the papers which he has republished more easily usable. The
ingenious and successful attempt to mark by asterisks such of the papers as
are likely to be within the capacity of the general reader is to be com-
mended. Yet to the very meagre table of contents, which gives us
nothing but the short title of the article, we should have wished that
Mr. Fisher had added the date at which the paper was written and
the periodical in which it first appeared. It is true that these items
of information are given in its place at the head of each article, but
their repetition in the contents would have been a saving of trouble.
As it is, Mr. Fisher does not even tell us where we can find the two
exceptions which he notes to the general rule that the pieces here
given have been previously published. The same incuriousness to the
reader's comfort, or reliance on his omniscience, has also, in several cases,
led Mr. Fisher to suppress the name of the book, or books, which Maitland
was reviewing. Yet surely when the Court Rolls of a Lincolnshire manor
and samples of local inquisitions published by a Yorkshire archaeological
society are reviewed by Maitland, it is not quite fair to the editors of these
works to delete without a word of warning the names of the books which
Maitland prefaced to his article. This omission becomes serious when, in
the case of the Quarterly Review article on * The Laws of the Anglo-
Saxons,' the book under review is no less a work than Dr. Liebermann's
great edition of the early English Law Books.

However much he may impose upon himself a self-denying ordinance,
there is one species of annotation which every editor of a reprint of
a work of permanent value ought to indulge in. It is, we conceive, the
duty of such an editor to bring up to date the references which his author
has employed. Writing in the eighties and early nineties Maitland natur-
ally cites the editions which were the best at the time ; but since he wrote,
better editions have in some cases appeared, which have made these early

Collected Papers 83

works comparatively obsolete, and have tended to drive them from the
working library of scholars. Thus Maitland quotes in his early articles on
Anglo-Saxon law the texts and references in Schmid's Gesetze der Angel-
Sachsen. We think that when his works were reissued the corresponding
references to Liebermann's much more definitive edition ought to have been
given. Similarly, references to the customs of the Beauvaisis should nowa-
days be made to Salmon's edition rather than to Beugnot's. And though
Lumby's edition of Knighton is as bad as an edition well can be, it is the
edition which most scholars have on their shelves, and is therefore prefer-
able to a reference to Twysden's Decent Scriptores. Moreover, when as in
Vol. I, p. 238, Maitland refers to another article of his, reprinted in an earlier
part of the same volume, a reference to the place, where the saying actually
occurs within thirty pages of the reference to it, seems highly desirable.
Fortunately, however, the mass of Maitland's work is so recent in date
that corrections of this kind are rarely necessary.

1 For the crimes of the index,' writes Mr. Fisher, i the editor is solely
responsible.' Some labour spent in examining the index has convinced us
that the editor's breaches of the criminal code are neither numerous nor
heinous. Substantially, the index is a good index, complete, thorough and
accurate. It is good that it is, to some extent, an index of subjects as well
as of names. It is inevitable that a subject index cannot be as complete as
a nominal index, but as regards names referred to in the text those omitted
in the index are few and of insignificant importance. It might be perhaps
argued that if the five references to Adam, the first man, deserve to be
carefully collected, the late Duke of Devonshire, who is referred to as Lord
Hartington on I. 666, might also have been recorded, and that if three of
the Wiltshire Deverills find place in the index, the other two which are
also mentioned on Vol. II, p. 89 are worthy of a similar honour. There
is a little hesitancy as to whether medieval men should be indexed under
their surname or their Christian name. We have * Alan de la Zouche '
cheek by jowl with 'Anesty, Richard of,' and other instances might be
added to these. Amusing results are sometimes got when justices and
chief-justices are indexed with J. or C.J. after their names, without any
suggestion whether it is their Christian name or the abbreviation of their
title. The general knowledge of the reader may, however, be relied upon
to convince him that l Bryce, J. ' is not Mr. Justice Bryce, but Mr. James
Bryce, the eminent historian, though it requires more special knowledge
not to differentiate between * Blackburn, J. ' and ' Blackburn, Lord,' who
are separately indexed. On Vol. Ill, p. 546 < Battle, Priory of St. Peter
at,' is a slip for Bath, and the * Chacepore ' of Vol. Ill, p. 548 is one of the
rare printer's errors for Chacepore. When these are the worst errors that
scrutiny can discover, the editor may be safely declared to have left the
court without a stain on his character.

Too much space has perhaps been devoted to niggling and pedantic
criticism. Let it be said, as emphatically as possible, that they in no wise
diminish our sense of obligation to Mr. Fisher for having lavished time and
thought that took him far from his own special line of study in collecting
and seeing through the press this remarkable collection of the occasional

84 Fortescue : History of British Army

papers of a great master. He will have his reward in the consciousness
which all readers must have that Maitland's brilliancy, originality and
versatility become more patent when the gleanings of more than a quarter
of a century of his work are thus brought together consecutively within the

covers of a single book.

T. F. TOUT.

A HISTORY OF THE BRITISH ARMY. By the Hon. J. W. Fortescue.
Vols. V and VI : From the Peace of Amiens to the Battle of Corunna.
Vol. V, pp. xxi, 437 ; with 17 Plans. Vol. VI, pp. xix, 448 ; with
9 Maps. 8vo. London : Macmillan & Co., Ltd. 1910. 1 8s. nett
per Volume.

WHEN the story of England's great struggle with Napoleon is read as a
whole, it is easy to see what a very important turning-point in the contest
the battle of Trafalgar was. It drove the Emperor to employ that double-
edged weapon, the Continental System, which in the end damaged him
more deeply than his adversaries by turning against him the great majority
of his vassals and allies. But it is highly questionable whether in the years
that immediately followed Trafalgar any one can have realised that it had
been more than a merely negative success, the mere destruction of a fleet
which might have been used against England. Indeed, the more one
studies the period, the more one realises that Trafalgar was not by
itself really decisive or final. The latest instalment of Mr. Fortescue's
great enterprise will do much to help towards a realisation of the
true situation. The failure of Napoleon's invasion scheme and the
destruction of his main fleet at Trafalgar are narrated about the middle
of Vol. V, but as one reads on the situation becomes worse instead of
better. Napoleon's power, so far from being diminished, spreads over the
whole of Central Europe. England's efforts against him are almost
invariably unsuccessful and Vol. VI closes with Moore's death at Corunna,
the apparent failure of our attempt to profit by the Spanish insurrection.
The greatest and most conspicuous of naval victories seemed to have
brought us no nearer an honourable peace. Supremacy at sea we had
acquired, but the underlying lesson of Mr. Fortescue's volumes is that
supremacy at sea is only a means to an end.

The story of the years which followed Trafalgar is a record of oppor-
tunities for effective action neglected or so feebly handled as to be wasted,
of a great naval victory apparently proving barren of positive results for
want of an efficient army to profit by the chances it created. 'The
Channel Fleet,' Lord Salisbury once remarked, * cannot climb the mountains
of Armenia ' ; and if the seventy-fours of Cornwallis and Nelson could
sweep the French flag off the seas, they could not prevent Austerlitz and
Jena. So in these volumes one reads of opportunity after opportunity for
the effective action of a British army wasted, partly because our ministers
had failed to grasp the true relation between the work of the naval and
military forces of the country, partly because an unsound policy in respect
to the raising and organising of our military forces had left us without
troops enough to use those chances. There is the failure to profit by

Fortescue : History of British Army 85

the chance presented us in the spring of 1807, after Eylau, when Napoleon
was indeed hard pressed, there is Maida, a victory which might have been
turned to splendid effect but was absolutely neglected, there are minor
expeditions like the capture of Surinam which merely locked up in garrison
duty troops for whom better use could have been found elsewhere, there are
futile if well-meant efforts like Cathcart's expedition to the Weser in the
late autumn of 1805, which resulted in a complete fiasco because our forces
were not strong enough to act independently of doubtful and treacherous
allies like Prussia. Worse than this one has blunders like the 1807
expedition to Egypt, and the utter waste of men and money on the Buenos
Ayres venture for which no excuse or palliation can be found.

Yet there is not wanting a brighter side to the picture : Assaye with
which Vol. V really opens is a prophetic beginning, a foretaste of the
quality of the man who was to take up Moore's work and carry it through.
And if at the moment Corunna seemed only another failure, our interven-
tion in the Peninsula marks the adoption of that sounder military policy the
gradual evolution of which can be traced through these volumes, a policy
which had become possible because at last a man had come to the front
who had a real idea not only of the purposes for which troops were wanted,
but of the right principles by which their provision and organisation should
be guided.

Indeed, it is one of the great services of these volumes that they do to
some extent bring out the great work done by Castlereagh. Pitt,
Addington and Windham had all tried their hands before him and had all
failed. Castlereagh, taking from one scheme and another the more
serviceable portions, did produce a plan based on sound principles and did
achieve a far greater measure of success in providing an effective military
force than any of his predecessors. As Mr. Fortescue says, 1808 marked {a
turning point no less in the reorganisation of our military forces than in
their sphere of action,' and for both of these Castlereagh was largely
responsible. He realised the importance of vigorously utilising the
opportunity offered by the Spanish rising, of striking hard and in force at a
really vulnerable point of the enemy's position ; he dropped Pitt's system,
which had been copied only too faithfully by the Ministry of All the Talents,
of frittering away the available troops in isolated minor enterprises, which
even if wholly successful could achieve little ; what was equally important,
he had made it possible to send to the Peninsula a really considerable
force.

The story of the various expedients for raising troops is not a little
bewildering, but it helps one to realise the importance of Castlereagh's
work in setting up really sound principles. Windham had pointed out
that our first need was to augment the force available for service overseas j
if we could trust the navy to secure and maintain supremacy at sea, we
had no need to devote our efforts and resources to the production of forces
which, like the Volunteers, could not be used abroad : what we wanted was
a really effective force, capable not merely of capturing unimportant
colonies and outposts, but of intervention on the Continent on behalf of
our European allies on a respectable scale. To the production of such a

86 Fortescue : History of British Army

force all other efforts should have been subordinated, provided always that
the United Kingdom was adequately equipped with forces capable of
beating off raids and minor attacks, so that the fleet could feel secure of its
base and so enjoy real strategic freedom.

Castlereagh's substitution of a Local Militia for the Volunteers (Vol. VI,
p. 1 83) was a really important reform : infinitely more efficient than the
incoherent, indisciplined, tumultuary levies whom they replaced, the Local
Militia supplied a 'second line' force which allowed a much larger number
of regulars to be sent abroad and would, had the system been properly
maintained, have provided an adequate method of training the nation to
arms. The whole story of the Volunteer movement, which Mr. Fortescue
summarises here, having told it at greater length in his County Lieu-
tenancies and the Army^ is most instructive. Energy and enthusiasm, time
and money were misapplied, when devoted to the production of a force
which could never be of any real value was positively detrimental in
as much as it competed in the never too well-supplied recruit market with
forces of far greater utility. And another all important lesson is that no
system of a compulsory character which allows of the vicious practice of
substitution has any chance of success. It was this defect which had
ruined Addington's Army of Reserve and Pitt's Additional Forces Act,
by diverting into forces raised for limited service recruits who should have
been drawn into the regular army. This mistake Castlereagh was
careful to avoid, exemptions were allowed but not substitution, and while
the ballot kept the Militia fully up to strength his method of encouraging
militiamen to enlist in the line provided the regulars with a very fair supply
of trained recruits.

Castlereagh then stands out clearly as the statesman who at this most
critical period did most for England : he it was who was largely responsible
for the expedition to Copenhagen in 1807, a stroke which, if it fell heavily
on Denmark, the pawn in Napoleon's game, nipped in the bud the coali-
tion of Baltic navies which Napoleon was planning as the first-fruits of
Tilsit. Castlereagh, too, deserves the credit for the selection of Arthur
Wellesley for high command in the Peninsula, and Mr. Fortescue is able
to show that it is Canning who must be held responsible for the very
discreditable way in which Moore was treated in connection with that
expedition and with the previous one to Sweden, a venture foredoomed to
failure since it had no definite purpose and depended on the co-operation of
a lunatic, Gustavus IV. of Sweden. Canning suffers severely at Mr.
Fortescue's hands, but the strictures are deserved : * no military enterprise
prospered while Canning remained at the Foreign Office' (VI, p. 323) is no
more than the truth. One need do no more than cite his treatment of
Sir Hew Dalrymple, most unjustly made the scapegoat for the convention
of Cintra, when the blame, so far as it was due, belonged to the Cabinet
(ibid. p. 252), as typical of what British officers had to expect from him.

In the course of these volumes there are many things of which mention
should be made. Mr. Fortescue's powers of graphic and lucid description
show to advantage in things like his account of Maida or the really
excellent narrative of the great war of 1803-1805 against the Mahrattas.

Fortescue : History of British Army 87

Assaye is familiar to all, but how many people know the not less desperate
struggle of Laswaree, or Lake's headlong chase of Holkar, or Ochterlony's
defence of Delhi, or the hundred other deeds of daring and endurance
which signalised the campaigns in Hindustan. Lake's generalship is well
summed up — a fighting man like Ney or Blucher rather than a general of
the class of Massena or Soult, 'of surpassing prowess in action,' a great
disciplinarian and leader of men, a splendid fighter of battles even if his
operations lacked the insight and forethought, the careful and provident
organisation, the system and method of his great colleague. The little-
known story of the expedition to Buenos Ayres is admirably told, and one is
all the more glad to have a proper account of it because the episode is one
about which, not unnaturally, very little has been written. Mr. Fortescue
is deservedly severe on the headlong folly of the erratic Home Popham,
and he mercilessly exposes the root of the disaster, the blunders of the
Ministry, beside which Whitelocke's errors, serious and culpable as they
were, became insignificant. The military lessons of the expedition may be
summed up in the one word * transport ' : had Whitelocke and his
subordinates given to that all-important subject a little of the care and
trouble habitual with Moore and Wellesley, the venture might well have
had a very different result.

Of the Peninsula operations, to which the greater part of Vol. VI is
devoted, Mr. Fortescue gives a most excellent account. One can give it
no higher praise than to say that it adds appreciably to what Napier,
Professor Oman and Sir Frederick Maurice's Diary of Sir John Moore have
given us. He shows that there were good grounds for the detaching of
Craufurd to Vigo, for Moore's decision not to fight at Astorga (VI, p. 358),
for sending the guns round by Elvas (VI, p. 307). He brings out clearly
and without exaggeration the results of Moore's stroke at Napoleon's
communications (p. 395), showing how the move on Portugal and the
siege of Saragossa were checked, that the main striking force of the French
was drawn off to the extreme north-west of Spain, and consequently
rendered unavailable for use to the southward and south-westward, so that
Andalusia was given several precious months of respite — in brief, that a
bold offensive movement by a small force completely upset Napoleon's
schemes for the subjugation of Spain. The volumes close with a sketch of
Moore's character and achievements which is admirable, a noble and well-
deserved tribute to a great man.

One or two words of criticism cannot be avoided. On p. 309 of
Vol. VI there is an undeserved sneer which might have been omitted,
even if Baird did give his countrymen the first chance of distinction, and a
somewhat similar remark on p. 313 is uncalled for. But what one does
expect in a History of the British Army is more about its methods and
organisation, its costume, equipment, tactics, discipline, education, in a word
more of the institution and less general European history. Of course, an
outline of Continental affairs is essential to enable the reader to realise what
England did with her army, and what she might have done, but one gets
far more detail of Napoleon's intervention in Spain and of his operations
against the Spaniards than one really needs. The very full account of

88 Fortescue : History of British Army

Portuguese affairs (Vol. VI, pp. 86-104) is hardly in proportion, and the
whole of Chapter XVIII is devoted to operations in which no British troops
took part. Similarly one gets a good deal more detail as to the diplomacy
of the period than is essential to the understanding of it. Mr. Fortescue has
of course been working through original authorities and has plenty of new
stuff to give us, but one would have done without most of it gladly, if only
he would have given us more of Moore and the camp at Shorncliffe where
the Light Division was trained, more of the strength and distribution of the
army from year to year, fuller accounts of such things as the raising of the
King's German Legion, the foreign regiments in our service, the beginnings
of scientific military education, and the organisation of the various arms.
He gave more of this side of the story in his earlier volumes, and one's
gratitude to him for the splendid work he is doing would be increased if
only he would let us have more of it again. Finally, the maps are

extremely good. „ „ .

J f C. T. ATKINSON.

SOME SUPPOSED SHAKESPEARE FORGERIES. An Examination into the
Authenticity of certain Documents affecting the Dates of Composition
of Several of the Plays. By Ernest Law, B.A., F.S.A. With
Facsimiles of Documents. London: G. Bell & Sons, Ltd. 1911.

MR. ERNEST LAW, the historian of Hampton Court, has joined the
vigorous band of Elizabethan scholars who, in the space of a few years, have
added more to our knowledge of Shakespeare's career than was added
during the whole of the last half century. Some twenty years ago he
pointed out to Halliwell-Phillipps at least one fact which was used in the
sixth edition of the Outlines of the Life of Shakespeare, but only in
the last year or two has he made in his own name contributions of
first-rate importance to Shakespeare scholarship. His Shakespeare as a
Groom of the Chamber (1910) reproduced a document which proves that
when in 1604 the Constable of Castile was sent on a special mission to
this country to draw up and ratify terms of peace, Shakespeare and the
other members of the king's company of players attended on the Spanish
visitors at Somerset House during their stay of eighteen days. The
document appears to have been known to Halliwell-Phillipps, but this
indefatigable scholar, who had the foible of keeping to himself more than
a scholar should, preferred that its contents and whereabouts should remain
his own secret. Now Mr. Law has given us an even more interesting
volume, in which he does not present any new document, but proves that a
document which has long been rejected as a forgery is authentic.

Peter Cunningham edited for the Shakespeare Society in 1842 Extracts
from the Accounts of the Revels at Court in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and
King James /., and his extracts concluded with the 'Revels Book ' for
the winter of 1604-5, an^ for the winter of 1611-12. These two books
were the only part of the volume which had direct bearing on Shakespeare.
In the former there was record of ' The Moor of Venis,' c The Merry
Wives of Winsor,' * Mesur for Mesur,' * The Plaie of Errors,' * Loves
Labours Lost,' * Henry the fift,' and ' The Martchant of Venis ' ; and in

Law : Supposed Shakespeare Forgeries 89

the latter of cThe Tempest' and 'The Winters Nights Tayle.' But
these records were unwelcome to a considerable body of critics who
had other views on the dates of some of Shakespeare's plays. Suspicion
was thrown on them the more readily as the originals had passed illegally
into the hands of Cunningham, who, in the sad circumstances of his
closing years, had endeavoured to dispose of them by private bargain.
And Cunningham was the friend of Collier. Suspicion became conviction,
and Cunningham, now dead, was branded as a forger. Under this stigma
his memory has remained. Even those who believed in the accuracy of
the information were content to distrust the genuineness of the documents.
Mr. E. K. Chambers in his Notes on the History of the Revels Office under
the Tudor s, 1904, p. 21, a work of much first-hand research, says of them,
without any qualification : ' These are forgeries, but may be based upon
genuine originals among the Records.' And Sir Sidney Lee — who has
lost no time in welcoming the correction — had included them in the
catalogue of forgeries in his Life of Shakespeare.

Mr. Law has rehabilitated the name of Cunningham, and he has proved
to those who, like Sir Sidney Lee, accepted the theory of forgery, but did
not assert Cunningham's share in it, that the documents which were
impounded and handed over to the Record Office in 1 868 are none other
than the genuine originals. He has given full details of his inquiry,
in which he had the collaboration of officials of the Record Office, the
British Museum, and the Government Laboratories. Not content with
the evidence of handwriting, Mr. Law persuaded Sir Henry Maxwell-
Lyte to permit a chemical examination of the ink. The Government
analyst found nothing to support the suggestion that the writing on
the suspected pages of the book of 1604-5 — the pages which contained the
list of the plays, of which seven are Shakespeare's — is of a different date
from the writing on the remainder of the document. It was not thought
necessary to subject the corresponding pages of the book of 1610-11 to a
chemical test.

Mr. Law's work has many points of interest. Its value to the student
of Shakespeare lies in the new and unassailable certainty that Othello
was performed in ' the Banketinge house att Whithall ' on ' Hallamas
Day being the first of Nouembar,' 1604. And the genuineness of the
1-6 1 1 reference to the Tempest disposes at once of the theory that the
play was written for the marriage of the Princess Elizabeth to the
Elector Palatine in February, 1613. But Mr. Law inadvertently claims
too much for this reference when he says that it fixes the date of the
play. It fixes only the later limit.

The stages in the Cunningham calumny are described by Mr. Law
with much spirit. There is, however, one criticism which should be
passed on his excellent account. It does not give sufficient prominence to
the beginnings of the reaction in favour of Cunningham. The question
of authenticity was not quite dormant when Mr. Law started his conclu-
sive investigation. The following passage, for instance, will be found in
Mr. D. H. Lambert's Shakespeare Documents, 1904, p. 52 : 'I have
carefully, with gentlemen at the Record Office thoroughly competent

90 Law : Supposed Shakespeare Forgeries

to pronounce an opinion on such a subject, examined these documents, and
it is only fair to state that at least, with all deference to the weighty
opinion of the late Mr. Bond, views on the point are divided. The pages
could not have been interpolated, and the character of the writing which
contains the references to Shakespeare's plays, though open to question, tallies
in many respects with that of the preceding entries.' Mr. Law will
always have the credit, not of reopening the question, but of having
caused it to be settled once and for all.

And justice was already being done to the excellence of Cunningham as
an editor in his earlier and happier days. On this no one is so well
qualified to offer an opinion as M. Albert Feuillerat. In his Documents
relating to the Office of the Revels in the time of Queen Elizabeth, 1908 — a
great piece of editing, of which Mr. Law's praises are none too high —
M. Feuillerat has given this note : * I am glad to say that in the part
of Cunningham's Revels included in this volume (I leave the 1605 and
1612 Books out of the question at present) I have found no forgery ; on
the contrary, it is but just to say that his publication is most accurate, and
that I have counted no more than five or six serious misreadings.
Unfortunately, I cannot say the same of Collier.'

M. Feuillerat and Mr. Law have given us new faith in the * Revels
Extracts' printed for the Shakespeare Society in 1842. It cannot vie with
the massive tomes which M. Feuillerat is publishing at Louvain. But
so far as it goes it is good ; it is adequate to most purposes ; it is, unlike
the Louvain books, convenient to use. It js, above all, to be trusted.

D. NICHOL SMITH.

HISTOIRE DE L'EXPANSION COLONIAL DBS PEUPLES EUROPEENS — NEERLANDE
ET DENEMARK (XVIIe et XVIIP Siecles). By Charles de Lannoy et
Herman Vander Linden. Brussells, 1911.

Two Continental scholars, Prof, de Lannoy and Prof. Vander Linden,
have planned an imposing work on the development of colonisation from
Europe. The method of treatment which has been adopted is to take
related countries together — thus a previous volume dealt with the colonial
expansion of Spain and Portugal, while the present one is concerned with
that of Holland and Denmark, Prof, de Lannoy having written the Dutch
portion and his colleague the part relating to Denmark. The authors
have conceived the subject of their investigation in no narrow spirit.
They begin by presenting an able outline of the social, political, and
commercial position of the countries dealt with at the time when they
began to make settlements over-sea ; and, in describing the nature of those
settlements, factories for foreign trade (but not for colonisation in the
English sense of the word, such as trading factories in India during the
seventeenth century) are included. The reader obtains a general picture
of the causes which caused Holland and Denmark to expand beyond their
respective borders, and then the main aspects of the particular kind of
settlements established are described in each case. Further, certain of the
chief characteristics of the colonies are selected for a special and detailed
treatment ; as, for instance, the methods of administration both in the

L'Expansion Colonial 91

home country and in the colony, the economic relations between the
dependency and the mother country — what, in fact, Adam Smith called
* the colonial system ' — the persistence of the feeling of original nationality
in the settlers and the reaction of the colonies of the mother country.
Finally there is a series of maps and a good bibliography.

This work is a valuable one from several distinct points of view. It
brings together the results of a great number of monographs, and it is an
advantage that the work of co-ordination should be expressed in French — a
language which lends itself readily to the statement of the tendencies
which the authors aim at establishing. Thus the Dutch East India
Company is summed up as influenced by the characteristics of its founders
— it had a democratic foundation, a decentralised organisation, and an
aristocratic directorate (p. 162). Moreover, it is to be hoped that finally
the authors will provide a comparative treatment of the different methods
of the various countries at varying periods. In this way, though the study
is in the main historical, it should yield valuable light on some modern
problems in colonial administration.

The whole field covered by the present volume is surveyed with great
lucidity and insight. Thus the importance of sea-power is fully recognised
in connection with the prosperity of colonies. At the present time one is
perhaps inclined to forget how important the Dutch colonial empire was
at one period, and the pages which trace its rise as the navy of Holland
grew and its decline as the navy waned in efficiency are instructive,
especially as coming from Continental critics. It is an instance of critical
acumen that the matters in dispute between the English and Dutch East
India Companies, which led to the tragedy of Amboyna, are fairly stated.
With regard to the former body M. de Lannoy has followed English
authorities in describing it as conforming at first to the regulated rather
than to the joint-stock type of organisation; but this is now known to be an
error — in England the spokesmen of regulated companies were very
vociferous, and this has occasioned the undue prominence given to these
companies. Also, it might be noticed, in connection with the colonial
metayage of the Dutch West India Company, that a similar system existed
earlier in the land-system of the Virginia and other English companies.

The combined treatment of foreign trading with colonising venture,
suggests the reflection that colonisation, like Hedonism, has its paradox.
Most of the enterprises which aimed directly at the acquisition of over-sea
possessions sooner or later came to grief; while on the contrary, in several
cases, undertakings, which aimed severely and consistently at commercial
operations only, ended by having acquired large or even immense territories.
The Dutch West India Company was an instance of the former tendency,
the Dutch East India Company of the latter. The joint-authors of this
work are to be congratulated on having advanced so far in an investigation
which involves great research and unusual powers of exposition. The book
will be essential to all students of the development of colonisation.

W. R. SCOTT.

92 Cassillis : The Rulers of Strathspey

THE RULERS OF STRATHSPEY. A HISTORY OF THE LAIRDS OF GRANT
AND EARLS OF SEAFIELD. By the Earl of Cassillis. Pp. xii, 211. With
Illustrations. Demy 8vo. Inverness: Northern Counties Newspaper
and Printing and Publishing Co. 1911. 6s.

THE knowledge of the family pride of the Grants [we all know the story,
'and there were Grants in those days'], which has already produced one
of Sir William Eraser's monumental family histories, has been, we are
glad to say, the reason for the compilation of this work, which, from the
care taken in its preparation and its wealth of references, cannot fail to
become an important book of genealogical reference.

Sir William Eraser's Chiefs of Grant, on which it is rightly very largely
based, extends to three enormous volumes, valuable to historians, but both
difficult to obtain and awkward to transport. With the sympathy of the
widow of a late chief, Caroline Countess of Seafield, Lord Cassillis has
undertaken the task of making the history of the Chiefs of Grant who
ruled in Strathspey accessible to the clan, and this book is the result.

It is worth noting that the chiefs of so northern a clan sprung, it is
believed, from a family of Norman origin, Le Grant or Le Grand, and it
is likely that they came to the north only on the return of Walter Bysset
from exile about 1249. Sir Laurence le Grant was Sheriff of Inverness in
1263. The first known Grant who possessed land in Moray was Robert
le Graunt, and John le Graunt of Inverallan was an adherent of John
Comyn elder of Badenoch, circa 1297. Early Grants were connected
with families bearing Norman names like * Pylche ' and * Seres,' so it is
interesting when one finds a daughter of the house marrying a Mackintosh
before 1400, and John Grant in 1434 being already known as 'Ian Ruadh.'
Sir Duncan Grant, knighted about 1460, was the first to be styled 'of
Freuchie,' and his daughters and grand-daughters intermarried with chiefs
of other Highland clans, such as Macdonalds, Camerons, Erasers, Mac-
kintoshes and Mackenzies. It is not our design now to follow the history
of the family and how they became Earls of Seafield. We shall only
say that it can be traced and fully traced here, that the deeds of the heroes
of the past are well narrated, and that the cadet families are not neglected
by the compiler. A. FRANCIS STEUART.

HOME LIFE OF THE HIGHLANDERS, 1400-1746. Pp. viii. 140. Demy
8vo. Glasgow: Scottish National Exhibition. 1911. is. nett.

THE executive of the Highland Village at the Glasgow Exhibition have
done a real service in publishing this account of life in the Highlands before
1 746. The work is really more comprehensive than the title suggests, and
amounts to a summary of the social and economic condition of the people
in the most fascinating period of their history. Some of the writers have
found it impossible to draw any arbitrary line in sketching the development
of the subjects with which they deal and have traced their growth from
very early times.

The first contribution is an admirable essay upon the fundamental
question of the clan system, and clearly describes the different causes which

Home Life of the Highlanders 93

led to the growth of separate tribes. Each clan was not by any means
always of one kin, although the fiction of a common ancestry, often firmly
believed, contributed most powerfully to their cohesion. The relation of
the chiefs to the Crown, the character and condition of the people, and the
military organisation of the clans are touched upon ; the nature of the
patriarchal power exercised by the chiefs is also explained, with its
connection with control of land and the power to protect the clansmen.
Another essay deals with the allied subject of tribal organisation and land
tenure. It is unfortunate that so little clear evidence has come down to
us upon the important point as to how far the original Celtic system, as
depicted in early Irish laws, had survived in practice in Scotland. Records
belong to estates like that of Campbell of Glenorchy which were not
managed upon the principles of the Senchus Mor, whereas the ancient
Celtic apportionment of land was essentially a matter of custom. Sheriff
Campbell implies that throughout the Highlands clansmen were regarded
as joint owners of certain tribal lands, until the influence of an Act of
1695, allowing the division of common lands in Scotland, led to a change
of status by which they became either tacksmen holding leases from the
chief as feudal owner or sub-tenants under the tacksmen. Mr. William
Mackay, on the contrary, in his essay on * Industrial Life ' points out that
the tacksmen and sub-tenants existed as early as the thirteenth century.
The Act itself, as Sheriff" Campbell says, applied to ownership not to
occupancy, and whether a chief was already legally the owner of the lands
occupied by his clansmen or not, it gave him no new powers ; on the other
hand, it did not interfere with the practice of common tenancy. The Act
of 1695 and the later disuse of common working of the land were alike
incidents in the economic change which was taking place throughout
Great Britain.

The succession to the chiefship is another point where feudal law
differed from the old Celtic customs, but the genealogies and records of the
clans seem to show that hereditary succession in the male line was
generally followed in the period specially covered by this book. Instances
to the contrary can be explained as the outcome of special circumstances,
and hardly bear the general interpretation which the writer puts upon
them.

An article on ' Social Life ' describes the Highlanders' amusements and
hospitality as well as the customs of fosterage and the character of wedding
and funeral ceremonies. It deals also with the question of the poverty of
the Highlands in the eighteenth century, which must have seemed extreme
to English writers. But it is to be remembered that all Scotland was
deplorably poor and that actual famine was a constant possibility even in
the Lowlands. The cognate fact of constant unemployment in the
Highlands is clearly brought out in Mr. W. M. Mackenzie's essay on
* The Clans ' in discussing the cleavage between the chiefs and gentry with
their immediate dependents and the cultivating class. The other side of
the picture is supplied in Mr. Mackay 's contribution upon 'Industrial
Life,' which describes considerable opportunities of trade and a wide range
of occupations which were habitually followed by the Highland natives.

94 Home Life of the Highlanders

Special articles also deal with the state of religion and the development
of education among the Highlanders, with their superstitious practices,
their buildings and dress, literature and music. Especially interesting is
Dr. Hugh Cameron Gillies's account of the medical knowledge of the
Highlanders, which was remarkable in its extent and practical value, and is
shown by the author to furnish proof of the high character and true
civilisation of the people. In this matter it is an interesting commentary
on the essays upon religion and education, literature and music. A contri-
bution in Gaelic forms an appropriate end to the book, and must add
greatly to its value in the eyes of many Highlanders.

It is a great merit of the work as a whole that in spite of inevitable
overlapping the writers have avoided undue repetition. No less true is it
that the different contributors have succeeded in presenting a wonderfully
consistent picture of the vanished world of the Highlands. Only on the
question of land tenure does there appear to be a direct difference of
opinion, a fact which bears high testimony to the great care and impar-
tiality with which the authors have dealt with doubtful points and
controversial subjects. The whole sketch of Highland life is wonderfully
complete, and sufficient detail has been given to make the picture vivid in
spite of the small compass of the book. It should serve to correct some
misconceptions, such as that respecting the heritable jurisdictions which, as
Sheriff Campbell points out, were not the foundation of the chiefs' power
in 1745. The present succinct and impartial account of the facts as far
as they are known is the more welcome since many causes have long
contributed to distort popular beliefs about the Highlanders.

A. CUNNINGHAM.

THE ENGLISH FACTORIES IN INDIA, 1634-1636 ; A Calendar of Documents
in the India Office, British Museum, and Public Record Office, edited
by William Foster. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1911. Pp. xl, 355.
I2s. 6d. nett.

THE India Office is to be congratulated on the good progress which is
being made with the production of this series of Calendars and also on the
high standard of editing that is fully maintained. The appearance of the
present volume is particularly to be welcomed, since a point has now been
reached where new ground is being opened up. Mr. Sainsbury's Calendars
(Calendars of State Paper s. Colonial^ East Indies and Colonial, East Indies and
Persia] combined summaries of the Court Books and of other documents.
The last entries in Mr. Sainsbury's series closed in 1634, and it is with that
year that the instalment of the English Factories now before us begins, so
that by far the larger part of the documents summarised will be new to
everyone except to the few who have had occasion to consult the originals.
The three years dealt with were full of interest and excitement. In
previous reviews of Mr. Foster's Calendars it has been shown that, since
the massacre of Amboyna, the East India trade had been very depressed
indeed. By 1630 there came the beginning of better times. But as yet
for a long time the company only enjoyed intermittent gleams of prosperity;
and often, as the future began to look more favourable, some unexpected

Foster : English Factories in India 95

misfortune was experienced. Thus Mr. Foster rightly characterises this
period as an * eventful one.' It witnessed an agreement which terminated
the long disputes with the Portuguese, the obtaining of the * golden
farman ' and the first voyage to China. On the other hand, the company
had to face the penalties, exacted from it in India, for the piracies of the
Roebuck, and Charles I. was supporting the rival body formed by Sir W.
Courten. Very graphic accounts are given of the indignities to which
Methwold was subjected by the natives on account of the plunderings of
the Roebuck, and, although the company was not only guiltless of com-
plicity, but was completely ignorant of the whole affiair, it was eventually
compelled to compensate the native merchants for their losses.

W. R. SCOTT.

AN HISTORICAL RELATION OF CEYLON together with Somewhat concerning
Severall Remarkeable passages of my life that hath hapned since my
deliverance out of my captivity. By Robert Knox, a captive there
near Twenty Years. Pp. Ixviii, 460. With numerous Illustrations.
Demy 8vo. Glasgow : James MacLehose & Sons. 191 1. I2s. 6d. nett.
THIS new edition of the account of Ceylon, by the prisoner who experi-
enced a captivity of eighteen years and a half there, will be welcomed by
all who know the wealth of detail in the original book, and not the less so
because this edition gives many new features of his career in his own
words. Robert Knox, the pious writer (' God often Spoake to my Con-
science in my mineority,' he writes), and his father were, when on an
Eastward cruise in the ship * Ann,' taken prisoners when seeking wood at
Cottiar in 1661, and, with sixteen other unfortunate Englishmen, carried
into the interior of Ceylon by the tyrant Raja Singa. Knox's father soon
died, but he and his comrades remained in bondage of differing grades,
terrified of their despot (who had already put to death two of his children
and ' cut off' many of his subjects), and resigning themselves to a miserable
captivity.

Most of them took native wives, but Knox resisted this distraction, and,
with the sole consolation of a miraculously obtained Bible, applied himself
to the unconscious study of the Island of Ceylon, which was the beginning
of this book, while living as a pedlar. In 1679 he, with Stephen Rutland,
managed to effect an escape from their bloody master, and to take refuge
with the Dutch, who occupied the coasts of the island. Sent home, he
wrote this book during the voyage, and then had a gratifying meeting with
his surviving relatives, and was received by the pitiful East India Company
and protected (for a time) by Sir John Child. He again essayed an Eastern
voyage, and it is not a little strange to find the pious and resentful ex-
captive not only sometimes a pirate but also a zealous slave-dealer in
Madagascar ! His slave-trading there almost led to another captivity, and
we learn about this in his biography, which is printed here for the first time.
His later life included the publication of his excellent account of Ceylon,
with the approval of the Royal Society, an hour's conversation with King
Charles II., a West Indian voyage, and some peaceful days in England
before he died, leaving considerable wealth, in 1720. One of the most

96 Skeat : The Past at our Doors

interesting points brought out in this book — in the newly printed portion —
is the information that Knox, the Bible-quoting prisoner, was not, as has
generally been asserted previously, a Scot. He himself states that his father
and grandfather were both born at Nacton in Suffolk, and this is a new
fact for most of his biographers. A. FRANCIS STEUART.

THE PAST AT OUR DOORS OR THE OLD IN THE NEW AROUND us. By
Walter W. Skeat, M.A. With numerous Illustrations. 8vo. Pp. xi,
198. London: Macmillan & Co. 1911. is. 6d.

DEDICATED to the author's father and mother on their golden wedding
day, Mr. Skeat's slim little volume pleasantly continues in the second
generation Professor Skeat's mingling of studies in history with philological
researches. The son is more an archaeologist than the father and less a
philologist, but he practises both kinds of research in his series of compre-
hensive essays on our food, dress and homes, considered chiefly in the light
of the names of things. He has the philologist's tendency to draw very
remote inferences sometimes (for example, regarding ' haggis '), but his
gatherings of little domestic fact on the evolution of dishes, garments and
types of houses are generally excellent. Notable instances are his treat-
ment of plough, sickle, coat-tail buttons, the dresser, hall and belfry. The
book recalls the late Sir Arthur Mitchell's way of seeing the past in the
present, and is an informing popular sketch.

A BIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS DEACON, the Manchester Nonjuror. By
Henry Broxap, M.A. Pp. xix, 215. With two Illustrations. 8vo.
London : Sherratt & Hughes. 1911. 75. 6d. nett.

THIS short study contributes not a little information about the little known
sect which arose out of the body of original Nonjurors. The bishops
who 'went out5 in 1688 on account of their loyalty, decided (with the
permission of their exiled king, who obtained Papal consent for his action)
to perpetuate their Episcopal succession, and this continued with the
assistance of certain Scottish Nonjuring Bishops, one of whom was
Bishop Archibald Campbell. Later (1716) the great and learned dispute
about ' The Usages ' began which rent the Nonjuring Church in twain.
One of the supports of 'The Usagers' was Thomas Deacon, a young
nonjuring clergyman, who had been interested in 'The '15.' He
removed about 1720 to Manchester, which was then 'the largest, most
rich and busy village in England,' and there supported himself by the
practice of medicine, while he continued writing his long-forgotten tracts.

About 1733 Bishop Campbell took the extraordinary step of alone
consecrating him bishop, and after this he ruled over a small congregation
in Manchester, separated, except politically, from the other more canonical
Nonjurors. We get an interesting glimpse of Manchester in the '45 in
this book, and of the Jacobite rising, which cost the worthy bishop the lives
or freedom of three sons. Dr. Deacon did not long survive this catas-
trophe, as he died in 1752, after a harmless and useful life.

The author has handled his subject with so much skill that he reawakes
in the reader interest in the long dead religious controversies of the Non-

Abbott : Colonel Thomas Blood 97

juring Churches, and one sees the example' their zeal gave as a protest
against the dull Erastianism of the English Church till broken by the
Nonconformist movement and the Anglican Revival to both of which
this example may have contributed.

COLONEL THOMAS BLOOD, CROWN-STEALER, 1618-1680. By William C.
Abbott. Pp. 98. With Frontispiece. Crown 8vo. Newhaven : Yale
University Press. 1911. 45. nett.

WE are here given an excellent narrative of the life of one of the plotters
whom the see-saw of politics made so plentiful after the Reformation.
Colonel Thomas Blood, a north of Ireland adventurer, was one of the
chief parties in the attempt to kidnap (and perhaps hang) the great Duke of
Ormonde in 1770. He had been in many plots, but his daring attempt
to steal the Regalia from the Tower in 1771 brought him into most fame.
Andrew Maxwell wrote of his disguise :

' He chose the cassock, surcingle and gown,
The fittest mask for one who robs the crown.'

Brought before Charles II., the strange thing is that he was pardoned, and
was soon in a high and feared, if doubtful, place as an informer. In 1680,
he having found out that in spite of all his schemes

' . . . Success was still to him denied,
Fell sick with grief, broke his great heart and died.'

PRINCIPLES OF BIOGRAPHY. By Sir Sidney Lee. Pp. 54. Cambridge
University Press. 1911. is. 6d.

A BIOGRAPHER on the principles, of his art can hardly fail to interest, even
if he is sparing of enunciations. In this Leslie Stephen lecture Plutarch is
praised without criticism of his method of * parallels,' which would hardly
satisfy modern conditions, though doubtless it might still be applied to
balanced estimates of, say, Nelson and Napoleon. Masson's Milton is
referred to as a l swollen cairn ' (do cairns swell ?). Boccacio's Dante is
condemned for its impassioned but irrelevant rhetoric. Boswell — the
phrase a c rarely inquisitive young man ' is ambiguous — gets credit for his
masterpiece, but more for his art than for himself. Lockhart's Scott is
ranked next. Collective or dictionary biography is described as dominated
by the need of brevity and by strict discipline. These are no startling
doctrines. Biographical principles differ so greatly for different types of
lives that we scarcely wonder that but few have been found of universal
application to insist upon. The lecture opens with a restrained but hearty
tribute to Leslie Stephen, honourable alike to master and pupil.

SPECIMEN PAGES OF Two MANUSCRIPTS OF THE ABBEY OF COUPAR-
ANGUS IN SCOTLAND, WITH A SHORT DESCRIPTION. By O. H. M.
Bannister. 4to. Pp. 13. Five Phototype Plates. Rome: Editor
Danesi. 1910.

THESE facsimile reproductions from two Vatican codices were made on the
suggestion of Prof. W. M. Lindsay of St. Andrews, but the introductory

G

98 Specimen Pages of Two Manuscripts

notice is too brief to be satisfactory. The one MS. is a psalter, lpsalterium
glossatum, and the other a copy of Beda's Historia Anglorum. The proven-
ance is indicated by an identical title on each — Liber Sancte Marie de
Cupre. The psalter is in * Irish ' script of ' at earliest the second half of the
twelfth century,' and the copy of Beda is of the thirteenth century.
Features of the psalter suggest a scriptorium in Great Britain rather than in
Ireland, and a resemblance to Durham MSS. is detected in the Beda. The
latter has a continuation to A.D. 796, recording events relative to the bishops
of Whithorn, a fact which stimulates the wish that the pages containing
this continuation might be issued in a sequel to the present specimens.
Their interest can hardly be exaggerated as attesting what Mr. Bannister
styles l insular script,' and as affording concrete evidences of Celtic survival
in the library of the Cistercian abbey of Cupar (Coupar-Angus), which Mr.
Bannister states — without citing any authority — to have been founded in
1136. Presumably this is a slip, as the early writers with one accord from
the chronicler of Melrose to Fordun, Wyntoun and Bower agree in
assigning the foundation to King Malcolm the Maiden in the year 1164.
The five plates are capital reproductions, and the editor's claim for the
importance of the two MSS., not only for the handwritings and the
liturgical and historical contents, but also for their connection with
Cupar, is well made out. We trust the venture of the publisher in Rome
has met the response it deserves in this country.

CONTROVERSIAL ISSUES IN SCOTTISH HISTORY : A CONTRAST OF THE
EARLY CHRONICLES WITH THE WORKS OF MODERN HISTORIANS.
By William H. Gregg. Pp. x, 581. With numerous Illustrations.
S.R. 8vo. London : G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1910. 255. nett.
THIS is a bewildering monumental mass of quotations and unnecessary
reproductions. The laborious author expects criticism of his system, but it
is so cryptic that it makes any real criticism impossible. He tilts against
the historical works of Chalmers, Pinkerton, and more especially Skene,
who, he alleges, founded a movement < utterly to abolish the old history of
Scotland, and to replace it with one which has contributed no new facts,
nor established any documentary evidence.' He selects as an illustration of
this the obscure period of the eighteen years of King Gregory. His con-
tentions anent the identifications by others of Ciric, Girig, Gryg, Gyrg, Grig
and Gregory ; the king's career (about which he counters Skene) and his
relation to the Clan Gregor, may be found in this well got up but laby-
rinthine work, the construction alone of which will be bound to baffle all
but the most tolerant and patient of Celtic students.

A SYNOPSIS OF THE LEADING MOVEMENTS IN MODERN HISTORY. By
F. R. A. Jarvis. Sm. 8vo. Pp. vi, 122. London : George Philip &
Son. 2s.

EXCELLENT as a skeleton history of representative government, this
synopsis constantly subordinates the biographical elements to the institu-
tional, and achieves an unusual degree of success in the interesting
treatment of principles, political, social, and economic, illustrative of the

Jarvis : Movements in Modern History 99

passage of history centring upon Great Britain from the masterful epoch
of the Tudors to the present age of colonial constitution-making.

The little book adds to the virtues of succinct statement and well-
marshalled lines of cause and effect, a fine perception of the main trend of
democratic aspiration, of the necessity to beware of socialistic tendencies to
throw all responsibility on the State, and of the need of some form of co-
ordinating federal sovereignty over the Empire. His conclusion is
interesting — that Adam Smith's project of Empire ('the union of Great
Britain with her colonies') may be converted into a living reality through
economic and military pressure.

THE ROYAL HIGH SCHOOL, EDINBURGH. By James E. Trotter, M.A.

Pp. xii, 195. With 32 Illustrations. Crown 8vo. London : Sir Isaac

Pitman & Sons, Ltd. 1911. 35. 6d. nett.

IT is a pity that so much ' fine writing ' has been attempted in this history.
The ' Old Boys ' who read the account of the life of the old Grammar
School and its ' bickers ' will find that the narrative would have gained in
merit if the writer had been less diffuse. Still, he traces in his own way
the history of the Schola Regia and its migrations (the archbishop's palace
in which it was once housed was built, not by Thomas, but by Archbishop
James Bethune), and gives full lists of those (and they are many) alumni who
have made the name of the school great in the past, and of their rectors.
He has something to interest them, too, in the school-days of Sir Walter
Scott and the author of Lavengro, and among the portraits of past pupils
which add to the interest of the book we find one of King Edward VII.
when he was under the care of the then rector, Dr. Schmitz.

THE FIRST DECADE OF THE AUSTRALIAN COMMONWEALTH. A CHRONICLE
OF CONTEMPORARY POLITICS, 1901-1910. By Henry Gyles Turner.
Pp. xv, 320. Demy 8vo. Melbourne : Mason, Firth & M'Cutcheon.
1911. 93.

THE author admits the difficulty of gauging the value of contemporary
history, so we shall only say that this is his account — and a well-written
one — of Australian political history from the appointment of the first
governor-general and the opening of the first Federal Parliament in 1901
to the ' Third Labour Ministry.' We must also quote his own words
* whether my deductions are right or wrong, I can say that they have been
conscientiously arrived at, and, that in forming them, I have asked no man's
advice or opinion.'

A GUIDE TO THE BEST HISTORICAL NOVELS AND TALES. By Jonathan
Nield. Pp. xviii, 522. Foolscap 4to. London : Elkin Mathews.
1911. 8s. nett.

THE fourth edition has brought this attempt to enumerate the best — how-
ever one may construe the word — historical novels up to date. It is a
difficult and rather thankless task, yet we see that the compiler has bestowed
much care upon it, and we hope that it will be of use to those who prefer
their historical studies to be pursued in the guise of fiction.

ioo Current Literature

The article in the Edinburgh Review for April on Roman Scotland
will be read with peculiar interest as the eloquent, picturesque, and
courageous exposition of a ripe archaeological scholar's conclusions on the
general significance of the Roman occupation, especially in the light of Mr.
Curie's unearthing of Trimontium and Dr. Macdonald's re-discussion
of the Vallum of Antonine. The writer's pen — if conjecture as to this
possibility be permissible — has heretofore been well under restraint ;
indeed, some of us have for years been calling for a plain and
full deliverance of his theory of the interrelation of the composite barrier
across North England and the simpler structure between Forth and Clyde.
The article at last, and in a lively, dignified, and engaging manner, sets
forth to a considerable degree the faith that is in the author, whose identity
in Prof. Haverfield is archaeologically a secret of the housetops. Agricola's
chain of transisthmian forts had been given up after his recall. Newstead
(Trimontium) marked perhaps for thirty years later the Roman limit — a
river frontier line of Tweed, or a mountain line along the northern foot of
Cheviot. When Hadrian came he chose a frontier forty miles south,
across which the professor enters the archaeological battle-ground of
centuries. The earthen Vallum of the Cumbro-Northumbrian barrier he
still leaves unaccounted for, but Hadrian built the first wall — 'a solid
rampart of neatly laid sods ' — with < large and small forts and turrets ' all
connected by a road. This work of A.D. 120-124 is characterised as a real
service to the Empire, by enabling the garrison to patrol the frontier as they
could never have done without it. About A.D. 142 the frontier was moved
northward and the Antonine Wall built. The description of it deserves
quotation for its sympathetic touches and crisp delineation.

* The chief item in the new order is the new feature, the Wall. A
continuous rampart was built for thirty-six miles from Old Kilpatrick on
the Clyde to Bo'ness on the Forth, along the very line where Agricola had
once placed his forts. Its shorter length, its meaner ruins, its less delightful
and majestic scenery have won for this Wall far scantier notice than has
fallen to the southern Wall. Few, we think, have cared to walk it from
end to end : few have gained from it that impression of Roman power
which marks the greatest remains of the ancient world. Yet it is a serious
piece of frontier work. Like Hadrian's Wall, it was built of sods and ran
along a continuous valley from sea to sea. But it followed to the southern
not the northern side of the valley and it made no attempt at straightness ;
instead it wound from hill to hill in unceasing anxious quest of strong
military positions, and its whole scheme is that of the one central section
of Hadrian's Wall which crowns the line of basalt crags. Many forts
guarded it, some actually built on it, others a few yards to the rear. Most
of these forts, as far as is known at present, were of one general type. They
were girt by ramparts of turf like the Wall itself; within these ramparts
they covered a space equal to a square of a hundred yards and housed a
garrison of five hundred men ; they stood on selected sites approximately
two miles apart. On the other hand, they were reinforced by no such
smaller forts or towers as mark the lines of Hadrian. The garrisons of the
northern wall were perhaps stronger : they were certainly massed closer

Current Literature 101

than those of the south.' This new frontier * did not supersede the earlier
southern line. The two were held together.' And at this point the
professor, or at any rate the Edinburgh Reviewer, advances new doctrine for
the new frontier, when he says that Pius did not aim at annexing part of
southern Scotland, and that he took not a new province but a remote
strategic point, closing the door against the unconquered Caledonians of the
hills so as to shut them out from raids into the south. All the land west
of the road from Carlisle past Carstairs to the centre of the Wall * lay
wholly outside the Roman strategy.' This interpretation (does it apply
to Berwickshire also where there are no Roman remains ? ) is difficult, and
some of us may hesitate before accepting it. However this may be, the
frontier did not succeed ; there were repeated revolts; about A.D. 162 the
Wall was lost for a time ; about 180 it was lost altogether, when Newstead
(rebuilt after 162) was lost also — ' the end of Roman Scotland.'

There was still to come at the beginning of the third century the
campaign of Severus, about which the professor is dubious whether that
Emperor ever passed the Cheviots, ascribing to him, however, the mighty
work of rebuilding in stone Hadrian's Wall of turf, and walling the forts
with stone also. ' With his death in 211 Scotland drops out of the tale of
the British frontier.'

It is impossible to read without a responsive thrill the panegyric of the
Britannic limes which concludes the article. The garrisons might fail at
last, but they were saving Europe by the two centuries of defence. We
may ask for further proof before adopting the inference about the Tweed
frontier, the limited scope of policy behind the Antonine Vallum, the
magnitude of the building programme assigned to Severus and certain
consequences deducible therefrom ; but we are not the less grateful forso vivid,
learned, and stirring a presentment of facts which are beyond gainsay, and
of frank and persuasive theories which require ruminating, and admit of
no hasty refutation however obstinately inspired. And certainly we
appreciate Professor Haverfield's closing sentences : * The Roman walls in
Scotland and northern England have passed utterly out of our modern
lives. They did not in the end save Roman civilisation in our corner of
the empire. But before they perished they helped to do a work for which
to-day all Europe may be grateful.'

The Milecastle on the Wall of Hadrian at the Poltross Burn. By J. P.
Gibson and F. Gerald Simpson, with contributions by Prof. R. C.
Bosanquet and H. H. E. Craster (Kendal : Titus Wilson. 1911) is a
private reprint from Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeo-
logical Society's Transactions. Poltross Burn is the boundary between
Northumberland and Cumberland, and the milecastle there, near Gilsland,
was excavated last year. The results are, with much clearness, exhibited
in the report by Mr. Gibson and Mr. Simpson, which is made additionally
effective by a fine series of photographic plates showing general views, the
north gate, the connection with the Great Wall, the ovens (of three
periods), coins, fibulae and bronze objects. Besides, there are unusually
well-defined and large plans done by Mr. Simpson, as well as sections and
drawings of pottery, etc.

102 Current Literature

Chief interest probably lies in the facts or inferences (i) that three suc-
cessive floors were found, proving three occupancies ; (2) that the coins,
pottery and fibulae of the lowest floor are of second century dates and
types ; and (3) that the milecastle was abandoned before 330 A.D. The
sum of fact suggests to the authors the conclusion that * the building of the
milecastle and Great Wall took place about 120 A.D.,' and that the invasion
of 1 80 A.D. was the occasion of the first destruction, while there are no data
to fix the period of the second destruction following the first rebuilding.
The lines of inference, singly slender, are strong by convergence, and offer
the sharpest contrasts of interpretation to those of the Edinburgh reviewer.
The argument that milecastles of stone are incompatible with a wall of turf
carries a great appearance of force. In any view the positions maintained
by Mr. Gibson and Mr. Simpson, with their extensive local knowledge and
experience in similar excavations, much accentuate the difficulty of adopting
as at all countenanced by archaeological fact the conclusion that Severus, not
Hadrian, built the Murus.

The English Historical Review (April), besides formal papers on the Papal
claim of fealty from William the Conqueror, the year-book of Edward II.,
and the letters, etc., of Henry VIII., has a variety of important notes. One
is a collection of biographical data for Mary, abbess of Shaftsbury, believed
to have been the poetess Marie de France. Another is a short comment
with text of two chapters of Robert the Bruce in 1315 conveying the
sherifFdom and burgh of Cromarty to Sir Hugh of Ross. The fact that
the text of this grant was already known does not lessen the interest of its
presence in our contemporary's hospitable page. Sir James Ramage
proposes to account for Pipe Roll as — not a cylinder parchment but as —
coming from O.F. pipe espere de baton. A reference to Laborde's Glossaire
Franfais du Moyen Age voce pippe, giving many instances of the word in
connection with medieval book-binding, would perhaps lend Sir James's
explanation some corroboration, but meantime the explanation he offers is
far from clear. A facsimile from the Vatican archives shows the words
Pater sancte in the handwriting — * probably the only surviving specimen '
of Edward III.

In the July issue Professor Hoskins, tracing the points of contact between
chancery practices of England and Sicily in the twelfth century, registers a
remarkable body of fact concerning Thomas Brown (or le Brun), an
Englishman employed as assistant to the chancellor of King Roger of Sicily
and thereafter from 1160 until 1180 filling an important place at the
exchequer of Henry II., as the well-known Dialogus sets forth. The
opinions of Reginald Pecock, especially as revealed by his Book of Faith
recently edited by Professor J. L. Morison, are sympathetically expounded
by the Rev. E. M. Blackie, who appears in considerable degree to share
Prof. Morison's estimate of the originality and boldness of Pecock's
interpretation of the relations of faith and reason, and his plea for the
dominance of the latter virtually making the creed itself subject to
'sufficient evydencis.' What a glory it would have been to his memory
had he faced the stake with that doctrine. But as later to Erasmus, the
Church was still more to him than the individual creed. Professor W. H.

Current Literature 103

Stevenson once more earns gratitude for his learned exposition of a strange
fragment of medieval congratulation to King Athelstan after the defeat
of Sictric of Northumbria in 926, and before the battle of Brunanburh —
because the Scottish king — ' Constantinus Rex Scottorum et velum
Brytannium ' — is apparently regarded as King Athelstan's colleague and
friend. The little poem is best known from the imperfect version given
in Reliquiae Antiquae^ 1843, ii. 179, but a fresh version from an eighth
century Durham MS. printed in 1909 has now enabled Prof. Stevenson
to furnish an emended text. In editing it he furnishes a very satisfactory
parallel in matter and form in a poem addressed to Charlemagne.

In the Juridical Review for April, Mr. John Bartholomew makes a
faithful assembly and an interesting analysis of Bonds of Manrent, quoting
many examples and endeavouring to distinguish their intricate strands of
relationship with feudal dependence on the one hand, and the clan system
and cognate covenants of mutual defence on the other. An abuse of
feudalism, manrent at times too readily approximated to blackmail ; it was
the corollary of an insufficiently protective central power ; and, like most
of such institutions, it long defied the statutes of 1457 and 1555, by which,
according to Stair, it was £ utterly abolished.'

Special features of the Rutland Magazine for April are a note on the
bell-lore of Oakham and a set of reprints of election squibs of 1841.

While the American Historical Review for July has its due quota of
interesting matter on the Russo-Japanese War, the records of early
settlement in Carolina, and the story of American politics, including the
opening of the slave question campaign in 1860, the most attractive
contribution for European reading is Dr. G. L. Burr's annotated transcript
with facsimiles of a fragment of script on a blank page of a copy of
Luther's German Bible printed in 1546, the year of the great reformer-
translator's death. It is the engrossment of a letter evidently contemporary
recording how Luther ' our chariot and true charioteer in Israel ' died after
a heart seizure sudden and short enough, yet giving time for the application
of unavailing remedies before he passed away with Pater in manus tuas —
words that have soothed so many parting souls before and since — on his lips.
Dr. Burr suggests that the letter must have been written within a day or
two after i8th February, 1546, and that it probably illustrates the actual
putting in force of Melancthon's counsel that to avoid false stories (of suicide
or the like) the friends of Luther should at once make known the
circumstances of his death.

The Maryland Historical Magazine for June, among varied notes on the
hostilities in the Revolution and during the war of secession, prints a letter
by William Wilmot in 1777 describing his escape from capture in an
attack on the British force on Staten Island when some 200 of his
companions had to surrender.

Wilmot's independent spirit communicated itself to his spelling ! He
tells briskly of the ' houraw or hussaw from the oune end of our little line

104 Current Literature

to the other ' when they saw the ' hesions ' (Hessians) fall back at one stage
of the encounter before their fire. Less heroic is his story of his hiding in a
hay shed * devotely praying for the dark shades of knight to appear.'

The Iowa Journal (July) describes the exploratory expedition made in
1805 by Lieutenant Zebulon M. Pike from St. Louis up the Mississippi to
one of its sources at Leech Lake, Minnesota. The lieutenant's journal
has all the charm of geographical discovery with adventures among Sac,
Fox, Iowa, Sioux and Chippewa Indians to boot. His transaction with
the last named at Fort Snelling — a purchase of 100,000 acres for the
United States in return for presents of about $200 — was at least shrewd
bargaining. Another article quite as interesting and even more curious,
gives the minutes of proceedings of a conference of Governor Henry
Dodge with the chiefs of the Chippewas at Fort Snelling in 1837, resulting
in a purchase of a vast territory between Lake Superior and the Mississippi
for over $200,000. The Indians doubtless were still poor enough
bargainers, but the record of the speeches of Flat Mouth, Rat's Liver and
the Loon's Foot are proofs that the Great Father beyond the mountains
(the United States president) was somewhat more warily regarded by them
than his predecessor had been in the days of Lieutenant Pike.

A striking feature of the Revue Historique (Mai-Juin) is Henri
Marczali's story of a celebrated case of the fourteenth century Le Prods
de F/Iicien Zah — a Hungarian killed in 1330 in the palace of Charles-
Robert L, King of Hungary, after an attack on the king, in which the
queen, Elizabeth, had several fingers cut off. Zdh, who was one of the
nobility, underwent a post-mortem sentence of denunciation subjecting his
family to the third generation to the death penalty, and his more distant kins-
folk to slavery. It is an extraordinary sentence setting forth the treason and
ambition of Zdh and his * mad-dog-like ' murderous ferocity. But it proves
to be elaborately false ; it was an official hushing up of the real fact that
Zah was avenging an insult to his daughter by the queen's brother, to
which the queen was privy. The middle ages rich as they are in such
things, have rarely matched this tale of fury and vengeance and wrong, and
of the slow but final vindication of Zah from the fierce injustice which the
lying sentence did to his name.

M. G. Bloch concluding his study of Roman class origins reverts in
great measure to the position of Niebuhr against Mommsen's more recent
view of the origin of the plebs. Diplomatic papers deal with Fancan and
Richelieu, and with the French negotiations during the Prussian war with
Denmark in 1864.

In the next number of the Revue (Juillet-Aout) a poignant contribution,
by M. Paul Gaffarel, re-examines the evidences for the massacres of the
Vaudois in 1545, which so cruelly stained the closing years of Francis I.
with Lutheran blood. The scrutiny unfortunately does not materially
lessen the degree and extent of persecution, although the number of
thousands of victims at Cabrieres and Mdrindol eluding exact computation
may well have been somewhat overstated by protestant controversialists.
The villains in the tragedy, President Oppede, Advocate-general Guerin

Current Literature 105

and Captain Polin, were subsequently prosecuted, but emerged with
acquittal from the ordeal of embittered accusations. Guerin, currently
believed to have been the c expiatory victim for the massacres,' really
suffered on a still more disgraceful charge. He was hanged and decapitated,
and his head set on a stake in front of his own door, but this was not for
the massacres, but for forgery. M. Gaffarel naturally reckons the story
of these persecutions as among the most sinister pages in French annals.
M. Marcel Marion, commencing a narrative of certain examples of the
application of the laws against the royalist emigrations in 1792-93, points
out that the threat of no quarter to the revolutionaries necessarily exposed
the emigres to reprisal, and that the cruel wrong which resulted in many
cases was due to abuse of laws in themselves justifiably severe. M.
Henri Prentout challenges the received interpretation of the Gaulish Litus
Saxomcum in the Notitia^ and controverts the view that it specifically
connoted the Bessin in Normandy, suggesting that the term more probably
was indefinite and embraced the whole coast line from the Loire to the
Rhine.

The Revue des Etudes Historiques (July-December, 1910) contains an
interesting seventeenth century study (not yet completed) in the articles on
the life of Isabelle de Montmorency, Duchess of Chatillon and of
Meklembourg. Her brilliant and varied career was the subject of many
verses and jeux d'esprit by contemporary writers, and M. Fromageot's vivid
narrative is not merely a personal sketch, but a living picture of many of
the members of the great families of Montmorency and Coligny. < Le
grand Conde ' was her cousin, and the Due de Chatillon, with whom she
made a romantic marriage, was a great-grandson of Admiral Coligny.
Isabelle was not merely a beauty, but a woman of strong character, deep
in the confidence of her distinguished cousin ; she played no mean part in
the Fronde, and counted for much in the fortunes of the great Catholic
house generally.

M. de Vaissiere's papers on Poltrot de M£r6, the murderer of Guise, are
also full of interest, in their discussion of the details of the crime, and the
perennial question regarding the possible or probable complicity of Coligny,
Soubise, and other Huguenots, not to mention Catherine de Meclicis
herself. On this last point much remains to be said, and M. de Vaissiere
hopes to bring forward more proof to establish her responsibility in the
affair. Coligny he acquits of instigation, if not of foreknowledge and
indifference.

General Collier de la Marliere, a descendant of an English Collier who
went to France with Henry V. and remained there, is also the subject of
an essay. He joined the Republican Army at the Revolution, chiefly
from motives of necessity, and after a brief but notable career, ended by
himself falling a victim to the guillotine.

Communications and Replies

NOTE ON THE PORTRAIT OF JAMES I. (S.H.R. vii. 113).
Mr. James L. Caw has done good service by publishing such excellent
copies of the Edinburgh series of portraits of the five Jameses in the
Scottish Historical Review, vol. vii. No. 26, and it is to be hoped that his
paper may be the means of throwing light upon the origin of the well-
known picture that has long done duty as a portrait of King James I.
That picture represents the king with flowing hair and a bifid beard,
wearing a curious cap with a peculiar ornamentation, and a jacket open at
the neck, laced loosely with a cord across the chest.

So far as I have been able to trace it, the portrait first appeared as one of
a series of Scottish kings in J. Jonston's Inscriptions historical Regum
Scotorum, which was published at Amsterdam in 1602. From Jonston it
was reproduced in William Drummond's History of Scotland in 1655, where
various liberties have been taken with the dress, and T. Murray's Laws and
Acts of Parliament of Scotland in 1681. In 1797 it was copied by Pinkerton
(Iconographia Scotica\ who pronounced the series of portraits of which it
forms a part to be * entitled to the greatest confidence of authenticity.'
But those were uncritical days, and Pinkerton apparently took no further
pains to trace the origin of the picture, though he notes that it had twice
appeared since Jonston's time, adding mysteriously that these copies (i.e.
from Jonston) ' are of no authority.' The portrait appeared again in the
Pictorial History of England (ii. 133) in 1856, and it has recently taken a
fresh lease of life in R. Garnett, English Literature, i. 287 (1903) ; S. Cowan,
Royal House of Stuart, i. 166 (1908) ; and as a frontispiece in A. Lawson,
The King's £)uair (1910).

It seems, therefore, as if it had come to stay, and it would accordingly be
well to look a little more narrowly into its claim to authenticity.

It will be seen that Jonston, who first published it 165 years after the
king's death, says nothing as to where he had taken it from, and no one seems
to have raised the question since. But if we compare his series with that
now acquired for the National Portrait Gallery in Edinburgh, it is im-
possible to miss the resemblance between the two, not so much in the
features of the portraits as in the details of the dress and ornaments, e.g.

(a) the cap and the laced front of James I., together with a general
similarity, though Jonston added the right hand grasping a sword ;

(b) the ornament on the cap of James II. ;

(c) the pendent of the chain and the ornament on the cap of James III. ;

Note on the Portrait of James I. 107

(d) the cap and the chain across the chest of James IV. ;

(e) the whole costume of James V. ;

all pointing to the Edinburgh panels as being probably the originals on
which Jonston worked.

I quite agree with Mr. Caw (p. 114) in ascribing these panels to the
middle of the sixteenth century, the only really contemporary portrait
among them being that of James V. ; the others I conceive to be mere
guess-work, such as was common enough among portrait-painters who
undertook orders at that period. Mr. Caw, however (p. 115), thinks that
* the likenesses were almost certainly founded upon earlier portraits then
existing but now lost,' and that * the costumes are archaeologically correct.'
But both of these propositions appear to me to be exceedingly doubtful,
and until something more indisputable is advanced it seems necessary to
utter a caution against the prevalent fashion of taking the Jonston picture
as an authentic representation of the features of James I., though the
trustees of the Portrait Gallery are certainly to be congratulated upon
having apparently acquired the sixteenth century original which Jonston
(in the French sense) vulgarised.

Incidentally let me add that there appears to be no reason for supposing
with Mr. Caw (p. 116) that the picture of James II. at Kilchberg (not
Kielberg) near Tubingen has * now disappeared.' According to present
information all the (so-called) portraits of Ehingen's nine sovereigns are at
Kilchberg yet.

J. HAMILTON WYLIE.

4 Lawn Road, Hampstead, London, N.W.

1 SCOTTISH ISLANDS IN THE DIOCESE OF SODOR '
(S.ff.R. viii. 261). With reference to Mr. Reginald L. Poole's extremely
interesting paper I offer the following notes :

Chorhye = Chorbrye = Kiarbarey = the Saga name for Kerrera, which
comes in quite appropriately next after Mull.

Carrey. On the old maps (e.g. Ortelius, 1570 ; D'Arfeville and Lyndsay,
1583 ; Speed, 1610; and Straloch, 1653) the island of Kara appears quite
as prominently as Gigha (Saga name, Gud-ey), which is immediately to
the north of it. Your contributor is probably correct, however, in his
ingenious suggestion that the transcriber has miswritten Canney (Canna),
which fits in better as to position.

Howas — Hivist, one of the many forms of Uist (Saga name, Ivist). The
suggestion of Howse is founded on a misreading of Dean Munro, who
gives the name of the parish as Howfe (not Howse). See Origines
Parochiales for various other spellings.

De insults Alne must, I think, refer to a group of islands, and here I
suggest that the word Alne may be a corruption of Flanni, i.e. the Isles of
St. Flann. The Flannan Isles also called The Holy Isles and The Seven
Hunters, are a small group twenty miles west of the Lewis.

Swostersey. Principal Lindsay would seem to have solved this puzzle ;
the Wattersay referred to is probably the one near Barra, which best suits
the geographical progression.

io8 'Scottish Islands in the Diocese of Sodor'

Episcoporum /;(...) must, one would think, refer to the isles referred to
by Principal Lindsay and known as the Bishop's Isles, h (...) may stand
for haebudensium ?

I suggest that the lacuna in the middle of page 259 should read : pertin
(entibusque), and not (entiisque).

The use of Sodor as a place-name is, of course, a barbarism — the con-
traction 4 Sodor.' in some Latin manuscript (representing Sodorensis, i.e.
Sudreyan) having been taken for a noun.

As we are dealing here with the Saga period, the names of the various
Sudreyar are, as we should expect, chiefly given in their Norse form.

ROBERT L. BREMNER.

With reference to the same paper Mr. David MacRitchie writes :
Mr. Reginald Poole's identification of Chorhye with the island of Tiree
in the papal bull of 1231 is borne out by the pronunciation of the word
4 Tiree ' when expressed according to English phonetics. The Gaelic word
tir, * land,' is pronounced like English l cheer,' and I have heard a Gaelic-
speaking woman pronounce ' Tiree ' as if it had been written in English
1 Cheree,' the accent being strongly on the second syllable. There is
a modern tendency, even among Gaelic speakers — at any rate when they
are speaking English — to pronounce the word as 4Tie-ree.' But as the
woman referred to belonged to the caste of tinkers, a caste noted for its
conservation of old forms, her * Cheree ' may safely be taken as the oldest
pronunciation. From ' Cheree ' to the * Chorhye ' of the papal bull is
but a step.

BATTLE OF DUNDALK. What is the true date of the battle of
Dundalk which brought Edward the Bruce's Kingship of Ireland to an
end ?

Mr. MacCarthy, Editor of the Ulster Annals, accepts the criteria in Clyn
Towit, " 1318, on the feast of blessed Calixtus, Pope and martyr, Oct. 14
on the morning of Saturday " ; elsewhere it is given as 5th October, 1317,
which was a Wednesday. G. LAW.

[There cannot be a doubt that the date was Saturday, St. Calixtus day,
1 4th October, 1318. All original authorities, Scottish and Irish, agree on
the piM«j". The latest examination of the question is in Mr. W. M.
MackSeerie's The Bruce, note to bk. xviii., where the source of the erroneous
5th jfto bber is traced to the Annals of Ireland in the old Latin edition of
Caqft wi's Britannia used by Hailes. Later editions, e.g. ed. 1695, p. 1137,
tra*g's:e the text of the Annals expressly and correctly thus — 'On Satur-
day which happen'd to be the feast of Pope Calixtus a Battle was fought . . .
two leagues from Dundalk.' It is right to suggest in slight correction
both of Father Stevenson, editor of the Lanercost Chronicle, and of Mr.
Mackenzie that the Chronicle may be read as putting the battle not on the
1 3th as they state, but on the I4th of October — infra quindenam post festum
sancti Michaelis, that is, the fifteenth day after 29th September, which is
October 14, differing from the simple 'quinzaine' of St. Michael which is
the i 3th.]

Order of the Star of Bethlehem 109

ORDER OF THE STAR OF BETHLEHEM. The Monastic
Order of the Star of Bethlehem was one of the lesser orders of which little
seems to be known. Mathew Paris, in his Historia Major under the
year 1257, mentions that a house in Cambridge was given to the
Bethlehemite Brethren, whose dress is similar to that of the Black Friars,
but is marked on the breast with a red Star with five wavy rays, and in the
centre a round brazen knob representing the Comet which appeared at
Bethlehem at the Birth of our Saviour.

The only house of this Order in Scotland was at St. Germans in the
Parish of Tranent in East Lothian. As to when it was founded we have
no information ; but from the dates of some of its rulers, it must have been
established much earlier than the one in England.

The Order appears to have been closely connected with the Bishopric of
Bethlehem, which was suffragan to the Patriarch of Jerusalem. The first
mention of the Order is in a deed in the Reg. Epis. Glasg.^ where Sir Milo
Cornetht is a witness as to Stobs of date 1208-14. This does not mention
St. Germans ; but in a cyrograph between De Quinci and Holyrood as to
the tithes of Tranent, where St. Germans is situated, in 1222, Milo
Cornet, Prior of St. Germans, is a witness. The identity of these two is,
I think, well established. He also, as Milo Cometh, witnesses undated
charters to Dunfermline by De Quinci and to Newbattle by Richard de
Morville.

In the Charters of Soltre [Bannatyne Club] l Edward de Albo Fonte '
grants Soutra the lands of Quhitwel ' et terram insuper de Bothoclyd quam
tenui de Sancto Germano, pro qua quidem terra solvent annuatim illius loci
custodi quatuor denarios ad Festum Sancti Michaelis pro omnibus et singulis
que dictis tern's exigi poterunt aut debebunt.' This deed is undated, and
in the printed tabula the approximate date is given c. 1238-1300 ; but as
Sir Wm. Sancto Claro, sheriff of Edinburgh, is a witness, the period may
be shortened to between 1266-1290.

In Bayamond's Roll [Theiner, Monl\ Fratres de Sancto Germane paid
405.

Friar John of St. Germans, who was the bearer of a letter of condolence
to King Alexander from Edward I. in 1284, may or may not have been
connected with this St. Germans. In 1291 the Pope grants a relaxation
of one year and forty days of penance to those who visit the church of
St. Germans, Travernent, and on the Feast of St. German.

In the valor verus the Domus de Sancto Germane is valued at ^3 6s. 8d.
and the tenth 6s. 8d.

In Ragman Roll, Bartholomew Magister domus Sancti Germani de
Travenynt appears as owning land in Aberdeen and in Kincardine 28
Aug. 1296.

The Papal Letters and Petitions supply us with various other notices.

The Pope writes to David, King of Scotland, asking him to assist
William, Bishop of Bethlehem, to recover certain sums of money due to
him from certain benefices and other sources in Scotland, Sept. 1332.

In 1408 Robert, Duke of Albany, petitions on behalf of Richard de
Mariton, a Canon of Scone, for the Hospital of St. Germans of the value of

no Order of the Star of Bethlehem

£50 of old valuation, which was wont to be given by the Bishop of
Bethlehem to clerks, bearing the Red Cross ; and which was void, as
Roger de Edinburgh is a notorious schismatic, notwithstanding that Henry
de Ramsay unlawfully holds it.

This Roger de Edinburgh, a priest, who describes himself as of noble
birth and akin to the King of Scots, had petitioned in 1394 for a canonry
of Rouen Cathedral, and in 1403 the Precentor of Bayeux petitioned on
his behalf for a benefice in the gift of the Bishop and Chapter of Aberdeen.

The possession of this Hospital was the subject of much litigation.
About four years later Henry de Ramsay, of noble birth and Rector of the
Augustinian Hospital of St. German of the Star of Bethlehem, in the
Diocese of St. Andrews, claims that the said Hospital, when void by
the death of John Rollock, a papal chaplain, was given to him, first by his
Ordinary, and then by papal authority, on deprivation of Roger de
Edinburgh, a schismatic ; and whereas Richard de Mariton, by a sur-
reptitious grant obtained by false statements, is maliciously litigating about
the same before Thomas de Games, official of St. Andrews, he prays the
Pope to remit the cause to John Garsie, papal auditor, so that the Hospital
may be given to the said Henry, which petition is granted in 1412.

As far back as 1373 John Rollo (Rollock above) Master here appears as
one of the clerks of the wardrope (Excheq. Roll}.

In the Douglas Charters, Dominus Richard Langlandis, Magister
Hospitalis St. Germani, appears as a witness in 1421.

In 1466 Friar Patrick Pyot, master of the Hospital, gives sasine of certain
burgh tenements in Crail to Sir John Ottyr ; sasine is given by William
Pyot, his brother, as his bailie.

In the Antiquities of Aberdeen (Spalding Club), Patrick Pyot,
1 Magister Domus Sancti Germani Ordinis Sancti Augustini Iherosolamitani
Cruciferorum cum Stella,' grants Donebankis in feu to Michael of
Donebankis 1475. There is in the Dun charter chest a writ by John of
Chalmers, master of St. Germans and parson of Aberluthnocht, in reference
to the teinds of that parish for the year 1473. It is dated July 1474.
There are also deeds of the same Chalmers as c pensionarius ' of St. Germans.
These would appear to point out that there were two masters called Patrick
Pyot with Chalmers ruling in the interval. In the Crail writs Mr. Thomas
Pyot, Preceptor of the Star of Bethlehem, occurs in 1490. He seems to
have been succeeded by the most famous master of the Hospital, the great
and good Bishop Elphinstone of Aberdeen — a preferment that appears to be
unknown to the writers of the life of the Bishop. Elphinstone appears as
Preceptor in 1506 and 1510 in writs in the Kinnaird charter chest.

In General Hutton's MSS. in the Advocates' Library is a statement that
* Thomas Pyot, master of St. Germans, resigned properties in Glenmuick,
Glengarden, and elsewhere, and rents in Fife, Lothian, Angus and Mearns
to Bishop Elphinstone.' Unfortunately, the General does not condescend
on dates, nor does he, as far as I could see, mention where the deed was
that he quoted. This is to be regretted as evidently this was the deed
by which the Preceptorship was resigned in the Bishop's favour. In the
Acta Dom. Aud. is a mention that an annual of 45. from a tenement

Order of the Star of Bethlehem 1 1 1

in Leith was to be paid yearly l to ye place of ye sterne of Bethlehem ' in

1483-

About 1 542 Mr. Henry Lauder, the Queen's advocate, is designated of

St. Germans. He as a young man made an oration in the * French
tongue ' to the Queen on her first entry to Edinburgh. In the Denmyln
MSS. in Advocates' Library is a Papal Letter granting permission to him,
his wife and children to have a private altar. In the Register of the Great
Seal, 1577, there is a confirmation of a charter by Alexander Morisone vel
Moreis, chaplain vel Preceptor de Capelle S. Germani de Stella Bethleemi-
tate infra Partes Laudonie, of the Lands of St. Germans to George
Douglas and Elizabeth Fairlie, his spouse, reserving life-interest to Francis
Douglas of Borg, his father, and to Agnes Lauder, his spouse, and on their
resignation. This was apparently in reference to making up the titles as
the lands had been disponed years before as shown above.

Thomas Dempster, of Muiresk, whose gigantic mendacity can only be
palliated by his 'perfervidum ingenium Scotorum,' states that Donatus
Grant eremita here wrote a work in 1354 entitled *De Wiclifitarum
Perfidia,' which fact is probably a creation of his active brain. He also
states 'Eremita quidam Scotus imaginem Deiparas Virginis Lauretanae
humeris suis in Scotiam, divina revelatione admonitus, deportavit et Mussel-
burgi, quarto a regia Edinburgo lapide Villa Sancti Germani deposuit, ad
quam toto regno atque etiam ex Anglia creberrimus piorum hominum
concursus et solennis peregrinatio. lo. Leslaeus lib. ix. Hist. Scot. pag. 442
scripsit Revelationes suas Delata est ab eo imago an. MDXXXJ existimo
hunc et Monachum et Ordinis Eremitanae D. Hieronymi, quod illo ordo
Sancti Germani Coenobium haberet, viris doctis et sanctis celebre.'
Dempster was not the only writer to confuse the Hospital of St. Germans
with the Chapel of Loretto at Musselburgh.

The name of Pyot [Magpie] was held of little respect, as in 1707 a
petition was presented to Parliament by William Pyot for himself, his kins-
men and relations, humbly showing that their predecessors were of the sur-
name of Graham, but that owing to an unhappy difference in the clan they
were obliged to cover themselves under the surname of Pyet. They
therefore earnestly entreat Parliament to discharge the ignominious nick-
name of Pyet and to allow them to take the surname of Graham which
they cannot do without a Public Act. Parliament granted the prayer, and
an act was passed for the purpose.

In Exegesis in Canonem Divi dugustini, by Robert Richardson,
Canon of Cambuskenneth, Paris, 1530, a rather rare book, is a list of the
orders that follow the rules of St. Augustine. The Star of Bethlehem is
not mentioned, but it may be included under that of the Cruciferorum,
those bearing the Star of Bethlehem having made the Pilgrimage to
Bethlehem.

J. G. WALLACE-JAMES.

Haddington.

THE BATTLE OF HARLAW. Five hundred years ago, on
24th July, 1411, the battle of Harlaw was fought, near Inverurie, some

1 1 2 The Battle of Harlaw

twenty miles from Aberdeen. Donald, Lord of the Isles, having ravaged
Ross — the earldom of which was in dispute — marched southward declaring
that he would harry and burn the town of Aberdeen. The lowland forces,
under the Earl of Mar, repelled the Celtic invasion, possibly in a more
effective way than was thought of at the time. Aberdeen was saved,
although its Provost, Robert Davidson, who led out thirty or forty of
the burghers, was killed in the battle.

In commemoration of the five hundredth anniversary of this battle a
pageant was held in Aberdeen on Coronation Day. To those who took
an interest in the historical details, the procession was one of great interest.
The leading personages were admirably represented. Although the details
of costume, arms, etc., had been carefully thought out, and were in point
of fact as nearly historically accurate as was possible, a section of the
onlookers regarded the procession as merely a grotesque display. On the
whole, however, the local committee had reason to look back with much
satisfaction on their successful enterprise.

The

Scottish Historical Review

VOL. IX., No. 34 JANUARY 1912

•

The Old Schools and Universities in Scotland

IT would be an interesting problem to analyze the secret of the
fascination which Scottish history has been found to exercise
on the minds of all thoughtful students. Much must be allowed
to the violent political changes, which more frequently than in the
history of other countries from time to time altered the whole
course of Scottish development. The War of Independence, the
Reformation, the Union with England, — each of these marks a
definite turning-point involving catastrophic changes such as are
rarely to be met in the more orderly development of the southern
kingdom, and such changes as these can never occur without
producing men who, sharing the influence of two periods, must
for all time present elements of mystery to the historian.

Nor is the fascination of the irreconcilable to be found merely
in the characters of the men who have played an outstanding part
in the history of our country. The student of Scottish history, in
any of its aspects, is constantly being confronted by apparent con-
tradictions of the most violent kind. That Scotland should be
liberal in politics and intolerant in religion was the paradox which
attracted the vigorous mind of Buckle : that Scotland should be
liberal in politics and conservative in its instincts has in recent

1 Essay awarded the One Hundred Guineas Prize offered by Dr. J. P. Steele of
Florence in connection with the Celebration of the Five Hundredth Anniversary
of the Foundation of St. Andrews University. The competition was open to all
graduates of Scottish Universities, and the subject of the essay was described as
Scotland's Debt of Gratitude to her Parish Schools, her Grammar Schools, and her
Universities.

S.H.R. VOL. IX. H

ii4 The Old Schools and Universities

times repeatedly figured in the columns of the daily press as a
paradox worthy of consideration. Yet there is an even more
curious contradiction which has been noted by most careful
observers. Scarcely any country in Europe presents so continuous
a history of extreme poverty as Scotland. This is, perhaps, the
most outstanding feature in Scottish economic history from earliest
times, through a long troubled history when devastation was a
necessary accompaniment of incessant warfare, until the end of the
eighteenth century, when Fletcher of Saltoun estimated that a fifth
of the population lived in a state of beggary. The records of the
various burghs and of the Privy Council reveal to us a country in
which starvation was not merely the occasional result of a bad
harvest or the consequences of war, but the normal condition of
affairs. For long periods hunger was the daily companion of the
greater part of the population, and the country at large was
terrorized by the troops of beggars who wandered about seeking
to extort by fear what they could not obtain by compassion.

Yet this country, so signally deficient in the necessaries of life,
was the country which has had the clearest conception of the
value of education and the importance of learning. The remark-
able Act of 1496, whatever view may be taken of the objects of
its provisions, was at least in intention a compulsory education
Act, and shows that in educational matters the Parliament of
Scotland was centuries in advance of the legislators of other
countries. The great scheme of education drawn up in the
Book of Discipline, though never carried into effect, represented
the common ideals of both the religious parties which divided the
Scottish nation at the time of the Reformation. These ideals,
involving the establishment of a school in every parish, were
never lost sight of, and the Act of 1696, which secured this end,
gave Scotland an educational system which made her peasantry
the best informed in Europe. That these lofty ideals should
have been entertained in material circumstances so sordid and so
depressing is one of the most remarkable facts in Scottish history,
and one of the most creditable to the Scottish people. { I know
not,' wrote Dr. Johnson, who was never too favourable a critic of
matters relating to Scotland, — ' I know not whether it be not
peculiar to the Scots to have attained the liberal without the
manual arts, to have excelled in ornamental knowledge and to
have wanted not only the elegancies but the conveniencies of
common life.'

It is in the common schools of a country that the ordinary

in Scotland 1 1 5

citizens are equipped for the battle of life : it is in the higher
schools and colleges that the future leaders of a nation receive the
training which qualifies them for their position of trust and
responsibility. To comment on the important part played by the
educational system in the formation of national character would,
therefore, be to insist on the obvious. Yet what would otherwise
be a platitude ceases to be so in the case of Scotland when con-
sidered in the light of the peculiarity noted by Dr. Johnson.
Had Scotland until the middle of the eighteenth century been
without learning and without any educational system worthy of
the name, the fact would not have appeared remarkable. The
historian could have pointed in extenuation to the insecurity
caused by incessant warfare within and without the kingdom, and
to the poverty which might reasonably have been expected to
extinguish all love of knowledge and all lofty ideals of education.
Yet, in point of fact, in this, one of the most important depart-
ments of national life, Scotland, instead of being backward, has
been immeasurably in advance of other nations. In a country
placed in circumstances so unfavourable, the development of an
efficient educational system must have demanded on the part of
the nation at large a much greater sacrifice than was necessary
elsewhere. In the minds of Scotsmen education must have been
more prominent, and learning must have been more appreciated
for its own sake. Great, then, as has been the influence on other
countries of their educational systems, it is only to be expected
that in the case of Scotland, the influence of her schools and
colleges has been even greater, and that our country to-day is
under a deeper debt of gratitude to her scholastic institutions
than other countries are.

It is not the object of this paper to trace in any detail the
history of the schools and universities of Scotland or to give a
connected account of the various Acts of Parliament or of the
Privy Council establishing or extending the scope of her educa-
tional system. It may, however, be convenient at this stage to
consider as briefly as possible the nature of the Scottish educational
system as it existed from earliest times, before showing in what
way the leading features of that system have left their mark on
the Scottish nation.

Briefly speaking, the educational institutions of Scotland may
be divided into three classes : the parish schools, the grammar
schools, and the universities. Historically, the system in its
main features can be traced to the period of the domination of

n6 The Old Schools and Universities

the Roman Catholic Church, to which in educational matters
Scotland owes much. The origin of the parish schools is a matter
of some obscurity, but it is clear that from a very early time the
parish priests either acted as schoolmasters in their parishes, or
else, in certain cases, supervised a younger ecclesiastic to whom
these duties were assigned. Such parish schools, it is unnecessary
to say, did not exist everywhere, yet it is certain that before the
Reformation they existed in considerable numbers throughout the
country.

The scheme of educational reform associated with the name of
Knox, which is to be found in the Book of Discipline, did not
then, in proposing the establishment of a school in each parish,
break with the traditions of the past ; it merely sought to render
more perfect a system already in existence. Adverse circum-
stances, however, proved too strong for the Reformers, and the
realization of this part of their dreams was left to a later genera-
tion. By the Act of the Privy Council of 1633, and more
definitely by the Act of Parliament of 1696, it was finally enacted
that a school should be established in each parish. This last-
mentioned Act completed a long process of development, and
although it was not possible in every parish to give effect to its
provisions, yet in general, as a result of this measure, parish
schools did exist throughout the country and brought within the
reach of all the possibility of an elementary education.

The grammar schools are also in their origin the offspring of
the Roman Catholic Church. It was customary in the various
cathedrals and abbeys to have schools intended in the first place
for the training of boys and young men for the offices of the
Church. These were naturally situated in towns of considerable
size and importance, and as they offered advantages in education
superior to what could be obtained elsewhere, it was, perhaps,
inevitable that the sons of townsmen should in time be admitted
as outside pupils. Through the growth of this element, the
municipal authority gradually acquired a certain measure of
control over these schools, and in the earlier history of these
institutions there are numerous cases of disputed authority
between the ecclesiastical and the secular powers. In the
upheaval attending the Reformation, these cathedral and abbey
schools, as well as the collegiate schools, which also had originally
depended on the great ecclesiastical houses, naturally passed under
the control of the various town councils. These bodies, in their
new capacity as patrons of learning, showed themselves in all

in Scotland 117

cases zealous on behalf of the schools which had passed under
their charge, and in very many burghs where there was no school
with the ecclesiastical origin indicated, the town council at a later
date took steps to establish academies or seminaries.

To the influence of the Roman Catholic Church, or at least of
Roman Catholic ecclesiastics, is also to be attributed the founda-
tion of three of the four Scottish universities. The large
numbers of Scottish students at Oxford, and the more celebrated
continental universities, proved at an early date that the
establishment of a university in Scotland was urgently required.
The foundation of St. Andrews, the first of the three Catholic
universities, was effected in 1411-12 by Bishop Wardlaw, and
was intended to provide Scottish students with the advantages
of a higher education in their own country. In 1450 the Uni-
versity of Glasgow was founded, through the efforts of Bishop
Turnbull, on the model of the University of Bologna, and in
1494 Bishop Elphinstone succeeded in obtaining a bull for the
establishment of a university in Aberdeen, expressly founded for
the purpose of humanizing the highlands where 'rude men,
ignorant of letters were still to be found.' The University of
Edinburgh alone, established after the Reformation, has a different
and more humble origin. Founded in 1583 by the town
council, it was for many years merely ' the town's college,' and
only acquired the rank of a university as the result of a vague
process of expansion and development. With four universities,
Scotland was amply furnished with the means of providing a
higher education, — indeed, it may reasonably be held that a
country with so small a population as Scotland could not well
maintain so many. Yet no one who has considered the part
played by the Scottish universities will regret that they have
been so numerous. If, perhaps, from the point of view of the
universities themselves, the fact is to be deplored, the relatively
large number of universities in Scotland has, nevertheless, pro-
duced effects, to be noted later, which have indubitably been for
the advantage of the nation.

What then does Scotland owe to these various parts in her
educational system ? The first and most obvious test of efficiency
is to enquire how far the educational system of Scotland has
achieved the end for which schools and colleges are ostensibly
founded, — in other words, how far has it been successful in pro-
moting learning, and in keeping alive in our country the true
spirit of culture and of scholarship ? It is impossible in a few

1 1 8 The Old Schools and Universities

words to answer this question adequately, since in Scotland, as in
all countries, the seats of learning have had their seasons of
stagnation and their periods of prosperity. There have been
times when the universities cannot be said to have played that
part in the national life which should rightly have fallen to them ;
there have, on the other hand, been times when our universities
have rightly occupied a position of distinction among the leading
European universities. In considering the Scottish educational
system purely from the point of view of the work done by it as
an instrument for the dissemination of knowledge, it will be
possible to proceed only by way of illustration, indicating almost
at random the work which has at various times and in various
ways been accomplished.

It is necessarily difficult to appreciate the work done by the
parish schools, since our knowledge of what was actually taught
in them is, until a comparatively recent stage in their develop-
ment, very vague in its nature. Latin, taught from the text-
books of the grammarians, Donatus and Despauter, was the chief
subject in the curriculum of the elementary schools, as a know-
ledge of that language was the key to all other knowledge in the
Middle Ages. Yet, if we cannot know directly, it can at least
be inferred that the parish schools, even from a very early date,
accomplished a great educational work. These schools were the
basis of the whole educational system, and the vast number of
distinguished Scottish scholars, who from the time of Duns Scotus
thronged the universities of Europe, is a clear proof that in
Scotland there was sufficient opportunity of acquiring the
beginnings of learning.

Our knowledge of the curricula of studies followed in the
grammar schools is more complete, and it is evident that in many
ways the range of subjects taught in our schools to-day is less
extended than it was some hundreds of years ago. In the middle
of the sixteenth century the boys attending the Grammar School
at Aberdeen were forbidden to speak any language other than
Latin, Greek, Hebrew, French and Gaelic, and the scholars had
been sufficiently accomplished to receive James V. in 1540 with
orations in Greek and Latin. About this time Greek was also
taught in the Grammar School at Montrose by the famous French
scholar, Pierre de Marsilliers, and Hebrew as well as Greek was
taught in the school at Perth by John Row in the next century.

Moreover, it is clear that the scholars acquired no mere
perfunctory knowledge of the classics in the burgh schools, but

in Scotland 119

that, in the Latin writers at least, they obtained a wide and liberal
education. Amongst the classical writers studied at Glasgow
Grammar School towards the end of the sixteenth century, we
find the names of Cicero, Terence, Ovid, Vergil, Horace, Sallust
and Caesar, and in addition the Psalms of Buchanan and the
Dialogues of Erasmus were also read. In the High School at
Edinburgh the curriculum in 1640 comprised Cicero, Terence,
Ovid, Buchanan, Vergil, Sallust and Lucan, while at a later date,
in 1710, the highest class studied Terence, Vergil, Lucan, Horace,
Juvenal, Cicero, Livy, Florus, Sallust, Suetonius and the Psalms
of Buchanan. The range of reading in Aberdeen Grammar
School was equally wide, and it is clear that throughout the
country, in all the schools of which these may be taken as types,
a classical training was given which must have disseminated
throughout Scotland a very extensive knowledge of the best
Latin authors. To this very thorough foundation, and to the
custom of speaking only in Latin, rigorously enforced in all
schools and universities, is doubtless to be ascribed the eminence
in Latin scholarship which so long distinguished the countrymen
of George Buchanan.

It is, however, the universities of a country which are the
chief instruments in the dissemination of knowledge, since the
students of to-day are the teachers of others to-morrow : to
the universities must also necessarily fall the leadership in all
matters of philosophic thought or scientific enquiry. No attempt
can be made here to estimate accurately the nature of the work
accomplished by the Scottish universities in this respect, but
some indication of the greatness of the work which they have
achieved, viewed solely as educational institutions, may be
obtained by a brief reference to some of the more brilliant
periods in their history.

The system of teaching in force in all the Scottish universities
until the eighteenth century was carried on by regents as
opposed to professors, that is to say, the students of each year
were entrusted to a regent who carried them through the entire
course. Such a system necessarily made it impossible for the
teachers to become specialists in any department of learning, but
this objection was a minor one in an age when it was still possible
for the scholar to take all knowledge to be his province. It had,
however, counterbalancing advantages, inasmuch as it was possible
for a man of genius to leave the imprint of his personality on
his students to an extent scarcely possible under the professorial

120 The Old Schools and Universities

system. It is, however, only fair to judge of any system by its
best achievements, and to realize what the regenting system of
teaching could, and in fact did, accomplish for Scotland, it is
only necessary to consider the case of Glasgow soon after the
Reformation. Scotland's second university had about the
middle of the sixteenth century passed into a period of eclipse,
from which it was rescued by the efforts of the Regent Morton.
The teaching of Andrew Melville, the chief restorer of the
western university, inaugurated a bright period in the history
of Scottish learning, and deservedly conferred on his university
a European reputation. His teaching represented a vast advance
on the somewhat barren scholastic philosophy of the Middle Ages,
and those students who were privileged to read with him, acquired
in the course of their studies, an extensive knowledge of classical
literature, regarded from the standpoint of the new learning,
which was modifying the views of the educated classes of
Europe.

Let his nephew, James Melville, give his account of the
work that was being done in Glasgow University in the last
quarter of the sixteenth century. — ' Sa falling to wark with a few
number of capable heirars, sic as might be instructars of uthers
therefter, he teatched them the Greik grammer, the Dialectic
of Ramus, the Rhetoric of Taleus with the practise thereof
in Greik and Latin authors, namlie, Homer, Hesiod, Phocilides,
Theognides, Pythagoras, Isocrates, Pindarus, Virgill, Horace,
Theocritus etc. From that he enterit to the Mathematiks
and teatched the Elements of Euclid, the Arithmetic and Geo-
metric of Ramus, the Geographic of Dyonisius, the Tables
of Honter, the Astrologie of Aratus. From that to the Morall
Philosophic : he teatched the Ethiks of Aristotle, the Offices of
Cicero, Aristotle de Virtutibus, Cicero's Paradoxes and Tusculanes
Aristotle's Polytics, and certean of Platoes Dialogues. From that
to the Naturall Philosophic ; he teatched the buiks of the Physics,
De Ortu, De Coelo, etc., also of Plato and Fernelius. With this
he joyned the Historic with the twa lights thereof, Chronologic
and Chirographie, out of Sleidan, Menarthes, and Melanchthon.
And all this, by and attoure his awin ordinar profession, the
holie tonges and Theologie. He teachit the Hebrew grammer,
first schortlie, and syne more accuratlie ; therefter the Caldaic
and Syriac dialects with the practise thereof in the Psalmes
and Warks of Solomon, David, Ezra, and Epistles to the
Galates. He past throw the haill Comoun Places of Theologie

in Scotland 121

verie exactlie and accuratlie ; also throw all the Auld and New
Testament. And all this in the space of sax yeirs during the
quhilk he teatchit everie day customablie twyse, Sabothe and
uther day ; with an ordinar conference with sic as war present
efter denner and supper.'. . . £ Finalie,' adds James Melville, ' I
dare say there was na place in Europe comparable to Glasgow
for guid letters during these yeirs for a plentifull and guid
chepe mercat of all kynd of langages, artes, and sciences.'

This description has been quoted at some length, as the
impression which it gives of the work done by the Scottish
universities towards the end of the sixteenth century is more
vivid than would be conveyed by any general discussion of the
university system which then existed. The influence on the
country of such a * plentifull and guid chepe mercat ' of know-
ledge need not be emphasized. The teaching of Melville in
Glasgow, and later in St. Andrews, must have supplied a body
of men, imbued with the spirit of the new learning, who later
as ministers and teachers, perpetuated the influence of their
master through the pulpits and parish schools of their country.

The work done by the universities in Scotland may also be
conveniently illustrated by reference to the history of Aberdeen.
The university in that town started its career under most
promising auspices, having for its first principal the historian
Boece, and counting among its first teachers the great gram-
marian, John Vaus. It is clear from various sources that it
was at once frequented by large numbers of students, and
that within forty years of its foundation it had already acquired
a very considerable reputation. At the Reformation the uni-
versity was * purged ' by the removal of those teachers who
were not in sympathy with the dominant ecclesiastical party.
The first principal of the reformed university was Alexander
Arbuthnot, a man who is known to have been in intimate
communication with Andrew Melville. As they discussed
together the question of university reform in Glasgow and
Aberdeen, it may reasonably be inferred that he introduced
into Aberdeen that new spirit of learning which was then
conferring on Glasgow so high a reputation.

Throughout the seventeenth century, Aberdeen University
continued to play a very large part in the intellectual life
of the country. Under the influence of Bishop Forbes, the
university tended to become a seat of theological learning,
and the body of erudite men known as the Aberdeen doctors,

122 The Old Schools and Universities

while playing a great part in the ecclesiastical disputes in con-
nection with the Solemn League and Covenant, also maintained
the reputation of their town as a centre of literary and intellectual
activity. Throughout the seventeenth century the influence
of the many distinguished men who taught in the university,
conferred on Aberdeen a pre-eminence in all the finer arts which
attracted the favourable notice of such disinterested observers
as Clarendon and Burnet.

A further illustration of the intellectual work accomplished
by the universities in Scotland may be obtained by reference
to the conditions obtaining in the eighteenth century. The
beginning of the century witnessed a period of intellectual
stagnation, which, however, was not peculiar to Scotland. Adam
Smith's description of the barrenness of the teaching in the
English universities at this period, is one of the best known
passages of The Wealth of Nations, and need only be mentioned
here as indicating that the decline of the Scottish universities
in the first part of the eighteenth century was not due to any
causes peculiarly affecting Scotland, but was the result of a
wide-spread intellectual reaction which marked the age ot
common sense throughout Europe.

What, however, is noteworthy, is the fact that the great
awakening came to the Scottish universities at a time when
the universities of England were still suffering from intellectual
torpor. One of the greatest periods of Scottish intellectual
activity was inaugurated by the lectures on philosophy delivered
in Glasgow by Francis Hutcheson, and the dawn of the new
spirit was further marked by the appointment, in 1751, of
Adam Smith, whose lectures on philosophy contained the out-
line not only of his Theory of the Moral Sentiments but also
of The Wealth of Nations. A university which, in addition to
such names as these, counted among its professors such men
as Reid in philosophy, and Cullen and Black in science, not
merely did much for Scotland but benefited the whole world
by its contributions to the advancement of learning.

Nor was the prosperity of Glasgow at this time exceptional
among the Scottish universities. The Gregorys who lectured
in Edinburgh, and Maclaurin as professor, first in Aberdeen
and later in Edinburgh, are among the most distinguished names
in the history of mathematics. It is, perhaps, worthy of special
mention that David Gregory lectured in Edinburgh on the
Newtonian philosophy many years before it was accepted in

in Scotland 123

Cambridge, and that indeed it was by his efforts that the Principia
was brought to the notice of English mathematicians. Nor,
in mentioning the University of Edinburgh in the eighteenth
century, is it possible to pass over in silence the great names
of the Monros, who will forever be remembered in connection
with the foundation and rapid expansion of the medical school,
which has ever since been so prominent a feature in the academic
life of Edinburgh. In rationalizing medical science and freeing it
from a heritage of superstition, the Medical School of Edinburgh
did much even in its earliest days to advance that department
of learning which, more than any other, is immediately and
directly beneficent to suffering humanity. The lead which
Edinburgh obtained in this respect through the greatness of
her eighteenth-century teachers has never been wholly lost,
and to-day, of the medical men practising throughout the
empire, an abnormally large proportion have received their
training in one or other of the medical schools of Scotland.

I have made no attempt in the preceding paragraphs to give
any connected account of the influence of the Scottish universities
as seats of learning, nor have I endeavoured to form a dazzling
enumeration of the many great men whose learning and literature
have accumulated the prestige of the academic bodies with which
they were connected. I have merely endeavoured to show by
somewhat disjointed references to the history of the various
universities at different stages of their development that they
have not failed in the first and most obvious duty falling to a
university. They have maintained a high standard of learning :
they have contributed their share to the advancement of human
knowledge. They have influenced the literary taste of the
country ; they have contributed to philosophic speculation ; they
have aided in scientific discovery. And, while assisting in the
search for truth, they have not forgotten that it is the duty of a
university to impart to each successive generation the accumulated
learning, the culture and the ideals of the past. Notwithstanding
some periods when learning has been neglected, and the lecture
rooms of our colleges have been but poorly attended, the homely
words of James Melville regarding a brilliant period in the history
of one of the universities may with justice be applied to the life
of the Scottish universities as a whole. They have been pre-
eminently * guid chepe mercats ' of knowledge.

The chief end of education, however, is not merely the acquisi-
tion of knowledge. Montaigne was justified in commenting on

124 The Old Schools and Universities

the ineptitude of a system of education which aimed, not at
goodness and wisdom, but at knowledge only, which taught not
virtue and prudence, but the derivation and the etymology of
these words. Thus, in estimating the debt of gratitude which
Scotland owes to her educational institutions, there are more
important matters to be considered than the standard of learning
maintained throughout the country. Much as Scotland owes
in this respect to her schools and colleges, even greater is her
indebtedness when the indirect effects of her educational system
are considered in the political, social, and religious life of the
country, and above all in the character of the people. In the
remainder of this paper an attempt will be made to suggest
the nature of some of these indirect effects of the Scottish educa-
tional system.

One of the most obvious peculiarities of the academic life
of Scotland, as contrasted with that of England, is to be found
in the nature of the universities which were organized on
continental and not on English models. The point may not
at first sight appear of importance in connection with the subject
under discussion, but the consequences of this fact were not
without considerable influence on the development of Scottish
life. Even before the foundation of the first Scottish university,
Scottish students frequented continental universities in large
numbers, and the establishment of seats of higher learning in
Scotland in no way diminished during the sixteenth and seven-
teenth centuries the steady stream of scholars studying and
teaching in all the leading universities of Europe.

All the great Scottish scholars of the period passed a con-
siderable part of their life thus wandering from university to
university, in many cases even filling the post of principal. The
intimate connection existing between the Scottish universities and
the models on which they were founded fostered on the part
of Scottish scholars this tendency to give the best years of their
life to teaching in foreign schools. This is not the place to
give an account of any of the leading men who took part in this
curious intellectual emigration, but it is difficult to repress all
mention of men like John Cameron, who in the early seventeenth
century taught successively in Glasgow, Bergerac, Sedan, Paris,
Bordeaux, Geneva, Heidelberg, Saumur and Montauban, or
Thomas Dempster, who moved about the universities of France,
England, Spain and Italy. What is, however, of importance in
the present connection is to note some of the consequences which

in Scotland 125

may not unreasonably be attributed to the somewhat accidental
fact that the Scottish universities, being founded on continental
models, facilitated intellectual intercourse between Scotland and
the chief seats of learning abroad.

In the first place, — a fact of importance in view of the abject
abiding poverty of Scotland — a greater opportunity of playing an
honourable part in the world's work was opened to our country-
men. Instead of being restricted to the narrow confines of their
native land, they became citizens of the world admitted to the
highest places in the academic institutions of Europe. In the
second place, it enormously enhanced the reputation of Scotland
in the minds of scholars and statesmen abroad. A country like
Scotland, remote in situation, limited in area, and without
resources, would not ordinarily have figured largely in the minds
of continental nations. That Scotland occupied a position in
their thoughts out of all proportion to her political importance
was chiefly the work of this large body of wandering teachers,
in whom patriotism was intensified by exile. And thirdly, the
peculiarity we have noted in the Scottish universities brought
Scotland under the full influence of the development of European
thought, and gave to Scotsmen internationally a wider outlook
than would otherwise have been possible.

The effects of this can be traced in many ways. In nearly all
matters of thought Scotland has sided with the Continent rather
than with England, — Scottish philosophy, for instance, has been
uniformly akin to German rather than to English speculation.
This influence also is to be traced in less abstract matters, in
the habits of thought which distinguish the nation. The long
vacation in the Scottish universities has hitherto had one excellent
result in that it has enabled each year a considerable number
of students to maintain the old custom of studying abroad, and the
tradition has been productive of good not only in the attitude of
foreign opinion towards Scotland, but in the character of the
Scottish people themselves.

No one who has attended a foreign university can have failed
to realize that in the minds of the educated classes abroad a very
real line is drawn between Scotsmen and Englishmen. Whether
the distinction is justified is at present immaterial, that it exists
cannot be questioned. The Scotsman is held to be less assertive
of his nationality, more considerate of the feelings of those
among whom he is living, — in a word he is more diplomatic.
Nor need we scruple to trace this instinctive diplomacy in part

126 The Old Schools and Universities

to the fact that for centuries it has been the custom of educated
Scotsmen to spend a considerable period of their life abroad in
study at the most receptive stage of their career. In short, the
close relation between the universities of Scotland and the
Continent has contributed to create abroad a friendly sentiment
towards our country, while at the same time it has given our
countrymen a cosmopolitan character in apparent contradiction
to the remoteness of Scotland from other states.

I have placed this point first among the indirect effects of
the Scottish educational system not on account of its intrinsic
importance, but because it has been more frequently overlooked
than some other consequences which have become the subject
of commonplace observation in commenting on the Scottish
character. The leading characteristic of the Scottish people has
undoubtedly at all times been a love of freedom and a certain
reasonable sense of equality, based, however, on a sense of
common manhood rather than on the empty sentimentalities
of the French Revolution. This has always been a distinguishing
mark of the Scottish people, and it has always been one of the
dominant notes of Scottish literature.

It is not without significance that the highest expression of
the nobility of freedom in the English language is to be found
in the works of Barbour, and that the words which the English-
speaking races have by universal consent accepted as the best
expression of the brotherhood of man are taken from the poetry
of Burns. To attribute this characteristic wholly to the educa-
tional system in force in Scotland would be a misinterpretation of
history. The acute sense of liberty in the Scottish mind is
doubtless to be traced in large measure to the political history
of the country at the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of
the fourteenth century. Perhaps also, in a sense, the history
of Scottish liberty is a verification of the theory of Machiavelli,
that the strongest foundation of the freedom of the state is to be
sought for in the poverty of the citizens. Yet this at least may
be asserted that the Scottish educational system did much to
develop and make permanent that sense of equality which has
been the underlying moving force in Scottish freedom. No
system could have been devised more calculated to foster a
democratic spirit. In the schools and in the universities there
was no room for distinction of classes : there was only one
training alike for rich and poor.

The catholicity of the parish school is not a matter which

in Scotland 127

admits of easy proof, but in the case of the grammar schools
there is abundant evidence that the children of the poor were
educated with the children of the most important citizens in the
district. Thus, on the one hand, there are numerous instances of
the efforts made by the town councils to throw open to all the
benefits of the grammar school by reducing the fees in the case
of poor children, or in many cases totally exempting their parents
from all payments. On the other hand, we have had preserved
in connection with certain riots which took place in Edinburgh
High School in 1587, and in Aberdeen Grammar School in 1610,
lists of the chief offenders who had been guilty of holding the
school against the master. In each case the list obviously contains
the names of a very large number of boys, who were the sons
either of distinguished citizens or of leading land proprietors in
the neighbouring counties.

Such a system of education in the elementary schools inevitably
tended to smooth down class distinctions. On the one hand, the
upper classes could not assume an attitude of superiority towards
those who, earlier in life, had been their schoolfellows : on the
other, any tendency to servility in the poorer classes was checked
by the fact that they had at the outset of their life ranked as
the equals of their social superiors, if only under the rod of
the same master. The method of speech of the Knoxes and the
Melvilles of the Reformation has frequently been the subject of
comment. Yet, if properly considered, their tone was neither
insolent nor disrespectful; it was but the natural expression of
the spokesmen of a nation who from their earliest childhood
had been taught the equality of mankind, and who realized
instinctively that all service ranks the same with God. This,
so far as Scotland was concerned, was the sentiment on which
was founded the opposition to the excessive claims of the Stuarts.
The principle of equality at the root of our educational system
was utterly subversive of any claim to subjection resting on
divine right.

No people, it has been said with more uncharity than lack of
truth, were ever less loyal to their kings than the Scots, and the
reason is to be found, partly in the fact that the Scottish nation
was deficient in that ignorance which Montesquieu noted as the
presupposition of extreme obedience, but even more in the fact
that this deep-rooted instinctive sense of their individual worth
was fundamentally opposed to a rigorous obedience to any
external authority. Thus that divine right on which the Stuarts

128 The Old Schools and Universities

rested their kingship was but a common quality of the Scottish
nation. They shared with James his divine kingship in the form
of a divine right of manhood, which, as history shows, could be
easily transformed into, and indeed at times necessarily became,
a divine right of rebellion. Without the help of Scotland at
critical periods during the opening years of the great war,
England could hardly have maintained her struggle for liberty
against the Stuarts, and thus England too owes much to that
Scottish sense of equality which was encouraged by the system
of education in the parish and grammar schools.

The catholicity of the parish and grammar schools in being the
schools of the whole nation and not of a class has its counterpart
in the catholicity of the universities. In all countries in the
Middle Ages, the universities were open to, and were frequented
by, students of the poorest classes. Yet the Scottish universities
pre-eminently opened their doors to the very poor, and they
have, further, this very honourable distinction of having main-
tained until to-day, as a practical working system, the mediaeval
idea that a university is a place which may be frequented by the
poorest. No one who has been a student in a Scottish university
can have any difficulty in recalling numerous cases of students
who were obliged to support themselves in various ways while
following their classes, and who during the summer vacations
returned to the plough or the fishing-boat.

The step from the secondary or grammar school to the
university has never presented any serious obstacle in Scotland,
and thus it has always been a more easy matter in our country
than elsewhere for men of the lowest rank to rise to the highest
position in the state. It is a commonplace, that an enormous
majority of the men whose memory we cherish with most
gratitude in the history of our country have risen from very
obscure origins. To this also is to be attributed another fact
which has frequently been inadequately explained. When we
reflect on the very meagre population of Scotland in the eigh-
teenth and early nineteenth century, it is impossible at first to
suppress astonishment at the number of men of the first eminence,
whom our country produced in philosophy, literature and science
during that period. The obvious and patriotic explanation is to
attribute this to some occult intellectual superiority which our
countrymen have enjoyed compared with the inhabitants of less
favoured states. Yet no such question-begging explanation is
necessary. In all countries, the great majority of the people live

in Scotland 129

in comparative poverty, and, so far as we know, potential genius
is distributed almost equally throughout the various ranks of
society. Whenever, then, there is anything of the nature of a
poverty bar to the rise of natural ability, an enormous proportion
of the possible genius of the country is necessarily deprived of all
possible fruition. This enormous waste, — this tragedy of the
* mute inglorious Milton * — is the problem with which education
everywhere has to grapple, and where the bar of poverty has been
so successfully removed as it has been in Scotland, it is only
natural that the number of great men produced should be pro-
portionately much larger than in other countries.

The efficiency of the Scottish universities as an instrument for
the education of all classes was much increased by the somewhat
accidental circumstance that owing to want of supervision they
increased in number to four. The three pre-Reformation univer-
sities were founded by the efforts of bishops interested in the
chief towns of their diocese. Edinburgh University was founded
by the zeal of the town council, moved by the advantage which
a college would be to their town. The later universities were
thus founded without consideration of existing similar institutions
in the country. There can be no doubt that from the academic
point of view the number was greater than a country with the
population of Scotland could afford to support. Had Scotland
been contented with one university at St. Andrews, or at most
with two in St. Andrews and Glasgow, the development of higher
education in Scotland might have followed an entirely different
course.

In this case the Scottish zeal for education somewhat overshot
itself, and the result was undoubtedly detrimental to the univer-
sities themselves. Had the efforts devoted to the foundation of
the later universities been directed to the better maintenance
of those already existing, the universities of Scotland, living in
greater opulence, might have developed some of the features
characteristic of Oxford and Cambridge. Such a course might
have avoided some of the drawbacks which in times of intellectual
stagnation have marked our academic life. One of the least
creditable features in the history of our universities is the jealousy
which has at times marked their attitude to the grammar schools.
Professors, struggling to live on a miserable pittance eked out
by scanty fees, were naturally averse from any course which might
reduce the number of their students. Thus at times they agitated
against the teaching in schools of subjects which they regarded

130 The Old Schools and Universities

as properly their own ; thus also students, however ignorant or
inefficient, were encouraged to attend the university regardless
of their ability to profit by or understand the lectures.

Thus the excessive number of the universities had a tendency
to depress the standard of teaching and to throw on to the
professors work, essentially preparatory in its nature, which should
properly have been undertaken by the grammar schools. That
this tendency made itself felt during the less brilliant periods of
the universities is indubitable. Scotland having four univer-
sities, and having room for at most two, it was inevitable that
her universities should to a certain extent be reduced to doing
the work of higher schools, and in so far as they did so they were
necessarily prevented from devoting themselves to the higher
aims of a university.

There is, however, another side to this question. If the
universities lost through their excessive numbers, the nation as
a whole gained. The poverty of the highest seats of learning
was in this respect an advantage, as they were thereby better
qualified to discharge their functions as the universities of a poor
country. Nor was it wholly disadvantageous to the country at
large that to a certain extent the causes which have been noted
tended to depress the level of the teaching of certain subjects in
the universities. The passage of students from the grammar
schools, and indeed from the parish schools, to the universities
was thereby greatly facilitated. Thus by their number the
Scottish universities may have been debarred from playing that
part in the social life of the country which has been so long a
distinguishing feature of Oxford and Cambridge, but this has
been more than compensated for by the fact that they were
thereby compelled to discharge more humble duties, more in
accordance with the needs of the country. The excessive number
of our universities has been one of the chief causes which have
made university education so accessible even to the poorest in
Scotland.

As a result of such a university system Scotland has necessarily
had this peculiarity, that a very large proportion of what are
known as the educated classes have always been men who have
risen from the ranks. In virtue of this they have possessed an
instinctive sympathy with the people which has enabled them to
exercise a greater influence than this class has had elsewhere.
To this as much as to any other cause is to be ascribed the extra-
ordinary influence — the tyranny, to use the word of one school

in Scotland 131

of historians — of the Scottish Church in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, and, indeed, in large measure until to-day.
The Scottish clergy have possessed so much power over the
people largely in virtue of the fact that the vast majority of them
belonged to the people, and they could, therefore, understand and
influence their congregations as no body of clergy drawn from a
higher social position could have done. To ascribe this influence
of the Church to its Presbyterian form of government is not
wholly sufficient. The ultimate problems of history, like the
ultimate problems of science, are insoluble, and this explanation
merely leads to the question of the causes which predisposed the
Scottish mind in favour of Presbyterianism. The reaction of
religion and politics may explain much, but there is always an
unexplained residuum left, since it is impossible to analyze, experi-
ment with, and account for the mind and the will of a nation.

Adam Smith, who never fails to be suggestive in his treatment
of history, has much to say that is of interest in explanation of
the influence of the Scottish clergy. Not to Presbyterianism as
such, but to the mediocrity of benefice resulting therefrom, does
he ascribe the power of the Church of Scotland. ' Nothing but
exemplary morals,' he says, ' can give dignity to a man of small
fortune. ... In his own conduct therefore he is obliged to
follow that system of morals which the common people respect
the most. . . . The common people look upon him with that
kindness with which we naturally regard one who approaches
somewhat to our own condition but who, we think, ought to be in
a higher. Their kindness naturally provokes his kindness. . . .
He does not even despise the prejudices of people who are dis-
posed to be so favourable to him, and never treats them with
those contemptuous and arrogant airs which we so often meet
with in the proud dignitaries of opulent and well endowed
Churches.'

As a criticism of Presbyterianism Adam Smith's statement is
admirable ; yet as applied to Scotland it is inadequate. The
Scottish clergy moulded their conduct on the system which the
common people most respected, because they themselves were
of the common people. They did not approach somewhat the
common people ; they belonged to them by instincts which
education could not eradicate. They did not despise the pre-
judices of the common people, because at one time they had
shared, and indeed never wholly lost these prejudices. The
influence of the Church in Scotland from the sixteenth to the

132 The Old Schools and Universities

eighteenth century, which is one of the most far-reaching facts in
Scottish history, is thus to be ascribed not to the consequences
arising from the moderate stipends of the clergy, but to the
intense natural sympathy which the clergy had with the people
in virtue of their own humble origin. This peculiarity, as has
been shown, was the direct result of the educational system of
our country.

To this dominance of the Scottish Church is also usually
ascribed the religious elements which are so prominent in the
Scottish character. Yet the various educational institutions of
Scotland were themselves powerful factors working in this direc-
tion. In the first place, the religious origin of the various classes
of schools, and of three out of the four universities is, in this
connection, a fact of great importance. It gave from the first a
religious bent to Scottish education which it has only lost within
the memory of those still living. The schools were church
schools, and the intimate connection which existed between them
and the Church was one of the features in our educational system
which survived the catastrophic changes of the Reformation. The
influence of the Church was exercised by the visitations of the
Presbytery, an idea which is to be found in outline in the Book of
Discipline. Moreover, the religious end of education was kept
very consciously in view by those who directed the educational
policy of the country.

It is impossible to read the various Acts of Parliament dealing
with education, the frequent references to education in the records
of the Privy Council, or the numerous entries relating to schools
in the minutes of the town councils, without being impressed
by the fact that the promotion of true religion was held to be
the chief end of all education. Hence it is not surprising that
religious instruction figured largely in the schools. The import-
ance of this department of knowledge was indeed carried so far as
to make the Sabbath the most arduous day in school life. The
day of rest brought no respite to the hard-worked master or his
pupils. The school met as usual on that day, and although
Donatus may have been put aside, the study of Buchanan's Psalms
and Calvin's Catechism may have been as trying a task to the
youthful mind. Where it was possible a part of the gallery of
the church was reserved for the scholars, who at sermon time
were conducted there by the master. But even this was part of
the day's work. The eye of the master was upon them to detect
the idle and the irreverent, and in the afternoon they were

in Scotland 133

examined upon the notes which they had taken during the
service, and catechized upon the doctrine which they had heard
preached. Indeed in some places the pupils, if they did not
supplant the minister were at least promoted to assist him in the
religious instruction of 'common ignorant people and servants.'
For this purpose two students were delegated to repeat the
Shorter Catechism in church between services, the one asking the
question and the other giving the answer. This or a similar
practice was not uncommon in various burgh schools throughout
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

Such a rigorous religious training as this has left a deep mark
on the Scottish mind and character. The emphasis thrown on
dogmatic theology in the instruction of even the youngest
children — the Shorter Catechism being repeated publicly in some
schools once every week — tended to produce a people with strong
religious feelings of a somewhat narrow and dogmatic type. The
Scots became, indeed, not so much a religious as a theological
people, eager to argue on abstruse points of doctrine and to confute
an opponent by Biblical quotation or reference to the Westminster
divines. I do not mean to assert that the religious or theo-
logical bent of the Scottish people was the result of the religious
education given in the schools. It would, indeed, be truer to
regard this very severe religious training as the expression of the
power exercised by the Church in Scotland, which has already been
considered in an earlier part of this essay. But what is at least
incontestable is that the work done by the schools confirmed from
generation to generation the ascendancy of the Church by im-
planting in each race of scholars this theological and religious
tendency on which the power of the Church so much depended.

To the schools, then, we may in large measure attribute the
strength of the religious elements in the Scottish character.
Closely connected with this is a certain tendency to abstract
reasoning and abstruse argument. Scottish religion was nothing
if not dogmatic : the Shorter Catechism became the chief corner-
stone of religion. Doctrinal preaching was the principal feature
in the Church service, and the discussion of the sermon was the
foremost intellectual occupation of the people from week to
week. ' We were indeed amazed,' wrote Burnet, ' to see a poor
commonalty so capable to argue on points of government, and
on the bounds to be set to the powers of princes in matters
of religion. Upon all these topics they had texts of scripture at
hand and were ready with their answers to any thing that was

134 The Old Schools and Universities

said to them. This measure of knowledge was spread even
among the meanest of them, their cottagers and their servants.'

This argumentative tendency is undoubtedly to be traced in
large measure to the training received in the schools, where the
scholars at an early age were furnished with the weapons of
theological controversy. Moreover, the schools aimed deliber-
ately at producing an argumentative type of mind. Disputes or
debates between the scholars constituted a common form of
intellectual exercise. Every scholar in the school, according
to one of the regulations governing the Aberdeen Grammar
School, was to have an antagonist * who may be as equal as can
be for stirring up emulation.' A type of mind peculiarly adapted
for abstract and deductive reasoning was thus developed. That
the great Scotsmen of the eighteenth century were all deductive
in their methods while the Englishmen of the same period were
inductive, is one of the peculiarities in Scottish history which
Buckle ascribes to the dominance of the Church. This, however,
is not the whole explanation : the tendency to deductive reasoning
which figures so largely in the Scottish character was not merely
a fortuitous development, but was an end deliberately aimed at
by the dogmatic teaching of the elementary schools, and the
training in controversial methods, which was so prominent a
feature in the grammar schools and colleges.

There is another aspect of the character of the Scottish people
which it is necessary to mention in connection with the educational
system of our country, — I refer to that combination of industry,
perseverance and economy on which the success of Scotsmen in
so large measure depends. The training received in the Scottish
schools was in every way a stern one, and chief among the lessons
taught the Scottish student was the supremely important one of
the necessity of labour and endurance. In the schools and colleges
teaching began at a surprisingly early hour, in most cases at six
o'clock, and the unfortunate parish schoolmaster was frequently
required to teach for ten hours a day during a working day of
twelve hours. When it is considered that in many rural districts
the scholars had to come long distances in all kinds of weather,
and that the intervals during the day were not sufficient to allow
them to return home, it will be realized that the most elementary
schools furnished a hard discipline for the battle of life. The
influence of the universities also made itself felt in this direction.
It has been said that the universities were accessible to all, yet
for the poor, and they were the large majority, a university

in Scotland 135

education could only be gained by considerable effort and sacrifice-
It was for most a life of privation and of hard work, only possible
by the exercise of rigid economy.

This, indeed, is the peculiar feature of all Scottish education, that
so great results were obtained at so little money cost. Through-
out the whole of the eighteenth century, the parish schoolmasters
received a salary apart from various perquisites of just over £11.
The professors in the universities received salaries as ridiculously
small. This mark of poverty and of hardship can be traced in
everything relating to education in Scotland. Not improbably
the extraordinary importance attached to education in Scotland
from very early times was in part connected with the poverty of
the country, since the schools and colleges opened a career to
many to whom the trade of their fathers held out no prospect but
starvation. Education, in fact, opened a door for the surplus
population, who were ever pressing on the very limited means
of subsistence which the country offered. Yet in such a country
the academic life was itself necessarily a life of hardship calculated
to emphasize all the lessons of perseverance, industry and economy
which his environment was impressing on every Scotsman in the
struggle for life. In this respect, indeed, the schools and colleges
merely taught in a more intensive form what all our countrymen
were learning under what Rousseau called the ' education of
things.' But in most countries these lessons have not been
taught to the educated classes, and nowhere have they been
taught so emphatically to the common people.

These qualities account in large measure for the success in
all departments of life which has so pre-eminently distinguished
Scotsmen, since the Union opened to them a larger sphere for
their activities, — a success which has sometimes excited admira-
tion, at other times malicious envy. The pages of the North
Britain, with its keen satire and biting invective, show more
clearly than any sober statement could have done the part which
our countrymen were then playing in the affairs of the United
Kingdom. Underneath all the favouritism and backstair influence
of which Wilkes complains, it is probable that one of the chief
reasons for the Scottish emigration to England is to be found in
the fact that at the time of the Union the Scottish people had the
advantages of a superior educational system which enabled them
to reap the benefits of the opportunities which the Union offered.
To refer to any instances in which the qualities mentioned have
enabled Scotsmen to achieve success is unnecessary, as countless

136 The Old Schools and Universities

instances in the biographies of our great countrymen will occur
to every one.

It may, however, be of interest to consider two cases in which
these qualities have been shown by the common people who have
thereby achieved success where others have failed. The first is
referred to by Dean Swift in connection with certain settlements
in Down and Antrim. c These people, ' he writes, ' by their
extreme parsimony, wonderful dexterity in dealing and firm
adherence to one another, soon grow into wealth from the
smallest beginnings, never are rooted out where they once fix
and increase daily by new supplies. ... I have done all in
my power on some land of my own to preserve two or three
English fellows in their neighbourhood tho' one of them,'
adds the satirist, ' thought he had sufficiently made his Court
by turning Presbyterian.' The other instance is a matter of
recent history. No county in England suffered so severely
as Essex from the agricultural depression following 1875.
Farmers everywhere were ruined, and the land was rapidly
going out of cultivation. I quote from a recent volume on the
position of agriculture, the account of the restoration of the
prosperity of Essex. * Far away from Essex in the dairy districts
of Ayrshire, and especially in the neighbourhood of Kilmarnock,
lived a sturdy race of farmers, who also had troubles of their own
to bear. They were unspoiled by prosperity ; they were thrifty
and hardworking, and they had great force of character ; but
there was this drawback to their position: there were too many
occupants of the Ayrshire hive, and the time had come for a
swarming off of some of them in another direction. ... So a few
adventurous spirits went as an advance-guard to look into the
situation for themselves, and the reports they made to their
friends at home were so favourable that more and still more
followed. Before long there was a regular migration from
Ayrshire to Essex until the county began to be almost over-
run with Scotsmen.' It is unnecessary to give any account
of the means by which the Scottish farmers prospered in Essex ;
it is sufficient to say that they restored prosperity to a county
which in the words of Mr. Pratt, the author quoted, ' the
Englishmen were deserting as though it were only a " Slough of
Despond." '

These two instances may appear to have but slight connection
with the subject of this essay, yet they are in fact very relevant.
I have endeavoured to show that education in Scotland developed

in Scotland 137

qualities of industry and parsimony, which have contributed largely
to the success of Scotsmen in the struggle of life. The success

_ oo

or great men depends, however, on so many accidents of birth,
education, and opportunity that no enumeration of Scotsmen,
whose success has depended on the qualities I have mentioned,
would offer so convincing a demonstration of the true secrets of
our countrymen's success, as is furnished by these examples in
which our unlettered hinds have overcome difficulties where
others have failed.

There are many other points to which reference might be
made in illustration of the influence which the Scottish educa-
tional system has had on our country. I have only referred
incidentally to the history of Scottish literature : to show, in
detail, in what way it has been the product of our schools and
colleges would be a task of much interest, but would unfortu-
nately be beyond the limits of this paper. I have not mentioned
the excellent system of Scottish jurisprudence which contrasted
strangely with the unfavourable material conditions of our coun-
try. The comparative leniency of the penal code, the procedure
regarding debtors, the equality of the sexes in matters of divorce
— to take only three obvious and striking features of Scottish
law — reveal a wide sense of humanity and justice in the legis-
lation of Scotland at the time of the Union, which in two of
the cases mentioned has not yet been reached in England. The
respect for legal knowledge is a common feature throughout
the history of Scottish thought, and it is noteworthy that the
ostensible object of the first great Education Act of 1496 was
that the sons of men of substance might have knowledge of
the law. That the purpose of this Act was realized in Scottish
history is clear from the testimony of Blackstone, who, in
lamenting in his Commentaries the ignorance of jurisprudence
on the part of his countrymen, remarks that, ' in the northern
part of our island ... it is difficult to meet with a person of liberal
education who is destitute of a competent knowledge in that
science which is to be the guardian of his natural rights and the
rule of his civil conduct.' To one other interesting question in
regard to the influence of the educational system on Scotland, it
is only possible to allude. The wealth of plaintive melody and
folk-song is one of the greatest and most cherished possessions of
our people. The composers of most of our songs are unknown,
but it is not unreasonable to connect this wealth of simple melody
with the important position which the teaching of music formerly

138 The Old Schools and Universities

had in our educational system, as exemplified in the ' sang-
schools ' which were founded in all burghs of any importance.

These, and other points, might be emphasized in illustration
of the debt which Scotland owes to her scholastic institutions.
Enough has, however, been said to indicate what the nature of
that obligation has been. Briefly, the influence of the educational
system on the Scottish nation may be traced in three directions.
In the first place, Scotland has through her schools and univer-
sities become a country in which education has been maintained
at a high standard, and in which the general level of intelligence
and the widespread diffusion of knowledge have been remarkable
in all ranks of society. Secondly, a certain type of mind, which
may broadly be described as democratic, has been produced rest-
ing on a sense of equality and the intrinsic worth of manhood.
And as the principle of authority in politics has a tendency to the
formation of a rigid and exclusive nationalism, so the principle of
democracy is akin to cosmopolitanism. This tendency has not
been absent in the development of the Scottish mind, and it
has been shown that in the Scottish intellect was developed a
certain instinctive sympathy with the thought and aspirations of
other European states, which, however, in no way undermined
Scottish patriotism. Thirdly, the Scottish educational system
has developed not merely a type of mind : it has aided in the
formation of a type of character. It has helped to give Scotsmen
their strong sense of religion; it has tended to make them
economical, industrious, and persevering.

In all these ways, the schools and universities of Scotland
contributed their share to the production in the Scottish people
of those qualities by virtue of which Scotsmen have been enabled
to play so large a part in the world's history. Nor is it desirable
in considering this question to look at it merely from the point
of view of Scotland. It is difficult to exaggerate the benefits
which the United Kingdom has derived from being formed out of
the Union of peoples with different national characters, different
ideals and different modes of thought. The richness and variety
of our national life has thereby been increased enormously. That
Scotsmen have contributed their share to the strength and the
intellect of the United Kingdom, and have borne their part in
the government of the empire, is one of our greatest debts to our
schools and colleges.

ALEXANDER GRAY.

On the Early Northumbrian Poem, c A Vision
of the Cross of Christ'1

HT^HE mystic splendour of this old poem seems to have inspired
-L the scholars — and they are not few — whose attention it has
hitherto attracted, with a kind of awe of approaching it in a
realistic spirit. Kemble, who was the first to translate it,
passed over a host of difficult passages with a eulogy on its
poetical beauty and fancy?" Dietrich, who declares the poet ad
dictionem aenigmaticam propensus, was induced by its general
similarity to Cynewulfs Elene to ascribe it to that writer,
and argued a close connection between it and the epilogue to
the Elene. With that it got drawn into the eddy of the
Cynewulf Romance, so that even Sweet pronounced it a portion
of the epilogue to the l Elene.'' 3 In view of the discourses uttered
by the cross of wood, of the gold and gems that bedeck it,
of the wet blood with which it is still besprinkled, it was certainly
natural enough not always to expect complete lucidity and a
well-defined poetic purpose throughout the poem.

In addition, the circumstance — in itself fortunate — that we
know it in two distinct versions, has hitherto rather confused
than advanced investigation of the poem. In the Vercelli
Manuscript it appears complete, 156 lines in all, and is written
in the late West Saxon dialect usually employed by scribes of its
period (late tenth century). The other version is in the older
spelling, but contains only four separate groups of lines from the
body of the poem, carved in pure Northumbrian dialect on the
Ruthwell Cross. Moreover, these lines are incomplete in them-
selves, partly in metrical confusion, and in one passage even
the sense takes a somewhat different turn.4

J- Translated, and revised, from the Transactions of the Berliner dkademie der
Wissenschaflen, 1905. — Bibliography in Brandl's Agi. Literaturgesehichte, 1908,
p. 91 f. Trans, by Dr. Charles Macpherson, M.A. (Edin.).

2 Archeeologia, xxx. p. 32. 3 Oldest English Texts, p. 125.

4 To jjdm cepelinge Verc. 58, te}>]?il<e til anum Ruthw. Cr.

140 On the Early Northumbrian Poem

There was a third difficulty. At the end of the incision on the
Ruth well Cross Stephens l made out the words Kadmon m<e faucefro,
and from that time the belief found ground that the authorship
of the poem must be attributed to Caedmon the hymn-writer,
so familiar to us from the pages of Bede. So that for a quarter
of a century it was an open choice between the two chief
representatives of early Anglo-Saxon, between Caedmon in the
second half of the seventh century and Cynewulf in the second
half of the eighth. At length Victor, as the result of a scrupul-
ous and personal examination of the Ruthwell Cross, was able to
explode the ' Caedmon ' theory. On his rubbing of the stone all
that remained of Stephens' Kadmon was the d.z

On the other hand, there is of late a tendency to relegate
the stone to a much later period — to the ninth or even the
tenth century. Archaeologists conclude this from its ornamenta-
tion, and Prof. Cook has shown that the archaic inflexions, on
which so much stress was laid in fixing the age of the Cross,
also occur sporadically in Northumbrian manuscripts of the late
tenth century.3 As a matter of fact, this particular dialect did
retain for an astonishing length of time a whole series of sounds
and inflexions which the others had long since abandoned. The
patent objection, however, is : Could such a mass of archaisms
have got compressed into such narrow compass ? Only sixteen
lines, some of them mutilated, are preserved on the Ruthwell
Cross, and they show a consistent Early Northumbrian dialect.
At the very least a particularly ancient stock of written forms
must have lain at bottom.

In view of all these circumstances, our best course is : first, to
examine closely the subject-matter and purpose of the poem ;
then, availing ourselves of linguistic criteria, to mark off", within
as narrow limits as possible, place and period of its origin ; and,
finally, to keep our eyes open for some event in the ecclesiastical
life of that place and period which may have evoked a rapturous,
or, as it is better termed in this case, a poetico-admonitory mood
in the poet.

In the first part (lines 1-26), the poet recounts in the first
person how he beheld the Cross at midnight. On the one hand
it was invested with radiance, adorned with gold and gems, gazed

1 Old North. Runic Monuments, 1868, ii. 405 ff.

2 Die northumb. Runensteine, 1895, p. 12.

zPubl. of the Mod. Lang. Asm. of America, xvii. pp. 367 ff.

£A Vision of the Cross of Christ' 141

upon by the angels and the saints and all the tribes of the earth ;
on the other, it still bore the traces of the Redeemer's agony —
on the right side it was bloody, beswyled mid swdtes gange. One
moment the poet saw it in jewelled array, the next stained
with gore. Thus, it is not a symbolical cross of victory, such as
appeared to Constantine, that he has in view, nor is it a mere
fragment of the Cross, but the actual Cross of Jesus in its
entirety, as it is worshipped separate from the Redeemer in
heaven and on earth.

In the second part (transitional lines 26 f., thereafter lines
28-121), the Cross itself relates its destiny. As a tree it was
felled in the forest, dragged to the hill-top, and there planted
firmly in the earth. As if it were a thing of life, it began to
quiver when it felt about it the Redeemer's embrace. Like a
champion, it longed to strike down His foes, yet must all the
time stand fast and still. Only after the death of Jesus was
it allowed to incline itself in sorrow to the men who took down
the body. Then it was buried along with the crosses of the
thieves in the earth, only to be later found by friends, who
decked it in gold and silver. { Now the day has come,' it
goes on, * when men worship me far and wide throughout the
world. Since the Son of God has suffered on me, I am imbued
with virtue,1 and have power to heal whoso standeth in awe
of me. Me hath God honoured before all trees beside, even
as Mary before all women. Declare this vision to the sons
of men. None need fear at the Day of Judgment that bears
this symbol in his breast. Through the Cross let every soul
strive to attain the Kingdom of Heaven ! ' Evidently the poet's
purpose is a summons to worship the True Cross of Jesus
with confidence, universally and in public, which had hitherto not
been done as it ought.

In the third and last part it is again the poet that speaks. He
rejoices that he can now take refuge under the Cross2 and do
it homage — through his poem — ' more than all men else.' He
yields himself to the Cross, as a vassal to his lord. Once he
had powerful friends — they have passed away to the Shadowy
Land before him. Now he hopes that the Cross of Jesus he has
seen in the vision may lead him to them in Heaven. On that
showing he makes himself out a priest, the scion of a noble
house, who now desires to provide in his own person, with all the
emphasis he may, the first example of the worship he preaches.
lj?rymfirst} 1. 84. ^Jione iigebeam secan.

142 On the Early Northumbrian Poem

That a consistent and practical intention permeates the poem is
unmistakable. The author writes it out of no purely subjective
mood ; his being forlorn and weary of life is only mentioned as
an accessory circumstance, above which the vision itself uplifts
him. Neither does he write with any regard to an earlier poem :
no reference of such a nature is to be found. He obeys, simply
and solely, a command of the Cross of Jesus to proclaim its
presence and power to heal, to spread its worship abroad. The
purpose is on the face of it a liturgical one.

To enable us to fix the date of its composition, the best criterion
at our disposal is the presence or absence of the definite article
before a weak adjective with substantive.1 That this test is
absolutely reliable, even in the case of small variations in the
percentages, is not contended. We may put it to the proof,
however, by applying it to the few Anglo-Saxon writings earlier
than Alfred, the age of which we know from other sources.
These would be : Guthlac A, composed by one who had spoken
personally with men who knew that saint (mort. 714) — composed,
therefore, about 750 A.D. ; and the undoubted works of Cynewulf,
who, as he had discarded the old spelling Cyniwulf, must be
placed after the middle of the eighth century 2 ; but, on the other
hand, a considerable time before the middle of the ninth, when
the Early Anglian civilisation fell a prey to the Danes. Following
the example of Barnouw, I here give in parallel columns an
enumeration of the cases in these four poems where the weak
adjective with substantive is found without or with the definite
article. In so doing, however, I take into account not the indi-
vidual instances, but the phrases :

Without article Percentage With article Percentage

Guthlac A, 6 12.5 42 87.5

CynewulPs Juliana, 3 10.0 27 90.0

„ Christ (II.), 3 9.7 28 90.3

,, Elene, 9 12.0 66 88.0

That is, roughly speaking, about the proportion we should
have to expect. Of course it would be too subtle to regard
Elene as the oldest work of Cynewulf on the mere ground
that it has a few articles less in proportion than the Juliana or
the Christ. Further, the Anglo-Saxon metre was elastic enough

1Cf. Lichtenheld, Zeltichrift fiir deutsehes Mtertum, xvi. pp. 325 ff.; Groth, Com-
position der Exodus, 1883 ; Miirkens, 'Banner Iteitr. ii. pp. 105 ff.; and especially
Barnouw, Krit. Untenuchung nach dem Gebrauch des bestimmten Artikels, 1902.

2 Cf. Sievers, AngFia, xiii. p. i ff.

c A Vision of the Cross of Christ' 143

to render feasible the insertion of the article by later scribes ; a
clear instance of such insertion may be seen in Azarius 42, 59, as
compared with Daniel 326, 342. Thus we have always to reckon
with the possibility of such alteration. But, when all is allowed
for, between all these poems and our Vision there comes a sharp
and definite line of cleavage, which is no uncertain index of
their different dates of composition :

Without article Percentage With article Percentage
The Vision, - 5 33.3 10 66.6

Oldest of all is the state of matters in Exodus and Beowulf-.

Without article Percentage With article Percentage
Exodus, - 14 58.3 10 41.6

Beowulf, - 65 83.3 13 1 6.6

So that, as Beowulf, on account of the Christian elements it
contains, cannot be dated earlier than the middle of the seventh
century, one has good grounds for assigning the Vision to
about the beginning of the eighth century.

So much for the date of composition. As for the place, nothing
can be urged against Northumberland, to which the incision in
pure Northumbrian on the Ruthwell Cross naturally directs us.
In addition, there was the fixed home of Caedmon and of his
school of religious poets, of which Bede relates in 731: alii post
ilium in gente Angkrum religiosa poemata facere temtabant}-

Now we have to inquire, what events touching on the venera-
tion of the Holy Cross took place in the Church of Northumber-
land about the date assigned ?

It was in Jerusalem, where the Sacred Cross was dug up in the
reign of Constantine, at the dedication of the Church of the Holy
Sepulchre (14 September, 335), that the adoratio crucis by kiss and
genuflexion first came into being. According to the legend, as it
had by an act of healing distinguished itself from the crosses of
the thieves, and as it had remained for centuries intact in the
earth, it was reputed miraculous. Starting from the consideration
that it had absorbed some of Christ's blood, it was argued that it
partook both of the human and of the divine nature of the Son of
God, and thus it came to be regarded as a kind of sacred per-
sonality. It was set with gold and jewels, and, as a special
reminiscence of the Saviour's blood, a receptacle, containing balm
of rare fragrance, was placed within it : desuper ex auro cum gemmis,

1 Hist. Eccl. iv. 24.

144 On the Early Northumbrian Poem

intus cavam habens confectionem ex balsamo satis bene olente, as the
Ordo Romanus has it. Bishop Paulinus of Nola1 taught as
accepted doctrine in his day that the Jerusalem Cross was in
materia insensata, vim vivam habens? In more general terms John
Chrysostom 3 waxes eloquent on its power to break the might of
the Evil One and set open again the gates of Paradise, and on its
predestined return in glory on the Day of Judgment.4

This liturgical worship of the Crucifix reached Constantinople
at the beginning of the fifth century, simultaneously with a large
fragment of the True Cross. There was observed every year a
public ceremony, lasting three days, which the Emperor himself
was wont to open by kissing the Cross. Here again provision
was made for drops of sweet-smelling balsam, which should be
exuded from the wood, and no matter how small a drop chanced
to fall on a sick person, he was instantly healed. Such is the
account given by the shipwrecked Arculfus to Adamnan, Abbot
of lona,6 who gave the narrative a place in his De locis sanctis
(iii. 3), whence it was soon after transcribed by Bede for his
book of the same name.6

In the Western Church the appearance of the adoratio cruets as
a special feature of the divine worship dates from the end of
the sixth century, our authorities being the Sacramentarium of
Gelasianus, the Sacramentarium and the Antiphonarius of Gregory
the Great, and the Ordo Romanus. The ceremony was here per-
formed with the aid of symbolic crosses and on Good Friday, and
has to this day maintained its place in the special ritual for that
day. It is worth our while to consider the Ritual of Gregory in
some detail, the more so on account of the exceptional reverence
with which he was regarded throughout all England as the
founder of the missionary movement among the Anglo-Saxons.
After a few prefatory prayers and lessons, two priests of high rank
set corpus Christi, quod pridie remansit, on the altar, where a cross is
standing. Then the Pope paces reverently to the altar, adorans
crucem Domini; whereupon the bishops and all the congregation
follow suit. Hymns and psalms follow, more especially the one
attributed to Venantius Fortunatus,7 Pange, lingua, gloriosi proelium
certaminis, where the Cross is invoked as tree and person in one :

1 Mart. 431. 2 Epist. 3 1 ad Sever. 3 Mart. 407.

4 Off. ed. Montfaucon, i8i8ff., especially iii. 826. 6 Mart. 704.

6 De locis sanct'u, cap. 20 ; cf. Itinera Hieroiol. ed. Tobler and Molinier, i. pp.
194 f., 232 f.

7 Mart. 600.

'A Vision of the Cross of Christ' 145

Crux fidelis, inter omnes arbor una nobilis:
Nulla talem silva profert fronde,florey germine;
Duke lignum, dulce clave, duke pondus sustinens.

Flecte ramos, arbor aha, tensa laxa viscera,
Et vigor lentescat ille quern dedit nativitas,
Ut superni membra regis mite tendas stipite.
Hallelujah. Gloria. Benedictio.

Conceptions of this nature, which in the course of the sixth
century became the common property of the educated clergy, also
underlie our Anglo-Saxon poem and provide us with the best
commentary thereon. The poem owes its mysticism not to
Keltic, but to Graeco-oriental sources. In uniting the contra-
dictory ideas of a cross, inanimate wood, adorned with jewels and
smirched with blood, and of a living person, the poem contained
nothing either new or extraordinary for the churchmen of that
day. If the poet set such incompatible conceptions crudely side
by side and then rioted in repetitions of them (as, for instance,
that the ' Tree of Victory ' tells its story out of its own mouth),
he evidently tended to the fashionable manner of the Riddle,
which was in full blossom throughout England during the seventh
and the eighth centuries. Tatwine of Canterbury 1 and Bonifatius
composed each a Latin enigma directly De cruce Christi — so
admirably did the subject lend itself to ingenious play of wit.

In 701, however, a new event did occur, and it was known and
noticed in Northumberland. In that year, for the first time, we
hear that in the Roman Church as well as in Constantinople a
fragment of the True Cross was exposed for public veneration
instead of the symbolic crosses previously employed. This came
to pass in Rome through the agency of the Pope himself, and
caused great popular excitement. Sergius I., a Syrian by birth,
had a vision, which directed him to an obscure corner of St.
Peter's, where an old silver capsule was lying, tarnished and
forgotten. He approached the spot and, after due prayer, having
removed the seal from the capsule, he found therein, protected
by a cushion and four pieces of metal and studded with gems,
an exceptionally large fragment of the True Cross (ineffabilem
portionem verae crucis). Ever since, this relic was once a year,
on the day of the elevation of the Cross in the church of San
Giovanni Lateran, to be kissed and adored pro salute humani
generis by the whole Christian people, as related in the Liber
pontificalis for the year mentioned above.2

lMorf. 734. 2Ed. Duchesne, 1886, i. 374; Mommsen, 1898, i. 213.

K

146 On the Early Northumbrian Poem

Such interest did the news of this find excite in the North of
England that Bede has reproduced the account of the Liber
pontificalis almost literally and with but trifling omissions in his
Universal History De sex aetatibus saeculi. There we read under
the year 701 : Papa Sergius in sacrario B. Petri apostoli capsam
argenteam quae in angulo obscurissimo diutissime jacuerat, et in ea
crucem diversis ac preciosis lapidibus adornatam, Domine revelante,
reperit. De qua tractis IV petalis quibus gemmae inclusae erant
mirae magnitudinis portionem ligni salutiferi Dominicae cruets interim
repositam inspexit ; quae ex tempore illo annis omnibus in Basilica
Sahatoris quae appellata Constantiniana die exaltationis ejus ab omni
occulatur et adoratur populo. In order to comprehend the interest
of Bede, one has but to reflect on the significance of Sergius'
most opportune discovery. It set the Latin Church, in all that
regarded the possession of an exceptionally prized source of
grace, on an equal footing with the Greek ; it imparted to the
worship of the Cross, which had up till then been in the main
symbolic, a more concrete character; and, above all, it called into
being the Festival of the Elevation of the Cross. As Ceolfrid,
Abbot of Wearmouth, was in Rome in this same year 70 1,1 we may
suppose that he was not behindhand in spreading the sensational
tidings on his return to his Northumberland home. Now, as
from that time on, the worship of the Cross in Northumberland
received no further impulse, I should like to see in the sensational
discovery of 701 the probable incentive to the composition of the
poem. The poet wished to take his share in explaining the new
Festival, and aid in its propagation.

Of the subsequent destiny of the fragment discovered by
Sergius we know nothing. There were many pious frauds.
True, Maphaeus Vegius, who in the popedom of Eugene IV
(1431/49) compiled a four-volume history De rebus antiquis
memorabilibus Basilicae S. Petri Romae, adds to the narrative of
the Liber pontificalis, which in everything else he follows very
closely, a new and striking particular.2 According to his version
of the story, Sergius also found in the capsule a document
testifying to the genuineness of the fragment discovered (vert
ligni S. Cruets — sicut additae ibi liter ae significabant}. But in that
case, what would have been the significance of the vision that
led Pope Sergius to the discovery ? How should such a treasure
have been forgotten ? And why was such a piece of evidence not

1Cf. Regesta pontificum ed. Lipsius, 1885, p. 245.

2Cf. the Bollandist ed., Antwerp 1718, Lib. i. cap 4, No. 36.

c A Vision of the Cross of Christ' 147

mentioned in the first official report ? Plainly enough, we owe
the addition to a rationalistic turn of thought in the person of
Vegius. The custom of exposing the Relic is mentioned in
Vegius in the past tense (ostendebatur'} ; that is to say, it had
been even then discontinued. As the place where it was kept he
regards the Vatican (unde flam gloriosior videtur nunc Vaticanus
pretioso hujus crucis). However, when Stephen Borgia, Secretary
of the Propaganda fidei, compiled with a scholar's care his quarto
volume De cruce vaticana ex dono Justini Augusti^ which he
published at Rome in 1779, the precious relic had vanished.
The fragment of a crucifix that Borgia in his perplexity wished to
take for it was quite tiny and had a totally different setting.

To return to our poem. After studying the foreign elements
of which it is made up, it is a real pleasure to note the rich
blend of Germanic vassalage that tinges its lines throughout, and
by means of which the poet evidently sought to bring home to
his Northumbrian compatriots his otherwise exceedingly exotic
subject. Not only is Christ's work of redemption depicted as a
battle, with the ' young hero ' sinking to earth in the weariness of
death, but everything that the Cross suffers — its being felled in
the forest and dragged to the hilltop, its being pierced with nails
as with arrows,1 its being spattered with blood and sunk into the
earth — is made to appear the doing of adversaries. God is the
gentle Leader of the Host, the Cross His faithful retainer that
longs to vanquish His foes. The poet himself is to make the
Cross his patron,2 and we are told that it behoves every Christian
to be a fearless warrior,3 so that his guerdon may be * the Joy of
Heroes 4 in the heavenly abode.' These are of course conceptions
with which the later Christian Epic continued to operate long
thereafter. But when at the end of the poem the Deathwail 6 is
raised for Christ, the young hero fallen in glory, and when his
followers chant the lay in sorrow before they take leave of the
body,6 we have a singularly archaic touch. Nowhere else save
in Beowulf is the custom mentioned ; Cynewulf and his con-
temporaries have long forgotten it. From this point of view we
are the rather confirmed in the impression that to date the poem
as of the beginning of the eighth century involves no undue
straining of the facts.

ALOIS BRANDL.

1 Strtelum. 2 Mm munabyrd is geriht to pare rode, 1. 130.

M. nsf. * Dream. * Sorhleo*. «1. 67 ff.

Ragna-rok and Orkney
I.

title of this paper, ' Ragna-rftk,' is used in its original
JL sense — the Norse history of the gods and the world.1

All that we know about Norse mythology is derived almost
entirely from two literary sources variously called :

(1) The Elder Edda, or Poetic Edda, or Saemundar Edda,

or The Edda, and

(2) The Younger Edda, or Prose Edda, or Snorra Edda, or

Edda.

The name 'Edda' originally belonged to (2), and when the
MS. of (i) turned up it was straightway labelled 'Saemundar
Edda,' it having been previously surmised that Saemund the wise
had compiled some such work.2 But (i) is now also called * The
Edda ' par excellence, in centra-distinction to (2) which is styled
* Snorra Edda.' As, however, Vigfusson and others cite (2) as
' Edda,' it will be obvious that * Edda ' as a reference must give
rise to misunderstanding. To avoid confusion, these two works
and all early Norse mythological poetry and prose might be aptly
described as (i) Ragna-ljbft or -/ays, literally, gods' lays, or lays
about the gods and the world, and (2) Ragna-saga, gods' story,
or story about the gods and the world.

We know that Snorri wrote Ragna-saga, but nothing is known
for certain of the authorship or place of composition of Ragna-
lays, where they were current or by whom and where they were

^.D., s.v. RSk, 3 (p. 507). 2C.P.B., I. xxxiv. ; S.S., I. clxxxiii-iv.

N.B. — Abbreviations of works cited: C.P.B., Corpus Poeticutn Boreale, Oxford,
2 vols. S.S., Sturlunga Saga, Oxford, 2 vols. O.S., Orkneyinga Saga, Rolls edition,
text and translation ; the translation is quoted by page. O-L.M., Old-Lore
Miscellany of Orkney, etc., Viking Club. L., Ragna Lays (Poetic Edda) ; S., Ragna
Saga (Prose Edda) ; T., Thulor in S. ; O.D., Oxford Icelandic-English Dictionary ;
]., Dr. J. Jakobsen's Etymologisk Ordbog over det Norr<f>ne sprogpaa Shetland (A-Liver) ;
Jd., J. Jakobsen's The Dialect and Place-Names of Shetland ; Jss., J. Jakobsen's
S&etlandsfarnes Stednavne ; E., T. Edmondston's Etymological Glossary of the Orkney
and Shetland Dialect ; E.D.D., English Dialect Dictionary.

Ragna-rok and Orkney 149

taken down in writing. From internal evidence, Vigfusson was
of opinion that the lays could not have been composed in Iceland
or Norway, and that probably their home was to be looked for in
Orkney, the Western Islands, Ireland or the north of England.1

The characteristics pointing to a western origin are briefly :
(i) grammatical, e.g. ch' in a few instances dropped before '!'
and ' r ' in the oldest copy, probably made by an Icelander, which
may be the remnant of the archetype, an Orkney one ; 2 (2) words
foreign to Icelandic prose ; (3) words of Celtic origin and others
with meanings different to those attached to them in Iceland ; 3
and (4) descriptions of Norway, Denmark, and Germany as
viewed from abroad.

This paper is intended as a commentary on both the Eddas,
based on Orkney records, dialect, traditions, etc., and forms a
contribution to the subject of 'The Home of the Edda.' For
the sake of brevity, the old Norse earldom of Orkney, Shetland,
Caithness, and Sutherland will be referred to simply as ' Orkney,'
but the mass of the evidence is derived from Orkney and
Shetland, especially the latter.

II.

The oldest MS. of the lays is Codex Regius (R) which came
to light in 1 642.* It is dated by Vigfusson as circa 1230,* and
he was of opinion that it was copied by an Icelander from an
Orkney archetype of circa H5O,6 which might have been taken
down in writing by an Icelander in Iceland or Orkney to the
dictation of an Orkneyinger.7 He was further of opinion (i)
that the lays date from 950-1 100 and that they could not possibly
be earlier than the ninth century,8 (2) that they would be fresh
in the memory of the people down till circa noo,9 and (3) that
they were fading from mind and becoming corrupted at the time
they were taken down, circa 1 1 5<D.10

Snorri Sturlason, the compiler of Ragna-saga, which he un-
doubtedly derived from Ragna-lays and other lays, flourished
H78-I240.11 The oldest MSS. of his work are (i) Codex

1 S.S., I. clxxxvi., cxciii. 2C.P.B., I. xlii. ; S.S., I. cxciii.

8C.P.B., I. Iviii., Ixiii. 4C.P.B., I. xxxiii.

5C.P.B., I. Ixxi. ; S.S., I. ccxii. 6C.P.B., I. xlii., Ixxii. ; S.S., I. ccx.

*C.P.B., I. Ixxiii. ; S.S., I. cxcii. «C.P.B., I. Ivii. ; S.S., I. ccx.

9C.P.B., I. Ixxii. 10C.P.B., I. Ixxii., Ixxiv. f.n. ; S.S.,I. ccx.
" C.P.B., I. c.

150 Alfred W. Johnston

Wormianus (W), circa 1320-30, which made its reappearance
in 1609,* and (2) Codex Regius (r), circa 1290, which reappeared
in i64O.2

There is another important MS., AM. 748 A., circa 1280,
which contains the lays and the saga.8

III.

We should bear in mind that Orkney was the earliest viking
colony, where old institutions and old forms of place-names took
root, flourished, and survived. The odal system of land-holding
became firmly established in Orkney, whereas, by the later time
that Iceland was settled, that system had become antiquated and
did not find a place in the polity of the latter country. In Orkney
we also find such old forms of Norse place-names as vin and angr*
which are not to be found in Iceland. We should therefore expect
the Norse religious beliefs to have similarly taken a firmer hold in
Orkney and to have survived longer there than in Iceland. The
influence of the pre-viking Christian inhabitants of Orkney,
whom the colonists would have found there, and of the neigh-
bouring Scottish Christians must also be taken into account as an
important factor in a critical study of the lays.

The first nominal Norse convert to Christianity in Orkney was
Earl Sigurd, who, in 995, chose baptism to death at the hands of
King Olaf.6 The bishopric of Orkney was not founded until
about 1 047- 1 064.6

The important part played by Orkney and Shetland in the
western influence on Norwegian civilization has evoked from
Professor Alexander Bugge the opinion that these islands could
be called the Cyprus and Crete of northern culture.7

It must also be remembered that the vikings of Orkney were
far-travelled and made frequent expeditions to Russia, Spain,
Jerusalem, Rome, and other foreign countries.8

All expectations of finding any remnants of the lays still current
in Orkney is out of the question, seeing that the insular Norse
dialect, called Norn, has given place to English since 1468, when
the islands were pledged by Norway to Scotland in security for
the dowry of the Princess Margaret, the queen of King James III.

1 C.P.B., I. xlv. ; S.S., I. ccxii. 2C.P.B., I. xxxv., xlvi. ; S.S., I. ccxii.

8C.P.B., I. xliii. 'Jss. ; O.D. 6O.S., 16,337. «O.S., 59.

7 Vesterlandenes Indflydelse paa Noretboernes, by A. Bugge, p. 401.
8O.S. passim.

Ragna-rok and Orkney 151

The insular code of Norse laws, the Lawbook, disappeared circa
1600, since when, with the exception of some odal land-rights,
Scottish law has taken its place.

The Norse dialect continued longer in Shetland, where we find
legal documents in that tongue as late as 1627,* and a Norse
ballad recited in 1 8 34.2 Orkney, from its proximity to Scotland,
and being the seat of government (latterly held by a Scottish line
of earls, the St. Clairs), naturally adopted the English language
much earlier. The last known Norse document in Orkney is the
complaint by its Commons circa 1426. 3 The Norse dialect, how-
ever, survived in secluded places in Orkney until the eighteenth
century, when it is related that one of the lays was recited there.4

Notwithstanding that all Norse ballads have perforce dis-
appeared with the dialect, still we have a rich store of scientific
data preserved in place-names and in thousands of surviving
dialect words which are now being explored by Dr. Jakob Jakob-
sen, data much more reliable than folklore, which latter can be
introduced from literary sources and widely spread with remark-
able rapidity.

IV.

Indications of location in the lays are few. In one instance we
have : ' We broidered on our broidery how Sigar and Siggeir
fought south in Fife (Fivi.')5 Here is a clear indication of
Orkney, north of Fife. Even if Fivi is a later gloss on a possible
original Fion, it nevertheless points to the locality where this lay
was current at the time it was taken down in writing. Vigfusson
looked upon the life depicted in this particular tapestry lay as not
corresponding with what we know of Denmark in the ninth and
tenth centuries.6

As regards the reference to tapestry, it recalls an incident in
the life of Earl ROgnvald in Orkney. In 1148 two Icelandic
skalds were his guests in Orkney. It fell out one day about
Yule that men were looking at the hangings, then the earl said to
one of the skalds : * Make thou a song about the behaviour of

1 The Celtic and Scandinavian Antiquities of Scotland, by Gilbert Goudie, p. 131.

2 MS. Journal of an Expedition to Shetland, in 1834, by Dr. Edward Charlton,
p. 130. Extracts are now being printed in O-L.M.

3 Dipt. Norveg., ii. p. 514.

4 Memoirs of the Life of Sir Walter Scott, 1837, vol. iii. p. 190.
5C.P.B., I. 318. "C.P.B., I. Ixii.

152 Alfred W. Johnston

that man who is there on the hanging, and have thou thy song
sung when I have ended my song ; and mind and have none of
those words in thy song that I have in my song.' l It is thus
proved that tapestry was in use in Orkney in the twelfth century,
scarcely a hundred years after the probable date of the composi-
tion of the above tapestry lay. Harp-playing, which also occurs
in the lays,2 is also in keeping with Orkney life, since we find this
same Earl ROgnvald priding himself, circa 1 1 1 6 : ' Either stands
at my behest, sweep of harp or burst of song.' 3

In Ragna-saga the Everlasting Battle is localized in Hoy, in
Orkney.4 Fenja and Menja of the Gr6tta Songr or Mill Song
have been deposited in the Pentland Firth to grind salt to make
the sea salt.5 The scene of * The Fatal Sisters ' is laid in Caithness
circa loi-f.6

V.

Let us now glance at Orkney poets and authors, and their
Icelandic correspondents and collaborators.

It is historically true that Orkney was a literary and poetical
centre from the first ; that the lays were known there, that there
was constant communication with Iceland, and that at the time
the lays are supposed to have been taken down, an earl-poet and a
bishop-poet were busy at literary work in collaboration with
Icelandic poets resident in Orkney.

Torf-Einarr, Earl of Orkney, circa 880-900, brother of Hrolf,
the founder of Normandy, was a distinguished poet whose name
has been commemorated by Snorri in * Torf-Einarr metre ' (Torf-
Einars-hatt), the name of one of the metres in Hattatal.7 Here
we see that at the very foundation of the earldom its chief was a
renowned writer of verse.

Arn6r Jarlaskald, 1011-1080, called 'Earls' Poet' because he
composed poems about the Orkney Earls Thorfinn and Rognvald,
in one of these poems made a quotation from Voluspa, one of the
lays, showing that this lay was then known in Orkney.8 A
knowledge of Vftluspa, a lay which shows Christian influence,

iQ.S., 158. 3C.P.B., I. lx. »O.S., 97.

4 The Younger Edda, translated by R. B. Anderson, p. 218; S.S., I. clxxxvi.

6S.S., I. clxxxvi. ; C.P.B., I. 184; Saga Book of the Viking Club, vi. 296;
O-L.M., iii. 14.2.

6 0-L.M., iii. 78. ^ O-L.M., i. 70.

8C.P.B., I. Ixxvii. ; II. 197 ; I. I93; O.S., 60.

Ragna-rok and Orkney 153

means a knowledge of the whole system of Norse mythology, as
it gives a complete history of the gods, which can be best under-
stood after a study of all the lays.

Bjarni Gullbraar-skald, an Icelander, was in Orkney and made
verses there in IO46.1 A nameless Orkney skald has one of his
extempore verses recorded which he sang, in 1137, in answer to
Earl Rognvald.2

Earl and Saint Rdgnvald, circa 1100-1158, founder of St.
Magnus' Cathedral, was a prolific poet and a great traveller and
warrior. He lived at the very time that the lays are supposed to
have been taken down by an Icelander to the dictation of an
Orkneyman ; and what do we find? In 1139-43 he composed
Hattalykill or Key to Metres along with Hall, an Icelandic skald,
in which he shows a knowledge of the Helgi lays.3 Besides
Orkney skalds, the following Icelandic poets were in Orkney in
the court of Earl Rognvald : Hall Th6rarinsson, 1139-1148 ;4
Eric, circa 1139-1 148 ;5 Armod, 1 148-1 1 53 ;6 Oddi the little
Glumsson, 1 148-1 1 53 ;7 Thorbjorn Svarti, 1 148-1 1 53 ;8 and
Botolf Begla, 1 1 54, a resident.9

Bishop Bjarni Kolbeinson, known as 'The Skald,' 1150-1223,
an Orkneyman, was author of J6msvikingadrapa and probably of
Malshattakvae'Si and the Orkneyinga Saga.10 Dr. J6n Stefansson
has shown that he made his court one of the literary and political
centres of the time. There was close friendship between him and
the leading chieftains in Iceland, especially the Oddi family.
Icelandic skalds were frequently his guests on their voyages to
Norway. Munch has suggested that Bjarni and Sasmund no
doubt lent each other some of their literary treasures, and Snorri
would be conversant with these. Snorri quotes the Orkney Saga
which he must have got directly or indirectly from Bjarni, perhaps
through Saemund. It is well known that Snorri in Hattatal
imitated the Hattalykill of Earl Rognvald. The bishop was also
a contemporary of, and acquainted with, his King Sverrir.11

King Sverrir of Norway, who was born in the Faroes and
visited Orkney and the Western Islands, quoted the lays in
Norway in 1183-84, regarding which Vigfusson says : 'We have
his speeches from his own report, so that it is not necessary to

JQ.S., 49. 2O.S., 129. 3C.P.B., I. Ixxvii. ; O.S., 145.

4O.S., 144, 145. 5Q.S., 141. «O.S., 157, 163, 178.

7O.S., 158, 159, 165, 171, 178. 8O.S., 159, 178, 340. »O.S., 198, 199.
10O-L.M., i. 43-47, 65-71 ; C.P.B., II. 363, 301. " O-L.M., i. 43 et seq.

154 Alfred W. Johnston

believe that the snatches he cites were as familiar to his hearers as
they were to him.' *

In Iceland the first skald was Egil Skallagrimsson, circa 900-
982.

While Iceland was the land of saga, Orkney was the home of
metre,2 which found an imitator in the great Snorri himself.3

If the rulers of Orkney were poets, it goes without saying that
verse-making — a characteristic of the vikings — would have been
fashionable among their subjects, of which we have proof in their
saga.4

VI.

It will here suffice to give a few of the poetic words which are
common to the Eddas and to the Shetland dialect of to-day, in
which they are used chiefly as lucky or tabu names at sea. The
significant fact should be noted that some of these words only
occur in the Eddas and in the Shetland dialect. Such words are
indicated below by a prefixed asterisk.

MEANING IN O.D.

EDDAS. UNLESS OTHERWISE SHETLAND DIALECT.

STATED.

Logr (L., T.) the sea Ljoag> the sea (Jd., 24)

Marr6 (L., S., T.) the sea Maar, the sea (Jd., 24)

All (T.) the sea 1 „ „ r /, w.. - , /T»

Vost (T.) the sea } Holl°St [Al-Vostl, the sea ( J.)

Dufa6 (T.) a wave Dai, a wave (J.)7

Far (T.) a ship Far, a ship (J.)

Rakki (T.) ring of sail-yard Rakki, ring of sail-yard (E. ; E.D.D.)

ByrSi (T.) board, i.e. side of Birdin, bottom planks of a boat (J.)
a ship

*rv -JL • IT- \ f Dronjer, a cow (J.)

Drj6m (T.) an ox Q j

*Gn'mr (T.) a he-goat Gr^mek, a ram (J.)

Fagra-hvel (L., T.) the sun Feger, Feg, Foger, the sun ( J.)

^.P.B., I. Ixxvii. 31, 314; Sverrissaga, translated by J. Sephton, p. 212.

2C.P.B., I. cxciii. 3O-L.M., i. 45. 4O.S., 129.

6 In modern usage this word only remains in compounds. O.D.

6 Also the name of one of the daughters of Ran. O.D.

7 See also O-L.M., iii. 39, where it is derived by Jakobsen from djja, to shake,
and by the writer from Jyfa, to dip, which is allied to dufa, a wave. Magnusson
expresses his conviction that djja originally does not mean * to shake,' but is the
same word as Engl. dye, which, again, is related to djfa.

Ragna-rok and Orkney

'55

EDDAS.

Glamr (T.)
Htyrn (T.)

MEANING IN O.D.

UNLESS OTHERWISE

STATED.

the moon

? ''poetically a cer-
tain time of day,
the exact meaning
is uncertain '

Grfma (L., T.) night

SHETLAND DIALECT.

Glom, Glomer, the moon (J.)
Lin, to grow dusk (J.) a

;Grims, end of twilight, beginning of
dawn (J.)
Grimlins [ ? Grfmu - hlyrn,] ditto.

(Orkney dialect)
Rod, mist and wet (O-L.M., iii. 41)
Gro, a breeze (J. ; O-L.M., iii. 39)
Gol, a breeze (J.)
Gludder,/™ (O-L.M., iii. 39)
Groga, grey mare or cow ( J.)
Grogi, grey horse (O-L.M., ii. 1 68)
Korp, to screech hoarsely as a raven (J.)
Dirri-du, stormy petrel ( J.) *
Snafool, snow-bunting (E. ; O-L.M.,

ii. 170)

Rood-goose (O-L.M., ii. 170; E.)
Saithe-fool, gull (O-L.M., ii. 170)
Hegri, heron (J. ; O-L.M., ii. 170)
Korka, oats (J.)
Brennir,yfrv (J.)
Finna, Finni, Fons.yjjre (J.)

Note. — The words quoted from O-L.M. are from contributions by Mrs. Jessie
M. E. Saxby and the Rev. John Spence.

1 Dr. Jakobsen derives Kn from O.N. linna, to cease. Can tin be derived from
hljrn, and explain its meaning \

2 Also the name of a goddess who sends storm and rain. O.D.

8 The mythological horse of SigurS Fafnis-bana is probably to be pro-
nounced thus, not Grani. O.D. Grani is given in T. in the list of names
of horses. If T. is of Shetland origin, may not Grogi be the lineal representative
of Grani.

R6ta2(T.)

sleet and storm

GraSi (T.)

a breeze

Gol (T.)

a breeze

*GlxoY (T.)

fire

Grana (O.D.)

grey mare

Grani 3 (O.D.)

grey horse

Korpr (T.)

a raven

Door-kvisa (T.)

a kind of bird

Snzefugl (T.)

snow-bunting

Hrot-gis (T.)

barnacle goose

SaeSingr (T.)

gull

Hegri (L,T.)

heron

Korki 5 (T.)

oats

Brennir (T.)

fire

Funi (L., T.)

fire

4 Jakobsen derives dirri from Joftr and du from dufa, a dove. The name
kvisa, which may be interpreted as the foreboder of numbness or deadness, would be
an appropriate name for the stormy petrel. This hitherto unknown ' kind of
bird ' whose name alone appears in the Thulor of Snorra Edda — the Thulor which
Vigfusson supposed to have been compiled in Orkney — may now possibly be
identified by means of the Shetland dialect of to-day, in which this name Dirri-du
alone appears to survive.

5 A Gaelic word, coirce, corca, oats. O.D. ; J.

156 Alfred W. Johnston

MEANING IN O.D.

EDDAS. UNLESS OTHERWISE SHETLAND DIALECT.

STATED.

Salr l (L.) a hall Salur, ben-end or best room in an Ork-

ney and Shetland cottage

Tun (L.) farm premises 2 Tun, farm premises

Ta 3 (L.) house stance Tow-male, bouse stance in Orkney

VII.

As already pointed out the change of language from Norse to
English has completely obliterated all Norse ballads and folk-
music, and has undoubtedly brought to an end many traditions,
customs and much folk-lore. However, the few remnants which
have been rescued lead us to believe that very many ballads and
traditions of the old mythology must have existed.

In 1774 Mr. Low took down the Hildina ballad, which was
recited to him in Norse by an inhabitant of Foula,4 whose son
continued to recite it in i834.6 This ballad is undoubtedly
founded on the lays.

Sir Walter Scott relates that ' The Fatal Sisters' (Darra'SaljoS)
was recited in Norse in North Ronaldsey in Orkney in the
eighteenth century, the title of this lay was rendered in English
by the reciters as 'The Enchantresses.'8

Dr. Karl Blind placed on record the discovery of Odinic songs
(in English) in Shetland, translated relics of the Havamal.7

An echo of the Grotta Songr is still to be found in Orkney,
where Grotti Finnic (Fenja) and Lukie Minnie (Menja) still
grind the salt mill in the Pentland Firth, supplying a remarkable
corroboration of Snorri's prose introduction to the lay in which

1 This word with its compounds is obsolete in old prose writers, and only used
in poets. O.D. See also C.P.B., I. Iviii. where it is stated that the word is not
found in Icelandic prose.

2 In Iceland it refers to enclosed infield. C.P.B., I. lix. ; O.D.
8Ta, unknown in Iceland. C.P.B., I. lix. 329.

4 A Tour through the Islands of Orkney and Shetland, by George Low, p. 108.
O-L.M., in.

6 MS. Journal of an Expedition to Shetland, in 1834, by Dr. Edward Charleton,
p. 130.

6 Memoirs of the Life of Sir Walter Scott, 1837, vol. iii. p. 190.

7 Nineteenth Century, 1879, P- 1O93- See also C.P.B., I. Ixxiv.

Ragna-rok and Orkney 157

he states that Fenja and Menja were ultimately doomed to grind
salt for the sea on Gr6tti in a svelgr, the Swelchie of the Pent-
land Firth.1 Moreover, the existing names of the parts of a
Shetland quern have at last given us the clue to the hitherto inex-
plicable kenning, ' liS-meldr ' in the Hamlet verses.2 Lift is the
name of a part of a Shetland mill, and as the name of a part can,
in a kenning, be used for the whole, hence ItS-meldr means mill-
meal. Fenja and Menja say : ' Lettom steinom,' let us lighten
the stones.3 If a Shetlander of to-day, engaged in grinding corn
in a hand-mill, were asked to lighten the stones he would imme-
diately do so by raising the ' lightening tree,' and thereby grind
coarser meal. To grind out a host of warriors, as Fenja and
Menja did, even out of a giant's mill, would require, even
poetically speaking, some considerable 'lightening' of the stones.
The name of Gr6tti, the mythological hand-mill, is still preserved
in the name of the nave of the lower stone of an Orkney quern.4
Vigfusson ridiculed the possibility of Dr. Karl Blind's Odinic
song in English being a direct translated descendant from Eddie
times.6 But the genuineness of this waif gains credibility when
considered in conjunction with the other data brought together
in this paper. If Vigfusson had had these facts placed before
him there can be little doubt that he would have been otherwise
convinced, more especially as the body of this evidence goes to
prove his contention that the lays were current and probably taken
down in Orkney.6

VIII.
To sum up :

(1) It has been suggested that the lays were current in Orkney

in the eleventh century, and we find that they were quoted
there in 1064 and known there in 1139.

(2) It has been suggested that the lays were taken down in

the twelfth century by an Icelander to the dictation of an
Orkneyman in Iceland or Orkney, and we find that Earl
Rognvald, a prolific and distinguished poet, who had a

1 Saga Book, Viking Club, vi. 296. - C.P.B., II. 54-5.

3 O-L.M., iii. 147. * O-L.M., iii. 253.

5 C.P.B., I. Ixxiv. Professor W. P. Ker, in On the History of the Ballads, noo-
1500, writes : * It is possible for themes of the early centuries to come through all
the changes of languages and poetical taste.'

6 S.S., I. cxcii. cxciii. etc.

158 Ragna-rok and Orkney

knowledge of the lays, was busy at work in Orkney in
collaboration with Icelandic skalds, 1139-58, and that
the Orkney bishop Bjarni, ' The Skald,1 was similarly
engaged with Icelandic skalds and was also in corre-
spondence with Oddi in Iceland, 1150-1223.

(3) It has been suggested that Snorri's Thulor^ or rhymed

glossaries, were compiled in Orkney,1 and we find that
numbers of these poetic words are still in use in Shetland
as tabu or sea-names, and that Snorri must have been con-
versant with the literary work of Bjarni, and did actually
imitate the work of Earl Rognvald.

(4) There are in Orkney (a) a few traditions and ballads which

have survived the change of language ; (^) the report that
' The Fatal Sisters ' was recited in Norse in the eighteenth
century ; (c) the survival of the names of the two val-
kyries, Fenja and Menja, and the perpetuation of the
name Gr6tti — it being worthy of notice that we are
enabled by the Orkney names of parts of a hand-mill
to solve a hitherto inexplicable kenning and the meaning
of a doubtful passage in Snorra Edda.

(5) The scenes and dramatis person* of the lays were quite

familiar to the far-travelled vikings of Orkney.

While Iceland was the land of the saga^ Orkney was
the home of metre^ which was imitated in Iceland. The
fishermen of Shetland of to-day still use poetic words of
the Eddas as lucky names at sea, and it is significant that
some of these words only occur in the Eddas and in the
Shetland dialect and nowhere else.

It is not contended that the lays were one and all composed
and current in Orkney, but merely that some or all of them were
Current and collected there.

If Orkneyingers, in collaboration with Icelanders, in the
twelfth century placed on record their mythological lays, it finds
its sequel in the twentieth century when the Orkney-founded
Society for Northern Research, the Viking Club, is now engaged
with, among others, such a distinguished Icelandic scholar as
Mr. Eirikr Magnusson, in translating these lays into the tongue
of their adoption.

ALFRED W. JOHNSTON.

iC.P.B., II. 422,

Chronicle of Lanercost1

r I iHE king made ample recognition to Sir Antony and the
A others who arrested the earl, to wit — Sir Antony de Lucy
[received] the manor of Cockermouth, Sir Richard de Denton
the village of Thursby close to Carlisle, Sir Hugh de Moriceby
of part of the village of Culgaythe, being the part belonging to
the aforesaid Earl Andrew, Sir Hugh de Lowther [ . . . ],2 Richard
de Salkeld the village of Great Corby.

Before Christmas came the bull of my lord Pope John
XXII. — Cum inter nonnullos, wherein he pronounced it to be
erroneous and heretical to affirm obstinately that our
Lord Jesus Christ and his apostles possessed no private A'D' *323'
property even in common, since this is expressly contrary to Scrip-
ture ; and likewise that consequently it is heretical to affirm
obstinately that the Lord Jesus Christ and his apostles had no
legal right to those things which Holy Scripture testifies that they
possessed, but only actual use of them, and that they had not the
right to sell or give away those things, or of themselves acquiring
other things, which aforesaid things Holy Scripture testifies to
their having done, because such use of them would have been
illegal. Friar Michael, Minister General, appealed against this
finding of the Pope, wherefore the Pope had him arrested, as is
explained below, in the year 1328.

In the same year, about the feast of the Ascension of the Lord3
Sir Aymer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, and Sir Hugh
Despenser the younger, with four other official personages, came
to Newcastle-on-Tyne on the part of the King of England ; and
on the part of the King of Scotland came my lord Bishop of
S. Andrews and Sir Thomas Randolph, Earl of Moray, and four
other duly authorised persons, to treat for peace between the
kingdoms, or, at least, for a prolonged truce, and, by God's will,

1 See Scottish Historical Review, vi. 13, 174, 281, 383; vii. 56, 160, 271, 377;
viii. 22, 159, 276, 377; ix. 69.

2 Blank in original. * 5th May.

160 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

they speedily agreed upon a truce for thirteen years fully reckoned.
When this was made public about the feast of S. Barnabas the
Apostle,1 that truce was ratified and proclaimed in both kingdoms,
on condition, however, that, because of the excommunication of
the Scots, neither people should buy of or sell to the other, nor
hold any intercourse with each other, nor even go from one king-
dom to the other without special letters of conduct. For the
granting of such letters and licenses three notable persons for
England and three persons for Scotland were appointed on the
marches of the aforesaid kingdoms, and patrols were set on the
marches to watch lest anyone should cross the march in any other
manner.

With the bull of Pope John, whereof mention was made in the
preceding year, came four other bulls from the same ; one revok-
ing the decision conveyed in that Decretal — Exiit quod

A Ti T •? *7 X •

seminal, lest anyone should twist it into different and
injurious meanings, and that none might disparage the rule or
state of the Minorite Friars. Another, beginning Cum ad con-
ditorem canonumy lays down that none can have simple usufruct
without legal right of user, because use cannot be separated from
possession in things consumed in the using. The third is lengthy,
beginning Quia quarumdam^ wherein it is laid down that the
Pope can decree and do all the aforesaid things, and the arguments
of those who declare he cannot are dealt with. There is a fourth,
wherein it is ordered that the four preceding bulls be read in the
schools in like manner as the other letters decretal.

The new King of France 2 invaded Gascony and other lands of
the King of England beyond the sea, because the King of England
would not go and pay him the due and accustomed homage for
the lands which he held in that kingdom. So the King of England
sent his brother-german, my lord Edmund, Earl cf Kent, to Gas-
cony with an army for the defence of his lands.

On the feast of All Saints in the same year died my lord Bishop
Prebendary of Carlisle at the manor of Rose ; in place of whom
my lord William de Ermyn was elected by the canons on the
morrow of Epiphany following ; 3 but the election did not take
effect, because Master John de Rose, a south-countryman, was
consecrated Bishop of Carlisle by the Pope in the Curia on the
first Sunday in Lent.

The Pope excommunicated my lord Louis, the Duke of
Bavaria's son, who had been elected Emperor ; but Louis formally
1 I ith June. a Charles IV. 8 jth January, 1 3 24-5.

Chronicle of Lanercost 161

summoned [the Pope] to a council, undertaking to prove that
he was a heretic — aye, an arch-heretic, that is a prince and doctor
of heretics ; and through the clergy whom he had with
him he answered all the arguments which the Pope
put forward on his part. Now the clergy and people of all Ger-
many and Italy drew more each day to the Emperor's side, and
unanimously approved of his election, and crowned him, first with
the iron crown at Milan,1 secondly with the silver crown at
Aachen, and thirdly he was crowned afterwards with the golden
crown in the city of Rome, having been very honourably received
by the Romans. Many battles were fought between the Pope's
army and the Emperor's, but the Pope's side was generally beaten.2

In the same year the King of England sent his consort the
queen to her brother, the King of France, hoping that, by God's
help, peace might be established between himself and the King of
France through her, according to her promise. But the queen
had a secret motive for desiring to cross over to France ; for
Hugh Despenser the younger, the King's agent in all matters of
business, was exerting himself at the Pope's court to procure
divorce between the King of England and the queen, and in
furtherance of this business there went to the court a certain man
of religion, acting irreligiously, by name Thomas de Dunheved, with
an appointed colleague, and a certain secular priest named Master
Robert de Baldock. These men had even instigated the king to
resume possession of the lands and rents which he had formerly
bestowed upon the queen, and they allowed her only twenty
shillings a day for herself and her whole court, and they took
away from her her officers and body servants, so that the wife of
the said Sir Hugh was appointed, as it were, guardian to the
queen, and carried her seal ; nor could the queen write to any-
body without her knowledge ; whereat my lady the queen was
equally indignant and distressed, and therefore wished to visit her
brother in France to seek for a remedy.

When, therefore, she had arrived there she astutely contrived
that Edward, her elder son and heir of England, should cross over
to his uncle, the King of France, on the plea that if he came and
did homage to his uncle for Gascony and the other lands of the
king beyond the sea, the King [of France] would transfer to him

1 In 1327. From this it appears that this part of the chronicle was not written
quite contemporaneously ; but, as was the usual custom, compiled from informa-
tion recorded in various monasteries.

2 The Papal Court during these years was at Avignon.

L

1 62 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

all these lands from the King [of England] ; and he [Prince
Edward] was made Duke of Aquitaine. But when he wished to
appoint his men and bailiffs in those lands to take seisin thereof,
the King of England's men, who had been in possession hitherto
of those lands and certain cities, would not allow it. Hence arose
disagreement between the King of England's men and those of
his son, the duke.

Meanwhile it was publicly rumoured in England that the
Queen of England was coming to England with her son, the duke,
and the army of France in ships, to avenge herself upon Sir Hugh
Despenser, and upon his father, the Earl of Winchester, by whose
advice the King of England had caused the Earl of Lancaster, the
Queen's uncle, to be executed, and upon the said Master Robert
de Baldock and upon sundry others, by whose most pernicious
counsel the King of England, with his whole realm, was controlled
in everything. For this reason the king ordered that all the
harbours of England should be most carefully guarded.

But there were contradictory rumours in England about the
queen, some declaring that she was the betrayer of the king and
kingdom, others that she was acting for peace and the common
welfare of the kingdom, and for the removal of evil counsellors
from the king ; but it is horrible to tell what was done by the
aforesaid evil counsellors of the king.

Public proclamation was made in London that if [the queen]
herself or her son (albeit he was heir of the realm) should enter
England, they were to be arrested as enemies of the
A'D' I32 ' king and kingdom. Meanwhile it was said that a very
large sum of money was sent to sundry nobles and leading men
in France, to induce them to cause the Queen of England and her
son to be arrested by craft and sent over to England. Some of
them, bribed with the money, endeavoured to do this, but she
was forewarned by the Count of Hainault or Hanonia and saved.
Then there was a treaty made, under which her son, Duke of
Aquitaine and heir of the realm of England, should marry the
daughter of the aforesaid count, provided that with his army he
assisted the queen and her son, the duke, to cross over to England
in safety : which was duly accomplished.

In the same year, on Wednesday next before the feast of the
Dedication of the Church of S. Michael the Archangel,1 she
landed at the port of Harwich, in the east of England, with her
son, the duke, and Messire Jehan, brother of the Count of

1 24th September.

Chronicle of Lanercost 163

Hainault or Hanonia, and my lord Edmund, Earl of Kent, the
King of England's brother, and Sir Roger de Mortimer, a baron
of the King of England, who had fled from him previously to
France to save his life, and sundry others who had been exiled
from England on account of the Earl of Lancaster. They had
with them a small enough force (for there were not more at the
outside than fifteen hundred men all told), but the Earl Marshal,
the King of England's brother, joined them immediately, and
my lord Henry, Earl of Leicester, brother of the executed Earl of
Lancaster ; and soon after the other earls and barons and the
commonalty of the southern parts adhered to them. They pro-
ceeded against the king because he would not dismiss from his
side Sir Hugh Despenser and Master Robert de Baldock.

Meanwhile, however, the people of London, holding in detes-
tation the king and his party, seized my lord the Bishop of
Exeter, the king's treasurer, whose exactions upon their com-
munity in the past had been excessively harsh, and who was then
in London, and, dreadful to say, they beheaded him with great
ferocity. Thereafter, having assembled the commonalty of the
city, they violently assaulted the Tower of London, wherein were
at that time the wife of the aforesaid Sir Hugh, and many State
prisoners, adherents of the aforesaid Earl of Lancaster. Some
townsmen within, to whom custody of the Tower had been
entrusted, hearing and understanding all the aforesaid events,
and seeing their fellow citizens fiercely attacking the Tower,
surrendered it to them, with everything therein, both persons
and property. But they appointed as warden thereof the king's
younger son, my lord John of Eltham, who was in the Tower, a
boy about twelve years old, for the use of his mother and brother,
handing it over to him with a strong armed garrison.

Shortly afterwards Sir Hugh Despenser the elder, Earl of Win-
chester, was captured, and drawn at Bristol in his coat of arms (so
that those arms should never again be borne in England),1 and
afterwards hanged and then beheaded. After a short interval the
Earl of Arundel2 was captured likewise. He had married the
daughter of Sir Hugh the younger, and had been, with Hugh,
one of the king's counsellors. He was condemned to death in
secret, as it were, and afterwards beheaded. Meanwhile all who
were captives and prisoners in England on account of their

1 Having been thereby irremediably dishonoured. Nevertheless, they are borne
at this day by Earl Spencer. Winchester was about 90 years old when executed.

2 Edmund Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel (1285-1326).

164 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

adherence to the oft-mentioned Earl of Lancaster were released,
and the exiles were recalled, and their lands and heritages, whereof
they had been disinherited, were restored to them in full ; where-
fore they joined the party of the queen and her son eagerly and
gladly.

During all these proceedings my lord the Earl of Leicester,
Sir Roger de Mortimer, and Messire Jehan of Hainault, were
pursuing with their forces the king, Sir Hugh Despenser, and
Master Robert de Baldock to the west, lest they should embark
there and sail across to Ireland, there to collect an army and
oppress England as they had done before. Also, the aforesaid
lords feared that if the king could reach Ireland he might collect
an army there and cross over into Scotland, and by the help of
the Scots and Irish together he might attack England. For
already, alarmed at the coming to England of the French and
some English with the queen, the king had been so ill-advised
as to write to the Scots, freely giving up to them the land and
realm of Scotland, to be held independently of any King of
England, and (which was still worse) bestowed upon them with
Scotland great part of the northern lands of England lying next
to them, on condition that they should assist him against the
queen, her son, and their confederates. But, by God's ordaining,
the project of Achitophel was confounded, the king's will and
purpose were hindered, nor were he and his people able to cross
to Ireland, although they tried with all their might to do so.

The baffled king's following being dispersed, he wandered
houseless about Wales with Hugh Despenser and Robert de
Baldock, and there they were captured before the feast of S.
Andrew.1 The king was sent to Kenilworth Castle, and was there
kept in close captivity. Hugh was drawn, hanged, and beheaded
at Hereford ; his body was divided into four parts and sent to
four cities of England, and his head was suspended in London.
But Baldock, being a cleric, was put to his penance in Newgate
in London, and died soon after in prison.

After Christmas, by common advice of all the nobles of
England, a parliament was held in London, at the beginning
whereof two bishops — Winchester and Hereford — were sent to
the king at Kenilworth, begging him humbly and urgently on
the part of my lady the queen, of her son, the Duke of Aquitaine,
and of all the earls, barons, and commonalty of the whole country
assembled in London, that he would be pleased to come to the

1 3oth November.

Chronicle of Lanercost 165

parliament to perform and enact with his lieges for the crown of
England what ought to be done and what justice demanded.
When he received this request he utterly refused to comply
therewith ; nay, he cursed them contemptuously, declaring that
he would not come among his enemies— or rather, his traitors.
The aforesaid envoys returned, therefore, and on the vigil of the
octave of Epiphany1 they entered the great hall of Westminster,
where the aforesaid parliament was being held, and publicly recited
the reply of the two envoys before all the clergy and people.

On the morrow, to wit, the feast of S. Hilary, the Bishop
of Hereford preached, and, taking for his text that passage in
Ecclesiasticus — ' A foolish king shall ruin his people ' — dwelt
weightily upon the folly and unwisdom of the king, and upon
his childish doings (if indeed they deserved to be spoken of as
childish), and upon the multiple and manifold disasters that had
befallen in England in his time. And all the people answered with
one voice — ' We will no longer have this man to reign over us.'

Then on the next day following the Bishop of Winchester
preached, and, taking for his text that passage in the fourth of
Kings — ' My head pains me ' — he explained with sorrow what
a feeble head England had had for many years. The Archbishop
of Canterbury preached on the third day, taking for his text —
f The voice of the people is the voice of God,' and he ended by
announcing to all his hearers that, by the unanimous consent of
all the earls and barons, and of the archbishops and bishops, and
of the whole clergy and people, King Edward was deposed from
his pristine dignity, never more to reign nor to govern the people
of England ; and he added that all the above-mentioned, both
laity and clergy, unanimously agreed that my lord Edward, his
first-born son, should succeed his father in the kingdom.

When this had been done, all the chief men, with the assent
of the whole community, sent formal envoys to his father at
Kenilworth to renounce their homage, and to inform him that
he was deposed from the royal dignity and that he should govern
the people of England no more. The aforesaid envoys were two
bishops, Winchester and Hereford ; two earls, Lancaster and
Warren; two barons, de Ros and de Courtney;2 two abbots,

1 1 2th January 1326-7.

2 William 3rd Baron de Ros, d. 1343, and Hugh de Courtenay afterwards ist
Earl of Devon, d. 1340. The present Baroness de Ros is 2§th in descent from
William, and the present Earl of Devon is directly descended from Sir Philip de
Courtenay, grandson of Hugh, ist Earl.

1 66 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

two priors, two justiciaries, two Preaching Friars, two Carmelite
Friars. But at the instance of my lady the queen, Minorite
Friars were not sent, so that they should not be bearers of such
a dismal message, for he greatly loved the Minorites.1 Then
there were two knights from beyond Trent, and two from this
side of Trent ; two citizens of London and two from the Cinque
Ports ; so that altogether there were four-and-twenty persons
appointed to bear that message.

Meanwhile public proclamation was made in the city of
London that my lord Edward, son of the late king, was to
be crowned at Westminster upon Sunday, being the vigil of
the Purification of the Glorious Virgin,2 and that he would there
assume the diadem of the realm. Which took place with great
pomp, such as befitted so great a king.

On the night of the king's coronation in London, the Scots,
having already heard thereof, came in great force with ladders
to Norham Castle, which is upon the March and had been very
offensive to them. About sixteen of them boldly mounted the
castle walls ; but Robert de Maners, warden of the castle, had
been warned of their coming by a certain Scot within the castle,
and, rushing suddenly upon them, killed nine or ten and took
five of them alive, but severely wounded. This mishap ought
to have been a sign and portent of the ills that were to befal
them in the time of the new king.

Howbeit, this did not cause them [the Scots] to desist in the
least from their long-standing iniquity and evil habits ; for,
hearing that the King of England's son had been
^' crowned and confirmed in the kingdom, and that his
father, who had yielded to them their country free, together with
a large part of the English march, had been deposed and was
detained in custody, they invaded England, before the feast of
S. Margaret Virgin and Martyr,8 in three columns, whereof
one was commanded by the oft-mentioned Earl of Moray, another
by Sir James of Douglas, and the third by the Earl of Mar,4
who for many years previously had been educated at the King
of England's court, but had returned to Scotland after the capture
of the king, hoping to rescue him from captivity and restore him

1 Quia Minores multum amabat; it is not clear whether it was the hapless king or
the queen who loved the Minorites.

2 1st February 1326-7.

8 20th July. 4 Donald, 8th Earl of Mar in the ancient line (l 300 ? — 1332).

Chronicle of Lanercost 167

to his kingdom, as formerly, by the help of the Scots and of
certain adherents whom the deposed king still had in England.
My lord Robert de Brus, who had become leprous, did not
invade England on this occasion.

On hearing reports of these events, the new King of England
assembled an army and advanced swiftly against the Scots in
the northern parts about Castle Barnard and Stanhope Park ;
and as they kept to the woods and would not accept battle in the
open, the young king, with extraordinary exertion, made a flank
march with part of his forces in a single day to Haydon Bridge,
in order to cut off their retreat to Scotland. But, as the Scots
continued to hold their ground in Stanhope Park, the king
marched back to their neighbourhood, and, had he attacked them
at once with his army, he must have beaten them, as was
commonly said by all men afterwards. Daily they lost both
men and horses through lack of provender, although they had
gathered some booty in the country round about ; but the affair
was put off for eight days in accord with the bad advice of certain
chief officers of the army, the king lying all that time between the
Scots and Scotland ;x until one night the Scots, warned, it is said,
by an Englishman in the king's army that the king had decided
to attack them next morning, silently decamped from the park,
and, marching round the king's army, held their way to Scotland ;
and thus it was made clear how action is endangered by delay.

One night, when they were still in the park, Sir James of
Douglas, like a brave and enterprising knight, stealthily penetrated
far into the king's camp with a small party, and nearly reached
the king's tent ; but, in returning he made known who he was,
killed many who were taken by surprise, and escaped without
a scratch.2

When the king heard that the Scots had decamped he shed
tears of vexation, disbanded his army, and returned to the south ;
and Messire Jehan, the Count of Hainault's brother, went back
with his following to his own country. But after the king's
departure, the Scots assembled an army and harried almost the
whole of Northumberland, except the castles, remaining there a
long time. When the people of the other English marches saw
this, they sent envoys to the Scots, and for a large sum of money

1 Inter eos et Scottos, an obvious error for Scotiam.

2 The above was known hereafter as the campaign of Weardale, remarkable, says
Barbour, for two notable things never before seen, viz. (l) ' Crakis of weir/
i.e. artillery ; (2) crests worn on the helmets of knights (The Brus, xiv., 168-175).

1 68 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

obtained from them a truce to last till the following feast of
Pentecost.1

About the same time a certain friar of the Order of Preachers,
by name Thomas of Dunheved, who had gone more than two
years before with the envoys of the king, now deposed, to the
court of my lord the Pope to obtain a divorce between the king
and the queen, albeit he had not obtained his object, now
travelled through England, not only secretly but even openly,
stirring up the people of the south and north to rise for the
deposed and imprisoned king and restore the kingdom to him,
promising them speedy aid. But he was unable to fulfil what
he promised ; wherefore that foolish friar was arrested at last,
thrown into prison, and died there.

The deposed king died soon after, either by a natural death or
by the violence of others, and was buried at Gloucester, among the
monks, on the feast of S. Thomas the Apostle,2 and not in London
among the other kings, because he was deposed from reigning.

Meanwhile ambassadors were appointed between the kingdoms
of England and Scotland to arrange a temporary truce or confirm
the former truce for thirteen years, or to come to any treaty
for a perpetual peace if that could be done.

About Christmastide the aforesaid Messire Jehan, brother of
the Count of Hainault, returned to England, bringing with him
Philippa, daughter of the said count, whom the King of England
married with great pomp at York shortly after, to wit, on Sunday
in the vigil of the Conversion of Paul the Apostle.3

In the same year died the King of France without heir born of
his body, just as his brother had died before him. When the
King of England heard of his uncle's death without an heir, and
holding himself to be the nearest rightful heir to the throne
of France, fearing also, nevertheless, that the French would not
admit this, but would elect somebody else of the blood (which
they did immediately, to wit, the son of Charles, uncle of their
deceased king), acting on the pestilent advice of his mother
and Sir Roger de Mortimer (they being the chief controllers of
the king, who was barely fifteen years of age), he was forced
to release the Scots by his public deed from all exaction, right,
claim or demand of the overlordship of the kingdom of Scotland
on his part, or that of his heirs and successors in perpetuity,
and from any homage to be done to the Kings of England. He

122nd May, 1328. 22ist December. Edward II. died on 2ist September.

3 4th January, 1327-8.

Chronicle of Lanercost 169

restored to them also that piece of the Cross of Christ which
the Scots call the Black Rood, and likewise a certain instrument or
deed of subjection and homage to be done to the Kings of
England, to which were appended the seals of all the chief men of
Scotland, which they delivered, as related above, to the king's
grandsire, and which, owing to the multitude of seals hanging to
it, is called ' Ragman ' by the Scots. But the people of London
would no wise allow to be taken away from them the Stone
of Scone, whereon the Kings of Scotland used to be set at their
coronation at Scone. All these objects the illustrious King
Edward, son of Henry, had caused to be brought away from
Scotland when he reduced the Scots to his rule.

Also, the aforesaid young king gave his younger sister, my
lady Joan of the Tower, in marriage to David, son of Robert
de Brus, King of Scotland, he being then a boy five years old.
All this was arranged by the king's mother the Queen [dowager]
of England, who at that time governed the whole realm. The
nuptials were solemnly celebrated at Berwick on Sunday next
before the feast of S. Mary Magdalene.1

The King of England was not present at these nuptials, but
the queen mother was there, with the king's brother and his
elder sister and my lords the Bishops of Lincoln, Ely
and Norwich, and the Earl of Warenne, Sir Roger de A
Mortimer and other English barons, and much people, besides
those of Scotland, who assembled in great numbers at those
nuptials. The reason, or rather the excuse, for making that
remission or gratuitous concession to the Scots (to wit, that they
should freely possess their kingdom and not hold it from any
King of England as over-lord) was that unless the king had first
made peace with the Scots, he could not have attacked the French
who had disinherited him lest the Scots should invade England.

'To all Christ's faithful people who shall see these letters, Edward, by the
grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine, greeting
and peace everlasting in the Lord. Whereas, we and some of our predecessors,
Kings of England, have endeavoured to establish rights of rule or dominion
or superiority over the realm of Scotland, whence dire conflicts of wars waged
have afflicted for a long time the kingdoms of England and Scotland : we,
having regard to the slaughter, disasters, crimes, destruction of churches and
evils innumerable which, in the course of such wars, have repeatedly befallen
the subjects of both realms, and to the wealth with which each realm, if united
by the assurance of perpetual peace, might abound to their mutual advantage,
thereby rendering them more secure against the hurtful efforts of those conspiring

1 1 7th July.

170 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

to rebel or to attack, whether from within or from without : We will and grant
by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors whatsoever, with the common
advice, assent and consent of the prelates, princes, earls and barons, and the
commons of our realm in our parliament, that the kingdom of Scotland, within
its own proper marches as they were held and maintained in the time of King
Alexander of Scotland, last deceased, of good memory, shall belong1 to our dearest
ally and friend, the magnificient prince, Lord Robert, by God's grace illustrious
King of Scotland, and to his heirs and successors, separate in all things from the
kingdom of England, whole, free and undisturbed in perpetuity, without any kind
of subjection, service, claim or demand. And by these presents we renounce and
demit to the King of Scotland, his heirs and successors, whatsoever right we or our
predecessors have put forward in any way in bygone times to the aforesaid kingdom
of Scotland. And, for ourselves and our heirs and successors, we cancel wholly and
utterly all obligations, conventions and compacts undertaken in whatsoever manner
with our predecessors, at whatsoever times, by whatsoever kings or inhabitants,
clergy or laity, of the same kingdom of Scotland concerning the subjection of the
realm of Scotland and its inhabitants. And wheresoever any letters, charters, deeds
or instruments may be discovered bearing upon obligations, conventions, and
compacts of this nature, we will that they be deemed cancelled, invalid, of no
effect and void, and of no value or moment. And for the full, peaceful and
faithful observance of the foregoing, all and singular, for all time, we have given
full power and special command by our other letters patent to our well-beloved
and faithful Henry de Percy, our kinsman, and William de la Zouche of Ashby,2
and to either of them to make oath upon our soul. In testimony whereof we
have caused these letters patent to be executed.

* Given at York, on the first day of March, in the second year of our reign.'

The same King Edward of England granted other letters,
wherein he declared that he expressly and wholly withdrew from
every suit, action or prosecution arising out of processes or
sentences laid by the Supreme Lord Pontiff and the Cardinal-
legates, Sir Joceline the priest, and Luke the deacon, against
the said Lord Robert, King of Scotland, and the inhabitants of his
kingdom, and would henceforth be opposed to any renewal of
the Pope's processes. In testimony whereof, et coetera. But it is
to be observed that these notable acts were done in the sixteenth
year of the king's age.

In the same year, the clergy and people of Rome, chiefly at the
instigation of Louis of Bavaria (who had been elected Emperor),
deposed Pope John XXII. (whose seat was then in Avignon in
the kingdom of France) after the ancient manner, because they
held all the cardinals who were with the Pope to be supporters of
heretical wickedness, and because of divers manifest heresies which
they publicly laid to his charge, and obliged themselves to prove
solemnly, in writing, by time and place, whatever was charged against

1 Remaneat.

2 William, i st Baron Zouche ( 1 2 76- 1352) ancestor of the I 5 th and present baron.

Chronicle of Lanercost 171

him. Then they elected a Pope (if that ought to be called an
election where no cardinal was present), a certain friar of the Order
of Minorites by name Peter of Corvara, who, after his election (such
as it was) was called Nicholas the Fifth. And the said Lord
Louis, with the whole clergy and people of Rome, decreed that
thenceforward neither the said John, who was called Pope, nor
his predecessor Clement, should come near the city of Rome,
where was the seat of Peter, the chief of the Apostles ; and
further, that if any future Lord Pope should leave the city of
Rome beyond two days' journey according to common compu-
tation, and not return within one month to the city or its
neighbourhood, the clergy and people of Rome should be
thereby entitled to elect another as Pope, and when this had
been done he who should so absent himself should be straightway
deposed.

In the same year Friar Michael, Minister-General of the
Minorite Order, was arrested by Pope John at Avignon, and
received his injunction that, upon his obedience and under pain
of excommunication he should not depart from his [the Pope's]
court unless by license received and not assumed. This notwith-
standing, he did depart in the company of Friar Bona Gratia
and Friar William of Ockham,1 an Englishman, being supported
by the aid and armed force of the Emperor and the Genoese
who took him with his companions away by sea, wherefore the
Pope directed letters of excommunication against them because
of their flight ; but [this was] after he had made proclamation
under the hand of a notary public before he [Michael] should
depart from the court, which proclamation, beginning Innotescat
universis Christi fidelibus, he afterwards published throughout Italy
and Germany, and it was set upon the door of S. Paul's church
in London about the Feast of All Saints.

Note — that the deliverance of the Chapter General of the
Minorite Friars assembled at Paris in the year of Our Lord
MCCCXXVIIJ was as follows — ' We declare that it is not heretical,
but reasonable, catholic and faithful, to say and affirm that Christ
and his apostles, following the way of perfection, had no property
or private rights in special or in common.' But Pope John XXII.
pronounced this deliverance to be heretical, and as the Minister-
General defended it, he caused him to be arrested by the Court.

1 Doctor iingularis et invincibilis, born at Ockham in Surrey, c. 1275, d. J349-

(To be continued.}

Reviews of Books

THE SCOTS PEERAGE. Vols. VII and VIII. Edited by Sir James
Balfour Paul, C.V.O., LL.D., Lord Lyon King of Amis. Vol. VII,
vi, 592 ; Vol. VIII, viii, 606. With numerous Illustrations. 8vo.
Edinburgh: David Douglas. 1910 and 1911. 255. net per volume.

IT is our pleasant duty to record the production of the seventh and eighth
volumes of this important work, which practically brings to an end the
labours of Lyon King and his coadjutors, though it is true that there is a
supplementary volume containing an index still to appear — a most needful
and indeed, owing to the fact that there are no cross-references, an essen-
tial addition. As it stands a man who was not intimate with the Scottish
peerage might in the course of his reading find references to a Lord
Glamis or a Lord Kinghorn and not know that he must turn to Vol. VIII
to find an account of them under * Strathmore.' The first volume
was published in 1904, and, considering the magnitude of the field of
operations, it is really wonderful that the last volume should be before
us for notice only seven years later ; of course such rapidity of pro-
duction would have been impossible if the work had not been as it were
sublet, and, in spite of the unevenness inevitably produced by the touch of
so many different hands, the amount of new and valuable information
collected is so great that this must remain for centuries the standard work
of reference on the peerage of Scotland.

To turn to one or two of the individual articles, we observe under
* Ruthven of Freeland * that Mr. A. Francis Steuart deals more gently
than some that have gone before him with the assumption of this Barony
after the death of the second lord, and he does not emphasize the ' strange
and anomalous order ' in which the title was assumed, nor does he point
out that the assumption ceased for six months after the death in 1722 of
the lady who styled herself sometimes Baroness Ruthven, and sometimes
more modestly Mrs. Jean Ruthven. But Mr. J. H. Stevenson and Mr.
J. H. Round have so fully stated in the pages of this Review their con-
flicting views as to this Barony that we leave the thorny subject without
further remark.

From misprints the book is commendably free, and any one who has
had to do with work of the kind will know how difficult it is to avoid
them. We have detected one in the chapter on * Rutherford,' p. 376, five
lines from the bottom of the text, * 1659 ' should be * 1569.' By the way,
Rothesay Herald tells us that the first Lord Rutherford was so created

STAIR
From The Scots Peerage, edited by Sir James Balfour Paul

Balfour Paul : The Scots Peerage 173

January, 1661, and G. E. C. in Complete Peerage says that the event
took place on the loth, neither give any authority. The difference is not
important, but we have merely the contradictory ipse dlxlt of these two
pundits. Many, who care not either for peerages or genealogies, will be
interested to learn from Rothesay that the original of * The Bride of
Lammermoor ' was compelled to break her engagement to the third Lord
Rutherford, with the disastrous consequences which Sir Walter Scott so
graphically describes.

The interesting and valuable article on 'Rothes' is from 'the vanished
hand' of John Anderson, and Vol. VIII opens with a warm tribute from
Lyon to the help which this kindly man and able genealogist has rendered
in the production ; Scotland has not ceased to mourn his loss before
England finds itself the poorer for that of G. E. C. What this latter did
even for Scottish genealogy, of which he claimed no special knowledge, is
shown by the frequent references to Complete Peerage in the notes to the
pages under review.

In our opinion Mr. Anderson will be found to have successfully disposed
of the story to which wide currency has been given by Riddell, G. E. C.
and others that George, fourth Earl of Rothes, sandwiched in remarriage
with his first and divorced wife between his third and his last marriages.
The only real evidence for such remarriage is that Margaret, the first wife
is (? politely) called Comitissa de Rothes in a Royal Charter to her personally,
in which the earl has no place ; for the statement that Robert, youngest
son of the earl by the said Margaret, was born about 1541, which, if true,
would prove either the earl's remarriage, or Robert's illegitimacy, is demon-
strably false. Though the precise date of death of the earl's third wife,
and of his marriage with the last wife are unknown, yet the fact that the
former event took place after August, 1541, and the latter before April,
1543, makes the remarriage with Margaret Crichton exceedingly
improbable.

In Vol. VIII the short article by Keith W. Murray deserves honour-
able mention ; like the pill in the American advertisement, * it does not
go fooling about but attends strictly to business,' and gives several new and
precise details as to marriage, death and burial of the (Murray) Earls of
Tullibardine.

Turning to the article on * Tweeddale ' by the Marquess of Ruvigny, as
we are informed in Complete Peerage that the first wife * d. at Bothaws
21, and was bur. there 29 Aug. 1625,' it seems a pity not to have
consulted that well-known work, when the comparatively vague statement
that 'she died before 19 January, 1627,' could have been improved. Why
also, on p. 449, does the Marquess call the second wife of the first Viscount
of Kingston, Margaret Douglas ? when the writer of the article
* Kingston ' in Vol. V and, as far as we know, all other authorities call her
Elizabeth. Why too, on the same page, does he say that Elizabeth, wife of
William Hay of Drummelzier, was da. and heir of the first Viscount of
Kingston, when that viscount left two sons, both of whom succeeded in
turn to the viscountcy ? These errors, however, if errors they be, are few
and unimportant amid so much that is both new and true (a rare com-

i/4 Balfour Paul : The Scots Peerage

bination), and, knowing the vitreous character of our own residence, we are
not disposed to start stone-throwing.

* Wemyss ' is an excellent article for which J. A. at the foot is alone
sufficient guarantee. Alas ! that these initials will be seen no more.
4 Wigtown ' by Rothesay Herald, and l Winton ' by Col. the Hon. Robert
Boyle both mark a decided advance on all previous accounts, and the
standard of the last volume is, we really think, higher than that of the earlier
ones.

In conclusion we heartily congratulate Sir James Balfour Paul on the
successful accomplishment of his arduous task.

VICARY GIBBS.

THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE SEA : AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE CLAIMS
OF ENGLAND TO THE DOMINION OF THE BRITISH SEAS, AND OF THE
EVOLUTION OF TERRITORIAL WATERS ; WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO
THE RIGHTS OF FISHING AND THE NAVAL SALUTE. By Thomas
Wemyss Fulton, Lecturer on the Scientific Study of Fishery Problems,
the University of Aberdeen. Pp. xxvi, 799. With many Illustrations.
8vo. Edinburgh: William Blackwood & Sons. 1911. 25s.net.

THE two parts of unequal length into which this important book is divided
have a closer connection than at first sight appears, though neither of them
perhaps justifies its picturesque title. The claims of this country to
dominion in the high seas, which are traced in the first part, were con-
nected with the question of fisheries, and, though they are now quite
obsolete, it is fishery rights that give an increasing international importance
to those claims of territorial property in maritime belts of strictly limited
extent which are their modern survivals. In the course of his duties as
lecturer at Aberdeen University on the Scientific Study of Fishery Problems,
Mr. Fulton naturally turned his attention to the historical claims in relation
to exclusive rights of fishery, but soon found that fishery rights by no means
exhausted the claims to dominion in the British seas. The first part of his
book is the result of his prolonged research into those periods of our history
when these claims were made and developed, and under the Stuarts led to
war with the Dutch. If it is purely a historical investigation, the second,
while dealing also with the detailed history of a more recent period, has
an immediate and practical interest, for it gives an account of the claims
made by modern maritime states to territorial property in the adjacent seas.
Of this part it may be said at once that it contains by far the best account
in English of the development of territorial waters and of the rights claimed
in them by modern maritime states in regard to fisheries. It cannot fail to
be indispensable to the Government officials who have to concern them-
selves with the frequent international controversies on this topic.

From the time of John until the battle of Trafalgar demonstrated her
supremacy at sea, England claimed the homage of the flag in seas which
varied always in the direction of increased extent. But though not peculiar
to England (for it was made at certain times by France and even Holland)
it was tenaciously enforced by the English Government, and at most periods

SUTHERLAND
From The Scots Peerage, edited by Sir James Balfour Paul

Fulton : The Sovereignty of the Sea 175

was acquiesced in by foreign powers. Any foreign vessel, public or private,
was held bound on encountering a king's ship to strike her flag and furl
her topsail and come under the lee. Under the Stuarts it was asserted in
vindication of England's territorial property in the English seas, but Mr.
Fulton plausibly suggests that originally it had no such basis. Rather it
was a measure of policy in relation to piracy, a measure of great effectiveness
when vessels carried but one mast and furling their single sail laid them at
the mercy of the visiting cruiser.

But the English common law knew no such claim to territorial property
in the sea as the Stuarts made. Unlike Venice, Genoa, or the Scandinavian
powers, England had never exacted tribute from foreign vessels for the use
of her seas, partly no doubt from their geographical configuration, which
differs so markedly from those of Continental powers. The claim to terri-
torial property came with Jamqs I., and disappeared with his dynasty. And
it was borrowed from Scotland, where from early times the Crown had
claimed exclusive fishery rights not merely in the lochs, but in the open
seas * within a land-kenning,' viz. the distance within which the land could
be discerned at sea (on a clear day ?) from a mast-head.

The change of policy, too, was made piecemeal. The famous delineation
of the King's Chambers, which James I. instructed a jury of Trinity House
to make in 1604, was ordered for the single purpose of preserving the
neutrality of England in the war then raging between the United Provinces
and Spain, from which James had withdrawn himself. Moreover, as it
related solely to the coasts of England, it was a moderate claim, for it com-
prised only the waters within an imaginary line drawn from headland to
headland round a coast which is not remarkable for deep indentations.
The proclamation was aimed at the Dutch, who drew immense wealth
from the fisheries in British waters, and the licence referred to in the
end of it seems to have been suggested by the * assize-herring ' of Scots
law, since it was in the Hebrides that the Dutch had one of their most
successful fisheries. But on 6 May, 1609, James took the further step
of issuing a proclamation claiming exclusive fishing rights along the whole
of the British and Irish coasts, and prohibiting foreigners from fishing on
such coast without yearly licence first had and paid for. In the hands of
James' successors the claims to sovereignty implied in the proclamation led
to extravagant developments as to the extent of the British seas, and finally
to three wars with Holland. But the proclamation itself was the first
move in the new struggle with that country for maritime and commercial
supremacy, for the fisheries, since they were the main cause of the wealth
of the United Provinces, were a natural object of attack to a rival like
England.

Of the great extent of these fisheries, and of the English schemes for
establishing national enterprises on the same model, Mr. Fulton gives a
wealth of interesting information from contemporary Dutch and English
sources. Some of the latter go minutely into ways and means, and calculate
precisely the assured profit to individuals and the indirect gains to the
nation. But no success attended such enterprises as were eventually
established, and, as Mr. Fulton shrewdly remarks, it was the gradual

176 Fulton : The Sovereignty of the Sea

development of the Scots herring-boat which in the end wrested this fishing
from the Dutch.

But if James has the credit of initiating a new policy, it bore little fruit
in his reign. The Dutch Government naturally protested, contending
that liberty of fishing had been secured by the Intercursus magnus made
with the Duke of Burgundy in 1496 ; their ambassadors temporised, and
the fishermen did not pay. For James was forcible-feeble in collecting the
licence duty, * sending a scarcely armed and half-dismantled pinnace among
the busses, with a lawyer on board, to ask the tribute in fair and gentle
terms, and, if refused, "to take out instruments on the said refusal."'
Under Charles I. the policy changed. The exaction of tribute from
Dutch fishermen, though it was the purpose to which he devoted his
three ship-money fleets, was but an incident in the extravagant claims
which he made to territorial property in the British seas. The Dutch,
in the negotiations which followed, succeeded by evasion, fair speaking,
and delay in avoiding an explicit acknowledgment of the king's new
claim to dominion, and the tax itself was hardly a greater source of
revenue than under James. For Mr. Fulton, by production of an original
document, destroys a fable which has long been current among historical
writers, and has found its way into English text-books on international law.
He shows conclusively that the amount collected in 1632 by Northampton
as c acknowledgment money' from the Dutch fishermen for licence to fish
in British waters amounted not to the £30,000 of the historians, but to the
beggarly sum of £501 155. 2d., for which the original return, with its
curious variety of coinage, is reproduced in facsimile at p. 310.

Much space is devoted to a minute account of the negotiations with the
Dutch, into the details of which it is impossible to follow the author, but
the reader will find for every statement, chapter and verse given in the
contemporary authorities, both English and Dutch, a storehouse of accurate
information on a topic not hitherto treated on the same scale.

From the diplomatists, the dispute drifted to the lawyers, and the famous
controversy as to the freedom of the sea, in which Grotius and Selden were
the protagonists, occupied public attention during the seventeenth century.
Of this controversy Mr. Fulton gives an uncommonly good account, and
draws attention to the part played in it by William Wei wood, professor of
Civil Law in St. Andrews, who was the first to reply to Grotius in his
Abridgment of all Sea-Lawes (1613), and who had the honour of being the
only advocate of the English claims to whom Grotius himself made a
rejoinder. Welwood's book is excessively rare, and it is interesting to
learn from Mr. Fulton that he was the first author to insist on the principle
now universally accepted, c that the inhabitants of a country had a primary
and exclusive right to the fisheries along their coasts — that the usufruct of
the adjacent sea belonged to them, and that one of the main reasons why
that portion of the sea should pertain to the neighbouring state was the risk
of the exhaustion of its fisheries from promiscuous use.'

Under the Commonwealth the claim to the homage of the flag was
made with all the old vigour and in a specified area wider than ever before.
In James' time it had been exacted in the Channel only, but it was now

Fulton : The Sovereignty of the Sea 177

extended to all seas subject to the jurisdiction of England, Scotland, and
Ireland. Refusal to accord it was the reason for the successful attack made
by Blake on Tromp on igth May, 1652, which led to the first Dutch war.

For the extent of water claimed at this and earlier times the reader must
be referred to Mr. Fulton's interesting paper, and he will be surprised at
the vague meaning attached to the seas of England, which in the course of
centuries were gradually extended from the English Channel to the whole
waters washing our eastern and southern coasts between Finisterre and
van Stadland in Norway, with an entirely undefined extent on the western
side of the islands.

In modern times these extravagant claims to territorial property in the
high seas have disappeared. The last of their kind was the claim to
ownership of the Behring Sea which the United States, founding on a
Russian ukase of 1823, Put forward and abandoned in the Behring Sea
Arbitration of 1893. Modern claims are much more modest. They are
confined to a maritime belt of limited extent claimed as a necessary adjunct
to a coast for the protection of a maritime state. They appear to be a
survival of the ancient claims, and yet they have an independent origin.
Commonly known as the three-mile-limit, which is universally adopted for
the purposes of neutrality, it is neither in law a rule binding on all states
for all purposes, nor is it adequate either for the purposes of neutrality or
fishery preservation. It is at best a working rule consciously made towards
the end of the eighteenth century as applying a principle which would now
permit of extension to at least three times that limit. The principle is that
stated by Bynkershoek in De Dominio Marts (1703): 'potestatem terrae
finiri) ubi finitur armorum visj but, as Mr. Fulton points out, it had been
advanced nearly a century earlier, and probably at the suggestion of Grotius,
by the Dutch Embassy, when combating James' claim to the assize herring.

It was the United States Government in 1793 — that famous year in the
development of the law of neutrality — that first tentatively turned into
a working rule the principle of making the maritime belt depend on the
range of cannon, for three miles was then the utmost range of gun-shot.
Into English jurisprudence it was introduced from the Continent by Lord
Stowell in the prize cases of ' The Twee Gebroeders ' and ' The Anna ' at
the beginning of the next century. Since then it has been universally
adopted as a minimum limit both by international common law and con-
vention— at least for the purposes of neutrality. But even for that purpose
ic immense increase in cannon range has made it entirely inadequate,
though the adoption of an extended limit might impose onerous duties on
neutral states in defending their neutrality. For the preservation of sea
fisheries, with which it originally had nothing to do, the modern perfection
of steam trawling has shown it to have notable defects. By the Paris
Resolutions of the Institut de Droit International of 1894 and by those of
the International Law Association of the following year, scientific opinion
has on two occasions formally expressed itself in favour of an extension to
six miles.

Mr. Fulton has given an admirable account of the Fishery Conventions
in which the three-mile limit has been adopted with an arbitrary extension

M

178 Fulton : The Sovereignty of the Sea

to ten miles in the case of bays. The judicial decisions relating to bays not
covered by convention, notably the important Moray Firth Case of 1906,
are given in detail, and the debates in Parliament on the abandonment of
that decision by the executive Government are admirably summarised. As
already mentioned, his complete account of the fishery limits claimed by
modern states is, we believe, unique in an English work. His views on
the over-fishing of the North Sea are important, and he strongly advocates
international measures for the preservation of the spawning beds. In this
he reminds us that the trawlers themselves in 1890 were so impressed by
the need for protecting the North Sea from depletion that the larger com-
panies agreed by a self-denying ordinance to refrain from fishing in a
defined area off the coast of Germany and Denmark extending to no less
than fifteen hundred miles. The competition of * single boaters' who
were not parties to the agreement led to general infringement. Since
then the heads of the trawling industry have changed their minds on the
subject. Driven by the depletion of the North Sea to send their boats to
distant waters — e.g. to Agadir in the south and the White Sea in the north
— they are now more concerned to insist on the three-mile limit as binding
on all nations and on their right to trawl everywhere up to that limit.
That their contention is vain Mr. Fulton shows, we think, conclusively. A
rule cannot be held to be binding where European states such as Spain,
Portugal, Norway and Sweden, with a coast-line of over 4000 miles,
have always claimed exclusive fishery rights within a greater limit than
three miles.

We have given but an indication of the wealth of valuable information
contained in this excellent book, on which many years' work has been
expended, and which does honour alike to the author and his University.

A special word of praise is due to the illustrations to both sections ; the
charts in the second, showing foreign reserved areas are particularly valuable.

A. H. CHARTERIS.

THE CONSTITUTION AND FINANCE OF ENGLISH, SCOTTISH, AND IRISH
JOINT-STOCK COMPANIES TO 1720. Volume III. By William Robert
Scott, M.A., D.Phil., Litt.D. Pp. xii, 563. Royal 8vo. Cambridge :
University Press. 1911. i8s. net.

IN this volume Dr. Scott completes Part II. of his history of joint-stock
companies to 1720. Volume II. dealt with companies for trading, colon-
ising, fishing, etc., while Volume III. is concerned with those formed for
promoting commerce at home. Scotland is represented principally by
manufacturing companies, of which a number were formed after the passing
of the Acts of 1641, 1661, 1681, which gradually established a system of
industrial protection. The greater number were founded after the Act of
1 68 1 had been passed, and were for diverse purposes — for the manufacture
of cloth, wool-cards, glass, soap, sugar, linen, paper, gunpowder, etc. One
of the best known is the New Mills Cloth Manufactory, whose Minutes
have already been edited by Dr. Scott. The Union brought a removal of
protection, and many of the companies collapsed. It is interesting to note

Scott : Early Joint-Stock Companies 179

that, though the Glasgow Sugar Houses were the most important survivors,
the sugar trade had had fewer privileges than most of the companies which
failed. Scotland's greatest undertaking, the Darien Company, was described
in the earlier volume, but we have here the history of the Bank of Scot-
land, constituted by Act of Parliament in 1695, a few weeks later than the
Darien Company, to the disgust of Paterson, who said that the bank act
* would not be of any matter of good to us, nor to those who have it.'
The competition of the trading company, which began to circulate notes,
was at first a drawback to the bank, and it was also affected by the financial
chaos at the time of the Darien collapse. Fortunately none of the wild
schemes for relieving the financial stringency — large issues of paper, land
credit project, etc. — were adopted, and the bank, though forced to suspend
payment in 1704, did not fall. It also survived a suspension of payments
in 1715.

The Bank of England, founded in 1694, was of greater political import-
ance than the Scottish institution. Dr. Scott shows the necessity of some
independent financial institution to finance the Government, instead of the
State having to borrow from trading companies, greatly to the detriment of
commerce. This need became more obvious and pressing after the Revolu-
tion, when money had to be raised for William's wars. Various proposals
were made to the Government, by Paterson and Chamberlain amongst
others. Chamberlain wanted to issue inconvertible paper currency based
on landed security, but Paterson's scheme appealed more to the monied
Whigs and was accepted. Although the pressure of the Government for
money tried the Bank severely in its early years it survived several crises,
and stood firm in the great collapse of 1720, when its stock did not fall
below 130.

Dr. Scott's chapters on the South Sea Company are detailed and interest-
ing. Like the Bank it had an intimate connection with State finance.
The Government was always in need of money, and in 1711 attempted to
raise funds, not by borrowing from the companies, as it did from the Bank
and East India Company, but by incorporating the owners of existing loans
as a company for trading to the South Seas with certain privileges, receiving
stock in exchange for the Government securities which they held. Thus
the company acquired a capital of over ten millions, which was not and
could not all be employed in trade. Therefore, following the example of
Law in France, the directors offered to convert Government liabilities
amounting to about thirty millions into its stock. The working out of the
scheme is very involved, the more so as there are two histories, that of the
facts as they appeared to the public at the time, and the secret history
known to a very few then, but since brought to light by investigation. As
Dr. Scott points out, it is unjust for us to judge the investors by what we
know now, as many of these facts were concealed at the time. He is
careful to give separate accounts, first of the public, then of the secret
history. He shows how the market was manipulated until the stock rose
at one time to 1050.

But the inflation of the South Sea stock roused a spirit of speculation,
many companies were formed, a hundred and ninety between September,

1 80 Scott : Early Joint-Stock Companies

1719, and September, 1720, tor every conceivable object. This, and the
fact that the South Sea directors had lent more money than they had,
affected the market unfavourably. The South Sea stock fell 300 in three
weeks; their banking company, the Sword Blade Company, suspended
payment. A Parliamentary inquiry was ordered, and the conduct of the
directors and of certain prominent politicians was investigated and con-
demned. Dr. Scott thinks that although there were great losses the nation
was to be congratulated on escaping the greater evils which came upon
France, and which would have overtaken England had the company been
able, as was once intended, to control the entire financial operations of the
country. Dr. Scott gives a diagram showing the comparative prices of
South Sea, Bank of England and East India stock from May to September,

1720. He adds a useful account of the finances of the Crown and nation,
particularly detailed for the Elizabethan period, with tabular statements for
her reign and for several years in the seventeenth century.

Both the volumes which Dr. Scott has published will be most useful as
books of reference, and the student as well as the general reader will
welcome the remaining volume, which is to deal with the general develop-
ment of the joint-stock system. THEODORA KEITH.

THE GREAT DAYS OF NORTHUMBRIA. By J. Travis Mills, M.A. Pp. vi,
214. With one map. Crown 8 vo. London : Longmans, Green & Co.
1911. 45. 6d. net.

THIS book is an expansion of two lectures delivered at the Cambridge
University extension meeting held at York in August of last year. A
third lecture has been added to give a more general survey of the
subject.

During the period chosen for illustration the Celt was vainly struggling
against the growing power and domination of a superior race ; the Roman
mission under Paulinus, had come, had prospered for a time, and North-
umbria, the most northerly of the kingdoms of the Heptarchy, after
accepting Christianity with enthusiasm, had sunk back into heathenism.
Again a great revival was to take place, but this time the missionary effort
was to come from Ireland instead of Rome, its religious issues were to be
complicated and obscured by personal interests and fierce racial animosities,
and more than half of the seventh century was to pass before the final
triumph of the banner of the Cross over that of Woden was completed.

The vicissitudes of the Northumbrian kingdom in this time of stress and
battle are recounted in a graphic and picturesque fashion, and the book is a
welcome addition to the literature on the subject already in existence.
The headings of the three lectures are respectively * Politics, Religion and
Learning,' but their subject matter is better indicated by their sub-titles,
* Three great Northumbrian Kings, two great Northumbrian Churchmen
and two great Northumbrian Scholars.' Edwin, Oswald and Oswy are the
three great kings whose varying fortunes are described in the first lecture,
but the interest is chiefly centred in the fight at Winwidfield, where the
deaths of Edwin and Oswald were avenged by the defeat and death of their

Mills : The Great Days of Northumbria 1 8 1

destroyer, Penda of Mercia, the fierce old heathen king who was the last
champion of the gods of the Valhalla. The author, while * claiming little
credit for originality,' ventures to put forth a fresh theory as to the oft-
disputed site of the battle. It is based upon a suggestion made by Dr.
Whitaker that the river Went or Wynt, a tributary of the Don, is the
Winwaed instead of the Aire, and the point where the Ermine street crosses
it is chosen as being the ' Winwidfield ' of the old chronicles. A recent
writer on the subject, the late Cadwallader J. Bates, in his history of
Northumberland, and more fully in an interesting paper in Archaeologia
Aeliana, Vol. xix, suggests a tributary of the Tweed as being the
Winwaed, and gives Florence of Worcester and the Mailross Chronicle as
authorities for calling Lothian * provincia Loidis,' citing also confirmatory
evidence from Symeon of Durham. Freeman pronounces Wingfield to be
Winwidfield, and Winmore near Leeds is the spot indicated by the
Northumbrian traditions and generally accepted as the scene of the great
battle. * Who shall decide when doctors disagree ? '

The two great churchmen of the second lecture are Wilfrid and
Cuthbert, and the latter receives the kinder and more sympathetic treat-
ment, Wilfrid being alluded to as c the very superior young man who was
now the spokesman of Rome at Whitby.' * Tactlessness, conceit, personal
ambition and love of display ' are among the eighteen reasons for Wilfrid's
misfortunes that the author has discovered but has not enumerated.

A personal experience from the second lecture may be quoted. 'Some
years ago in the Abbey Church at Hexham, I descended the steps which
lead down into the crypt and gazed at its carved stones. In the dimmest
and remotest corner my companion held up his candle, — " Here is some-
thing, I think, that will interest you," and sure enough it was the same
partially erased inscription to the Emperors Caracalla and Geta which I
had read on the arch of Severus ! Perhaps nothing has ever brought more
closely home to myself the vast extent of that dominion which from the
Forum and the Palatine stretched forth its arms across continent and sea to
dictate what should or should not be inscribed on the stones of a North-
umbrian moor.' During recent alterations in Hexham Abbey another
portion of the inscribed stone alluded to has been discovered in the old
foundations at the west end of the nave, and with the subsequent finding of
the eastern apse, has enabled a measurement of the exact length of
Wilfrid's great church to be obtained.

The third lecture commences with a generous and charmingly written
appreciation of Bede, and its last fifty-seven pages consist chiefly of a
glorification of the schoolmaster in the person of Alcuin, who left his own
country to become the ' Minister of Education ' of Charlemagne.

For the use of students an index would have been a valuable addition to
the book, and it may be noted that the author accepts without question
Mr. Green's *Aidan caught the Northumbrian burr,' although recent
research seems to show the burr to have been a comparatively modern
acquisition.

An allusion to * Lindisfarne ' as £ girt with basaltic rock ' probably refers
rather to the Inner Fame which was St. Cuthbert's lonely home for so

1 82 Orpen : Ireland under the Normans

many years, as it cannot be taken to correctly describe the long, low-lying
sand dunes of Holy Island.

J. P. GIBSON.

IRELAND UNDER THE NORMANS (1169-1216). By Goddard Henry Orpen.
Vol. I. 400 pp.; Vol. II. 344 pp. 8vo. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
1911. 2is. net.

IT is not too much to say of these two important volumes that they lay for
the first time the foundations of Irish History on a sound scientific basis.
Mr. Orpen, it is true, does not attempt more than the briefest sketch of the
purely Celtic Ireland that preceded the advent of the Anglo-Norman
adventurers, and has left unexplained much that we should like to learn
about tanistry, early conceptions of land-ownership, and many other topics.
It was only with the coming of the Normans, however, that the unification
of Ireland, and with it the beginnings of a consecutive national history,
became possible. The Norman genius for concentration gradually trans-
formed into a semblance of order the atomism and anarchy inherent in the
older Celtic tribal customs. In twelfth-century Ireland, even more than
in eleventh-century England, unity was achieved at the cost of foreign
conquest.

Mr. Orpen's purpose is to lay bare the causes of the Anglo-Norman
intervention in Ireland, to set in chronological sequence the incidents of
their settlement there, to explain the introduction of feudal tenure, the
original distribution and subsequent transmissions of fiefs, and the effects of
Norman predominance on the original inhabitants and on the economic
prosperity of the Island as a whole.

His enterprise has involved protracted and profound research ; but there
can be no doubt that the importance of the task justified the labour, while
the manner of its accomplishment proves that it could not have fallen into
better hands. Records, chronicles and other original sources have been
ransacked with exhaustive thoroughness, and Mr. Orpen also shows a
mastery of recent discussions on most of the topics treated even incidentally.
His results, which place the beginnings of Irish history in a new and clearer
light, are given to the public with a lucidity, sense of perspective, literary
ability and human interest which do not always characterize works of
original research.

Mr. Orpen writes as a seeker after truth, never as a partisan ; but he
does not hesitate to draw the inferences clearly implied in the evidence he
has impartially collected. His main conclusion is that hitherto the evil
effects of the Anglo-Norman occupation have been exaggerated, the good
effects minimized. Celtic Ireland, in spite of the persistent belief in a
golden age, was in reality a constant prey to tribal jealousy ; and the
resultant internecine warfare was only suppressed by the vigorous Norman
rule. Even in the half-century covered by these studies the country had
come to enjoy a measure of peace and commercial prosperity unknown
before.

Upon some controversial topics, such as the Bull Laudabiliter and the
precise meaning of John's feudal title of Dominus Hiberniae, Mr. Orpen has

Orpen : Ireland under the Normans 183

emphatic opinions which carry conviction even when he attacks the argu-
ments of authorities of the first rank. Mr. Round, for example, will
require to reconsider his position on the Laudabiliter controversy ; while
M. Meyer, the learned editor of the History of William the Marshal^
Miss Norgate and Sir James Ramsay will find their conclusions supple-
mented or corrected on many important points. The subject of ' motes '
and early fortifications forms ground that Mr. Orpen is admitted to have
made peculiarly his own ; and the large portions of his two volumes devoted
to this subject are of peculiar value to experts.

Many minute points of interest to scholars will be found to reward a
close perusal : a graphic light is thrown, for example, on the activity of the
medieval Chancery by the recorded fact that Henry II., on his expedition
to Ireland in October, 1171, took with him 1,000 Ibs. of wax for the
sealing of his charters. It is curious to note that Mr. Orpen, with such
items of information before him, still speaks of King John 'signing' the
Great Charter — an illustration of the power of persistence inherent in
familiar phrases. Some reference might have been made to the researches
of Miss Bateson in connexion with the confusion between the laws of
Bristol and the laws of Breteuil as models for the privileges of Norman
boroughs.

The value of Mr. Orpen's researches is by no means confined to
students of Irish history — to whom they are indispensable. By throwing
light on the conduct and character of men like King John and William
Marshall, who have profoundly affected the history of both Islands, he has
indirectly made a valuable contribution to English history as well ; while the
detailed study of the action of the Normans in a field hitherto unexplored
increases our admiration for the organizing genius of that wonderful race
of born administrators. WM> g McKECHNiE.

ROMANO-BRITISH BUILDINGS AND EARTHWORKS. By John Ward, F.S.A.
Pp. xii, 319. With numerous Illustrations by the Author. 8vo.
London : Methuen & Co. 1911. 75. 6d. net.

THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN. By John Ward, F.S.A. Pp. xii, 289.
With seventy-six Illustrations by the Author. 8vo. London :
Methuen & Co. 1911. 75. 6d. net.

MR. JOHN WARD is favourably known to students of Roman Britain for
the well-directed activity he displayed some years ago in promoting and
recording the excavation of the Roman fort at Gellygaer.

The first of the two volumes now before us is worthy of the reputation
he then earned. It is not always happily proportioned ; the chapters on
* Temples, Shrines, and Churches,' for instance, and on * Decorated Mosaic
Pavements,' each occupy more space than is devoted to the Wall of
Hadrian. Further, lucidity and definiteness of outline are sometimes
sacrificed to the mere accumulation of detail. Still, when regard is had to
the difficulty of the task, the performance may fairly be described as
creditable, in spite of a certain narrowness of archaeological outlook. The
numerous plans of forts and houses are a particularly useful feature. When

184 Ward : Romano-British Buildings

the book reaches a second edition, which it may very well do, opportunity
will doubtless be taken to bring it more up to date so far as Scotland is
concerned, and to remove inaccuracies of statement. It is not true, for
example, that the rampart of the Antonine Wall is still visible for 'most of
the distance ' from sea to sea (p. 113), nor was it at Castlecary that /ilia were
discovered (p. 31). And the expression 'basilical house' might with
advantage be reconsidered. There are also a few misprints to be corrected.
We may note 'Cannelkirk' for 'Channelkirk' on p. 10, and again on p. 14,
1 Camelodunum ' for ' Camulodunum ' on p. 45, * Corriden ' for ' Carriden '
on p. 113, and 'Kinnel' for 'Kinneil' on p. 118. On the whole,
however, the proofs have been carefully seen to, although ' Basilica of
Ulpia' (p. 216 and p. 219) has an ugly look. The map of Roman
Britain at the end does not include the Forth and Clyde isthmus.

We wish we were able to commend the author's other venture as
warmly. As it is, we can only say that The Roman Era in Britain seems
to us bad in design and faulty in execution. There is no attempt at a
historical sketch ; and the plea of want of space, which is put forward in
the Preface, cannot be accepted as a valid excuse for the omission, seeing
that the companion volume is thirty pages longer. The chapters on
• Religions ' and on ' Coins and Roman Britain ' are vapid and pointless.
That on * Locks and Keys,' on the other hand, is good, being probably the
best thing Mr. Ward has to offer us here. At the same time its very
fulness tends to throw into stronger relief the inexplicable absence of any
allusion to the soldiery or their equipment. Pottery and fibulae are treated
at considerable length, though without the firmness and sureness of grasp
that only comparative knowledge can give. For the rest, the least unsatis-
factory sections are those which are abridged from Romano-British Bui/dings
and Earthworks.

Everywhere footnotes citing the authorities used should have been much
more frequent. Readers familiar with the literature of the subject will
recognize Mr. Ward's sources readily enough. Others — and it is, of
course, mainly they whom he must be presumed to be addressing — will
fail to find the bibliography a very helpful guide. It is characteristic that
it should mention Hogarth's Authority and Archaeology, the connection of
which with Roman-Britain is of the slenderest, and should yet ignore the
existence of Archaeologia Aeliana. Incidentally it attributes the whole
of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum to * Hubner ' (sic). In the
body of the book mistakes on matters of detail abound beyond belief.
Inscriptions are sometimes sadly mutilated (p. 37, p. 103, p. 106, and
p. 132). Misprints like 'an arabesques,' 'guillochs' (both on p. 130),
'centurian' (p. 134), 'essuary' (p. 150), and 'moenad' (p. 188) are
inexcusable. Proper names fare specially badly. ' Cautopites ' for

* Cautopates,' * Seltocenia ' for ' Setlocenia,' and * Veradechthis ' for

* Viradechthis ' (pp. 108 and 109) are comparatively venial, albeit they
tell their own tale. But what are we to say of * Verolamium ' (p. 8 and
p. 32), 'Clevum' (p. 8 and p. 33), 'Osirus' (p. 13), 'Saalberg' (p. 61),
and 'Carrawberg' (p. 106) ? Or of such Latin as l Fortuna Conservatorix '
(p. 102), ' Legio Sex1 for 'the Sixth Legion' (p. 132), 'regulus' for 'foot-

Mathieson : The Awakening of Scotland 185

rule' (p. 21 8), and 'poculi* for * cups' (p. 160) ? On p. 168 'BIBE VINAS*
actually appears as a typical convivial inscription ! The drawings, not a
few of which figure also in Romano- British Buildings and Earthworks, are
again good, and the index is competently done. QEORGE MACDONALD.

THE AWAKENING OF SCOTLAND: \ HISTORY FROM 1747 TO 1797. By
William Law Mathieson. Pp. xiv, 303. 8vo. Glasgow : James
MacLehose & Sons. 1911. IDS. 6d. net.

OUR single adverse criticism on Mr. Mathieson's book may be stated in a
sentence. It is so good that we want more of it. The scale on which he
has written (about three hundred pages to fifty years) is liberal as modern
books go, but the subject is so largely unknown, and the author's powers of
exposition are so great, that a more detailed treatment would be welcome.
It is, as he says, necessary in dealing with the political history of the last
half of the eighteenth century * to pursue its ramifications into British, or
even into English, history ' ; but this very necessity is an additional
argument for extended treatment, for English historians have not bestowed
their space upon the pursuit of * ramifications ' into Scottish history, and
there is still a large quantity of hitherto unused material. We are not
convinced that Mr. Mathieson could have added * little of importance ' to
the ' vivid, humorous, and picturesque account ' of the daily life of the
people by the late Mr. Henry Grey Graham ; for that book (good as it is)
has the defects of its qualities, and the picture it draws requires some serious
modifications. We must be content for the present with what Mr.
Mathieson has given us, but we hope that, as he pursues his task, he will
allow himself greater scope.

The book, as it stands, does not suffer, as in less capable hands it might
have suffered, from compression, for Mr. Mathieson's appreciation of the
historical perspective does not fail him, and his book is well planned and
well written. His account of the attitude of Scottish representatives at
Westminster from the fall of Walpole to the fall of Bute is interesting and
suggestive, as is also his study of Scottish opinion on the American War
and on the No-Popery agitation. The real subject of the book is reached
in the third chapter, 'The Political Awakening,' beginning with the reform
movement of the early years of Pitt's ministry, and developing into the
trials for sedition, which were the most important features of domestic
history from 1793 to 1797.

Mr. Mathieson is always more at home in dealing with ecclesiastical
questions than with political movements, and his best chapters are those
entitled 'Ecclesiastical Polities' and 'The Noontide of Moderatism.'
Sentences like ' The latitudinarianism of Leighton and Scougal, of Nairn
and Charteris, was a passion rather than an opinion,' recall the suggestive-
ness of Mr. Mathieson's earlier books, and his brief summary of the decline
of Moderatism is admirable. ' The old Moderates,' he says, ' looked with
repugnance on patronage as an intrusion of secular, if not of political,
influence into the spiritual domain, and they shrank from the harshness
and oppression which its exercise involved. The new Moderates, them-
selves a product of this system, were humanists rather than divines, citizens

1 86 Mathieson : The Awakening of Scotland

rather than Churchmen ; and, anxious as they were to eliminate the
theocratic element, they had no scruple in enforcing a statute which at the
worst could but swell the ranks of tolerated dissent.' It was an error
which has many parallels in ecclesiastical history, and not even the literary
glory of the later period of Moderatism could secure its predominance.
'The sun of righteousness,' says Mr. Mathieson in an amusing passage,
'had, it seems, set ; but that luminary in Scotland has always emitted more
heat than light ; and during those hours of darkness, whose coolness was
welcome to a sleepless industry, it must have been consoling to see the
literary firmament illumined with so many brilliant stars.' The glory
remains, and the twentieth century will probably appreciate, more justly
than did the nineteenth, the greatness of the noontide of Moderatism. Its
humanism was overpowered, * not from any inherent defect, but because it
sought to do for the people what the people claimed the right to do for
themselves,' concludes Mr. Mathieson, deftly connecting the coming
revolutions in politics and in religion.

The closing chapter of his book deals with Material Progress, and it is
an excellent, if somewhat rapid, sketch of a topic which will bulk more
largely in the later volumes of this useful and valuable book.

ROBERT S. RAIT.

THE FAIRY-FAITH IN CELTIC COUNTRIES. By W. Y. Evans Wentz.
Pp. xxviii, 324. 8vo. London : Henry Frowde. 1911. I2s.6d.net.

THE literary history of this interesting book is decidedly curious. In 1909
Mr. Wentz presented the fruit of his researches in the four chief Celtic
countries to the Faculty of Letters of the University of Rennes, Brittany,
for the Degree of Docteur-es-Lettres. He then widened his studies to
include all Celtic countries, and submitted the amended treatise to the
Board of the Faculty of Natural Science of Oxford University for the
Research Degree of Bachelor of Science, which was duly granted. He has
now, as we understand it, recast the whole work, and in particular added
to the philosophical side of the inquiry a statement of views which readers
of Mr. M'Dougall's remarkable work on Body and Mind would recognize
at once as probably due to Mr. M'Dougall's influence, even had not the
author's obligations been explicitly acknowledged in the Preface.

What a long way we have travelled in Folk-lore! Beginning with
scraps and curious odds and ends, we have passed on to treatises on the
history of the development of culture and religion, and at last in Mr.
Wentz's book we have a study of religion as it now is or may be, and of
our hopes of a future life, based on folk-lore. For the fairies, as Mr.
Wentz knows them, are the inhabitants of the actual but unseen world,
1 those whom the ancients called gods, genii, daemons, and shades ;
Christianity — angels, saints, demons, and souls of the dead ; and uncivilized
tribes — gods, demons, and spirits of ancestors.'

'To the gods, man is a being in a lower kingdom of evolution.
According to the complete Celtic belief, the gods can and do enter the
human world for the specific purposes of teaching men how to advance
most rapidly toward the higher kingdom. In other words, all the great

Wentz : Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries 187

teachers, e.g. Jesus, Buddha, Zoroaster, and many others, in different
ages and among various races, whose teachings are extant, are, according
to a belief yet held by educated and mystical Celts, divine beings who in
inconceivably past ages were men, but who are now gods, able at will to
incarnate into our world. . . . The stating of this mystical corollary
makes the exposition of the Fairy Faith complete, at least in outline.'

A great deal depends on what the author means by 'the complete
Celtic belief,' and we take it that his own work is certainly the most
comprehensive book on the subject. He has not only read very widely,
he has lived among the Celtic peoples of Scotland, Ireland, Wales,
Brittany, the Isle of Man, and Cornwall. His book is the result of first-
hand investigation for years, and there is force in his contention that ' books
are too often written out of other books and too seldom from the life of
man.' His contributions to Celtic folk-lore are original, numerous, and
valuable, although what he considers c evidence ' is not always what others
would think entirely deserving of that term, and in Mr. Wentz's case, as
in the case of other enthusiasts, what he starts out to find he has no
difficulty in finding. One fancies Mr. David MacRitchie might have
some pertinent remarks to make on the wholesale destruction of his Pygmy
Theory. Mr Wentz's book is steeped in mysticism, and sometimes one's
head whirls with his explanations of very shadowy and elusive folk-beliefs ;
but the work of a new, a capable, and an enthusiastic student always
deserves and will always receive the welcome which is its right. Mr.
Wentz can desire nothing more heartily than the searching criticism which
his treatment of a difficult theme invites and requires.

WILLIAM GEORGE BLACK.

OLD ENGLISH LIBRARIES: THE MAKING, COLLECTION, AND USE OF
BOOKS DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. By Ernest A. Savage. Pp. xvi,
298. With fifty-two Illustrations. Demy 8vo. London : Methuen
& Co., Ltd. 1911. ys. 6d. net.

MR. SAVAGE is already well known in the field of bibliography, and a new
book by him is welcome, as certain to contain much that is interesting
to all, and new to most, of his readers. In spite of his modest estimate of
his own success, he is to be congratulated on having attained his aim * to
throw a useful sidelight on literary history, and to introduce some human
interest into the study of bibliography.' One demurs, perhaps, to the
implied suggestion that hitherto such interest has been entirely lacking.
On the contrary, few can take up this study without becoming aware,
sooner or later, of the eager life and interest that is represented by the
musty old catalogues — one of the earliest known in England is in the form
of a panegyrical poem on his books by Alcuin of York ; and the fierce
prejudice and passion evidenced in the destruction of certain valuable
collections is only too sadly full of human interest. Even in the matter
of mere bookbinding the picturesque or terrible is not wanting ; whether
one looks at the monks of St. Bertin, hunting the deer for material where-
with to cover their books ; or at the tanners of Meudon, dressing the skins
of murdered aristocrats for that same purpose.

1 88 Savage : Old English Libraries

Anyhow, this story of the early English libraries is most fascinating
both in subject and in treatment, and Mr. Savage has given in clear and
attractive form a sketch of their gradual growth, from the little parcel of
nine volumes brought to Canterbury by St. Augustine to the comparatively
extensive collection of Syon Monastery, Isleworth, which contained over
1400 volumes at the beginning of the sixteenth century. His period
restricts him to libraries of manuscripts, and not the least interesting part
of his account is that which describes the method adapted in the transcrib-
ing of those most in demand. One is accustomed to think of work in
those early days as being much more individual than that of the present
time — as indeed it mostly was — but the business of copying popular manu-
scripts seems to have been as mechanical, and as subdivided, as factory labour.

Libraries in the middle ages were generally treated with great reverence,
and the rules, at least, for their preservation and use, were precise and
definite. The Scots House at Niirnberg had by 1418 reduced its library
to two volumes ; but carelessness like this was very exceptional, and books
were rather regarded as sacred treasures not to be handled carelessly.
Lanfranc's Rule included a provision that no new book should be issued to
a reader unless he could show a satisfactory knowledge of the one he
returned; and this might be commended to the notice of all Library
Committees, as likely to reduce greatly the work of a modern library.

It is curious to note how librarians of all ages have been faced with the
same difficulties, for neither chains nor vigorous anathemas seem to have
been any more effective in those days than fines or black lists in our own.
So long as the books were chained, regulations for readers were simple
enough — no wet clothing, or ink, or knife, or dagger allowed — and free
access presented no difficulties. But when it came to volumes being lent
out of the building (a practice supposed to have been first introduced by the
Carthusians), then troubles began, and lawsuits which were frequently fruitless.

The facts concerning medieval libraries ought to be known by all book-
lovers, showing as they do the gradual growth of that appreciation of
books, which in our days has risen to such heights that they have become
practically necessities of life ; and Mr. Savage has told the story so well
that there is no labour involved in acquiring the information presented in
such attractive form. His volume contains many and varied sidelights on
the subject, all valuable, but too many to be touched on here. One word,
however, must be said in commendation of the excellent appendices ; more
especially of A, which contains prices given for books and materials for
bookbinding during the I4th, I5th, and i6th centuries; and C, with a
chronological list of the early libraries. p T ANDERSON.

NEW HISTORICAL ATLAS FOR STUDENTS. By Ramsay Muir, M.A., Professor
of Modern History in the University of Liverpool. Pp. xiv, 62. W\th
65 Plates containing 154 Coloured Maps and Diagrams, and an Intro-
duction illustrated by 43 Maps. Demy 8vo. London : George Philip
& Son. 1911. 98. net.

To the student of history, whatever special period or branch he may be
interested in, a good historical atlas is of course an absolutely essential

Muir : New Historical Atlas for Students 189

requisite ; but most teachers must have often found themselves at a loss to
recommend an atlas which both fulfils the requirements of the student and
is at the same time of moderate price. The cost of the Clarendon Press
Atlas puts it out of the question, and even Schrader's Atlas de Geographic
Historique is beyond reach of the majority of students, while Gardiner's
Student's Historical Atlas hardly gives one enough even for English history.
The happy medium seems, however, to be reached in Messrs. Philip's
New Historical Atlas for Students, which has been put together by Professor
Ramsay Muir of Liverpool. After trying this atlas with one's pupils one
can say unhesitatingly that it gives just what is wanted at a quite moderate
price. Indeed it gives full measure and overflowing, for there is a most
admirable Introduction, illustrated by over 40 maps and plans, which really
gives as good an outline of the history of the world as one could want. The
plates, of which there are over 60, are divided into four groups : General
Maps of Europe ; the Growth of the Principal States of Europe ; the
British Isles ; the Europeanisation of the World. They are full and clear,
not overloaded with detail, and not using colours between which only a
colour specialist can distinguish. There are quite a number which one has
not met elsewhere. For example, No. 58 gives South America in the
nineteenth century to illustrate the establishment of the independent states ;
No 64^ shows Cape Colony before and after the Great Trek ; No. 440

f'ves an industrial map of England in 1701, contrasted with 44^, Industrial
ngland in 1901, a contrast of which everyone is of course aware, but
which is made extraordinarily vivid by the way in which the two plates
are set opposite each other. Considerable stress is laid upon physical
geography as the basis of the study of historical geography, and the maps
designed to illustrate this aspect are excellently adapted to their purpose.
Professor Muir asks for criticisms or suggestions, but there are very few
things to criticize, and the only suggestion we should feel disposed to make
is that, before the next edition, the plan of Trafalgar (p. 49) should be
altered. There is a great controversy raging now about the formation in
which Nelson attacked, and one hesitates before pronouncing a definite
view; but one would unhesitatingly declare that Collingwood's attack at
any rate was not delivered as the plan indicates. C. T. ATKINSON.

MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF FRANCE. By Mary Croom Brown. With twelve
Illustrations. Pp. x, 280. 8vo. London : Methuen & Co. los. 6d.
net.

WE can imagine a reader even of the Scottish Historical Review pausing to
ask himself the question, Who was Mary Tudor, Queen of France ? For
the subject of this excellent biography did not, during her life, really occupy
a prominent place, and her reign as queen lasted for little more than two
months. She was the youngest daughter of Henry VII., consequently the
sister of Margaret Tudor of Scotland, and grand-aunt of that other Mary,
also a widowed queen of France, of whom somewhat more is known.

There seems to have been a little dubiety as to the date of her birth,
which, however, the authoress is satisfied was i8th March, 1495.
Although a Tudor, and sister of Henry VIIL, she was not quite so

1 90 Brown : Mary Tudor, Queen of France

frequently married as the index to this volume would imply. She was
only betrothed, never married, to Charles of Castile, although the marriage
very nearly came off; and the appendix contains some interesting papers
relating to the preparations for it. There were merely suggestions of
nuptials with the Dukes of Savoy and Loraine. Her actual husbands were
two, Louis XII. of France and Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, the
latter alone the object of her affections.

It was state policy which brought about an engagement with the Prince
of Castile, and subsequently, this being broken off, sent her over to France
to act practically as nurse to a dying king. The prospect held out to her
of being soon in a position to carry out her own desires was speedily realized,
and she married Suffolk, first after a private fashion, and later openly. The
Duke had also been married before, nor was he exactly a widower, so that
Mary's subsequent career was not free from troubles.

But she ceased to be a mere pawn in the political game, and that was
always something. She died while still under forty, in 1533.

We feel pretty sure that everything that is known about this long-
forgotten princess, except perhaps the year in which she died, is to be found
in this present volume. It is well written, and exhibits considerable
evidence of research. The portraits which it contains of the principal
actors in this drama are all excellent. W. G. SCOTT MONCREIFF.

THE BATTLE OF FLODDEN AND THE RAIDS OF 1513. By Lieut.-Col. the
Hon. Fitzwilliam Elliot. Pp. xi, 228. With four maps. Crown 8vo.
Edinburgh: Andrew Elliot. 1911. 5s.net.

THIS is the third of Colonel Elliot's well-informed and carefully reasoned
contributions to Border history. Dismissing for the time from his mind
the views of later historians, he has based his history of the battle upon
these of Halle, Holinshed, and other contemporaries, and turning to account
his local and military knowledge, has arrived at conclusions which, if not
exactly startling, are at least novel and well worthy of consideration.

These may be enumerated as follows. First, on the evening, or in the
early morning preceding the battle, the Scots army abandoned Flodden
Hill, and had for their front the Till from, say, the eastern foot of Flodden
Hill to Sandy ford, — hence it was from this position, and not from the hill,
that the Scots advanced to the battlefield. Secondly, that the whole
English army, detachments alone excepted, crossed the river Till at
Twizel. Thirdly, Colonel Elliot completely exonerates Lord Home
from blame in the Scottish disaster, claiming to prove that in the circum-
stances the Borderers under him could not have accomplished more than
they did. Fourthly, he denies that the Highlanders on the east flank were
surprised by Stanley, whose attack, he maintains, being directed upon
their flank, rendered necessary a charge of front — in the course of which
difficult operation they lost their formation and became disordered. He
adds that, even so, they were not defeated until after the Scottish centre
had fallen back.

These then are some — I believe the chief — of Colonel Elliot's * new
lights' on Flodden, based, as I have said, upon the narratives of the

Elliot : The Battle of Flodden 191

authorities cited above and upon those of the Scottish historians, Pitscottie,
Leslie and Buchanan, supplemented by the curious French report of the
battle, signed by Thomas Howard, the Lord Admiral, and a further account
of the battle, written shortly after it, and almost identical with that of
Halle. The author's views on the English raids following the battle are
based solely and sufficiently on the English official correspondence, which
shows that the Scottish Borderers still remained able to hold their own,
whilst reasons are also given for believing that no English raid of importance
occurred after that led by Dacre on November loth, 1513, in which the
English suffered a severe defeat.

Such is a very brief summary of the conclusions arrived at in this in-
teresting monograph, in so far as they differ from those of previous historians.
To say off-hand that we accept them would as yet be premature. It may
be that Colonel Elliot, so faithful and laborious in his collation of authorities,
has yet to learn something of the relative or comparative value of their
testimony. But, be this as it may, he has written a book which no
enquirer interested in the battle of Flodden — or, for that matter, in the
history of Scotland — can afford to neglect. I am glad to observe that he
announces the forthcoming publication of a further volume, which will
deal with military events on the Borders in 1522 and 1523.

GEORGE DOUGLAS.

FEDERATIONS AND UNIONS WITHIN THE BRITISH EMPIRE. By Hugh
Edward Egerton, Beit Professor of Colonial History, Fellow of All
Souls College, Oxford. Pp. 302. 8vo. Oxford : Clarendon Press.
1911. 8s. 6d. net.

PROFESSOR EGERTON has here collected together various documents and
statutes dealing with federations and unions established at various times
within the British Dominions. The first attempt was made by the New
England Colonies in 1643, but the success of this confederation was not
great, and other plans which were formed by Penn and Franklin were
never put into execution. The later American Union is outside the scope
of the book, which is, moreover, strictly Colonial, and does not attempt to
deal with the unions within the British Isles.

The Acts for the government of Canada, Australia, and South Africa
are given, as well as the Privy Council Report of 1849 on tne constitution
then proposed for Australia. There are full notes on all these documents,
and in an introduction Professor Egerton has given an historical summary
of the events which led up to the various attempts at union. In this he
has shown the causes which promoted or militated against the different
movements, such as external pressure or trade necessities on the one hand,
and mutual jealousies and dread of the Mother Country's interference upon
the other. In every case there were special local considerations which
influenced events, and the author explains the reasons for the slowness or
rapidity with which consolidation took place in different colonies, and for
the predominance of the idea of union or of federation in each. An inter-
esting comparison of the three great Colonial constitutions concludes this
section of the book.

Professor Egerton has put together in handy form information which is

192 Gust : Pictures in the Royal Collections

not only of importance to the student, but should prove attractive, particu-
larly at a time of constitutional change, to all who are interested in public
affairs. A. CUNNINGHAM.

NOTES ON PICTURES IN THE ROYAL COLLECTIONS. Collected and Edited
by Lionel Cust, M. V.O., Keeper and Surveyor of the King's Works of
Art. Pp. 93. Small folio, with 42 illustrations. London : Chatto &
Windus. 1911. I2s. 6d. net.

THIS book contains a number of articles which have appeared from time to
time in that scholarly journal of painting and the graphic arts in general,
The Burlington Magazine. The majority are from the pen of Mr. Lionel
Cust himself, but several other authors are represented, notably Mr. Langton
Douglas, Miss Charlotte Stopes, and Mr. Roger E. Fry. In some instances
these essays deal with fairly well-worn themes, yet many are concerned
with recondite matter, and a good example is an article by Miss Stopes,
* Daniel Mytens in England.' With the aid of numerous documents in
the Audit Office, the authoress furnishes a detailed account of the work
done by this portrait-painter for James VI., Prince Henry, and Charles I. ;
and considering the worth of Mytens' pictures, and the fact that com-
paratively little has been written about him, these particulars are necessarily
of considerable value to scholars of Stuart history.

Mr. Gust's own contributions to the volume are all excellent, particularly
those which treat of Vandyke. A certain amount of mystery encircles this
artist, for some of his canvases went through strange vicissitudes after the
execution of Charles I., while others have been repeatedly copied ; and,
accordingly, the definite information here given on the subject is of moment.
In one paper the author relates the history of the triple portrait of Charles,
which was originally painted to assist the Italian sculptor Bernini in doing
a bust of the king — a work ultimately destroyed in the fire at Whitehall in
1697 ; while in another article he treats of Vandyke's different equestrian
portraits of Charles, and therein he shows that, though the picture at
Windsor is certainly the work purely and only of the great Flemish painter,
that in the Prado is in all probability merely a copy, while the various
editions in private collections have little claim to authenticity, and were
mostly done long after Vandyke's death. In a further article Mr. Cust
writes of the Vandyke commonly known as < The Great Piece,' that is to
say, the huge portrait of King Charles and Henrietta, with their two eldest
children, which now hangs at Windsor. By the aid of internal and external
evidence, the writer evinces that this work, also, may be accepted as really
from Vandyke's brush ; but he opines that, in all probability, the canvas
was enlarged by stitching during the eighteenth century ; while, as regards
the various copies or replicas of the picture, he shows that none of these are
genuine Vandykes, unless possibly that belonging to the Duke of Richmond
and Gordon.

Other interesting articles by Mr. Cust are on an altarpiece by Fabriano,
on certain portraits by Antonio Moro, and on a picture variously attributed
to Titian and Giorgione. In all he writes the author uses a style which is
lucid, distinguished, and sometimes eloquent.

W. G. BLAIKIE MURDOCH.

Barrington : Grahame of Claverhouse 193

GRAHAME OF CLAVERHOUSE, VISCOUNT DUNDEE. By Michael Barrington.
Pp. xv, 448. With Portraits and Maps. Large 410. London : Martin
Seeker. 1911. 305. net.

SURELY, after all, the fates of history have been kind to Dundee. The
heated and unsparing denunciations of his enemies with the equally heated
and unsparing laudations of his friends, have contrived to throw into strong
relief a personality without any great positive claims to distinction.

In the histories 'the Whig dogs' have generally had the best of it ; the
biographers have thus been thrown into an attitude of defence. Of late
the balance has been getting more rightly adjusted, so that Mr. Barrington's
heightened pleading sounds a bit old-fashioned. But, as the estimates
approximate on the central facts, Claverhouse curiously dwindles, until we
seem to see what he really was — a capable, honest, rather narrow man,
strangely limited in political foresight and understanding, successful in a
brief military campaign on lines set for him by his circumstances, and
utterly loyal to the principles he could grasp, involving a cause with which,
as Mr. Barrington admits, 'few now feel much sympathy' (p. 319). There
is no attempt to deny the fact that the triumph of James and his gallant
champion would have been contrary to the best interests of the country.
We ' may be satisfied that for our ultimate prosperity the wiping out of the
Stuart kings was an inevitable act in the great national drama' (p. 375)-
At the best then he was a good man in a bad cause ; but loyalty to a person,
and that person James II., cannot be held to transcend loyalty to the com-
monweal, and, if in this case it did, the fact is of some bearing upon the
character in question.

The truth seems to be that Dundee was unable to see either deeply
enough or widely enough to realise the great issues at stake, just as he was
unable to realise the heaviness of the odds against any chance of success.
This comes out very clearly in the letters he wrote from Lochaber to bring
out men like Cluny, before he started on the final stage of his campaign.
The tone and contents of these disconcert even the sympathetic biographer.
Professor Terry has said of that to Strathnaver (July 15), which is typical,
' Dundee's assurance was incorrigible or consummately feigned.' Mr. Bar-
rington writes, 'That Dundee was at heart as serene as he outwardly
appeared is improbable' (p. 317). The hypothesis that he was deliberately
seeking to deceive his correspondents is not consistent with Dundee's habit
of mind, and I leave it to others. I prefer the more obvious conclusion
that when he wrote to Cluny, in (perhaps) his last letter, * All the world
will be with us, blessed be God,' he really believed what he said. The
supposed * irony ' of Dundee's letters (p. 320) is usually read into them. If
Dundee was ' a worldly and ambitious man ' (p. 203), as Mr. Barrington
says, there is no need to appeal to any more subtle quality to explain what
he says to Macleod, ' He (James) promises, not only to me, but to all that
will join, such marks of favour as after ages shall see what honour and
advantage there is in being loyal ' (p. 307). I do not think ' worldly ' a
proper epithet ; something more generous would be preferable.

But the ' romantic leaning ' (p. vi.) is the most dangerous sort of bias in
history, whether it leans towards the hero or the villain. It is this that

N

194 Harrington : Grahame of Claverhouse

makes Mr. Harrington speak of Dundee's early duties as 'often uncon-
genial ' (p. vi.). In what sense ? His dealings with the Whigs may have
meant * toil,' of course, but it would be to wrong Claverhouse to suppose
that he was acting against his convictions, or that, with his political principles,
he did not believe the measures he undertook to be thoroughly necessary.
He was not a cruel man, not cruel in the sense in which Dalziel and
Johnstone of Westerhall were, but he was callous, as a soldier might be,
and as a man of his temperament, and a firm Episcopalian, would be in
rooting out the * plague of Presbytery.' And the John Brown incident,
upon which something still remains to be said, is not settled by a reference
to the Abjuration Oath, or Mr. Lang would not have written that it
* seems beyond palliation ' (History, III., p. 386). The treatment of the
anti-Covenanter phase is, indeed, the least satisfactory part of the book, not
because it does not seek to be fair, but because it is superficial. Thus it
was not an 'Act of Parliament' which enjoined the Abjuration Oath
(p. 147), but an Act of the Privy Council, followed by a series of Instruc-
tions and Proclamations which must be read therewith. So, too, Mr.
Barrington does not wish to linger over the position of Dundee during the
years of James's rule (p. 180), but surely they have an important light on
his guiding star of ' loyalty.' The king's ambition was too much even for the
Lord-Advocate, with whom Claverhouse has been coupled in Covenanting
nomenclature, but Claverhouse gave no sign of dissent. Would his 'loyalty '
have stood the test of a full-blooded Catholic reaction ? From his letters
one would judge not ; but then has 'loyalty' its limits ? And was he only
pretending to be * serene ' when he expressed his conviction that James
intended no wrong to the national religion, or that the alleged danger to
Protestantism was merely a ' pretext of rebellion ' (p. 306).

It is on the military portion of Dundee's career that Mr. Barrington
lays chief emphasis, but here again one catches the note of exaggeration.
Dundee played the guerilla game quite well, as anyone with soldierly
instincts would do. But he cannot be said to have ' beguiled Mackay and
his forces to Inverness ' (p. 256) ; they were chasing him. His raid on Perth
with seventy horsemen and his retiral from the town of Dundee was a good
sporting move ; but how is it comparable with the two raids of the American
War of Secession, involving the use of men and artillery, the cutting of
railways and other lines of communication, and the destruction of vast
quantities of stores, besides the moral result ? He ' swiftly and relentlessly
hunted ' Mackay down Strathspey (p. 297), but it is a * retreat ' when
Mackay turns the hunting the other way. Killiecrankie is an over-
estimated affair. But to Mr. Barrington, Claverhouse, ' like Montrose, was
spiritual ancestor to some of our best present types of military leaders'
(P- 378). Finally, James's downfall is traced to English dislike of the
Stuart and Scottish devotion to a French alliance (pp. 375-6). On
this ground Dundee is credited with upholding a ' provincial cause '
(p. 178). But James I. had leanings wholly towards Spain, while his son
fought against France, and the English Cromwell preferred a French
alliance. Charles II. and James took to France for personal and religious
reasons.

Douglas: Pageant of the Bruce 195

But for those who prefer a Dundee in the heroic vein Mr. Barrington's
handsome volume is admirably suited. It is well put together, and is
equipped with full references and some excellent appendices. Mr. Barring-
ton accepts the disputed letter after Killiecrankie, as against Professor Terry,
whose new setting of the battle also he refuses. The chronologies are
most useful, and, though the last word on Dundee has not yet been said,
the work is a capable contribution to ' the other side,' if sides are still to
be taken. W. M. MACKENZIE.

THE PAGEANT OF THE BRUCE. By Sir George Douglas, Bart. Pp. 87.
i6mo. Glasgow: James MacLehose & Sons, 1911. is. net.

THOMAS THE RHYMER. By W. Macneile Dixon, Professor of English
Literature in the University, Glasgow. Pp. 37. i6mo. Glasgow :
James MacLehose & Sons, 1911. is. net.

ONE of the most interesting of the enterprises of the recent Scottish
National Exhibition was the production of a series of stage representations
of notable episodes in Scottish annals. The original intention was to
present these as spectacular displays, but this was modified by the circum-
stance of their production upon an indoor stage, and the pageants
developed into something more nearly resembling dramas ; hence the
name that was given them, of 'pageant plays.' The historical motive,
however, remained unchanged. As performed in the theatre, the two
pageant plays under review had the disadvantage of depending rather upon
their words than their action. In both cases the speeches were apt to be
somewhat longer than is desirable when the movement of the characters
on an actual stage has to be considered. But these characteristics, which
were drawbacks on the stage, render the respective productions all the
more interesting in printed form.

The Bruce, in blank verse, is as stately and well-conceived as might
be expected of its subject and its author. Its five scenes deal respectively
with the death of Comyn, the enthronement of Bruce at Scone, the
Shaveldores, or the king and his little court as wanderers among the hills,
the king as a vagrant in Arran, and the vigil of St. John on the eve of
Bannockburn. Of these the Shaveldores is the finest scene ; some charm-
ing songs are introduced, and the parting of Bruce and his queen touches
a very real and tender note of pathos. Among the many deft and apt
devices throughout the play the author must be complimented on a telling
use of rhyme where that use becomes serviceable to heighten the effect
of the dialogue ; and humour here and there acts as a relief to the import
of the more momentous passages. The little book is full of fine things,
and Sir George Douglas must be congratulated on having given a
picture of the hero-king, his character and the outstanding episodes of his
life, as admirable as it is true and inspiring.

In Thomas the Rhymer Professor Dixon has departed altogether from
a Scottish motive for his play. It is indeed rather Greek than Scottish.
The author has not availed himself of any of the many legends of True
Thomas which might have been turned to dramatic account, and his

196 Dixon : Thomas the Rhymer

central figure is a poet who might have had his haunt on the slopes of
Parnassus even more appropriately than on the side of the Eildon Hills.
But the production is an exquisite piece of work, full of the finest poetic
imagery and charm. There are scores of lines, such as —

* Summer's winged flower, the painted butterfly,'
or Thomas's description of the fields of home as

' More beautiful by custom made than vales
Of asphodel beneath a cloudless noon' —

which must linger long with haunting charm in the memory. The story
counts for little — indeed there is little story in the piece ; but the reader
is drawn on, from passage to passage and scene to scene, by the sheer
magic of the imagery and the verse. Professor Dixon's Thomas the
Rhymer is, in short, among the finest examples of a poetic idyll.

GEORGE EYRE-TODD.

Six TOWN CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND. Now printed for the first time,
with an introduction and notes. By Ralph Flenley. 8vo. Pp. 208.
Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1911. 7s.6d.net.

THE value of what may be called the city type of chronological register of
public events, savouring more of diary than history, is abundantly illus-
trated in the six examples edited by Mr. Flenley, and is critically and
formally proved by his very able introductory dissertation.

Five of the chronicles are of London production, and the sixth is from
King's Lynn. All are of the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries, and, while
differing greatly in tone and in quality of record, alike incorporate a
multitude of facts grouped under the years of office of sheriffs or mayors.
These facts having often only the slenderest relation to each other, the
variety is so much the more.

One of the London chronicles, that of Robert Bale, stands distinguished
above the others by its systematic narrative and generally accurate dates,
but the whole six make a miscellany of interest and importance. The
combined literary and historical grasp of the editor gives us welcome
promise of accomplished work in the medieval province. He contrasts the
continental local annalists with their much tardier English successors.
He puts the developing chronicle into relation with the early translations,
the newer inspirations of patriotism, and the impetus to criticism and
literature that accompanied the triumphs of English seamanship. Not
in vain does he bespeak acknowledgment for the virtue of these town
chroniclers, were it only for their putting men (to use Holinshed's phrase) ' in
mind not to forget their native country's praise.' No such shrewd estimate
of the quality of Fabyan, Polydore Vergil, and Edward Hall has ever been
written before : it is refreshing to find them getting their due at last, not as
crude phenomena, but as successive reflections of the growing aspirations of
their age towards English history. The works here edited follow the type
of Fabyan : they have as little of Vergil's aping of philosophical scope, as of
the rhetoric — sometimes gorgeous — of Hall. As contemporary annals they

Flenley: Six Town Chronicles of England 197

are of great subsidiary worth, even for affairs of Scotland and the Scots.
Indeed, there is one vexed question of Scottish chronology on which the
present writer now almost inclines to accept Bale's word (viz., on the year
in which the battle of Sark was fought), though it negatives some inferences
and a contention for 1449 which have received weighty countenance, and
are supported by direct citations of other chronicles. Under the year 1448
Bale writes :

Item the moneth of septembre the king rode to York at which tyme the Scottes
had issued into the English marches and brent and dyd moch harme and afterward
as cowardes knowyng of the kynges comyng stale home ageyn and ffled into
Scotland and after them issued a greet power into the land of Englisshemen of the
marches and brent and slewe in Scotland and wolde have distroied that land but
they wer reconntred and comaunded by the king to ceas and soo cam ageyn.
And than the Scots of sotell ymaginacion rosen ageyn. And than Sir Henre percy
and many other Gentiles pursued upon theym and sodenly they wer betrapped
and taken in a mire ground, which was a greet hevynes to the king and a grevous
hurt to this land. And a noon after, the Erie of Salesbury brent greet part of the
marches of Scotland and toke many prisoners and greet store of their catell.

At any rate the confused chronology of Anglo-Scottish relations of the
period centring in the battle of Sark, and the Lincluden conference on
Border law and regulation, gains data appreciably by this chronicle of
Robert Bale, described as a notary, judge and citizen of London, flourishing
in 1461, although Mr. Flenley has been unable to verify the notice of him
given by John Bale in his Scriptorum Catalogue.

Another of the records edited has a description of Flodden, with a list of
the slain, virtually identical with that given in Hall's Chronicle, but it differs
from other authorities in saying that King James's body was carried to the
Carthusian house (probably Easby), near Richmond, * where it still lies
unburied.' The latest allusion to Scotland is in a Lynn chronicle which
under the year 1542, records —

on saynt mychelmes day the scots was over throwen, also harowld of yngland was
slayne by rebels.

The disaster of Solway Moss really occurred, however, on 24th November ;
Somerset Herald was murdered at Dunbar while returning to England.

Even these few extracts will show that Scotland shares in the benefits of
these minor chronicles, and in the advantages of Mr. Flenley 's editorial
enterprise. One may hope that there are still other annalists for him
to edit. With John Stow, last and greatest of London chroniclers, the
type of such annals in civic form practically came to an end ; but that
before it passed away it had rendered signal service to national, equally with
city, history, Mr. Flenley 's specimens alone would handsomely prove.

GEO. NEILSON.

ANTIQVARISK TIDSKRIFT FOR SVERIGE. Vol. XVIII.

THE volume before us is largely the work of Dr. Knut Stjerna, whose
death in 1909 is a loss to Swedish archaeology. His Contribution to the
History of the Colonization of Eornholm in the Iron Agey is of more than local

198 Antiqvarisk Tidskrift for Sverige

interest ; it is an excellent example of those comparative methods of
archaeological study which have nowhere produced more interesting results
than in Scandinavia. Bornholm possesses an extraordinary wealth of pre-
historic material ; its numerous cemeteries of the Iron Age extend from the
Hallstatt period to the end of the heathen times. These have been care-
fully investigated and grouped chronologically, and from their sites the
movements of population within the island can be traced, while a com-
parison of ornaments and other finds affords evidence of the relations of the
inhabitants with Southern lands. In Bornholm, as in the other Baltic
islands of Gotland and Oland, we can trace the influence of the wars and
migrations which agitated Europe during the early centuries of our era on
the traffic and the arts of the people. In the La Tene period the island
stood in close relation with Eastern Pomerania and the country between the
Vistula and Oder, but in the third century provincial Roman products
came to it through the Elbe region and Holstein. A couple of centuries
later the southern traffic shifted further east, and with it came the stream
of Byzantine gold which brought such extraordinary treasures to the
Scandinavian north. During the period of the great migrations there are
evidences of connections with Hungary along the line of the Vistula until
the middle of the sixth century, when these relations broke off, and the
stream of Byzantine solidi ceased.

The cemeteries begin to indicate a displacement of population about the
year A.D. 300 ; the graves are fewer in number, the contents less rich. A
great and general emigration seems to have taken place during the fourth
century, in which the people, probably of Burgundian race, joined with
their racial kin on the Continent in a movement southward. This move-
ment, which was probably accelerated by pressure from the Slav races
further east, appears to have continued till about the year 550. At that
period entirely new conditions arose in Bornholm. It forms a distinct
dividing line in the character of its antiquities. The old burial traditions
were lost, and the knowledge of the presence of the older graves. Every-
thing indicates the coming of a new race of inhabitants, a people whose
Scandinavian origin is clearly shown by the similarity of their ornaments
with those in vogue in Gotland, Oland, and Southern Sweden. The
evolution of these ornaments, which is fully illustrated, forms an interesting
feature of the paper.

A second contribution by Dr. Stjerna examines the burial customs
described in the poem of Beowulf in their bearing upon the chronology
and the scene of the poem. The description of the burial of Beowulf is
obviously reminiscent of that of a real king. The dead hero was laid on a
funeral pyre of logs, upon a promontory high above the sea; beside him
were placed his weapons. When the fire was extinguished, the people built
above the pyre a mighty howe — high, so that the seafarers should know it
as Beowulf's grave howe, as from far they passed in their ships across
the mists of the billows. In this they cast treasures from the dragon's
hoard and covered it with an earthen mound. Such a mound is the Odin's
howe at old Upsala, opened in 1876. This great tumulus had been placed
upon a natural elevation of the ground ; in the middle lay a circular mass

Antiqvarisk Tidskrift for Sverige 199

of stones, covering in part the site of the funeral pyre. On the level of
the pyre had been placed an urn covered with a thin slab of stone which
contained human bones, as also bones of domestic animals. In the urn
and around it lay remains of many ornaments which had been more or less
destroyed by the flames. The Odin's howe must have formed the last
resting place of some King of the Svea. The character of the ornaments
which had been laid with the body on the pyre indicate that its date can
be fixed at the end of the fifth century. It was precisely in that century
that the stream of gold from the south carried its richest treasure towards
Southern Sweden. Beowulf's grave mound and his golden treasure com-
bine to indicate that he belonged to this period. The home of his people
must have lain in Southern Sweden; perhaps upon some high ness in
Oland was raised the howe of this Gothic King.

Antiqvarisk Tidskrift, Vol. XIX, is devoted to Stone Age studies. Herr
Schnittger writes on prehistoric flint workings and deposits in Skane, while
in his last paper Dr. Stjerna takes a wide survey of the earlier Stone Age
antiquities in Scandinavia prior to the epoch of stone cists (hallkisttiden).

Fornvannen, 1910. In addition to a number of papers chiefly of local
interest, this publication contains the usual catalogue of additions to the
National Historical Museum, Stockholm, for the year. Numerous finds
are described and illustrated; one of the most interesting of these is a
polished flint celt from a moss at Dagstorpe in Skane, which is still fixed in
its bone shaft formed by the tibia of an elk. JAMES CURLE.

NORTH UIST : ITS ARCHAEOLOGY AND TOPOGRAPHY. With Notes
upon the Early History of the Outer Hebrides. By Erskine
Beveridge, LL.D. Pp. xxvi, 348. 4to. With many Illustrations.
Edinburgh: William Brown. 1911. 30s.net.

DURING a visit of some weeks' duration last year to the Island of South
Uist it often occurred to me what a pity it was that no competent authority
had so far recorded the numerous and varied antiquities that met one on
every side. Whilst these thoughts were passing through my mind in
South Uist, North Uist was fortunate in engaging the attention of one of
its proprietors, whose work, now issued to the public, shows the firm hold
which that most interesting district had acquired on his affections. Some
idea may be gained of the great number of archaeological remains from the
following list : three earth-houses of a variety of which but one single
example has hitherto been known, and six or seven others, eighty-six duns
or prehistoric forts of which seventy are island forts, each provided with a
causeway from the neighbouring shore, five brochs, four or five stone
circles and eighteen or twenty chambered cairns, including the interesting
structures known locally as < barps ' — and all this within an area of little
more than eleven miles. Each of these sites has been described in con-
siderable detail, and all the information regarding them has been recorded
with such accuracy by the author that little can 'be added by way of
comment.

In his scholarly chapter on place-names, Mr. Beveridge has the following
quotation : * About seventy years ago the islands (Heisker) were well

200 Beveridge : North Uist

covered with good pasturage, with machirs or sandhills of considerable
height. At half-tide all the islands except Shillay and Stockay, were
connected as at present, by a sandy beach, and they were inhabited by
eighteen families, besides cottars, who were enabled to feed 1000 head
of cattle, sheep, etc. About ten years after, without any apparent cause,
the whole of the surface of the islands was denuded of soil and grass,
except two very small portions at each end. The inhabitants were con-
sequently obliged to leave, and for nearly fifteen years the islands were
uninhabitable, except by one family, and a channel of six or eight feet was
scoured out on each side of Shevenish island.' Similar results have been
known in South Uist, and in some cases admit of easy explanation. The
machir or sand-hill is covered with a coating of rough grass or * bent,'
edible by horses and cattle, and invaluable as binding the sand together
and withholding it from being blown on to the better arable land. The
greedy crofter, however, wishing to improve nature, ploughs up the machir
and plants potatoes, of which it will yield a moderate crop the first year.
But when the storms of winter come, there is nothing on the newly
ploughed land to bind the sand, with the result that it is carried away, not
only leaving patches, bare of all vegetation, but covering up land that
before was of the best.

The detailed account of the excavation of a fourteen-chambered earth-
house proves the care which Mr. Beveridge spent upon such work. His
description, with plans and photographs, is deserving of all praise. He
justly remarks that these sites are subject to so many contingencies that
' it becomes necessary to examine and record every detail at the time.'
The remains of human habitation must indeed be disappearing at a great
rate, for an old residenter in South Uist, when presenting me with seven
pins of bone and three of copper — all prettily worked — apologised that he
had not more to give at the time, he was getting old and could not find
them upon the machir as easily as in his youth.

The same idea is suggested in many places in the chapter on Pre-
Reformation Chapels and other Ecclesiastical Remains — a chapter which
contains all the information that earlier writers had been able to collect,
along with much personal research. In no other portion of the book is it
more manifest how fast the relics of bygone times are disappearing from
the land. To take one example, which refers to Martin's description of
Vallay : ' It hath three Chappels, One Dedicated to St. Ulton and another
to the Virgin Mary. There are Two Crosses of Stone, each of them
about 7 foot long, and a foot and a half broad. There is a little Font
on an Altar, being a big Stone, round in like of a Cannon Ball, and
having in the upper end a little Vacuity capable of two Spoonfuls of
water ; below the Chappels there is a flat thin Stone, called Brownie's
Stone,' etc. Concerning this Mr. Beveridge remarks : * Of the Altar and
Font, as also the two crosses described by Martin, no trace could be found,
although we are informed that one of the crosses was taken to Argyllshire
within recent times.'

The chapter of ninety pages on the Duns or Pre-Historic Forts is in
reality a complete treatise on the subject, whilst the sixty-four illustrations

Beveridge : North Uist 201

bring home to the lazily disposed all the characteristics of a class of
structure often very difficult of access. In this volume, as in other of Mr.
Beveridge's works, the views are perfect as photographs, whilst they are
given in such profusion that one wonders how the weather of Uist, tradi-
tionally so bad, permitted such results to be obtained.

The last chapter might more appropriately have been entitled, * Manners
and Customs,' being exclusively devoted to this subject, and dealing with
practices, all of them survivals of a very early period. This, however, is
but a small matter. The general impression on reading the book through
is that North Uist has found an able historian, and has itself provided him
with a vast field of most interesting matter. The work has been so ably
and so thoroughly carried out that one cannot fail to wish, however great
the labour of bringing out such a work may be, that Mr. Beveridge will
not fear to undertake a corresponding volume for South Uist and its
smaller neighbours. FRED. ODO BLUNDELL.

GARIBALDI AND THE MAKING OF ITALY. By George Macaulay Trevelyan.
Pp. xi, 374. 8vo. London : Longmans, Green & Co. 1911.

IN this volume Mr. Trevelyan devotes himself to the activities of Garibaldi
during the period from May, 1860, to the following November, when, after
witnessing the investiture of Victor Emmanuel in Naples, he retired
quietly to Caprera, from a stage which was crowded with strange figures
with whom he had nothing in common, and whose points of view he
could not grasp.

In his first volume Mr. Trevelyan dealt with a tragic episode, and in his
second with an isolated struggle and triumph ; but when Garibaldi crossed
the Straits of Messina after his capture of Palermo, the field of his activities
was enormously enlarged, and ceased to be suited to the somewhat
arbitrary and abstract treatment which Mr. Trevelyan adopted in his
narratives of the Defence of the Roman Republic and the Sicilian
expedition. The result is that in the last five chapters of this volume in
particular, the reader is conscious of a certain loosening of grip on the part
of the author, whose strong political sympathies and antipathies thrust
themselves forward. But up to this point the narrative has all the rapid
movement and emotional simplicity which characterised the previous
volumes.

The elaborate lists of authorities in the three volumes will be of
permanent value to students, and one would be tempted to urge Mr.
Trevelyan to publish a supplementary volume containing the texts of
recollections and notes of conversations which his industry has collected,
were it not that he has so fully extracted their substance that the field is
probably exhausted. No reader can place the third red volume beside its
two predecessors on his shelves without asking himself what position they
will ultimately take in the historical literature of their subject and period.
Their qualities and their limitations recall the work of Prescott in a very
different field. DAVID BAIRD SMITH.

202 Holmes : Caesar's Conquest of Gaul

CAESAR'S CONQUEST OF GAUL. By T. Rice Holmes, Hon. Litt.D.
Second Edition, revised throughout and largely rewritten. Pp. xl, 872.
With twelve Illustrations. 8vo. With Maps and Plans. Oxford :
Clarendon Press. 1911. 24s.net.

DR. RICE HOLMES is to be congratulated on the fact that a second edition
of his masterly work has already been called for. It is but seldom that the
merits of a learned book are so promptly and so universally recognized.
He is doubly to be congratulated on the thorough and successful manner
in which he has carried through the task of revision, for to the zeal and
energy that can add, he has joined the courage that can subtract.

We have tested the new edition at various points, and have everywhere
found substantial improvement. The narrative, for instance, though it has
been lengthened by nearly forty pages, has gained materially in vividness
and interest. Formerly it suffered here and there from the effect of com-
pression. Now it can be read from beginning to end with unalloyed
pleasure. A corresponding advance is to be noted in the second and more
important portion of the volume. Since 1889 a certain amount of fresh
information has come to light, and a certain number of new theories have
been advanced. The fresh information has been duly taken account of;
the new theories have been critically examined. But this is not by any
means all. Each separate article has been most carefully scrutinized in the
light of a decade of reflection. Where it seemed to lack lucidity or com-
pleteness, it has been clarified and expanded. Where it proved to be more
elaborate than circumstances now require, it has been remorselessly abbre-
viated, if it has not been altogether excised.

The general result is, as we have already indicated, extremely satisfactory.
As an exhaustive commentary on the subject-matter of one of the great
books of the world, the Conquest of Gaul should have a place on the shelves
of every scholar and man of letters. To all serious students of Roman
history it is simply indispensable. GEORGE MACDONALD.

SAINT CECILIA'S HALL IN THE NIDDRY WYND : A Chapter in the History
of the Music of the Past in Edinburgh. By David Fraser Harris,
M.D., C.M., B.Sc. (Lond.), F.R.S.E. Second edition. Pp. xv, 303.
Edinburgh and London: Oliphant, Anderson and Ferrier. 1911.
2s. 6d. net.

THIS book is written with more enthusiasm than discrimination. The
first fifty pages are devoted to the description of an old Hall in Edinburgh :
the remainder consists of notices of musicians who performed there, of
musicians whose music was performed there, and of members of society in
Edinburgh in the eighteenth century who probably attended the concerts.

The description of the Hall is confused and confusing : it is not possible
to obtain a clear idea of what the author means without a personal visit to
the locality. The second portion is built on * must have been,' ' almost
certainly ' was, and similar phrases. This is not history.

Dr. Harris has been at great pains to collect and record much valuable
information. The book is well printed, and has numerous clear and
uncommon illustrations. But it is a book to dip into : not one to digest.

Gothic Architecture in England and France 203

It is to be regretted that a subject so interesting in itself, which has in-
spired so much enthusiasm, has not been presented to the public in a more
readable form. WILLIAM GEMMELL.

GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE IN ENGLAND AND FRANCE. By George Herbert
West, D.D., A.R.I.B.A. Pp. xxxii, 337. With numerous Illustra-
tions, Glossary, and Tables. Post 8vo. London : G. Bell & Sons.
1911. 6s. net.

THIS book affords an excellent example of the proper use of comparative
analogy as applied to the study of Gothic architecture in the two great
countries of Europe in which, from a common stock, and during successive
centuries of cultivation, it flowered to greatest perfection. The Chauvinist
theory that the style is essentially French in origin and development, and
the work in England and elsewhere but a second-hand copy or translation
(witness the proposition by Mons. Corroyer in his L? Architecture Gothique
that for that designation a sufficient and more accurate substitute would be
' French Mediaeval Architecture ') is shown to be an entirely false reading
of art and history.

Not that Dr. West's book is controversial in style. More satisfactory in
every respect, while not less convincing, is the method adopted, which is
that of a careful and sympathetic analysis, constructional and historical, of
the widely differing results produced in both countries, and in the several
districts of each, during the rise, climax, and decline of church architecture
from the twelfth to the fifteenth century, and that under the influences of
racial character, communal or monastic direction, individual requirements,
and building materials available. Plan, construction, and ornament are
each reviewed in detail so far as is possible in a book of modest dimensions,
and abundantly illustrated with photographs and drawings to the number of
over two hundred.

There is room for regret that the work contains no reference to the
notable works of the period produced in Scotland, not only as regards the
abbeys and cathedrals of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, worthy as
they are to rank with their compeers in the south, but also the particular
development of Scottish Gothic during the fifteenth century. This
development is of special interest in relation to the subject dealt with, in
that it shows intermingled the influence of both the English and French
renderings of the style on the work of a people neighbouring to both these
countries, and sharing in some degree in the special characteristics of each
of them.

Despite occasional slips, the literary style is clear and eminently readable,
and with the assistance, where required, of the useful glossary appended,
the * lay ' reader will have no difficulty in following the author's careful
analysis of architectural principles and methods. The work in general
shows not only a close acquaintance with the vast number of buildings
described, but a wide reading on the subject.^

ALEXANDER N. PATERSON.

204 Kenneth Bell : Mediaeval Europe

MEDIAEVAL EUROPE : A TEXT-BOOK OF EUROPEAN HISTORY, 1095-1254.
By Kenneth Bell. Pp. 269. With 5 Maps. Oxford : Clarendon
Press. 1911.

THIS is a text-book of unusual spirit and style, in which there are fresh
ideas and new standpoints. Europe in the making is likened to America
after its discovery and under process of colonisation. Communal privilege
as it grew up is treated as giving collectively to a town a sort of baronial
status — a position of equality with the feudal aristocracy. Under this
influence the Italian republics became practically independent and absorbed
the aristocracy, while in France the feudal aristocracy considerably absorbed
the towns. The influence of the Lombard League in the struggle between
pope and emperor exemplifies the power of the Italian cities. Henry the
Lion (of Bavaria), creation rival and opponent of the Emperor Frederick
Barbarossa, although often reckoned the true German hero, is historically
not so, for in his overthrow, the defeat of a rebellious duke, Barbarossa was
mightily making for German unity. Barbarossa and the English Henry II.
stand out in Mr. Bell's pages as two great kingly figures of Europe, ranking
alongside the great papal figure of Innocent III. Yet the Lombard League
showed a municipal federation victorious over the greatest secular prince of
the twelfth century.

Mr. Bell's crisp vigour of diction informs his opinions also, and his
engaging yet tempered enthusiasm for Barbarossa does not blind him to the
many other great personalities and forces — military, secular, legal, and
ecclesiastical — filling the crowded century and a half which are the text of
his compact and purposeful treatise.

THE CAMBRIDGE MODERN HISTORY. Vol. XIII. Genealogical Tables
and Lists and General Index. Pp. viii, 643. Royal 8vo. Cambridge :
The University Press. 1911. i6s.net.

THIS volume is very welcome. It contains, besides a very elaborate index
to the twelve volumes of the Cambridge Modern History^ a series of Genea-
logical Tables and lists of sovereign families, and of elected potentates of
certain noble houses. It also has lists of chief ministers of great states, and
governors of important dependencies in colonies within the period covered
by the Cambridge Modern History ; in addition there are various other lists
dealing with British Parliaments, congresses and Imperial Diets, and con-
ferences and leagues and alliances. The volume bears evidence of great
care in compilation, and is a worthy completion of a great enterprise.

HANDBOOK TO THE CITY AND UNIVERSITY OF ST. ANDREWS. By James
Maitland Anderson, University Librarian. Pp. x, 1 16. With Plan and
27 Plates. St. Andrews : Henderson & Son, University Press. 1911.

OUR columns attest the medieval learning and research Mr. Maitland
Anderson has brought to bear on the early period of St. Andrews Univer-
sity. No one has a better title than he to tell the story of its foundation
and development, in conjunction with the still older story of the burgh and
cathedral. Why is it that so often in the biography of institutions the

Anderson : Handbook to St, Andrews 205

youth-time, the period of origin and growth, seems more fascinating than
the age of mature attainment ? Certainly this is truer in institutional than
personal biography, and not less true at St. Andrews than elsewhere.

The sketch is written purposely for the quincentenary, and with a plain
design to be undersvanded of the people. Divested of technicalities, the
narrative gains in interest and force by simplicity, and we have read again
with sympathy and something of the quincentenary spirit the narrative of
the rise and progress of the University from the still unchartered lecture-
ships, which started in 1410, under the impulse of a necessity of education
induced by the rupture of educational relations with Oxford in consequence
of the Schism. The sanctions of kings and popes soon followed, but the
stages of advance were long and slow before the College of St. Mary, added
in 1539 to the earlier colleges of St. John, St. Salvator, and St. Leonard,
may be said to have completed the framework of the pre-Reformation
University. The first two centuries outvie the last three in historical
attraction, but the sketch, whether touching the ancient or the modern St.
Andrews, is throughout sympathetic and concisely informing.

THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE : THE REARGUARD OF EUROPEAN CIVILIZATION.
By Edward Foord. Pp. xii, 432. With many Illustrations and Maps.
Demy 8vo. London : Adam & Charles Black. 1911. js. 6d. net.

THE author avows that his book is an attempt to fill a want, 'a short
popular history of the Later Roman Empire.' We are not quite sure, how-
ever, that his work entirely fills it. It is the author's style that is chiefly
responsible for this doubt, for his facts are well marshalled and his reading
considerable, but in the short space he has been allowed (409 pages) for
the long period he covers, he would need to have weighed his words much
more carefully and to have dealt with vital facts only.

On the other hand, the progress of events, the interminable volte-face of
iconodule and iconoclast, conquest and repulse, is quite well set forth.
The Byzantine Empire's place in history forms a good chapter also, and the
author contrasts its composition very favourably with that of the contem-
porary government of the Saracen Khalifate, and this is most likely, although
he does not say so, justified by the fact that many of its institutions sur-
vived under the Turkish regime. We recommend a revision of this work,
and then we shall have a really useful book.

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF JONATHAN SWIFT, D.D. Vol. II. Edited by
F. Elrington Bell, Litt.D. Pp. xvii, 424. With four illustrations.
Demy 8vo. London : G. Bell & Sons, Ltd. 1911. los. 6d. net.

WE are glad to see the second volume of this important work to which
we have already called the attention of all admirers of Swift (S.H.R. viii,
312). It need only be said that this second volume is edited with the
same care as the first, and contains a large number of hitherto-unprinted
letters from the Dartmouth MSS., the British Museum, the Portland
MSS., and other sources.

206 Rhys : The Celtic Inscriptions of Gaul

THE CELTIC INSCRIPTIONS OF GAUL: ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
By Sir John H. Rhys. Pp. 100. With eight Plates. Royal 8vo.
From the Proceedings of the British Academy. Oxford : The
Clarendon Press. 1911. ios.6d.net.

THE present paper supplements, and in some points corrects, Sir John
Rhys's previous communications on this subject to the British Academy.
The few Celtic inscriptions that have survived are so fragmentary that the
task of interpretation is one of enormous difficulty. For the most part they
are in the Greek alphabet, and the majority of them appear to be merely
brief sequences of more or less enigmatic proper names.

Sir John attacks the various problems with characteristic courage,
learning, and ingenuity, and also — what is no less admirable — with a frank
recognition that the odds in favour of his being wrong in any given case are
by no means inconsiderable. That way progress lies, and we are sure that
no one will give a heartier welcome than Sir John himself to any solutions
that are likely to prove more permanently acceptable than his own.

Among the notes here collected the chief human interest attaches to those
that deal with the ancient calendar, known as the Coligny Calendar, from
the place where the bronze fragments in which it is inscribed were dug up.

JOACHIM MURAT, MARSHAL OF FRANCE AND KING OF NAPLES. By
A. Milliard Atteridge. Pp. ix, 304. With Illustrations and Maps.
8vo. London : Methuen & Co., Ltd. 1911. IDS. 6d. net.

THIS biography, although somewhat too full of unnecessary words, is
interesting as a new study of one of Napoleon's ' creations.' The whole
work shows how difficult it is to credit that Joachim Murat, brilliant
soldier that he was, would have risen to anything like the position he
afterwards held, had it not been for the favour and influence of his Imperial
brother-in-law. We trace in this book Murat's rise from the people, first
by the stepping stone of the seminary, then by the ladder of the army ; and
it is interesting to note that in the days of The Terror he sheltered him-
self from the charge of 'Aristocracy' by pointing out that his father,
the old inn-keeper, was a l travailleur.''

In this account of his early life we get many instances of his real
affection for his family, and it is pleasing to think that his mother saw
him in full glory when, in 1803, he revisited La Bastide. The author
does not excuse Murat from his share in the murder of the Due d'Enghien,
and wishes that he had withstood Napoleon, but Murat's facile southern
nature, vain, greedy, generous, and emotional, soon got over the shock, and
perhaps the most interesting part of the book — for the military campaigns
can be read as well elsewhere — is Murat's extraordinary behaviour when
he became Grand-Duke of Berg, and imagined himself a sovereign
beyond the power of Napoleon.

The Neapolitan portion of his life is well told also, although more
might have been said about his relations with his wife, and the connection
between her acts and the tragedy of Pizzo. There is some information
in this book about Murat's nephews and nieces (one of whom became
Princess Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, and ancestress of many Royal houses)

Kimball : Public Life of Joseph Dudley 207

difficult to get elsewhere, and the work is on the whole well done. We
must, however, take exception to the forms of French names the author
uses at times, and condemn ' De Polignac ' and ' De Riviere ' ; and we
wish that the book had been illustrated by better pictures.

THE PUBLIC LIFE OF JOSEPH DUDLEY. A STUDY OF THE COLONIAL
POLICY OF THE STUARTS IN NEW ENGLAND, 1660-1715. By Everett
Kimball, Ph.D. Pp. viii, 239. Demy 8vo. London: Longmans,
Green & Co. 1911. 95.

THIS is a careful study of the career of one of the later Governors of
Massachusetts. The writer has viewed Dudley chiefly as an English
official charged with the execution of the English policy who, though very
savagely attacked by his enemies, has not hitherto had his defence very
seriously attempted. He does not palliate his subject's self-seeking and
tortuous ways, but he shows the difficulties Dudley laboured under, the
intrigues of his enemies, his success in England (1693-1702), his strong
hand as Governor of the Colony, and finally how he triumphed over his
enemies. Dudley is hardly a heroic or a sympathetic hero, but he was no
doubt * a strong man ' of considerable use to the mother country, and so
worthy to be the central subject of this studious work on the colonial
policy of the Stuarts in New England.

LYRA HISTORICA. POEMS OF BRITISH HISTORY, A.D. 61-1910. Selected
by M. E. Windsor and J. Turral, with preface by J. C. Smith.
Part I. A.D. 61-1381, pp. 64; Part II. 1388-1641, pp. 63;
Part III. 1644-1910, pp. 96. Sm. 8vo. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
1911. Price (the three parts together), 2s.

DESIGNED for school use and to develop the historic sense among the rising
generation this grouping of short poems embodies a wise and attractive
conception. An anthology, showing in song the record of British achieve-
ment ; it gives prominence to the more modern pieces available as a poetic
register rather than to the contemporary or ancient testimonies. Shake-
speare is largely quoted ; there is one passage from Marlow ; but the
glories of the antique lyre are left out in the cold with the single exception
of the Scottish octette preserved by Wyntoun on the death of Alexander
III.

Perhaps it is an old fashioned impression that a work named Lyra
Historica should have found room for at least fragments of writers like
Robert of Brunne, Minot, Barbour, Chaucer, Dunbar, Skelton and
Spenser. We hope also that the next historical anthologist will present us
with some better memory of Elizabethan exploits on the Spanish main than
a bloodless and blameless ballad of Longfellow's composing. And shall we
pardon him if he forgets a snatch of Hudibras ? But the entire brigade can
never be at the muster, and — antiquary grumblings apart — the present
little collection is capitally representative. Even youth will find it full of
old friends from battle-pieces of Scott and Macaulay to Newbolt's ' Drake's
Drum ' and Kipling's ' Recessional.' The use of schools is not ill provided
for : would that we had the like, on a greater scale, for historical scholars.

208 Mackie : Aberdeenshire

ABERDEENSHIRE. By Alex. Mackie. With Maps, Diagrams and Illus-
trations. Pp. x, 198. Sm. 8vo. Cambridge University Press. 1911.
is. 6d.

THIS latest volume in the Cambridge County Geographies, by its intelligent,
historical topography and sensible presentment of salient facts on the
ethnology industries and antiquities of a great county, as well as by its
lavish interpretative maps and pictures, does at least approximate justice to
the scenic attractions and characteristic achievements of Aberdeenshire.
Sketching the natural history, agricultural, fishing and industrial develop-
ment, antiquities and architecture, and glancing at the biographical 'roll of
honour,' it concludes with a few pages of compact alphabetical gazetteer.

The account of the origin of the shire scarcely appreciates the true
position of sheriffdoms in Scotland, which have never been shown to be
districts * ruled by a Count ' ; but it supports the view that Aberdeenshire
was a combination of two * counties,' Buchan and Mar, representing the
territories of these two earldoms.

In the chapter entitled * History of the County ' there is told the story
of Bruce's overthrow of the Comyn interest by the battle near Inverury
in 1308, while Harlaw in 1411 is interpreted in the orthodox sense as the
extinction of certain recrudescent Highland ambitions. Although perhaps
the force of ecclesiastical influence is insufficiently traced in its persistence,
the episcopal and royalist sympathy of the district in the seventeenth
century is noted alongside of the complete decline of this feeling as an
active political motive by 1745. Both the individuality and the dialect of
the inhabitants are described very well, although exception may be taken to
recognising l Scots wha hae ' as a characteristic dialect phrase anywhere.
Mr. Mackie writes with spirit, judgment and care.

Mr. John C. Gibson has revised, extended, and reprinted a newspaper
article by him on Henry Wardlaw, Founder of Saint Andrews University
(4to, pp. 19), in which are usefully assembled such biographical particulars
as can be gleaned from record and chronicle. The bishop came of a good
border stock : he was vir clari sanguinis^ and nephew of Cardinal Wardlaw,
bishop of Glasgow. His career, decorated with pluralities, indicates power-
ful social and political influences at the back of his tact and learning as aids
to advancement.

His preferment to the bishopric of St. Andrews by Pope Benedict XIII.
appears to have been an unpopular surprise, but his fine character and his
public capacity quickly won him welcome and reputation, lifted to a unique
height in 1410 by his securing the foundation of the first university in
Scotland. (A century later John Major, wise after the event, as usual,
wondered in his querulous way that the thing had never occurred to
any prelate before ! )

The bishop once made a remarkable speech, which Mr. Gibson prints in
Bellenden's translation, on the mischief and venom that accrue to young
men from superfluity of meats and drinks. The date given is 1430, which
must be a mistake, for in Boece's original Latin of the discourse it is assigned
to the parliament held at Perth about the time of the crowning of Henry

The Roman Wall 209

VI. at Paris. As that ceremony took place in December, 1431, the Perth
parliament at which the bishop fulminated against luxury must have been
that of 15-16 October, 1431, the enactments of which received the royal
sanction in May following.

Unusual controversial interest attaches to the little article The Builder
of the Roman Wall^ of which Mr. J. P. Gibson and Mr. F. Gerald Simpson
have sent us an off-print from the Proceedings of the Newcastle Antiquaries.
Giving the results of excavation of High House Milecastle and Three
Turrets near Birdoswald, it presents a dilemma to Professor Haverfield by
its crucial fact or proposition that the pottery found in the milecastle and
turrets immediately west of Birdoswald (north of and away from the frag-
ment of turf-wall) closely corresponds in its early second century type with
that found in other places along the Wall where, according to the hypothesis,
the murus had replaced an original turf wall on the same site. * To accept
the turf wall theory now,' says this incisive argument, * would imply that
this pottery, so definitely assigned to the earlier part of the second century
by results obtained from widely scattered British and Continental sites, was
in common use in and later than 208 A.D. In view of such evidence, so
strongly confirmed by that of the coins, we can only conclude that this
portion of the Wall of Stone was the work of Hadrian.'

Corstopitum : Report on the Excavations in 1910 (4to, pp. 125), is an
off-print from the Archacologia Aeliana of an excellent group of articles
by Mr. R. H. Forster, Mr. W. H. Knowles, Professor Haverfield, Mr.
H. H. E. Craster, Professor A. Meek and Mr. R. A. H. Gray. It is a very
systematic and wholly satisfactory account of the digging done in 1910,
and is handsomely equipped with a large plan and a great many illus-
trations. These include the fine altar to Jupiter Dolichenus and to
Brigantia, various views of buildings, etc., pieces of wood (one of them a
tent-peg), bronze buttons, studs, and ornaments, about a score of fibulae,
scabbard tips, pieces of scale armour, pins, fine bits of Samian and grey
barbotine ware (the last including a companion figure to the 'Harry Lauder'
found in 1 909), and a selection of bones.

Mr. Craster, dealing with the coins, compares them with those re-
covered at Newstead. He remarks on the indications that Newstead
was unoccupied circa 100—140 A.D., and points out that the coins found at
Corbridge raised no such suggestion for Corstopitum. While the year's
operations gave no such windfall as the gold coins which have equally
gratified and tantalized the explorers in 1911, and while the reporters
are chary of general historical inferences from their work, the yield
of 1910, now handsomely recorded, has well repaid the steady archaeological
effort which produced it.

The volume from which the report is an off-print is the Archaeologia
Aeliana^ edited by R. Blair. Third series. Volume VII. (4to. Pp. xl,
392. With many Plates and Illustrations. Newcastle-upon-Tyne : Reid &
Co. 1911.) Besides the report it contains articles (i) on Thomas Wandles
and Patrick Wait, two stirring seventeenth century parsons of county Dur-
ham, by Dr. H. E. Savage, Dean of Lichfield ; (2) on north country deeds

o

210 Current Literature

from Burton Agnes, by Mr. William Brown ; (3) on the hearth and chimney
tax at Newcastle in 1665, by Mr. Richard Welford ; (4) on the struggle
between merchant and craft gilds there in 1515, by Dr. F. W. Dendy ;
(5) concerning Ilderton and the three Middletons, by Mr. J. Crawford
Hodgson ; and (6) on Durham seals, by that venerable and veteran arch-
aeologist, Canon Greenwell, being a first section, consisting of no fewer
than 828 items, exactly described, and in 142 instances photographically
reproduced.

Needless to say, all this means that Mr. Blair has had the editing of a
mass of good work. The first article makes reference to the Scots in the
Bishop's war, and their * ridiculously easy victory at Newburn in August
1640,' after which they held Newcastle for a year. Mr. Brown's docu-
ments include a letter from Aymer de Valence to the triours (choosers) of
two wapentakes in the East Riding of Yorkshire, warning them of news
1 that the Scots, enemies of our lord the King are mustering to come in all
the force they can to burn and destroy the land of Northumberland,' and
requiring them to have their men-at-arms and foot at Morpeth on Qth
September, so as to * check the malice of the aforesaid enemies.' The date
is 26 August [1315]. Probably the rumour of invasion was a false
alarm.

Mr. Welford's story of the agitation against the tax on * fire-hearths ' is
a reminder that the interest of eminently domestic politics is no discovery
of the twentieth century. Dr. Denby parallels the antagonism of merchant
and craftsman in Newcastle by the example of Scottish burghs. At New-
castle, in 1515, the craft fellowship banded themselves against the mayor
and aldermen, using the ominous words, * We have as good men now as
they were that slew and killed their mayor before.' Overtures of arbitra-
tion failed. A petition went to the king alleging the right of the mercers
to buy and sell all wares. The artificers replied that they also had that
liberty. A Star Chamber commission decided in favour of the merchants.
Pleadings and depositions printed show interesting testimonies as to trading
practices.

Mr. Hodgson, though chiefly concerned with pedigree and property
descent, is in the thick of border history with the Ildertons, Middletons,
and Rutherfords, notorious among whom was Gilbert de Middleton, who
robbed the cardinals and was executed for rebellion in 1316. As for the
catalogue of Durham seals, with its precision and science (for which, no
doubt, some little of the merit is due to the collation by Mr. C. H. Blair),
it is a mine of north country armorial sigillary record. The list embraces
a series of Balliol, Brus, and Cumyn seals. The reproductions are well
done. But what interests most in the paper is its proof that the motto
prefixed about time antiquating antiquity suffers glorious exception in
Canon Greenwell, still modern in spite of time.

Two Voices: ferses in Scots and English ; by Stewart A. Robertson (8vo.
Pp. viii, 123. MacLehose : 1911. Price 45. net), will afford gratification
to lovers of minor verse by its various reflection of the earnest Scottish
spirit in moods both grave and gay. CA Sermon in Yarrow' happily
blends the two. Lines dedicated to Stratford, Dryburgh, and Kirk

Current Literature 2 1 1

Alloway are pleasant homage to the immortals. Drummond too has his
sonnet :

* And thus thy fame shall Time's strong sieges brave
While Esk runs on, in hearing of thy grave.'

Stirling is with Mr. Robertson an abiding inspiration, yet his love of
Scotland moves him still more, and touches his verse with an emotion
which the Scottish reader cannot fail to share.

Shearer s Illustrated Historical Handbook to Stirling, Stirling Castle and
Neighbourhood (8vo. Pp. viii, 148. Stirling : Shearer & Son. is. net)
may be heartily commended for useful and relevant sketches of build-
ings, monuments and relics, and for plans of the town, the castle, the
field of Bannockburn, etc. It contains a great deal of general information
about a deeply interesting district. The chronological list of notable events
is a capital idea capable of very great improvement in execution.

The King's Knot is accounted for by elaborate theories in which no
room is found for the one historical fact — that Knot meant a garden laid
out with ornamental paths.

The account of Bannockburn appears to be that of Sir Evelyn Wood,
written in 1872 ; it does not seem to have been revised under the
more modern lights.

Mr. John E. Shearer has issued a second edition of his Fact and Fiction in
the Story of Bannockburn (Pp. xix, 128. Stirling : R. S. Shearer & Son.
1911. is.). The same author's The Battle of Dunblane Revised
(Pp. 28. Same publishers. Price, 6d.) is first an unpersuasive appeal to
change the name of Sheriffmuir (the title the battle received in 1715
and has maintained ever since) ; second, an argument about its precise
site, and, third, a plea that Rob Roy, despite observations of some historians
and ballad makers of the time upon his presence and masterly inactivity,
did not really arrive on the field until the battle was over. As to the
site the dispute is a dispute of nothing : according to the Earl of Mar's
despatches, the engagement took place 'on the end of the Sheriffmuir,'
which is surely distinct enough. As to Rob Roy we may well try with
Mr. Shearer to give him the benefit of the doubt, leaving the contrary
position to be maintained by those whom it may concern.

The Dutch Republic and the American Revolution, by Friedrich Edler
(8vo, pp. 252. Baltimore : The Johns Hopkins Press. 1911), is a fully
informed study of the policy of the Dutch towards Great Britain during the
war with the revolted colonies. Professedly neutral, Holland nevertheless
for a time supplied the Americans with gunpowder and arms, and her
sympathies throughout were anti-British. Her refusal to lend the Scots'
Brigade to Britain was significant of her attitude, and at last war was
declared by Britain upon her in 1780. In 1783 she followed in the wake
of France in making a treaty of commerce recognising American indepen-
dence, but, after the peace of 1784 with Britain, it became evident that
Dutch interests had suffered severely through the countenance shown to
America. Indeed, Dr. Edler has ample ground for his final proposition

212 Current Literature

that the United Provinces of Holland must * be considered the real and only
victims of the American Revolution.'

Morven, an anonymous novel (Cr. 8vo. Pp. 177. Gleaner Bookroom,
Huntingdon, Quebec), is a realistic romance of the settlement hardships and
adventures of Hebridean emigrants to Canada in 1770.

Political Unions, by Herbert A. L. Fisher (8vo. Pp. 31. Oxford:
Clarendon Press. 1911. is. net) was the Creighton lecture delivered in
the University of London in November. Surveying the historical unions,
e.g. of Norway and Sweden, Holland and Belgium, Spain and Portugal,
England and Scotland, England and Ireland, and comparing them with the
cases of the United States, of Canada, of Australia, and lastly and chiefly,
of South Africa, Mr. Fisher, out of the conflict of conditions which make
or mar successful union, deduces the necessity of a foundation not upon
conquest but upon consent. He describes very graphically the making of
the South African constitution, and declares that the minutes of the Con-
vention which framed it are more instructive and important than any other
body of political literature, with the exception of the Acts of the first
assembly of revolutionary France. He points out that, as compared with
other colonial and federative constitutions, the grant of national as opposed
to provincial authority to the parliament and government reaches its climax
in South Africa.

The second Warton lecture on English Poetry is by Professor Couthorpe
on The Connexion between Ancient and Modern Romance. It has been
reprinted from the Proceedings of the British Academy (Pp. 16. London :
Frowde. is.). Its chief propositions are that Greek literary models must
have influenced the trouveres, and that there was certainly virtue in Madame
de StaeTs popularizing of * classic ' as ancient Greek and Roman, and
' romantic ' as connected with the traditions of chivalry. The one essential
link of his first argument is a passage of parallel from the Roman de Cliget,
stated to have been imitated from the Greek, and that passage is unfor-
tunately not quoted.

The Clarendon Press Kenilworth, edited by A. D. Innes, with 47 illus-
trations (Pp. xii, 568. Price, 2s.), is provided with an introduction
explaining the liberties of chronology which Sir Walter took in the
romance, and is elucidated by 27 pp. of sound glossarial and historical
notes. A loose sentence in the preface makes Mary Stuart the instigator
of * Protestant' plots against the throne of Elizabeth, but otherwise Mr.
Innes duly places the novel in its time, and distinguishes between the fact
and fancy of its incidents in relation to the meridian of 1575. The notes
do not extend the references of Scott himself for the Kenilworth entertain-
ments of that year made use of as setting for the tale. A paragraph, too,
might have been well bestowed on the alchemist, as doubtless a transfer or
at least an * influence ' from Ben Jonson.

To the same series, price 2s. each, Mr. Henry Frowde adds Scott's Fair
Maid of Perth (cr. 8vo, pp. xxiv, 522, with 34 illustrations) and Peveril of
the Peak (pp. xlviii, 658, with 30 illustrations). They are well-executed

Current Literature 213

reprints with text and apparatus complete. Scott wins his own welcome
always, and loses nothing of attraction in this latest form.

We have received David Jayne Hill's World Organization as affected
by the nature of the Modern State, one of the Columbia University Lectures
(Columbia University Press, New York. Pp. ix, 214. Demy 8vo. 1911.
6s. 6d. net). Papers on Inter-Racial Problems, consisting of very interesting
communications on racial topics made to the First Universal Races Con-
gress held at the University of London in July, 1911. These, which
range from * The Problem of Race Equality ' to < The Press as an Instru-
ment of Peace,' are edited by the Hon. Organizer, G. Spiller (P. S. King
& Son, London. Pp. xlvi, 485. 8vo. 1911. 7s.6d.net).

Aberdeen University Library Bulletin. No. I. October, 1911 (pp. ill),
initiates an enterprise of the Library Committee, who propose to issue a
Bulletin each October, January, and April of the academic term, giving
classified lists of books acquired, with occasional reports and bibliographic
notes. The new publication is handsome, systematic and clear, and will be
a guiding light to many a book-committee.

Its merits reflect the bibliographical knowledge and experience of the
editor, Dr. P. J. Anderson, whose learning, both as antiquary and as Uni-
versity librarian, is honoured wherever Aberdeen sends her records or her
sons.

Vol. II, No. 6, of the Publications of the Clan Lindsay Society, Edinburgh,
1911, edited for the Board of Management by John Lindsay, M.D., has
a considerable paper on the Lindsays of Fairgirth, in the Stewartry of
Kirkcudbright, by the editor. It begins with an unfortunate error in
stating that the Lordship of Galloway was granted to the Douglases by
Robert II., instead of David II. The paper however collects much
valuable material both about Fairgirth, in Southwick parish, and about
Auchenskeoch, an adjacent property. The fragmentary ruin of Auchen-
skeoch tower is shewn in a sketch by Dr. Lindsay, who, in a second paper,
deals shortly with the office of royal falconer, held by one of the Lindsays
of Auchenskeoch from 1529. These publications give signs of promise for
Scots history from the Clan Lindsay Society.

Mr. George Turner has reprinted from the Stirling Journal his paper,
read last year to the Stirling Natural History and Archaeological Society, on
The Ancient Iron Industry of Stirlingshire and Neighbourhood (pp. 20).
It gives an intelligent account of iron-working on the Forth, beginning
with the dubious evidences from prehistoric or unrecorded slag-heaps
and the like, and tracing from the fourteenth century the definite story of
the industry down to present times. The Carron Works naturally fill the
chief place in the record, which we trust Mr. Turner will supplement
by continued studies on this neglected and rather difficult subject.

Bibliotheca Celtica (8vo. Pp. viii, 123. Aberystwyth. 1910), the first of
an annual series projected by the National Library of Wales, is a register of
publications relating to Wales and the Celtic peoples and languages for the

214 Current Literature

year 1909. Authors, publishers and printers are invited to contribute
information for these useful bibliographical lists in future years.

The Queen Margaret College Reading Union's Year Book 1911 consists
chiefly of a lecture by Professor J. L. Morison, entitled c The Scottish
Highlander.' It is a noteworthy and eloquent estimate of the Highland-
man, a fine tribute, not without a certain wistful emotion, to the
Highland virtues, and a reluctant acknowledgment of a central lack of
practical efficiencies needed to keep the Highlands abreast of the age.
Hence the conclusion — * the days of the proud old Highland realm in
Scotland are almost over, and Britain is the poorer for it.' A working
bibliography is appended, which is itself a succinct appreciation of the
general literature of and about the Scottish Gael.

Most important of the articles in the English Historical Review for Octo-
ber is that of Professor Tout on ' Firearms in England in the Fourteenth
Century,' including an appendix of extracts about gunpowder and artillery
of various kinds from 1334 to 1399. It should go far to dispel the lingering
doubt there was about the use of guns at Crecy, vouched for by Giovanni
Villani, who died in 1348, as well as by French chroniclers of the time.
The evidence of their employment just after Crecy, at the siege of Calais
in 1 346, is amply confirmed by the extracts.

Professor Haskins completes his striking comparisons and examination
of relationships between England and Sicily in the twelfth century, estab-
lishing many obvious and many more subtle links of connection in the
administrations. Dr. J. H. Round skilfully unearths not only the personal
pedigree but the hidden story of the sergeanty of the Weigher of the
Exchequer, tracking both back to the Conqueror's time.

Other papers deal with the * Great Fear,' the panic of 1789, in Touraine ;
with a piece of an Abingdon Chronicle, till now inedited ; with fresh texts
of the thirty-seven conclusions of the Lollards, and with a legend of the
Emperor Sigismund's visit to England in 1416. Professor Firth prints
documents about Cromwell and Sir Henry Vane, which strongly tend
to negative charges made in Ludlow's Memoirs against the Protector
of personal oppression of Vane.

Notes and Queries for Somerset and Dorset (June and September) contains
in its never-failing store of manuscript matter part of an index to the
Secretum of Abbot Walter de Monington of Glastonbury (1341-74). In it,
under the heading * De Servicio Regis,' there are these entries :

1 Quietclamancia domini lohannis de Bellocampo de 1. marcis pro servicio
domini regis in Socie.

' Litera comitis marescalli de servicio Scocie.

1 Item litera vicecomitis Dorset' de recepcione Scotorum et condicione
eorum usque Abbotisburi de precepto regis facta abbati.'

We may hazard the comment that the last entry must refer to Thomas
son of William de la Rynde and Henry son of Thomas of Eton, Scots
hostages for Berwick-on-Tweed, ordered to be transferred from Glastonbury
to Abbotsbury on 2O April, 1339 (Foedera, ii, 1079 : Bain's Calendar, iii,
No. 1 308). For condicione ought one not to read conductione ? Perhaps one

Current Literature 215

of the learned editors, Rev. F. W. Weaver or Rev. C. H. Mayo, could
throw further light on these entries in the Secretum^ or oblige with a
supplementary transcript. Of course there had been very active military
operations by the English in Scotland between 1336 and 1339, which the
servicium Scocie no doubt denotes.

The Rutland Magazine (July) has a lecture on Oakham Castle by Mr.
A. Hamilton Thompson, who incidentally discusses the famous horse-shoe
custom of Oakham, and illustrates the subject with recent examples,
including the shoe contributed by < Baron Kelhead Viscount Drumlanrig
1894.' On the origin of the custom Mr. Hamilton falls back on the
opinion given long ago by Mr. Hartshorne. * He, looking at various
documents of Edward I.'s reign, found there was a money payment
charged by the bailiff of Oakham for the passage of vehicles through the
town. The giving of the horse-shoe may have arisen from the commuta-
tion of the money paid for carriages, or even more probably it may have
been simply a custom paid by noblemen riding on horseback through the
town.' This does not go far to solve the problem of this curious differential
tax, charged only on noble visitors riding into Oakham.

Old Lore Miscellany (July) has a brisk account by Mr. A. Francis
Steuart of the adventurous career of Gilbert Balfour, of Westray, com-
panion of John Knox in the galleys in 1 547, a plotter and man without
God (as Knox styled him) all his life, and at last executed by King John
of Sweden in 1576.

The number for October shews an increasing tendency, not to be
encouraged, towards place-name etymology, a quest apt to lead to small
enduring result. The Rev. D. Beaton gives some account of the church
records of Canisbay in Caithness, but his extracts are meagre. The
ministers of Caithness in 1650 took the royalist side and were * deposed by
the Generall Assemblie of the Kirk for their complyance with James
Grahame excommunicate in his rebellion and shedding the blood of the
countrie.'

In the Modern Language Review (October) Dr. L. E. Kastner proves
that much of Drummond of Hawthornden's poetry is felicitous translation
from Tasso, varied by minor adaptations from Luigi Groto, Lodovico
Paterno, and Valerio Belli.

The Anglo-Russian Literary Society's Proceedings (February, March, April,
1911) contain a paper on Scots in Russia by Mr. A. Francis Steuart, who
collects the names and records the acts of a good many Scottish military
and medical sub-celebrities who made their careers in Russia, including
General Carmichael and General Patrick Gordon, Admiral John Elphin-
stone, and Doctors James Mounsey and John Rogerson.

In the Juridical Review for October Mr. Arthur Betts has a not very
perspicuous paper on ' Co-heiresses,' in the matter of carrying the Great
Gold Spur at the coronation. The writer might have found Scottish
material of relevant collateral interest and pungency in John Riddell's

216 Current Literature

Scottish Peerages, Appx. No. viii., wherein our acrid but profound peerage
lawyer pointed out the iniquities of Alexander Sinclair, Esq., ' in compiling
and concocting his Dissertation ' (upon Heirs-Mali).

The October number of the Berks, Bucks and Oxon. Archaeological
Journal has the usual store of epitaphs and records, among the latter an
interesting manorial survey of Windsor in 1387.

The Home Counties Magazine (September), in its profusion of matters
archaeological concerning the south-eastern shires, deals with some general
themes of interest, such as the Northmen in the Thames, and extracts from
church records of Kent, Surrey, and the capital. An autobiography of
one Michael Lane describes his mother as a daughter of Michael Impey,
brother of Macaulay's Sir Elijah Impey, and as * descended from the clan of
Fraser in Scotland, and Lord Lovat (who was beheaded for rebellion . . .
before I was born) was her first cousin.'

Scotia for Lammas has a note on the numbers who fought at Harlaw
by Mr. Evan M. Barren, on Hamilton of Bangor by Mr. J. G. Hamilton-
Grierson, and on the Otterburri memorial at Southdean. It has plates of
the new chapel of the Order of the Thistle in St. Giles, one shewing the
beautiful carved woodwork of the stalls.

Scotia for Martinmas expresses its great self-satisfaction in bringing to a
close its first series of * five handsome volumes.' Legitimately priding itself
on its pictorial enrichments, it continues to justify the tribute thus paid to
the artistic contributions by reproducing H. C. P. Macgoun's expressive
' Little Naturalist,' a charming Scottish interior. A historical paper by Mr.
C. F. M. Maclachlan, is half-commentary on, half-extract from, the Privy
Council Register, and of course throws lively and striking vernacular side-
lights on the sixteenth century.

The Gallovidian (published quarterly by Maxwell & Son, Dumfries,
illustrated, price 6d.), in its autumn number, presents its customary variety
of biography, poetry, and picturesque topography.

The American Historical Review (Oct.) opens with a paper on the under-
lying imperial purpose of Augustus in the composition of the Res Gestae
and the inscription of the monument at Ancyra. British institutions
furnish two themes, one the significance of the concentration of juries
under John in July, 1213, and the other the constitution and functional
operations of the Board of Trade, with especial reference to the American
plantations. The latter essay, by Mary P. Clarke, will be welcomed equally
for the detailed sketch of the institution and its working, from its be-
ginning in the spring of 1696 down to 1730, and for the notice of its multi-
farious tasks of colonial administration. The judgment in the well-known
Dred Scott slavery case, in 1857, which so greatly disappointed the hopes of
emancipation and helped to precipitate the ultimate crisis, is subjected to a
searching and hostile scrutiny by Mr. E. S. Corwin, who points out its
political motives, and declares it ' a gross abuse of trust ' which shattered the
reputation of the court pronouncing it. Probably, however, the most striking

Current Literature 217

article in the number is one in which Mr. Richard Krauel prints, for the
first time, a letter of Prince Henry of Prussia, brother of Frederick the Great,
in 1787, placing finally beyond doubt the fact that when the American
Constitution was a-making he was approached through General Steuben
and an ex-president of Congress on behalf of a considerable party in America,
with a view to his becoming head of a monarchical state. His preliminary
answer, now published, is purely tentative, and there were evidently possi-
bilities until the 'Prussian scheme' received its quietus a month or two
later, when the Convention of Philadelphia adopted a federal constitution
for the republic.

A communication by Mr. David W. Parker is particularly full of
information of all kinds about the equipment and internal condition
of the still youthful States in 1808. It gives the text of an important
series of secret reports made to British Government authorities by
John Howe, a very able journalist and king's printer of Nova Scotia, after
extended journeys and enquiries into the attitude and preparation of the
States towards Great Britain when the countries were at acute variance,
though still at peace.

The October number of the Iowa Journal of History and Politics
contains a translation of a very singular Dutch pamphlet of 1848, Eene
Stem uit Pella (A voice from Pella), by the preacher H. P. Scholte,
being a narrative of the settlement of Hollander emigrants in Iowa at
Pella. Reading like an emigration agent's advertisement with a sermon
running through it, the paper has the further interest of reflecting con-
temporary conditions on religious freedom in Holland.

Maryland Historical Magazine (September), published at Baltimore by
the Maryland Historical Society, contains excellent material, much of it
original. Letters of a Maryland merchant in 1750 are edited, by
Mr. L. C. Wroth. Land Notes, 1634-55, shew very many transactions,
settlements, and transmissions. Documents printed include correspondence
about the Key-Evans duel with pistols in 1671, when the two 'met and
fired at each other, but without Damage or hurt to either party.'

Included also are letters of October-November, 1859, regarding designs
* by certain misguided and fanatical persons ' to make an excursion into
Virginia 'for the purpose of attempting to rescue from the custody of the
law the parties concerned in the late treasonable outrage at Harper's Ferry,'
*.*. the famous John Brown raid. The Governor calls for help to keep
order, especially ' on the day appointed for the execution of the Criminal
Brown.'

Missouri Historical Society Collections, Vol. Ill, No. 3, published by the
Society at St. Louis, begins with the Hon. G. A. Finkelnburg's sketch of
St. Louis under France, 1764-70, Spain, 1770-1804, and the United
States, since their acquisition of it, along with a vast territory in the west,
under the treaty of 1803 with Napoleon. Mr. Walter B. Douglas traces
the adventurous career, between 1798 and 1811, of Manuel Lisa, a pioneer
fur-trader and voyageur on the Mississippi and Missouri.

218 Current Literature

We welcome No. I Bulletin of the Department of History and of
Political and Economic Science in Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario,
Canada. It is The Colonial Policy of Chatham, by Professor W. L. Grant
of Queen's University (Pp. 1 6. Kingston : The Jackson Press), who is a
little rude to Professor Von Ruville, Chatham's biographer (in calling him
* a German plantigrade ' !), as well as to George III. (the * half-insane
ploughman ' !), and who thinks that through the * mist ' of Chatham's
rhetoric in 1775-78 there loomed ideas of a federal union with the
American Colonies. There is sturdy Scoto-Canadian stuff in this energetic
inaugural essay.

The Revue (THistoire Eccttsiastique (April last) contained an article on the
literary sources for the history of Christian origins in Sweden, and another
on the ' transformation ' of worship in England under Edward VI.,
including a special study of the Zwinglian and Calvinistic influences. A
critique, dealing with the work of M. Joseph Faurey on the marriage law of
the French Calvinists, shows interesting lines of parallel to the positions in
Scotland after the Reformation, as shown recently in our pages (S.H.R.
ix. 10).

In the Revue Historique (Sept.-Oct.) M. Marion presents numerous
illustrations of oppressive and essentially wrongful administration of the
laws against emigration during the Terror. He shows good reason for
denouncing as arbitrary, dangerous, and terrible these laws, which lent
themselves so readily to abuse through motives of cupidity, feud, and partisan
feeling. M. Hauser begins editing a translation from the very rare text
of the Acta Tumultuum Gallicanorum^ a Roman Catholic narrative of the
three first wars of religion, covering the years 1559-69. Such records from
the orthodox side in France were few. Mary Queen of Scots comes in for
mention in the first instalment as the honour of her sex, who, on her return
to Scotland, had undergone a thousand adversities, even to the extent
of being imprisoned by her subjects. * But,' concludes the passage, < woman
though she was, she knew to show all the zeal of the house of Guise
for religion and constancy.'

The Nov.-Dec. issue begins an important paper on the Gallican crisis
of 1551, discussing the policy of Henry II. of France, following on the
election of Pope Julius III., as affecting the designs of Charles V.
Another incomplete contribution concerns the constitutional movement in
Prussia, 1 840-47. A further instalment of the Acta Tumultuum contains
grave charges of ferocity against the Huguenots. New documentary
matter is brought to light on the career of Dominique de Gourgues,
famous for his exploit in 1567-68, when, gentilhomme catholique though he
was, he avenged the massacre by the Spaniards of French Protestant
colonists in Florida by a counter-massacre in the Spanish settlement. His
will, made in 1582, is now printed.

In the Archiv fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen for
October there is reprinted Mr. Frank Miller's paper, read to the antiquaries
of Dumfries, on * Kinmont Willie.' Mr. Miller is on the side of the
angels in siding with Mr. Lang, and against Col. Elliot, on the question of
Scott's share in this brave and stirring ballad.

Communications and Replies

BISHOP WARDLAW AND THE GREY FRIARS. The rise
of the two great Mendicant Orders of the Grey and the Black Friars in
the early years of the thirteenth century may be said to have saved the
Church from complete disaster, and naturally there existed between the
two organisations, for a period of at least two centuries, a strong bond of
sympathy and friendship. The Acta of the Chapters General of the
Grey Friars are not extant, but in those of the Black Friars instructions are
repeatedly issued for the due exercise of the rites of hospitality to those of
their Franciscan brethren l who chanced to be in the neighbourhood of
their priories. On the other hand, the Grey Friars, after the death of St.
Francis, recognised from the practice of their rivals the advantage, if not
actual necessity, of learning as an effective weapon in their fight against
ignorance and vice ; and although little is known regarding the details of
their educational system, it was from among their ranks that many of the
most distinguished scholars in pre-Reformation times arose. The functions
allotted to each of the Orders were separate and distinct ; but both main-
tained an equally close connection with all the leading Universities in
Europe.

The Black Friars crossed the Tweed in 1 230, and entered the town of
Berwick, in the outskirts of which they founded their first priory. Thence
they seem, without loss of time, to have pushed northward to Edinburgh,
and gradually from that centre established priories in all the leading burghs.
A mission of the Grey Friars reached Berwick in 1231, and erected a
friary among their friends the poor in the slums of that burgh, which, in
these days, was the most prosperous and probably the largest town in the
country. Their subsequent movements, however, were slow, owing to the
desire, from their friendship towards their rivals, not to establish themselves
in any place where Dominican priories were to be found. While, there-
fore, they founded a priory at Haddington, they passed over both Edinburgh
and St. Andrews, and in this way Dundee became their most northerly
limit. It is on record that the Bishop of Moray,2 c. 1284, strongly urged
their acceptance of a friary in his city of Elgin, but the gift, from a sense
of loyalty to their Dominican brethren, was refused. The same reason
prevented the latter from imposing their presence in Dumfries, where, c.

1 Of course cases of friction and quarrelling did occur ; but these were dis-
countenanced by the respective Chapters General.

2 Reg. Episc.Moraviensis, p. 281 ; Scottish Grey Friars, i. 361.

220 Bishop Wardlaw and the Grey Friars

1262, the Grey Friars had erected a house; and they accordingly trans-
ferred their services to the burgh of Wigtown.

Now, when Bishop Henry Wardlaw, in the beginning of the fifteenth
century, founded the University at his episcopal city of St. Andrews, there
existed within that royal burgh a priory of Black Friars, with its schools
and coterie of men of learning ; and, with the object of further increasing
the classical atmosphere round his new University, he resolved to call in the
aid of the Grey Friars. The fact is briefly noted under the year 1466 in
Luke Wadding's Annales MinorumJ- and referred to in my work on the
Scottish Grey Friars.2 In the Annales there is a reference to a page of the
Regesta in which all Bulls are recorded, and there can be no question that
a 'Bull of Erection' must have been issued. My learned friend, Dr.
Maitland Thomson, whose researches in the Papal Records at the Vatican as
well as among our native muniments are well known, has discovered the
original entry in the MS. Register of Petitions 3 to the Pope on which the
Bull was founded, and a copy is herewith appended. It will be seen that the
deed proceeds on the narrative that Bishop Henry, from his singular regard
to the Conventual branch of the Grey Friars, had granted them a certain
place called Betleon in the city of St. Andrews, on which a friary had been
erected, and duly occupied for a period of ' forty years and more, as they
presently possess the same.' The Provincial Vicar and his friars, thereupon,
petitioned his Holiness to confirm the grant and absolve the friars from any
breach of the apostolic statutes. The Petition was confirmed by Pope
Paul II. on 1 4th March, 1465-6 ; but owing to some errors in transcription,
the document was re-recorded and re-confirmed seven days later, when the
name Betleon was altered to Bethlehem. That Bishop Wardlaw, for the
reason already mentioned, desired the presence in St. Andrews of the Con-
ventual Grey Friars, and that he offered them a site for a friary, there is
every reason to believe ; but of the further allegation that a Conventual
friary had actually been erected and in occupation for a period of forty
years and more, there exists considerable doubt. It is to be remembered
that, so far as is known, not a scrap of evidence in support of such a
contention is to be found either in our native or even in the extant
Franciscan records ; while an extensive and close examination of all the
Bullaria has failed to discover a single reference to such a friary. Then,
when we turn to the Petition itself, we find that the signature of the
Conventual Vicar is wanting, and that the deed is undated. From
internal evidence, it must have been written shortly before its con-
firmation in 1466 ; whereas, under the Cum ex eo* of Boniface VIII., the
friars were strictly forbidden to accept any site for a friary, unless
the consent of the Curia had been previously obtained. Penalties, no

1xiii. 390. 2i. 57.

8 Dr. Maitland Thomson explains in a letter that this is a voluminous record of
about twenty volumes per annum ; that it is * extended ' in different handwritings
from the finest copper-plate to the verge of illegibility ; and that the grammar is
often puzzling.

I. Franc, iv. 424, No. 105.

Bishop Wardlaw and the Grey Friars 221

doubt, were often remitted in cases where the Petition had been lodged be-
fore the completion of the buildings. The Petition now printed cannot,
therefore, be that originally sent by the Conventual Vicar ; and it is
possible to identify it as simply an office document drawn up by the
officials of the Papal Chancery for the purposes of confirmation under the
following circumstances.

As will be readily understood, the amount of work annually transacted
in the office of the Chancery was enormous, with the result that it
remained at all times in a state of arrear, extending, with the exception
of specially favoured cases, to a period of several years. Consequently,
on receipt of the original Petition by the Vicar, the document was,
like other office business, pigeon-holed until the fitting opportunity
for attention should arrive, and there it must have lain unnoticed until the
year 1466. Immediately on discovery, an office copy embodying the
contents of the original was drawn up for confirmation. But by this time
a new body of Grey Friars — the Observants — had been introduced into St.
Andrews by Bishop Kennedy, and it was their presence that misled the
officials into the statement that a Conventual friary had been erected and
occupied for ' forty years and more, as they presently possess the same.'
Of course the Bull depended entirely on the petition for the details, and,
in this respect, both documents form one transaction. Unfortunately, as I
learn from Dr. Maitland Thomson, the volume of the Regesta has dis-
appeared— probably carried off by the French in the time of Napoleon —
and this fact may account for the non-appearance of the Bull in any of the
printed Bullaria. There still remains the disturbing factor that no re-
ference, native or foreign, to the friary in question, has yet been published.
It is possible that, in these days of keen historical research, some reference
may turn up ; but on the whole I am inclined to the opinion that the
place known as Bethlehem in the city of St. Andrews still remained, in
the year 1466, untenanted by the Conventual Grey Friars, and that the
generous intentions of Bishop Wardlaw had, through the delay — nearly
fifty years — in the issue of the * Bull of Erection ' been frustrated.

W. Mom BRYCE.
APPENDIX.

Beatissime Pater, Olim bone memorie Henricus Episcopus Sanctiandree
propter singularem devotionem quam ad ordinem fratrum minorum gerebat tune
vicario Scotie ejusdem ordinis concessit quendam locum de Betleon nuncupatum
in civitate Sanctiandree pro usu et habitatione fratrum ejusdem ordinis, per ipsum
et pro tempore existentem vicarium deputandorum et eligendorum construi et
edificari facere posse concessit facultatem, cujus concessionis pretextu dictus locus
per fratres religiosos conventuales dicti ordinis constructus et edificatus ac per
quadraginta annos et ultra possessus extitit pacifice et quiete prout adhuc possidetur
de present!. Supplicatur igitur humiliter sanctitati vestre pro parte vicarii et
fratrum dicti ordinis regni Scotie quatenus concessionem hujusmodi ac inde secuta
quecunque rata et grata habentes ilia cum suppletione defectuum quorumcunque
in illis forsan intervenientium auctoritate apostolica confirmare et approbare et
nichilominus locum predictum cujus fructus etc. solum in elemosinis consistunt
eidem ordini de novo concedere et pro perpetua habitatione fratrum dicti ordinis

222 Bishop Wardlaw and the Grey Friars

donare dignemini de gratia special!, constitutis et ordine apostolicis necnon ordinis
predict! statutis etc. ac aliis in contrarium facientibus non obstantibus quibus-
cunque, cum clausulis oportunis.

Concessum ut petitur in presentia domini nostri Pape, Tirason.

Et cum nova donatione etc. Concessum, Tirason.

Datum Rome apud Sanctum Marcum pridie Idus Martii anno secundo (1465-6).
[Register of Petitions to the Pofe, vol. 585, fbl. n verso (Paul II.)-]

Another petition with only slight verbal differences from the above. For
Betleon it reads Bethelem.

The conclusion is as follows : — Fiat ut petitur. P. Et cum nova donatione,
fiat cum consensu presentis ordinarii. P. Et quod litere gratis ubique de
mandate sanctitatis vestre expediantur non obstante quacunque prohibitione, etc.
Fiat ubique. P.

Datum Rome apud Sanctum Marcum duodecimo Kalendas Aprilis anno
secundo. [I Jem, fol. 100.]

In reading Mr. Bryce's book on the Scottish Grey Friars, I was struck by
his mention of a Papal Bull cited in the Annales Minorum, which seemed to
refer to a Franciscan House in Scotland not alluded to elsewhere. Failing to
find the Bull, I searched for and found the Petition on which the Bull pro-
ceeded, and which Mr. Bryce now publishes. For that, and especially for
his commentary, he deserves the thanks of all who are interested in the
subject. His account of the relations between Black Friars and Grey Friars
is most interesting, and serves to correct hasty inferences from what we
have heard of strenuous controversy between Thomist and Scotist. Dante
was right when he put the praises of St. Francis into the mouth of a
Dominican, and those of St. Dominic into the mouth of a Franciscan.
Moreover, Mr. Bryce's suggestion that Bishop Wardlaw's object in founding
(or wishing to found) a Greyfriars' House at St. Andrews was to strengthen
his new University, is not only plausible but luminous, and to my mind
carries conviction.

But how comes it that we have no further information about this house ?
For it cannot be identified with the House of Observantine Franciscans
founded at a later date ; indeed the Petition expressly calls it a House of
Conventual Friars. Mr. Bryce's view is that the Bishop's project did not
take effect. Now what he tells us of the understanding between Domini-
cans and Franciscans, that they should abstain from occupying the same
ground, is not conclusive on the point ; for he himself points to one excep-
tion to the rule — both Orders had Houses at Berwick-on-Tweed. And at
St. Andrews I conceive that the presence of a colony of Franciscans would
have meant not rivalry with the Dominicans but desire to cooperate in the
good work of fostering learning in the new University. And, while by no
means denying that the Papal chancery, like other chanceries, was capable
of wearisome delay, I have difficulty in admitting Mr. Bryce's postulated
delay of a whole generation between the framing of a Petition and its being
dealt with — analogy ought to be cited for this. As for the silence of record,
that is conclusive against the continuance of the House of Conventuals up
to the Reformation ; but is it conclusive against its having come into being,
and existed for some years ? That depends on the wealth or poverty of

Bishop Wardlaw and the Grey Friars 223

extant records likely to refer to the House. On that Mr. Bryce's experi-
ence is valuable, but I should like to see what other competent scholars
think ; specially what Mr. Maitland Anderson thinks.

Supposing that the silence of record between Bishop Wardlaw's gift and
the date of the Petition is not proof positive that the House never came into
existence, there is another theory which seems capable of accounting for
the known facts. The Observantine Franciscans settled in St. Andrews
on ground granted to them (so we learn from the Great Seal Register) by
Bishop Kennedy and his successor, Bishop Grahame. As to the date, we
have no trustworthy evidence — Aberdeen is the only early Observantine
settlement which can be dated by record. But Bishop Kennedy died probably
in May 1465, and Bishop Grahame's Provision was in November of that
year. The Petition, and (according to the Annales) the subsequently issued
Bull, are dated in March next following. Suppose, then, that the Observ-
antines were desirous to found a House, while the Conventuals possessed
one, built in Bishop Wardlaw's time, but not prospering, perhaps indeed
not occupied. It might naturally be arranged that the Conventuals should
resign their House into the hands of the Bishop, who thereupon granted it
to the Observantines. Bishop Kennedy dying immediately afterwards, the
arrangements would be left for his successor to complete. No Franciscans
could by their rules accept a House without Papal license. The Observ-
antines had such license, by the Bull of 1463 which Mr. Bryce reprints in
his book. But the Conventuals had not obtained any license, so there was,
so to speak, a flaw in the title, which could only be put right by Papal
absolution such as the Petition asks for, and the lost Bull granted. This
conjecture is given for what it is worth. Can the locality of ' Bethlehem '
be fixed by any St. Andrews topographer ?

As to the loss of the Bull, a word of explanation may be useful. The
Registers of the Dataria (now officially styled the Lateran Regesta) were
carried off to Paris by Napoleon. On his fall, a great part (the greater
part as I am informed) had disappeared. What remained was sent back to
Rome by the Prince Regent (afterwards George IV.) at his own expense ;
whereby (as I am informed) he greatly improved his prospects for the other
world. And in this world, I suppose we have here the explanation of the
fact that George IV. 's portrait by Sir Thomas Lawrence is the (sole) repre-
sentative of British art in the Vatican Picture Gallery.

J. MAITLAND THOMSON.

THE FINN-MEN (S.H.R. viii. 32, 442-444). Since the appearance
of my note on this subject, I have obtained additional information of a very
interesting nature, which, it can hardly be doubted, relates to the Finn-Men
and their kayaks.

In the Anthropological Museum, Marischal College, Aberdeen, there is a
well-preserved specimen of a kayak, which was acquired two centuries ago
under peculiar circumstances. Its history is given by Francis Douglas in
his General Description of the East Coast of Scot/and, from Edinburgh to
Cullen (Paisley, 1782). At the time of Douglas's visit to Aberdeen the
kayak was preserved in the Library of Marischal College, along with other

224 The Finn-Men

curiosities, and he thus refers to it in giving a summary of the objects that
specially attracted his attention :

* A Canoe taken at sea, with an Indian man in it, about the beginning
of this century. He was brought alive to Aberdeen, but died soon after
his arrival, and could give no account of himself. He is supposed to have
come from the Labradore coast, and to have lost his way at sea. The
canoe is covered with fish skins, curiously stretched upon slight timbers
very securely joined together. The upper part of it is about twenty inches
broad at the centre, and runs off gradually to a point at both ends.
Where broadest there is a circular hole, just large enough for the man to
sit in, round which there is a kind of girth, about a foot high, to which he
fixed himself, probably, when he did not use his oar, or padle ; which,
when he chose it, he stuck into some lists of skin, tied round the canoe, but
slack enough to let in the padle and some other aukward utensils which were
found stuck there. The canoe is about eighteen feet long, and slopes on
both sides, but the bottom is flat for three or four inches in the middle and
gradually sharpens as it approaches the extremities till it ends in a point.'

It will be noticed that the scene of the capture of the kayak and its occupant
is not clearly indicated by Douglas. c Taken at sea ' is vague enough. The
general impression conveyed, however, is that the locality was somewhere
off the British coasts. The unwritten belief which has been handed down
with the canoe in Aberdeen is that the capture took place in the North
Sea, not far from Aberdeen. This is very likely, in view of the fact that
at the period in question the Orkney Islands were frequently visited by
kayak-using l Finn-men.' That the captive taken to Aberdeen was one of
these people seems obvious. Douglas calls him * an Indian man,' but the
term c Indian ' was applied in a very general way in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries. It did not necessarily denote a person of very dark
complexion. Thus, the Eskimos were at one time spoken of as ' Esquimaux
Indians.' The Orkney kayak-man, whose canoe was preserved in the
Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh in I696,1 is referred to as a
1 barbarous man * in the minute-book of the Physicians. The two terms
were almost interchangeable.

Admitting that the Aberdeen kayak was found in British waters, as
seems probable, we have to consider the pregnant fact that, about the end
of the seventeenth century, no less than three kayaks, used in the seas
around our islands, were preserved in Scotland. Two of these were
taken in Orkney waters, one being preserved in the church of Burray and
the other in the Physicians' Hall in Edinburgh. The third was preserved
in Marischal College, Aberdeen, where it now is.

There is one other detail in the Aberdeen account to which some
reference must be made, even in a brief notice. This is the statement that
the captive ' could give no account of himself.' The reason is not specified.
He may have been too ill to speak coherently, or his language may have
been uncomprehended by his captors. As the Finn-Men were known as
* Finns ' in Shetland, and as * Finn ' connotes * Lapp ' among Norse people
(as the true Shetlanders are), it will be readily seen that a man who could

1 S.H.R. kc. cit.

The Finn-Men 225

only speak Lapp would be unintelligible to the ordinary Aberdonian. On
the other hand, Shetland tradition speaks of the Finns as quite conversant
with Shetlandic speech ; while Orkney tradition asserts that the Finn
women travelled about Caithness, Orkney, and Shetland, associating with
the people of these districts.

These are not the only matters deserving of consideration. Something
might be said, for example, of the ' aukward utensils ' found in the straps
of the canoe, and still to be seen in Marischal College. But such questions
can be discussed on another occasion. It may be added that Professor
Reid of Aberdeen, who confirms the general correctness of the measure-
ments given by Douglas, reports the weight of the kayak to be thirty-
four pounds.

DAVID

THE SCOTTISH EXHIBITION1 OF 1911, though far too large
a subject for adequate notice in these columns, was too significant an
expression of the national feeling for national history to admit of its being
allowed to go without at least a passing review. We have taken advantage
of the co-operation of several exhibitors and participators in the historical
side of the enterprise to draw up a short composite article on various
aspects of the Exhibition considered not only as a means to an end, in the
institution of a chair of Scots History in Glasgow University, but also as a
unique contribution to Scots History itself. No one who glances at the
Catalogue can doubt the value of the collection temporarily housed in the
Palace of History, or its testimony to the abiding spirit of the Scottish
people. That the response thus made to the appeal for an endowed chair
has to all appearance been handsomely answered, we must attribute to the
continuance unimpaired, if not on the contrary strengthened by the passage
of time, of the attribute of old asserted by Bartholomew Anglicus to belong
to the Scottish race, that they * delight in their own.' The popularity of
the Exhibition may be taken as the latest demonstration of the characteristic.

Whether, on the other hand, the historical value of the Exhibition in
its display of objects, paintings, and writings was of the highest possible
quality, need not be regarded as an ungracious question. The loan
collection was an experiment : the sectional committees were not all alike
experienced masters of their subject ; much of the material was volunteered
for exhibition : still choicer exhibits, it can hardly be doubted, might have
been procured. In short, to conclude that there might have been less
overlapping and a more perfect representation is not a querulous criticism
uttered too late ; it is a word of advice in season for the organizers of the
next analogous display, in that better Scotland which a chair of history is
to help to rear.

Professor Glaister and the various conveners and sub-committees of
sections may look back with gratification upon their work. In view of its
magnitude, they will not object to any strictures of its imperfections as a

1 Scottish Exhibition of National History, Art, and Industry, Glasgow (1911), Palace
of History Catalogue of Exhibits. Two volumes. 8vo. Pp. xiii, 1162. With
illustrations. Glasgow: Dalross, Limited. 1911. ios.6d.net.

P

226 The Scottish Exhibition

national expression or of the inevitable percentage of error in the Catalogue
which, with official permanence, registers the impression left by so many
things seen in so peculiarly interesting a conjunction. Some of these errors
are disquieting, such as the assignment to James I. of a letter (Netherlands
Section, Case 7, Number I, facsimile facing page 212) obviously signed
by James IV. and dated 1489. But the critic, remembering the pressure
against time under which the Catalogue was produced, will not wonder
that some mistakes escaped the eye of the general editor of a work of
uoo pages by over a score of contributors.

The Prehistoric room compelled attention by its number of typical
exhibits and the originality of its chronological classification, as did the
select Roman remains by their superb illustration of Roman life on
the Wall of Antoninus Pius. The Medieval and Burghal documents,
the Portraits, the Ecclesiastical relics and literature, the Domestic and old-
town antiquities, the Military accoutrements, the implements of Sport,
the Burns section, and the French, Swedish, Dutch, and Norse represen-
tation of the Scot abroad, each by their wealth of expressive exhibits,
had their votaries with preferences and exclusions. It would be invidious
to pretend to determine the order of historic priority : it will be possible
here only to glance at a very few aspects of the great collection.

Of all existing institutions none has such a past as the Church, and there
was the double advantage of a great collection to be its reliquary, and a
large bibliography to be its record. On this subject Mr. F. C. Eeles
writes :

THE ECCLESIASTICAL EXHIBITS at Kelvingrove fell naturally
into two sections— objects and books. Of what was actually there, it will
be enough to allude very briefly to the really wonderful collection of
bells, plate, tokens, alms dishes, collecting ladles, and pieces of church
woodwork. In the bells the Celtic period was more than worthily repre-
sented. Seldom if ever have so many Celtic quadrate bells been seen
together. Of actual church bells of mediaeval and later date there was a
really admirable show. Even in England with its thousands upon thousands
of bells there has never been the like. There was the beautiful little four-
teenth century bell from Anwoth, which the profanum vulgus pointed out as a
relic of Samuel Rutherfurd, oblivious of Rutherfurd's own books in a
neighbouring case. There was the splendid mediaeval bell from Bo'ness,
and the fragments of the famous ' Auld Lowrie ' from Aberdeen, cast at
Middelburg in 1634. Beside a series of 'deid-bells' from all over Scotland
there were token punches and moulds, hour glasses and their brackets, and
brackets for baptismal basins. A curious iron candlestick found at Rothesay,
perhaps mediaeval, and two fragments of altar slabs with incised consecra-
tion crosses, deserve special mention.

The books would almost demand separate treatment. In former exhibi-
tions a few mediaeval church MSS. and much Covenanting literature have
been shown more than once. Here, however, the whole of Scottish
ecclesiastical literature down to 1800 has been fully and worthily exhibited.
Not the works of the Covenanters only, but those of their descendants, the
Cameronians and Seceders, were displayed with great fulness. And we

The Scottish Exhibition 227

believe that the literature of the anti-Covenanting party, especially of Episco-
palian Aberdeen, was exhibited for the first time. Certainly the literature
of their descendants, the eighteenth century non-juring Episcopalians,
has never been shown before, and for the first time the whole liturgical
history of Scotland has been unfolded in detail from a facsimile of the Book
of Deer downwards. Several hitherto undiscovered mediaeval fragments
turned up, one of a thirteenth century Glasgow book. The excessively
rare Latin translation of the First Prayer Book made by Alexander Ales of
St. Andrews was there, and an edition of * Knox's Liturgy,' of which
experts did not seem able to trace the existence. The 1637 Prayer Book,
inaccurately called * Laud's,' was there, with other service books, to show
its real liturgical affinities, the 1620 Ordinal (one of two known copies), and
the finest series that has ever been shown of the numerous editions of the
Scottish Communion Office, which was gradually moulded into its present
shape at the time when the Penal Laws had reduced Scottish Episcopalians
to Sir Walter Scott's 'shadow of a shade.' Among kindred books were
several liturgical MSS. by learned eighteenth century Episcopalians that
were unknown even to liturgical experts.

The hymn books and the catechisms left something to be desired, and
the small group of pamphlets relating to the controversies of the Relief
Church were absent. Otherwise the ecclesiastical literature could scarcely
have been more complete.

It is true enough to say that such an exhibition of ecclesiastical exhibits
was never seen in Scotland before. But it is equally true to say that there
were serious deficiencies. Scotland shares with perhaps Norway the unen-
viable distinction of being the part of Europe poorest in ecclesiastical
remains of the past. This at least is the common opinion, and it is not
without foundation. Care ought to have been taken not to exaggerate the
nakedness of the land in this respect, and a great mistake was made in not
keeping all the ecclesiastical things together. The plate and the pewter
ought to have been beside the bells and the woodwork, and all liturgical
MSS. might have been shown together. The Covenants and the Cove-
nanting flags ought to have been near the long series of Covenanting
printed books, and Tullochgorum's gown and prayer book need not have
been so far from the other relics of northern Episcopacy.

But most serious was the lack of proper representation of the remains of
Celtic Christianity. The student of early Scotland, after passing through
the extraordinarily full series of exhibits representing the Stone, the Bronze,
and the Iron Ages, came to an abrupt stop when he left the Prehistoric
Gallery. All the early structures like brochs and lake dwellings were
represented in model and in plan, and by objects found in connexion with
them. The Viking period too was explained, and that not only by Scottish
remains, but by kindred relics from Norway. But the student looked in
vain for models and plans of the early West Highland churches : Teampull
Rona, Teampull Sula-sgeir, Egilshay, Eilean Naomh, were not there ;
there were no plans of the buildings in lona, no models or photographs of
the round towers of Brechin and Abernethy.

If Scotland be poor in ecclesiastical remains of mediaeval art she has a

228 The Scottish Exhibition

rich and unique possession in the extraordinary series of symbol-bearing
stones found throughout the Pictish district, fascinating because of the
mystery which still surrounds them, and forming a strange link between
Paganism and Christianity in the north-east. Yet these were not illustrated.
There was just one rubbing of a stone at Dyce, hung in the Prehistoric
Section, to show the symbols side by side with the cross, with one or two
pictures in another part of the building. There was a remarkable cross-
sculptured gravestone boulder from an island in the Aberdeenshire Dee,
like St. Columba's Pillow at lona, but that was all.

The Celtic Christianity of Scotland came from Ireland, and outside
Pictland it could have been admirably illustrated from Irish sources. If the
Viking period needed a Norwegian section to illustrate it, surely the Celtic
church needed an Irish section. The usefulness and also the possible rich-
ness of such a section are obvious.

The art of Celtic times lingered on in the West Highlands not only in
such things as targes, but also upon a fine series of monumental slabs.
These again were unrepresented except by a few pictures of Islay stones.
In the east of Scotland later ages produced monumental slabs of another
kind, sometimes brought from Holland, sometimes manufactured locally.
Again, with one exception there were neither photographs nor rubbings.
Scottish brasses can be counted on the fingers of one hand, yet none
were represented.

The writer has been perfectly candid, even if at his own expense as con-
vener of the section. In his defence he would say this much : (i) Space
was far too limited, and the Exhibition ought to have been in 1912 ; (2)
the Celtic remains and the Celtic mediaeval monuments fell between two
stools ; the work of the architectural section and of the ecclesiastical section
was not sufficiently clearly defined. Want of space was responsible for
another omission. To make up for the destruction of all mediaeval church
vestments and nearly all church ornaments, it was at one time intended to
provide a series of figures vested in reproductions of the dress of each grade
of the ministry at all times of their ministration, and a model Gothic altar,
showing its furniture and arrangement.

The writer has laid perhaps too much stress on the omissions. Looking
at it all round, it must be said that notwithstanding the faults that have
been freely admitted, the ecclesiastical part of the Exhibition was far in
advance of anything of the kind that has hitherto been attempted in
Scotland.

With reference to THE SCOTTISH PORTRAITS Mr. James L.
Caw contributes these observations : —

While it cannot be said that the collection of portraits of notable Scots-
men and women prior to 1830-40 was in any real sense complete, or that
it added quality to the knowledge of those who have devoted special
attention to Scottish Historical Portraiture, it can be claimed at least that
the series of portraits brought together in the Historical Section of the
Exhibition recently held in Glasgow presented an exceedingly interesting
resume" of the field dealt with, and Grangerised the * Palace of History ' in
an exceptionally handsome way.

DARNLEY AND HIS BROTHER

The Scottish Exhibition 229

Although the Scottish National Portrait Gallery contains a highly
important general collection, and the colleges and learned societies possess
many portraits of people distinguished in special walks of life, a large pro-
portion of the most interesting portraits of Scottish celebrities remain in
private hands. And as these are widely scattered, the task of locating them,
which is preliminary of course to any scheme of selection, is great. More-
over, even when that has been done, it is frequently impossible to obtain
on loan the particular portrait desired. If certain owners are willing and
some anxious to lend, others are reluctant or excuse themselves upon pre-
texts that no committee can overcome. In such circumstances one ought
not perhaps to expect too much from a loan collection, and, everything
considered, the Glasgow portraits formed a series which it would be
difficult to excel. The refusal of certain individuals and societies to lend
the most important, or perhaps the only portrait extant of some notable
Scot, no doubt deprived the collection of considerable interest and much
educational value, but conspicuous blanks were comparatively few, for the
committee seem to have tried to remedy such deficiencies by obtaining,
when they could, inferior originals, or, in some cases, copies.

On the other hand there was evident, here and there, a slackness in
accepting portraits of people of very minor importance, except in the
estimation of the families to which they belonged, and in exhibiting others
with little or no claim to be reliable likenesses of the distinguished person-
ages whose names they bore. To indicate which the latter were would be
invidious, and, as they were few in number and somewhat obvious, perhaps
unnecessary ; but careful comparison with authentic portraits would have
sufficed to discredit some, while others were at once out of court from
discrepancies in costume which made them impossible. As regards artistic
authenticity there was also considerable dubiety, and there were, but one
need not say where, a few instances of glaringly improbable attribution.
But while approximate accuracy in this direction is desirable, it is not only
difficult to obtain but inadvisable in a general loan collection which owes
its existence to the liberality of collectors.

In view of the difficulties involved and the genuine success attained,
these criticisms may seem unnecessary, but the possibility of their being
remedied on future occasions, even if a counsel of perfection, may at least
be hinted at.

Excellent though it was in intention and in execution, there is a relevant
and practical objection that might be made to the section of the catalogue
devoted to the portraits. Primarily intended to interest the general visitor
in the personages represented, and, through them, to stimulate an interest
in Scottish history, its declared object was accomplished admirably, and the
biographical notices were at once excellent in style and packed with informa-
tion of an interesting, instructive, and frequently racy character. With
this, however, there could easily have been combined much information of
lasting value to students and collectors. Occasionally a note draws atten-
tion to some feature in a portrait or in its costume, and in so doing suggests
that an extension of that treatment would have been useful both during the
exhibition and afterwards. Finally, the absence of an index to the per-

230 The Scottish Exhibition

sonages and artists represented, and the omission of any description of the
portraits and of their dimensions, render the elaborate volume much less
valuable for reference than it might have been.

When one remembers the crowded state of the * Palace of History,' and
the clamantly competing claims of its many sections, there is little but
praise to bestow upon the way in which the Portrait collection was
displayed. The arrangement adopted was chronological. This in itself
was excellent, but the group system adopted within the general disposition
added greatly not only to the interest of the gradual unfolding of Scottish
history thus obtained, but to the vital significance of each historical epoch.
The contrast of type given in the portraits of the leaders of parties in any
particular crisis, or the variety of appearance so succinctly brought out by
hanging together the portraits of the chief workers in some special depart-
ment of intellectual activity, added enormously to the interest of a large
and mixed collection of a kind of picture which, from its very character, is
apt to be a little monotonous to most people.

The HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS, etc., formed a truly catholic
representation of the written sources for the national annals. Probably its
most distinguishing feature was the extent to which the burghal muniments
of the country were for the first time gathered to a focus for inspection
under lucid arrangement by Mr. Robert Renwick. Doubtless never
before was there occasion to assemble so many crown charters to burghs,
some of which, such as the Ayr and Perth charters of William the Lion,
those of Alexander II. to Stirling, and Alexander III. to Elgin, the
Rutherglen, Dundee and Edinburgh charters of Robert I., and the
numerous grants of Stewart Kings to Montrose, Rothesay, Banff, Kirk-
cudbright, Lauder and Inverkeithing, as well as Glasgow, are in themselves,
with radical differences underlying superficial sameness, an outline of the
fortunes, not only of the burghs but of the kingdom. In piquancy, the
flamboyant claim made by an inquest at Tain in 1439 to have had
their privileges conceded by Malcolm Canmore may gratify the pride of
the modern townsmen, and kindle the envy of burghs of less antique
pretension.

And the charters were accompanied by other records, in the fullest
sense autobiographical, such as the fragment of a Montrose council
minute-book of 1455, the magnificent folio from Dunfermline in 1487,
and the protocol books of Inverkeithing, North Berwick and Kirkcaldy,
close packed memorials of local property and pedigree. Burgess tickets
formed another burghal type very fully represented, among them being
some containing, as Mr. Renwick pointed out, ' the controversial burgess
oath ' given for example in extenso in the burgess ticket of that celebrated
citizen of Edinburgh, * Allan Ramsay, periwigmaker.'

An exhibit honoured with a central position of popular cynosure was
the Wallace letter addressed to the Hanse Communes of Lubeck and
Hamburg. Its exhibition gave opportunities for recovery of new facts,
and certain criticisms upon the document evoked conclusions of new
precision on the occasion when it was granted. An objection was stated
to the letter that it bore to be granted on II October, 1297, whereas —

PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD

The Scottish Exhibition 231

according to the verdict of a jury in 1300 — Andrew of Moray had been
killed at the Battle of Stirling Bridge a month before. The phrase used
by Fordun, however, that Moray 'fell, wounded' (cecidit vulneratus) in
the battle is so specific and precise, when considered alongside of the
continuance of his name as associate leader, that it leaves no reasonable
doubt that though mortally wounded at the battle on n September,
1297, ne was st^ auve on IJ October when the letter was granted at
Haddington in his and Wallace's joint names. On 1 1 October, Wallace
and the Scots army were on the march for the invasion of England ;
Haddington of course lay directly on the route they took, for on the i8th
they crossed the Tweed in the Berwick region ; and on 7 November
the protection granted at Hexham to the canons there still ran in
the conjunct names. The seals attached to the Lubeck letter add
interest to the episode of its granting. While the seal proper is a
reduced form of that of the Scottish guardians, the counterseal shews the
unexpected feature of a drawn bow with an arrow. The legend is
somewhat defaced, but we may expect its decipherment to increase our
knowledge of the official organization of the Scots army under Wallace.

Temptations to linger and digress are innumerable, but must be resisted
save to mention the gratification many derived from seeing the deathbed
letter of Bruce on n May, 1329, relative to the burial of his heart at
Melrose, a few inches apart from the charter to Edinburgh seventeen
days later in date, to which James of Douglas was a witness.

A parliament roll of 1344 was a fresh document for the history of
the earldom of Strathearn. We are glad to announce that Dr. Maitland
Thomson is to edit it for this Review.

The exhibited documents were better calculated to shew monastic
and burghal origins than to trace the course of Scottish feudalism. No
one could fail to be struck by the foundation charters of Melrose and
Inchaffray, the great charter of Holyrood, and the grants of Monkland
to Newbattle Abbey and of Eskdale to Melrose. There were no deeds
of equal importance either for constitutional history or for great secular
fiefs, and few, if any, to disclose the old basis of military service, the mysteries
of the ' old extent,' or the varieties of tenure in western seaboard shires
or in the Isles. There was not a single Chartulary. Except for Barbour's
Bruce and Wyntoun's Cronykil there was little representation of the
Scottish chronicles. Grateful for much the historical student yet cannot
help grumbling for more.

In the DOMESTIC SECTION, as elsewhere in the 'Palace of
History,' says Dr. William Gemmell, an assiduous worker in the field of
household activities, ' the gratifying feature was an interest in the exhibits
which amounted almost to enthusiasm. The simple and homely nature
of many of these appealed to the crowds of country visitors ; the ploughs
and early agricultural implements, the cruisies and the stone cruisie-moulds
seldom failed to stir enquiry and comment. The primitive methods and
means of spinning and weaving, the making of cloth and tartans in
particular, the devisement of lace by bobbin and pillow, the fringe-loom,
and the machine for goffering rufis, are examples of less conspicuous

232 The Scottish Exhibition

industries of the home that seldom passed unnoticed. The cases which
illustrated Baking and Brewing, arts once practised in every Scottish house-
hold, and the whole great display of domestic table utensils, presented ideas
new to many. On every hand, from the first moment the "Palace" was
opened, the desire was to see and to learn and to profit by the learning.

1 It was originally intended to have a series of interiors, each correctly
furnished, which would show in picturesque form the chamber of the
noble, the hall of the laird, and the cot of the peasant, but space could not
be found for these.

' There can be no doubt that the Domestic Section, no less than others,
played its part in creating a desire for a better understanding of what the
national life was in the earlier days of Scottish history.'

The PREHISTORIC SECTION, writes Professor T. H. Bryce,
presented some notable features. In the first place, it greatly exceeded in
variety and interest any similar temporary collection hitherto brought to-
gether. It was no mere miscellaneous assortment of objects, but a carefully
consorted museum with a definite scientific purpose. The space was too
limited for an adequate presentation of the large number of exhibits, or
for the full development of the ideas underlying the show, but in a
general way the visitor was conducted through the different phases of
the progress of human culture in prehistoric Scotland, while in each
special department the objects were so arranged as to demonstrate the
gradual advances made in their manufacture.

The section thus had considerable educative value, and furnished, so
far as space and means permitted, an example of what such a collection
should be. Mr. Ludovic M'Lennan Mann, as convener of the section,
himself furnished by far the greater number of the exhibits from his extra-
ordinarily varied and comprehensive private collection, and archaeologists
owed to him a unique opportunity for viewing these, as well as many
valuable and interesting articles gathered out of the smaller local museums
and private hoards from all parts of the country. It is especially from this
point of view that such a temporary exhibition is of value, in respect that
occasion is given for the bringing together of treasures hidden away in small
public or private collections. It is seldom that the science of archaeology
is furthered by the spirit of private collecting, which frequently results in
irreparable loss, and always lays a heavy load of responsibility on the
collector, but here the knowledge and enthusiasm of Mr. Mann put the
material placed at his disposal to an excellent use. The archaeologist
left the section with feelings of regret that the exhibit was of a temporary
nature, and with the desire strong in him that it could be kept together
until all was put on permanent record in proper scientific form.

The hall was hung round with large charts which formed the key of
the general arrangement. The charts represented sixteen periods into
which Mr. Mann, apparently from unpublished data, divides prehistoric
times. The wisdom of expressing these periods in terms of years may be
doubted, and the scientific mind desiderated chapter and verse for some of
the statements, but, this apart, the charts served their purpose of showing in
a simple way to the uninitiated the sequence of the prehistoric epochs and

The Scottish Exhibition 233

the character of each. It is not possible to enter, in a brief statement such
as this, on the details of the various cases of exhibits. Among the stone
age relics the collection of rechipped flints formed an interesting feature,
about which the archaeologist would desire to hear more. The chambered
cairn period is represented by a model of a chambered cairn by Mr. J. A.
Balfour, and by some vessels of pottery from the Campbeltown Museum
which were described in the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of
Scotland of the year 1902, and an interesting comparison was instituted
between them and the remnants of some vessels from a domestic site in
Wigtownshire.

The evolution of the axe-head from the flat stone axe of the stone
period through all the phases up to the socketed celt of the late bronze
period was demonstrated by an interesting and carefully selected series.
Not only were the bronze age weapons and implements fully illustrated,
but various moulds were exhibited by means of which they were cast.
The very fine collection of stone balls must also be noticed, and also a very
fine lot of jet beads, as well as others of coloured glass and amber.

In addition to the very large collections of weapons, tools, and ornaments
of all kinds belonging to the different epochs, a popular and valuable feature
of the exhibition was the restoration of various interments. An ingeniously
contrived case showed a section of the Stevenson cairn, and the cinerary
urns filled with burnt bones were seen exposed in their original positions.
Restorations of inhumed burials were also successfully exhibited, showing
exactly how the remains were found in each. The design of these latter
exhibits was the demonstration of the different forms of interment in the
prehistoric period. It is to be remembered that the sequence of cultural
phases can only be established by data provided by the grave goods deposited
with the dead, and that a peculiar form of disposing of their dead character-
ised the people of the different epochs. The restored interments formed,
therefore, the complement of the rest of the collection.

It may confidently be asserted that an hour spent in the Gallery revealed
more of the unwritten story of the remote past of Scotland to the visitor
than many volumes. It was with this object that the exhibition was
projected and arranged, and if it has stimulated interest in the science of
archaeology it has fulfilled a worthy and valuable purpose.

Unfortunately, there is no space for even the most perfunctory notice of
other departments. Professor Glaister's * Foreword' to the Catalogue
will itself prove the extensive range of the Historical Committee's labours
and the measure of their achievement in seeking t to bring together within
one Exhibition building as complete an exposition of Scottish historical
objects as possible.' We have had to leave untouched whole subjects like
Literature and Printing, Heraldry and Seals, Swords, Firearms and Dirks,
Old Scots Economics, Norse relics and sagas, and the miscellany of contri-
butions French Swedish and Dutch, Celtic MSS. and the contribution
of the Clachan to Highland history, old burghal relics and remains of
incorporated crafts and trades, Early Medicine, Book-plates, Scots banknotes,
sport, silver, pewter, coins and beggars' badges, and memorials of Scottish
travellers. We regret particularly to have to neglect Burns and Scott, the

Q

234 The Scottish Exhibition

documents of the Covenant time, and the extraordinary series of Jacobite
pictures and pamphlets, including many prints that gloated over Culloden,
and caricatures that mocked the doom of Fraser of Lovat.

A concluding word must congratulate the organizers of the Exhibition
on the marked popular and patriotic success which it deservedly won, and
on the comprehensive remembrance of it which their bulky and profusely
illustrated Catalogue enshrines. Scotland is the better for thus really
seeing herself in archaic miniature. The Scottish Exhibition of 1911 is
now a happy memory. Three things, more or less from it, there are
to be earnestly hoped and wrought for : (i) that ere long we may see
a like collection (even a better) again, (2) that we shall see it in that
permanent Scottish Museum of the West which Glasgow has hitherto
forgotten to provide, and (3) that the coming professor in Glasgow
University will find the Museum an invaluable adjunct for his tasks
in Scots History and Literature.

VOL. IX., No. 35 APRIL 1912

A Roll of the Scottish Parliament, 1344

IN Scotland, as in England, the records of parliament, like
those of the Great Seal, were anciently entered on rolls.
The Great Seal Register continued to be so kept till James I.'s
return from captivity in 1424 ; thereafter it is in book form,
like the French Tresor des Chartes. Whether the form of the
register of parliament was changed at the same time, we do not
know ; we can only say that the extant register, which begins
in 1466, is in book form. Of the earlier proceedings of our
parliament our knowledge comes almost entirely from non-
official MSS. ; at the beginning of Thomas Thomson's term
of office as Depute Clerk Register, it was derived wholly
from such sources. But his researches, and the interest in
the national archives which his researches rekindled, brought
to light many documents previously unknown, and among
others, six rolls of parliament, the earliest of 1292, the latest
of 1389. Some of these were found among the writs of the
then Earl of Haddington, and by his generosity were restored to
the nation ; the others I have failed to trace back. They may
have come from other private repositories, or they may have been
lying hidden among unarranged papers at the Register House.
A few years ago Mr. J. G. Munro, of Messrs. Baxter &
Burnett, Edinburgh, found among the papers of a client a
number of ancient documents, and among them the roll of
parliament, now for the first time made accessible in print. By
his permission it was shown at the Scottish Historical Exhibition,
held in Glasgow in 1911, and it is at present on deposit in the

S.H.R. VOL. IX. R

236 J. Maitland Thomson

Register House. It is much smaller than the other six, contain-
ing indeed only the record of one legal process, and two short
memoranda relating to other matters. Moreover, while the
other rolls are cut square at top and bottom, this roll is tapered
to a point at the top as if for filing ; a form familiar to students
of the records of England, but not, I understand, the usual form
of the rolls of the English parliament.

The proceedings recorded are part of those of the parliament
which met at Scone on 7th June, 1344. The folio Acts include
one act of this parliament, viz., a decreet relative to the Bishop
of Aberdeen's right to second teinds, pronounced on 8th June.
That was presumably the second day of the parliament — here we
have what was done on the third day, that is, 9th June, or some
subsequent day.

Of Malise, eighth Earl of Strathearn, whose trial for treason
occupies most of the roll, little is known. The English Close
Rolls show that Edward Baliol, during his brief tenure of power
in Scotland,1 conferred the earldom of Strathearn on John de
Warenne, Earl of Surrey, that early in 1334 Earl Malise was
endeavouring to recover it, and that Edward III. exhorted his
vassal to maintain Warenne in possession. The English king
seems to have believed that the grant to Warenne followed on
Malise's forfeiture ; the present record shows, corroborating
Robertson's Index, that it followed on Malise's resignation,
which was the act of alleged treason for which he was indicted.
The assize acquitted him of treason, but affirmed the validity of
the resignation which he had so speedily repented. From other
sources we know that the earldom had four months previous to
his trial been conferred on one of David II. 's most important
adherents, Sir Maurice Moray, who is styled Earl of Strathearn
in this very roll ; and this may suffice to explain why Malise
could not recover possession. But the transaction is not easy to
understand. Possibly a corrupt sentence from a late fifteenth
century MS., printed in the folio Acts (i. 736), may afford the
explanation. It runs as follows : * Quia unusquisque duo habet
custodire solerter puta linguam suam et sigillum suum et cavere
cui sigilli sui custodiam deputabit prout accidit domino quondam
Malisio Stratherin per quondam Robertum Broise regem Scocie
primum de eodem nomine.' It is suggested that Robert Bruce

1 Warenne styles himself Earl of Strathearn, 2/th February, 1332-3 (Cal. of
Patent Rolls, 1330-1334, p. 555). Edward Baliol was crowned 24th September,
1332, and fled to England i6th December following.

A Roll of the Scottish Parliament, 1344 237

is here put by mistake for David II. ; and that we are to under-
stand that the resignation in favour of Warenne was made under
Earl Malise's seal, though not with his knowledge or consent,
and that for the act of the custodier of his seal he was held
civilly, but not criminally, responsible.

Malise was Earl of Caithness and Orkney as well as of
Strathearn ; the two former earldoms, which he inherited from his
great-grandmother, he retained. Some ten days before his trial
he had granted to William, Earl of Ross (who here appears as one
of his procurators), the marriage of one of his daughters, whom
he nominated to succeed him in the earldom of Caithness.

The assize who tried the issue consisted, it will be seen, of
nineteen persons. As is well known, the number of the old
Scots jury was not fixed ; it was seldom fewer than nine, or more
than twenty-one. As a rule the number was odd, but there are
exceptions, if we can trust the records. Trial by jury in parlia-
ment was quite usual, both in civil and criminal cases, both in
Scotland and in England. In Scotland I have noticed no case
later than the fifteenth century ; undefended cases of treason
were sometimes decided by parliament on ex parte evidence in
the sixteenth. But trial in the justiciary court had become
the rule.

The remaining items are brief, and may be briefly dealt with.
If the Earl of Moray could have made good a claim to a heredi-
tary justiciarship, he would have anticipated a much later state of
things. For though justiciars of fee are mentioned in a MS.
of John Baliol's time, printed in Vol. ii. of the Miscellany of the
Scottish History Society, there is no instance, so far as I know, of a
justiciarship passing direct from father to son before the six-
teenth century ; and it was and is quite possible to hold either
an office or an estate in fee without holding it in heritage. The
final paragraph relates to the blood feud which arose from the
treacherous seizure and murder of Sir Alexander Ramsay by Sir
William Douglas of Liddesdale. The new-found record in this
case corroborates the old familiar legend, though not in all its
harrowing details. j MAITLAND THOMSON.

TEXT. TRANSLATION.

Parliament*) tento apud Sconam die Parliament held at Scone on Mon-

Lune/septimo videlicet die Junii day 7 June 1344 with continuation

anno Domini millesimo trecentesi- of days, the most excellent prince

mo quadra[gesimo] quarto cum con- lord David by the grace of God king

238

J. Maitland Thomson

tinuacione dierum/sedente in solio
sedis magestatis/excellentissimo prin-
cipe domino Dau[id Dei] gracia rege
Scottorum illustri.

Memorandum • quod tercio die eius-
dem parliamenti • coram domino rege
etvniuersisproceribusregni«calu[m]-
pniatus fuit Malisius nuper comes
de Straheryn per Robertum Mauta-
lent • loquelam dicti domini regis
proferentem de felonia et prodicione •
videlicet quod idem Malisius • non vi
aut metu ductus nee errore lapsus •
set mera et spontanea voluntate sua'-
comitatum de Straheryn • per fustum
et baculum in manus Edwardi de
Balliolo • sursum reddidit racione cu-
iusdam contractus initi inter ipsum
Malisium et dominum Johannem
comitem de Warennia • dicti domini
regis mortalem inimicum • in dero-
gacionem regie maiestatis • omni iuris
clameo • dicti comitatus • pro se et
heredibus suis • in perpetuum renun-
ciando • et prosequcionem suam • de
dicto comitatu • decetero penitus de-
clamando. Comparens que idem
Malisius • per episcopum Rossensem •
Willelmum comitem Rossie • et alios
plures • experte consultus • posuit lo-
quelam suam • super Willelmum de
Melgdrum • cum correctione persone
sue et consilii sui • petens identidem
a dicto domino rege • quod idem
Willelmus de Melgdrum admittere-
tur • ad loquelam suam proferendam •
qua licencia petita • pariter et optenta-
idem Willelmus exposuit / nomine
dicti Malisii • quod idem Malisius
de eodem crimine • coram domino
Roberto senescallo Scocie • tune lo-
cum tenente dicti domini regis per
totum regnum • alias passus fuit
assisam • et quod per eamdem assisam
idem Malisius • de eodem crimine
expers inuentus fuit /pariter et in-
munis. Qua allegacione audita • [et
diuersis] allegacionibus • ex parte
domini regis in contrarium opposi-

of Scots sitting on the throne of the
seat of majesty.

Be it remembered that on the third
day of the said parliament, in pre-
sence of our lord the king and all
the nobles of the realm, Malise late
earl of Strathearn was accused by
Robert Maitland pleading our said
lord the king's cause of felony and
treason, namely, to wit, that the
said Malise, not induced by force or
fear nor in error but of his own free
will, had resigned the earldom of
Strathearn by staff and baton into
the hands of Edward Baliol, by
reason of a contract between said
Malise and the lord John earl of
Warenne our said lord the king's
mortal enemy, in prejudice of the
king's majesty, renouncing all claim
of law to said earldom for himself
and his heirs for ever, and utterly
disclaiming his pursuit of said earl-
dom thenceforth. And the said
Malise, compearing by the bishop
of Ross, William earl of Ross and
several others, ripely advised, en-
trusted his cause to William Mel-
drum under correction by himself
and his council, at the same time
praying our said lord the king that
the said William might be admitted
to plead his cause. Which leave
having been sought and obtained,
the said William declared in said
Malise's name, that said Malise had
already tholed an assise on the same
charge in presence of Sir Robert
Stewart of Scotland, then lieutenant
of our said lord the king over the
whole realm, and that by said assise
the said Malise had been found not
guilty but innocent of said charge.
Which allegation heard, and divers
allegations on our lord the king's
part set against it, it was decreed
that the cause should be decided by

0§

A Roll of the Scottish Parliament, 1344 239

tis • decretum fuit • dictam causam
determinari per assisam. Dominus
vero rex • iussit [assisam] vocari •
comites videlicet • barones • milites
et liberetenentes • quorum nomina
particulariter scripta sunt in dorso
rotuli • in qua quidem assisa dictus
Malisius de felonia et prodicione •
per recordacionem eiusdem assise
inuentus est fidelis-set tamen vere-
dictum eiusdem assise tale fuit • quod
idem Malisius reddiderit dictum
comitatum • in manus dicti Edwardi
de Balliolo • racione contractus • ante-
dicti. Vnde facto recordo in forma
predicta • iudicatum fuit • et pro
iudicio redditum • in parliamento
ibidem tento • quod idem comitatus
dicto domino regi remaneat • pro
voluntate sua possidendus.

Memorandum • quod coram prelatis
et proceribus regni in pleno par-
liamento • tento ibidem • dominus
Johannes Ranulfi comes Morauie
dominus vallis Ana[ndie et] Mannie-
confitebatur • se/nullum ius habere/in
officio iusticiarie • ex parte boreali
man's Scocie • per viam hereditariam/
set pro dicto officio optinendo posu[it
se] in voluntate /domini regis.

(7erso)

Assisa vocata super prodicione domini
Malisij qui se dicit comitem de
Stratherne ad inquirendum si dictus
Malisius resignauerit dictum comi-
tatum domino Johanni comiti de
Warennia • an non
In primis • dominus Duncanus comes

de ffyf
Dominus Malcolmus comes de Wyg-

tone
Dominus Johannes de Graham

comes de Menetethe
Dominus Johannes de Maxwelle
Dominus Thomas Boyde
Dominus Willelmus de Leuyngstoun

an assise. So our lord the king com-
manded an assise to be summoned,
to wit the earls, barons, knights and
freeholders whose names are particu-
larly set down on the back of this
roll. By which assise the said Malise
was found by their verdict innocent
of felony and treason ; but the testi-
mony of said assise was, that said
Malise had surrendered said earl-
dom into the hands of Edward
Baliol by reason of the foresaid con-
tract. Which verdict having been
thus given, in the form aforesaid, it
was deemed, and given for doom, in
parliament there held, that the said
earldom should remain to our said
lord the king, to be possessed at his
will.

Be it remembered that in presence
of the prelates and nobles of the
realm in full parliament, held there,
Sir John Randolph earl of Moray
lord of Annandale and Man con-
fessed that he had no right to the
office of justiciar benorth the Firth
of Forth by way of heritage, but for
obtaining said office put himself in
our lord the king's will.

(Reverse)

The assise summoned anent the
treason of Sir Malise who calls him-
self earl of Strathearn, to inquire
whether said Malise resigned said
earldom to Sir John earl of Warenne
or no. In the first place Sir Duncan
earl of Fife, etc.

240 A Roll of the Scottish Parliament, 1344

Dominus Johannes de Crauforde
Dominus Andreas de Duglas
Dominus Willelmus de Ramesay
Dominus Dauid de Wemys
Dominus Hugo de Eglintoun
Dominus Dauid de Berklay
Dominus Alanus de Cathkert
Dominus Robertus de Meygners
Dominus Alexander de Cragy
Dominus Michael Scot
Michael de Muncur
Willelmus Sympil
Joachim de Kynbuk

Isti sunt plegij • pro totali parentela
quondam Alexandri de Ramesay • et
vniuersis sibi adherentibus • quod
dominus Willelmus de Douglas
dominus vallis de Lydel • tota que
eius parentela • et omnes homines
sui ac sibi adherentes vniuersi • in-
dempnes erunt et sine quacumque
offensa • pro eis • a die Saboti duode-
cimo die Junii anni gracie etc. qua-
dragesimi quarti vsque ad nonum
diem proximum post festum Beati
Laurencii martiris proximo futurum •
ipso die incluso • scilicet dominus
Duncanus comes de Fyf- dominus
Mauricius comes de Straheryn • domi-
nus Willelmus comes Suthyrlandie
dominus Willelmus de Cunyngham.1
Et isti sunt plegij • pro dicto domino
Willelmo de Douglas • tota que eius
parentela • omnibus que suis homini-
bus ac sibi adherentibus vniuersis •
quod totalis parentela predicti quon-
dam Alexandri • omnes que homines
sui ac sibi adherentes vniuersi • modo
consimili pro ipsis omnibus vsque ad
diem predictum • sine quacumque
offensa indempnes pariter et in-
munes • videlicet dominus Robertus
senescallus Scocie • dominus Patricius
comes Marchie • et dominus Mal-
colmus de Wygtoun.

These are cautioners for the whole
kindred of the deceased Alexander
Ramsay and all their adherents, that
Sir William Douglas lord of Liddes-
dale and his whole kindred and all
his men and adherents shall be scathe-
less and offenceless for their parts
from Saturday 12 June 1344 to the
ninth day next after the feast of St.
Laurence the martyr next to come,
the said day included, to wit Sir
Duncan earl of Fife, Sir Maurice
earl of Strathearn, Sir William earl
of Sutherland, Sir William Cuning-
hame. And these are cautioners for
the said Sir William Douglas and
his whole kindred and all his men
and adherents, that the whole kin-
dred of the said deceased Alexander
and all their men and adherents shall
in like manner for all their parts
[be] until the foresaid day offenceless,
scatheless and immune, to wit Sir
Robert Stewart of Scotland, Sir
Patrick earl of March and Sir Mal-
colm (earl) of Wigton.

1 Added on margin.

The Monuments of Caithness

A") all knowledge, however special and novel once, empties at
last in a curt paragraph into a dictionary, so the labour
of generations of antiquaries tends to condense into a catalogue
of national antiquities. Once an archaeological type is determined
a descriptive word is enough to mark its characteristic : men
call it a horned cairn or a broch, an earth-house or a hut-circle :
the rest is merely to register the place where each of the type
is found, the number of examples and the condition in which
they exist. The summation comes to be matter of arithmetic,
with new light therefrom in the evidence thus gained as to
particular and distinctive indications in different districts.
Enquiry rapidly passes from the dwelling or the article to the
inhabitant or user. When the evidences of an archaeological
area are assembled it is found that the whole is much more than
the sum of the parts. It is no paradox to say that archaeologically
two and two make a good deal more than four. A whole hinter-
land of helpful suggestion is at the back of the facts, and not
infrequently the potentialities, the speculative possibilities, are
more inspiring than the facts themselves. In great measure
archaeological remains are in a double sense mere foundations.
The surviving structure serves its greatest purpose as the base
for that reconstruction of the past which some people call
archaeology and others call history.

Two processes run parallel. One set of specialists dig and
explore, describe and assort their finds, and tentatively register
results. Another set collect and sum up the data and the argu-
ments : the antiquities group themselves in classes ; inventory is
made possible ; inventory is made. Mr. James Curie and his
work on Newstead illustrate the first process : Mr. Alexander O.
Curie, by his new volume for the Historical Monuments Com-
mission, illustrates the second. Whoever sees their work — the
more striking as the quite diverse achievements of two brothers
— must see also their promise — an inspiriting and cheerful pro-

242 • Geo. Neilson

spect of advance not only in the scientific knowledge of Scottish
antiquities but also in the arts of archaeological interpretation.

Responsive to the modern spirit in its aim and method, the
Historical Monuments Commission essays a great task of archaeo-
logical survey and synthesis, under the mature and sympathetic
chairmanship of Sir Herbert Maxwell, whose variety of learning
and antiquarian experience directly equipped him for a position
demanding tact and judgment no less than knowledge. The
corresponding but earlier Historical Manuscripts Commission had
published and continues to publish stores of new material of
surprising wealth and charm — * spoils of time,' which, but for
the Commission, might long have remained secreted in musty
charter-chests. That Commission revealed to the public an
almost limitless treasury of document and memoir in family
archives, which may be reckoned the private monuments of the
provinces. National annals are thus superbly supplemented by
local records.

It is part of the same movement as is at present reflected
in the conspicuous cultivation of county histories for savants
and county geographies for schools. A healthy decentralisation
of research is the necessary condition and accompaniment of any
successful central enterprise towards garnering for national and
general knowledge the fruits of local studies. Topographical
aspects of history have always stood well in the balance as against
dynastic and political aspects : they present a larger field of
episode and economic illustration : the sense of the nation is
best canvassed in the detail of popular action in the county, the
city, the burgh, or the parish, where history is seen in men's
hearths and homes. Camden's Britannia, perhaps the greatest
and certainly the most influential early work of topographical
history achieved in Great Britain, was a series of glorified county
gazetteers. Its only Scottish comrade worthy of the name, George
Chalmers's Caledonia was the same. But the Caledonia would have
been impossible had it not been for Sinclair's Statistical Account,
wherein no small part was devoted to lists of parochial antiquities,
in which we see manifest the idea, now carried to an infinitely
higher pitch of precision in the reports and inventories of Sir
Herbert Maxwell's Commission.

Perhaps some day too we shall know how far the influence of a
great living antiquary, Dr. Joseph Anderson, has been operative
through the example set (as the complement of his lifelong
pursuit of the theme) by the Society of Antiquaries in the

The Monuments of Caithness 243

majestic tome, The Early Christian Monuments of Scotland, at once
collective, descriptive, analytic, and pictorial, of one outstanding
type of national relics. What that work sought to do for a class
of remains is now being attempted for the whole early historical
monuments of the country. The lines on which the Commission
began with Berwickshire, under supposed restrictions from the
Treasury, were happily found capable of considerable freedom of
expansion when Sutherland was dealt with, and in the 'Third
Report and Inventory,' treating of Caithness, the equipment of
maps, plans, and illustrations is on a scale liberal enough to give
the volume a pictorial attraction well suited to supplement the
archaeology to the distinctness of which indeed the sketches and
plates are indispensable aids.1

Sutherland, with its vast area of 1880 square miles, sparsely
populated, mountainous, and barren, yielded less, or at any rate
less interesting, results of archaeological survey than Caithness,
with its 712 square miles of area, which, although boggy and
waste enough in the interior, carry even there a far larger pro-
portion of remains of human life and habitation than are found in
Sutherland. Still more signally is that superiority shown on the
coast line. In Sutherland, west of Strathnaver, remains of any
kind were excessively few, while the wild and deeply indented
coast line from the Kyle of Tongue round to Loch Inver con-
tributed scarce more than a dozen items to the inventory. In
Caithness, on the other hand, the shore is prolific of ancient sites,
and is, although not the exclusive by any means, yet the distinc-
tive locality of the broch. In the interior, while the brochs are
far fewer than they are on the coast, they are not relatively to other
structures in any materially smaller proportion. Inland structures,
whether in Caithness or Sutherland, almost universally follow the
rivers. In both — Sutherland with 67 examples and Caithness with
more than twice as many — the broch, with its seaward outlook, is
a determinant problem both of archaeology and history.

Caithness, thus marked as the head-seat of a structural type,
unfortunately offers in its records, whether inscriptions, charters,
or chronicles, whether misty tradition or still mistier legend, no
effectual help towards the history of the time of and before the
brochs. The province certainly found its place pretty early in

^ J Royal Commission on Ancient and Historical Monuments. Third Report and Inventory
of Monuments and Constructions in the County of Caithness. With 63 Plates and 60
Illustrations in text. Pp. liii, 204. London: H.M. Stationery Office. 1911.
ys. 6d. net.

244 Geo. Neilson

authentic writings, such as the Landnamabok, but it looms, as
usual, larger and vaguer in legendary and romantic sources of
information, which, although utterly beyond trust, yet cannot be
ignored ; such as Geoffrey of Monmouth's History of the Britons,
and the cycle of literature which had its imagination nourished
by that most wonderful of early quasi-historical inspirations.
Geoffrey1 declares that the Pictish King Roderick, having landed
in the north part of Britain, was defeated and slain by Marius,
King of Britain (son of Arviragus), who gave to the defeated
followers of Roderick that part of Albany to inhabit which is
called Caithness, a province, it is added, which had long been
deserted, uncultivated, and without inhabitants. Even before
Geoffrey's time, Nennius had described Britain as extending from
Totness to Caithness.2 This contrast with Totness (in Devon-
shire) was carried into literature by Geoffrey, who assigns Totness
as the landing place first of Brutus and afterwards of Vespasian.
Totness stood for the southmost point of Britain, Caithness for the
northmost.

' Ele commence en Cotenois,
E si fenist en Catenois,'

said Geoffrey's translator, Wace, according to his French editor,
the well-known scholar, Le Roux de Lincy, who did not notice
that Cotenois (Totenois) was an error for Totness. Henry of
Huntingdon lent historical countenance to a connexion of the
two places by a great road which began in Caithness and ended
at Totness. The latter point was certainly near the terminus
of the south-western line of the Roman road, which, traversing
Southern Scotland from the Forth, passed through Catterick, in
Yorkshire, to Lincoln, and there — as the Fosse-way — branched
off to Exeter almost in a straight line, to reach the sea-way a
few miles further on at Totness,3 if indeed it did not actually
terminate there. But it requires some imaginative engineering
to complete the line by a protraction from the Forth, at any rate
beyond Ardoch, to Caithness, which an old Norse author fitly
enough styled ' the promontory of Scotland.' In much the same
way it became a sort of Ultima Thule in romance. Law, too, so
recognised it. The limits of English and Scottish jurisdiction
for the March laws 4 were between * Toteneys ' and l Catenes.'
Great as is the contrast of northern Scotland and southern

1 Lib. iv. cap. 17. 2 Monumenta Britannica, 54.

3 Monumenta Britannica, see map of Britannia Romana there.

4 Acts Par/. Scot., i. 414, red ink paging.

BROCH, OUSEDALE BURN, PARISH OF LATHERON

Seen from inside

The Monuments of Caithness

245

England there is scarcely less within Scotland itself. Between
the central border counties of Roxburgh, Dumfries and Kirk-
cudbright on the one hand, and the very north of Scotland

GROUND-PLAN OF HORNED, LONG CAIRN, YARROWS.

on the other, an extreme archaeological distinction holds. In
the north while brochs abound there are no camps or entrenched
forts, either rectangular or curvilinear. In the central border,
while camps and forts are everywhere, the brochs do not exist.1

1 The archaeological ensemble, however, for the stone and bronze periods is the
same for the whole West coast from Wigtown to Caithness, and suggests a division
line not so much between South and North as between East and West of a line
from Wigtown to Caithness.

246

Geo. Neilson

Striking as the distinction is it is strangely disappointing to
find that it has as yet given no help to history. It is lamentable
to note how dense are shadow and mist over the past of the
North, anterior to noo. No ancient writing expands or even
explains the fact of the broch. Archaeology for the most part
has substantially to find its own interpretations. Sometimes the
process begins with a catalogue. In Caithness the catalogue is

GROUND-PLAN OF HORNED, ROUND CAIRN, ORMIEGILL.

admirable. It is astonishing how greatly knowledge is increased
by even a mere hand-list of cognate structures or objects. They
reflect light upon each other, and their inter-relationships, as well
as their external connections, offer a constant series of new
opportunities to determine the period to which the particular
examples belong. Dates are obtained only from the associations
in which the specimens are found. Structural remains in Caith-
ness lend themselves significantly to archaeological classification
and to a sort of outline chronology. Mr. Curie's inventory aptly

The Monuments of Caithness 247

sums itself up in a clear and satisfactory introduction, tracing the
evolution of these remains in the long passage of time and change
from the sepulchres of neolithic man through the stone circles of
the Bronze Age, the later brochs so decisively typical of the
county, and the earth houses and galleried dwellings of the Iron
Age, down to forts and castles which range from the eleventh to
the seventeenth centuries. It is prehistoric Scotland in miniature.
The neolithic cairn-graves, in which incineration appears to have
preceded inhumation, are of three main types : (i) horned cairns,
numbering 15 ; (2) unhorned long cairns, 7 in number ; and (3)
round cairns, numbering 38. The size and complexity of these
chambered tombs are appealed to as evincing a power of com-
bination and a subjection to discipline, as well as an engineering
capacity of no mean order.

Oldest of monuments in Caithness — the sepulchres of neolithic
man — are the long cairns terminating at each extremity with a
semi-circular concavity, a sort of horn in plan, as shown in the
example illustrated from Yarrows, near Wick. Closely similar
in type and differing mainly in shape and size are the short or
round horned cairns exemplified in the ground plan of one of
them at Ormiegill, also in Wick parish.

The architectural sense in this type as in Caithness monuments
generally, assuredly cannot be described as rudimentary. The
fidelity to a uniform structural design is consistent only with a
thorough mastery of the type ; it is puzzling to find the execution
so consistent and so perfect, as if the art had no crude period and
the builders were never apprentices.

Only one stone circle appears in the inventory, and that solitary
example suggests the remarkable scarcity of this type, although
of standing stones there are many. Contrasted with the frequency
of stone circles in most parts of Scotland, their relative absence in
Caithness invites enquiry. Mr. Curie gives reason for believing
that several which once existed have now disappeared, or only
survive in single standing stones.

The brochs are both the most typical and most interesting
class of objects dealt with, and the illustrations appropriately
include a fine rendering of the noblest broch in existence, although
it has to be sought outside of Caithness in the island of Mousa,
Shetland. Though no Caithness broch rivals Mousa, there were
so many in that county, and sometimes their remains are so
considerable, that the great attention Mr. Curie devoted to them
has been well repaid. His success in search for unrecorded

248

Geo. Neilson

examples sufficiently appears in the fact that while in 1870 the
known number was 79, the survey now raises the figure to 145.
Valuable place-name hints appear in the observations that often

SECTION THROUGH C D-

- SECTION THROUGH A3 -

GROUND-PLAN, WITH SECTION, OF BROCH AT OUSEDALE BURN,
PARISH OF LATHERON.

The Monuments of Caithness 249

the grass-covered hillock under which a ruined broch lies is locally
named ' tulloch,' and that the cave-like appearance of the galleried
and chiefly underground dwellings earned for them the Gaelic
title of { uamh ' or ' uamhag,' now Anglicized in several instances
into ' wag.' The broch is thirled to Scotland, and though its
range is from Orkney and Shetland to Berwickshire, examples are
by far the most numerous in the northern shires. When first built
and when last inhabited Mr. Curie reports to be alike unknown.
A century of growing knowledge and increasingly critical research
and discussion has not yet definitely solved the mystery of the
broch. Mousa, mentioned in two sagas, is the only broch that
has found a place in history. Archaeology, however, is steadily
marshalling the data that some day will make the dark places
plain. It is a high problem — Mr. Gilbert Goudie, who has
himself contributed to its discussion, owns it a bewildering
problem — but it cannot much longer baffle attack ; the unity
of structure is so marked as to be compatible only with a unity
of time, and a distinctly advanced purpose and defensive design.
One very good example figured in plan and section is that from
Ousedale Burn, in the parish of Latheron. Its structural features
are well brought out in the plate, showing the entrance through
the thick circular wall as seen from the interior. No progress is
registered as regards the evolution of the type : again as with the
horned cairns we have an art without visible beginnings. The
broch is in truth a perfected thing, and Mr. Curie as its latest
appraiser makes no extravagant claim for it when he says that * no
more complete adaptation of the materials available to the end
desired — the construction of an impregnable dwelling — could be
devised.'

Of the relics discovered in the brochs, distinctive objects like
weaving-combs are, we are told, clearly characteristic of the early
Iron Age, a date of origin to which not a few other fingers, with
hesitation, point. Dr. Joseph Anderson is the last man one
would dare to accuse of chauvinism taking the form of assigning
too early an epoch to archaeological remains, but as regards brochs
one doubts whether even his ironclad soul is proof against tempta-
tion when the remoteness of northern antiquity is at stake. Mr.
Goudie ought on the same ground to be regarded as still more
suspect. If Mr. Curie has said an incautious word it is perhaps
in his too open attitude towards a pre-Roman origin for these
* Pictish towers.'

No new general conclusion is advanced regarding forts or

250 Geo. Neilson

earth-houses, but the galleried dwelling (circular or oblong in
plan, and on a dug-out site, with walls of stone in courses
without mortar), of which there are nine examples all from
Latheron, is an addition to archaeological types of the earth-
house class. An origin late in the Iron Age is suggested
for it. The galleried dwelling at Wagmore Rigg, consisting of
two conjoined circles with separate entrances, gives a good
general idea of this slightly differentiated species of earth-houses
in which perhaps the architects of some of the brochs, triumphant
over difficulties, may have sketched their plans and elevations.

It will be apparent to every reader of the ' Third Report ' that
the element of archaeological discovery is inseparable from the
process of making the inventory. It is in this way that fresh
distinctions emerge, such as the contrast now set down between
the prevailing type of cairn in Sutherland, with bipartite chambers,
and the tripartite-chambered-cairn now registered in Caithness.
Only three cupmarked stones have been found, so that we can
hardly hope for light from Caithness on the problem of cupmarks.

As regards mediaeval buildings, while there are no new
departures in architectural analysis, the plates and plans of the
fortresses and strong-houses of Caithness give a capital idea of th
situation and character of many of these sea-board memories of
feudalism. No finer suggestion of their wild, eyrie-like rock-
perches could be desired than is given by the plate of the Castle
of Old Wick, known as the * Old Man of Wick,' near the
landward end of a narrow promontory flanked by deep inlets or
geos. Assigned to the fourteenth century, it is described as one
of the oldest castles in Caithness, and the property of successive
Cheynes, Sutherlands, Oliphants, Sinclairs, and Dunbars. Occu-
pying a still giddier site on a ' stack,' or self-standing perpendicular
mass of rock, is Castle Mestag, in the island of Stroma, a small
keep, now reduced to a few courses of masonry covering nearly
the whole summit of the stack.

Among the miscellaneous antiques the Grot Stone from
Canisbay Church1 is the sixteenth century memorial stone of
the Grot family, who gave the name to John o' Groat's House,
the fame of which was no doubt due to the fact of its association
with the landing place of the ferry from the Orkneys. Thus
John o' Groat's was once a station of necessary mark for every
traveller from or to the Orcades.

The Commission bids fair to enhance its credit by the work

1 See also the Scottish Antiquary, viii., pp. 52, 162 ; ix., p. 35.

SITE OF CASTLE MESTAG, ISLAND OF STROMA

The Monuments of Caithness 251

of its energetic secretary, for whose rising reputation as an
archaeologist these reports are a secured foundation. They attest
the adequacy of his equipment for a national survey which
requires intimate knowledge of antecedent studies, as well as a
trained aptitude to observe and describe all the types of antiquities
for himself, and a capacity for judgment and reserve on manifold
subjects of doubt and controversy. Mr. Curie is the wary
master of all the qualifications. His working bibliography shows
a close preliminary study of the considerable body of literature
which concerns this truly interesting northern shire. At times
we could have wished that he had done more to link up his
observations with those of his predecessors. Sometimes the
connection has value, as when we find Brand in his Description
of Caithness, written in 1701, recording, 'the Tradition of some
Picts houses which have been here of old, the rubbish whereof
is yet to be seen in the Parish of Lutheran, as a Gentleman
well acquainted with the Countrey did inform me.' How
well founded was the tradition Mr. Curie's inventory with
no fewer than 132 Latheron items abundantly shows. But in
the same paragraph Brand piques closer enquiry by mentioning
how, * in the Parish of Bower, as we passed we saw an Artificial
Mount ditched about of a small circumference.' Mr. Curie's
inventory of the antiquities of Bower gives no clue to the
structure which Brand saw.

If the brochs are the prime archaeological problem of Caithness,
the prime historical problem is the Norse impact upon the locality
and its transmission. ' The Scandinavian influence,' writes Mr.
Curie, * on the topography and ethnology of the county has left
its impress to a remarkable degree, though the absence of any
peculiar system of tenure or of customs of Scandinavian origin
such as are to be found in the neighbouring islands, tends to
show that the Norwegian occupation did not imply the extirpation
or eviction of the older inhabitants. The Celtic influence still
remains predominant in the west and south-west, while an
imaginary line drawn from the north of the Forss Water south-
wards to Latheron roughly divides the areas of the Celtic and
Scandinavian place-names. There are in Caithness no remains of
churches of distinctly Norse type, though the chapel and hospital
dedicated to St. Magnus [in Halkirk parish] may originally have
been of Norse construction.'

When these remarks are considered the antiquary may take
heart : the last word has not yet reached the dictionary : the

252 The Monuments of Caithness

inventory and report has still far to go. For on the face of the
findings it is clear that archaeology has not yet effected the final
junction with history, under which, while the brochs take their
place in Pictish architectural chronology in some definite relation
to the Roman occupation on the one hand, and to the religious
monuments and symbolism on the other, the Norsemen's settle-
ments will be distinguished from the native places they came to
plunder and remained to colonize. Between Cait of the Pict and
Caithness of the twelfth century, with its Norse suffix, the line is
harder to draw than Henry of Huntingdon's from Totness to
John o' Groat's, but there will be few points on the line which
the archaeologist of the future will not find shrewdly hinted for
him by Mr. Curie.

He is now at work in Galloway where the contrast with the
North is acute, and provokes the spirit of speculation. Every
new broch, ring-camp and mote recovered not only heightens the
significance of the type and its geographical distribution, but also
adds stimulus as well as material to the irrepressible quest after
definite conclusions. The annals of fortification need skill to
decipher. It will be curious and profoundly interesting to follow
out Mr. Curie's great itinerary of antiquarian collation on which
a start so auspicious has been made. Whither will it lead ? Shall
we after all, for instance, return to history for race-labels ? declare
the ring-camps generically one with the raths of Ireland, and,
like them, the work of the ' Scot ' ? canonise the epithet ' Pictish '
for the brochs ? and confirm the Anglo-Norman feudalism of the
motes ? And shall we go yet further in accepting the witness of
chronicle that each of these race movements was indeed an
invasion — each still denoted and recognisable by its peculiar and
imperishable mark ?

GEO. NEILSON.

THE GROT STONE, CANISBAY CHURCH

The Post-Reformation Elder l

THE Reformed Church sprang into being in Scotland with
marvellous rapidity. Thanks to the statesmanlike and
constructive genius of John Knox, which not even his most bitter
detractors can deny, it was speedily furnished with a constitution.
The details of that constitution we need not discuss here. It is
sufficient to say that it was considerably different from that
Presbyterian Church which was afterwards developed by Andrew
Melville. Knox was no narrow-minded bigot : he was thoroughly
cosmopolitan ; he kept up much of the practices of the old
church ; his one care was to see the country freed from supersti-
tion and brought to habits of morality to which the people were
strangers owing to the evil example of a g :nerally careless clergy,
though no doubt even in pre-Reformation days there were some
quiet and unknown servants of God in her rural vicarages. But
the great feature of Knox's policy was no doubt the recognition
of the part the people were to play in the future government of
the Church. This was quite a new departure in this country,
though no doubt Knox borrowed it from Calvin, and Calvin took
it from the Bohemian Church, where lay assessors to the presbyters
or clergy had existed a century before his birth.

The great task to which Knox set himself was to provide
spiritual instruction to a country which had renounced its allegiance
to its former pastors. The extent to which he was compelled to
rely on lay assistance may be gathered from the fact that the first
General Assembly consisted of forty-two members, and of these
forty- two only six were ministers. This was indeed a remarkable
difference from the practice of the Roman Church. No doubt it
was not altogether unusual in that Church for certain chosen
laymen to be summoned to provincial synods, though only rarely
were they accounted members, and certainly they had no votes,
the votum decisivum being confined to bishops and abbots. Even
so far back, however, as the fourth century we find laymen forming

JAn address delivered to the Elders Union, Aberdeen, 2 November, 1911.

254 Sir James Balfour Paul

one part of the Church as opposed to the clergy and the general
body of the people. Thus St. Augustine is found writing dilectis-
simis fratribuS) ckro, senioribus^ et universae plebi ecclesiae Hipponensis,
thus distinguishing between the cleric, the elders and the universa
plebs. Again he mentions Peregrinus, presbyter, et seniores Musticanae
regiontSy indicating something not unlike a minister and his kirk-
session.

A theory grew up in the Church, and has been held down to
quite recent times by many persons, that the word presbyters
includes elders ; or, in other words, that all presbyters are elders,
and the office-bearers of the Church are divided into two classes,
teaching elders and ruling elders. This, of course, would strike
at the root of all ecclesiastical orders, but really there is no
foundation for it.1

The Westminster Assembly itself, in which the point was
debated at length, never authorised the expression * ruling elder/
which would imply that there were other classes of elders : all it
says in its declaration on the form of Church government is that
' Christ who hath instituted government and governors ecclesiastical
in the Church hath furnished some in his Church, besides the
ministers of the Word, with gifts for government and with com-
mission to execute the same, when called thereunto, who are to
join with the minister in the government of the Church, which
officers Reformed Churches commonly call elders.' The Con-
fession of Faith too is equally guarded in its language : it knows
nothing of the lay assessors as presbyters or elders ; it merely
says : ' As magistrates may lawfully call a synod of ministers and
other fit persons to consult and advise with about matters of
religion, so if magistrates be open enemies to the Church, the
ministers of Christ of themselves by virtue of their office, or they
with other fit persons upon delegation from their churches may
meet together in such assemblies.' Here is a sharp delimitation
drawn between ministers, that is persons ordained to preach the
word, and the laymen who might be fit persons to consult.

Knox in his First Book of Discipline laid down the following
rules for the election of elders :

* Men of best knowledge of God's Word, of cleanest lite, men

1 It is impossible here to go into any reasoned exposition of the subject : it is
treated with most scholarly excellence by Principal Campbell, who has examined
all that can be said on both sides of the question, and has come to the conclusion
that the word presbyter never included those lay assessors whom we now call
elders.

The Post-Reformation Elder 255

faithful and of most honest conversation that can be found in the
Church must be nominated to be in election,1 and the names of
the same must be publicly read to the whole kirk by the minister
giving them advertisement that from among these must be chosen
elders and deacons. If any of the nominated be noted with
public infamy he ought to be repelled, for it is not seemly that
the servant of corruption should have authority to judge in the
Church of God. If any man knows others of better qualities
within the Church than those that be nominated let them be put
in election that the Church may have the choice.'

Here then we have the beginning of the evolution of our elder.
There is no qualification as to age, position or worldly estate : all
that is required of him is that he be of clean life and honest con-
versation. Gentle or simple, if he comes up to these standards
he is eligible for office or at least for nomination.

Knox goes on to detail the duties of the position.

' The elders being elected must be admonished of their office,
which is to assist the minister in all public affairs of the Church,
to sit in judging and deceiving causes, in giving of admonition to
the licentious liver, in having of respect to the manners and con-
versation of all men within their charge, for by the gravity of the
seniors ought the light and unbridled life of the licentious to be
corrected and bridled, yea the seniors ought to take heed to the
life, manners, diligence and study of their ministers.'

Such was the formidable task set to his elders by Knox. It
was all they could do to overtake it, if indeed they did overtake
it. The meetings of Session were held weekly, and the principal
business of the Session seems to have been the consideration of
somewhat squalid details of rustic amours or urban debauchery.
The spectacle of a monotonous succession of morally frail creatures
mounting the stool of repentance cannot have been edifying to
anybody, and to sit in judgment on all the virulent language that
may have been exchanged between quarrelsome neighbours must
have been wearisome in the extreme.

Still we must not make the mistake of judging the proceedings
of those days by the standard of our own time. Of course the
Session was harsh in many cases, though no doubt they acted from
the best of motives. We cannot forgive the St. Andrews Kirk
Session for punishing John Downy, one of the roughest men in
the town, who, meeting with a poor girl who had been betrayed

1 Knox does not use the word 'ordained' or ' ordination.' An ordination of
elders is quite a wrong expression, as elders are not ' in orders.'

256 Sir James Balfour Paul

and could not get her child baptised, took water and baptised it,
as in certain circumstances he had quite a right to do, and upon
a bystander taking exception to it, bravely answered, * I shall tak
all the plicht and perrell on my awen head ' : which accordingly
he did, but was promptly and severely dealt with by the Session.

But though the times were harsh and coarse, we must strive to
get an historic sense of them. What we think disgusting and
coarse were to the inhabitants in medieval times mere common-
places of humanity, while if they were alive now they would be
shocked at many things we take as matters of course. As
Stevenson remarks, * the old manners and the old customs go
sinking from grade to grade, until if some mighty emperor
revisited the glimpses of the moon, he would not find any one of
his way of thinking, any one he could shake hands with and talk
to freely and without offence, save perhaps the porter at the end
of the street or that fellow with his elbows out who loafs all day
before the public-house.' On the other hand, there are many
things in our day which we consider harmless enough, or at least
a matter of opinion, at which the Reformers would have lifted up
their hands in horror. For instance, we may or we may not
approve of suffragettes, but even their greatest opponents consider
them, at the worst, I fancy, with good-natured contempt, while if
John Knox had had to deal with them he would probably in the
first place have delated them before his Session, and then have
added a bitter chapter to his Blast against the monstrous regiment
of women.

However evil, squalid, and coarse the times were, the elders evi-
dently were not very keen on sitting on cases of moral delinquency,
of whatever nature they may have been. They were after all very
fallible human beings themselves, and did not always escape the
pains and penalties they meted out to others. In St. Andrews,
for instance, one deacon was struck off for non-attendance, dis-
obedience to the magistrates, and for being ' an evil payer of his
dettes ' : another was declared incapable of office for the ensuing
year for speaking against the magistrates, and worst of all an aged
elder had to be deposed for a very grave moral offence.

But these, of course, were very exceptional cases. On the
whole we may feel sure that the great majority of the elders
in the early days of the church were men full of enthusiasm,
and showed a laudable example to the people among whom
they were placed. It is not surprising that it was sometimes
found difficult to get full meetings of Session. So early

The Post- Reformation Elder 257

as 1561 there was a system of fines for absentees instituted
in the Session of St. Andrews. If he were wholly absent from
a meeting of Session the delinquent elder had to pay a shilling,
if so far late that he missed the opening prayer he was mulcted
in threepence, which he had also to pay if he left before the
business was done. Any one swearing an oath in the Session
' unrequiret and admittat to review ' was fined twopence for
each fault.

The St. Andrews Kirk Session was not far from a golf links,
and some of them did play golf when they should have been
attending meetings of Session. This was very grievous to the
graver brethren, a minute of Session was adopted to the following
effect : * The brethren understanding perfectlie that divers per-
sons of their number the tyme of Sessioun passes to the
fields, to the goufe and other exercise, and has no regard for
keeping of the Sessioun conforme to the acts maid thereanent,
for remeid quhairof it is ordanit that quhatsumever person
or persons of the Sessioun that hereafter beis found playand,
or passes to play, at the goufe or uther pastimes the tyme of
Sessioun sail pay los. for the first fault, for the second fault
2os., for the third fault public repentence, and for the fourt
fault deprivation from their offices.'

Whether or not these stringent penalties were ever actually
exacted they show that the business of the Kirk Session was
distasteful to many of its members. The fact was that they
were expected not merely to wait until some fama clamosa
compelled them to take action but to act as spies on the private
conduct of their neighbours, and generally to assume the functions
of a modern police court. Here, for instance, is a list of some of
the offences which came under the cognisance of Kirk Sessions in
the early years of the Reformed Church. Defamation, flyting,
ungodly speaking, filthy speeches, bannery and swearing, blas-
phemy, ' extraordinar drinking,' £ drinking contymouslie,' sus-
picious company keeping, haunting evil company, mis-spending
gear, night walking, keeping open house in the silence of the
night, playing at durris (playing about the doors), dancing and
running through the town after supper, tulzeing and ungodly
behaviour, wrestling and kissing on the causeway, being trouble-
some to neighbours, playing at tables (draughts or backgammon)
over night, cards or dice, striking, forcible abduction, fighting,
bloodshed, slaughter, witchcraft.

No doubt in some cases the Session did good, and one cannot

258 Sir James Balfour Paul

but recognise their earnest endeavour to raise the moral tone
of the people, which seems to have been low enough. But
many or the faults brought under notice would have been
better dealt with in a less public and more lenient way. Young
men and maidens had little chance of love-making, however
innocently it might be carried on. Elspeth Anderson, for
instance, had to confess one day that her young man had
called on her one night in Mr. John Methven's house, and
that her master found her ' in the said Robert his oxtar under
his cloak ' and reproved them. Robert denied any injuries done
by him ' and na forder being verefeit he wes ordanit to crave
God's mercie, and baith were admonest nocht to commit the
lyk herefter : and if he be fund doand the contrar it sal be
haldin as confest fornication againis them.'

All this to our minds is an unwarrantable interference with the
liberty of the subject, but we must not on that account condemn
the action of the Session too hastily. They found the country in
a bad state and they were merely acting upon their convictions
in endeavouring to set it right. They did not perhaps take the
right way but they acted up to their lights. In the sixteenth
century toleration and moral suasion were principles not only
not understood but practically unknown.

The fact is that the principle on which Kirk Sessions in the
earlier period of the Church acted was simply that of the Con-
fessional, viewed from the other side of the screen. Instead of
the penitent voluntarily confessing his sins to the Church, the
Church made it its business to find out his transgressions by means
of vigorous espionage. In both cases penance was inflicted :
in the Roman Church it usually took the form of the repetition
of so many extra prayers (which however well intentioned were
apt to become mechanical), while in the Reformed Church it
consisted of the mere material penalty of the stool of repentance,
monetary fines, or in some instances imprisonment in the church
steeple. To the tenderer spirits this publicity of penance must
have been agonising ; indeed there is on record one instance of a
poor fellow being driven out of his mind by the anticipation of it,
while to the culprit of coarser frame it was more of a joke
than otherwise.

Witchcraft was one of the offences which came under the
cognisance of the elders of old time. Of course they thoroughly
believed in witches, and the St. Andrews elders dealt severely
with anyone consulting them, though in most cases the poor

The Post-Reformation Elder 259

creatures were persons who had some knowledge of simples and
the use of herbs in curing disease. But of the dealings of
Sessions with witches themselves we hear very little : when they
suffered the extreme penalty of the law it was by the action of
the civil magistrate and not by that of the Kirk Session. There
does not seem to have been any demand for the services of either
ministers or elders as exorcists ; but there is on record an instance,
as recent as 1848, in which an unsuccessful application had been
made to the minister and elders of Campbeltown to rid an
unfortunate parishioner who was troubled with some very evil
symptoms. As they had evidently declined to move in the matter
the following letter was addressed to the Moderator of the
General Assembly :

Ballochintie, 21 April 1848.
To the General Assembly Moderator of Scotland.

This is a sorrowful account of a poor orphan woman native of Kintyre
which had been troubled these two years with frogs in her inside, of which
one yellow do. had been cast out two years ago July coming by Duncan
McNab, Dr., Campbeltoun, but still troubled with them yet and Mr.
McNab would have put them all out if paid for it, but Campbeltoun
minister and elders of my native parish would have nothing to do with
me which was cruel and murderous. To prove that I am troubled with
them the following names are for a telegraph — all the following can and
are willing to give their oath to verify and ascertain the truth :

John Kerr, Auchencairn \

William and John McDougall I Arran.
Ann and Mary Mackinnon J

They are ready whenever called to Edinburgh to verify the truth by an
oath.

I hope you will take the matter to consideration and look to the poor
object which will be a blessed affair. If you give word to Dr. McNab,
Campbeltoun, you shall be ever in my prayers for a blessed stage in the
world unknown. She took arsenic poison for a medicine which is of no
effect and frightful of death. I am my lord, your most devoted humble
servant Edward McCallum. Please send back word if you will do for her
to Edward McCallum, Fisher, Ballochintie.

The subsequent history of this case is not known.

But we must leave such subjects and pass to other and
brighter themes. There was, perhaps, no feature of such marked
difference in the practices of the Ancient and the Reformed
Churches as the administration of the Lord's Supper. It must
have been a remarkable experience for the parishioner of old
time, shortly after the Reformation, to receive communion in

260 Sir James Balfbur Paul

both kinds, while only a few months before he had been debarred
from the cup altogether. But even then it does not appear that
the elders had nearly the same duties to perform in connection
with the Communion as they have now. It is difficult to
ascertain whether in the days of Knox and his immediate suc-
cessors the people knelt while receiving the Sacrament and
were given it by the hands of the minister alone, or whether they
sat in their pews or at tables and had the elements brought them
by the elders. Certainly in the Episcopalian times of later days
the former was the practice, as Spalding expresses his surprise and
horror when at Aberdeen in 1641 he saw the basin and bread
lifted by ane elder and ilk man take his Sacrament with his own
hand. But in the early days of the Church I expect the elements
were carried to the people by the elders much in the way it is
now done, as on the St. Andrews Register there are lists of elders
and deacons sent to collect the tiquots, or tokens, and others to
serve the tables. Indeed it is difficult to see how it could be
done otherwise, as in 1593 there were more than 3000 regular
communicants in the Church there.

In many cases, however, the elders had little opportunity of
exercising this part of their functions, as the Sacrament of the
Lord's Supper was but infrequently celebrated in many parishes.
After the first fervour of the Reformation had passed away a
singular apathy took possession both of pastors and people as
regards this matter. In the parish of Fodderty, for example, it
was stated that there had been no celebration of Communion for
twelve years, while Glen Urquhart was in the same position
during the whole incumbency of Mr. Duncan MacCulloch, from
1647 to 1671, and these were not exceptional instances. How
different from the earlier times, when Knox recommended that
Communion should be celebrated four times a year, and when
there was an early celebration at four in the morning, besides
another in the forenoon. But in later times it is a curious fact
that Scotland seems to have oscillated between the two extremes
either of having no Communion at all, or else of making it the
occasion of a gathering from far and near, and an outburst of
emotional piety, which in some cases degenerated into licence.

The elders had, both in early and later days, not only a solemn
but also a very arduous duty to perform. The very supplying
of a sufficient quantity of bread and wine to the communicants
must have taxed them severely. Probably an account of the
admission to the reception of the cup which the Reformed Church

The Post- Reformation Elder 261

gave to its members, the amount of wine consumed at Communion
services was, to our eyes, quite appalling. At one Communion
in Edinburgh, in 1578, twenty-six gallons of wine were con-
sumed, costing £41 I2s. : eighty years after that date the
Corporation of Glasgow spent ^160 for a hogshead of wine for
Communion, and many similar instances might be cited. The
work of the elders on Communion Sundays in the early history
of the Church, and, indeed, down to comparatively recent times,
must have been much more arduous than it is at present. How-
ever uplifting and solemn the Communions in olden times may
have been, they were, or at least became, of inordinate length, and
must have taxed the energies of the Session to the utmost. So
much so that in some parishes at least the minister, elders, and
other office-bearers in the congregation got a private allowance of
wine, and that a liberal one, for their sustenance, though I cannot
believe that it was consumed entirely on the day of Communion
itself. Thus, in St. Cuthbert's, Edinburgh, in 1687, the minister
got an allowance of nine pints of wine (four Scots pints were equal
to a dozen bottles), the precentor two pints, the elders and
deacons four pints (a comparatively modest allowance in com-
parison), the beadle two pints, and so on.

There were many other duties which the old-time elder had to
perform that I could mention, but I must not detain you with
them. The practice of Privy Censure, when all the members of
Session, including the minister, had to go singly or in pairs out
of the room while the rest of the brethren discussed their conduct
and character, was one of the most extraordinary. It nominally
gave much opportunity for plain speaking, wholesome correction,
and home truths ; but, on the other hand, as each member knew
that if he dealt hardly with his absent neighbour, he in his turn
would have the same measure meted out to him, probably little
came of it. Occasionally, no doubt, there was some mild
expostulation. St. Andrew's Kirk Session, for instance, evidently
groaning under the infliction of portentously long and read
sermons, caused one of their ministers to be ' admonisit ,of
multiplication of wordes in his doctrine, and that his nottes be
in few wordes that the people may be mair edifiit.' But in the
great majority of cases nothing censurable was found against
anybody. The Kirk Session of Melrose on one occasion thought
it better to proceed to their Privy Censures on a certain day, the
reason given being that the next Tuesday was Galashiels Fair.

These glimpses of the first beginning of the Scottish elder

262 The Post-Reformation Elder

show that his duties were very different from those of the present
day. They were forced upon him by exigencies of his time :
they were in many respects disagreeable duties, but were none
the less necessary if the people of Scotland were to be raised out
of that depth of moral and spiritual degradation into which they
had undoubtedly sunk. But they faced them with indomitable
resolution and strenuous endeavour. They were sometimes mis-
taken, their methods may have been crude, and they may have
attempted to drive the people rather than lead them. But the
times were difficult and dangerous, and they did their duty
according to their lights.

JAMES BALFOUR PAUL.

Superstition in Scotland of To-day

PROBABLY few of those who year by year visit the northern
counties of Scotland have any notion of the fairy lore
and superstitions which, notwithstanding our modern wholesale
education, are still cherished and believed in by the natives.
The isolation of the crofter communities and the mystic tempera-
ment of the Celt are probably the chief contributory causes for
these survivals elsewhere relegated to the limbo of forgotten
things, and as every year, with the spread of education from one
source or another, they will become less vigorous, it seems
desirable to place on record the following instances which have
come under observation within recent years.

Flint arrow-heads of prehistoric manufacture were long regarded
with awe, as the product of elfin skill ; and as mysterious as their
manufacture was the sudden appearances they were credited with
in unexpected places such as much traversed roadways and paths.
With such a supernatural attribution they were readily regarded
as possessed of peculiar virtues in warding off evil and disease.
In the far west of Sutherlandshire a fine barbed arrow-head was
shown to the writer in 1909 by a reliable man who had acquired
it from a crofter. Its former possessor had been in the habit of
dipping it in the water which he gave to his cattle to drink, thus
rendering them, as he believed, immune from disease.

There were exhibited at a recent exhibition a set of pebbles,
three in number, consisting of an oval disc of quartzite some two
inches in length, and two rounded pebbles, the largest about the
size of a pigeon's egg, and covered on one side with small black
stains produced by a lichen ; the oval stone shows a slight hollow
produced by rubbing in the centre, suggesting that it has come
from some prehistoric site, possibly a grave. These stones
belonged to a reputed witch, whose death occurred as recently
as 1900, and were employed by her in the practice of her art.
That her skill was not confined to acts of a beneficent nature, such
as warding off disease from cattle, the following narrative will show.

264 A. O. Curie

It appears that at one time, by fair means or foul, she had
captivated the affections of a swain in the village, and to him
had become betrothed. Her lover, however, proved fickle, and
in her place led another bride to the altar. As the happy pair
emerged from the church door the disappointed one thrust herself
between them and cursed her rival. It was no impotent maledic-
tion, for in five days' time the bride lay dead. In this enlightened
age no retribution overtook this malicious jade ; on the other
hand, her reputation was henceforth firmly established, and doubt-
less in a superstitious community she benefited accordingly.

On calling recently at a shepherd's cottage in a southern county
of Scotland the conversation turned on witchcraft and witching-
stones ; whereat the shepherd's wife, an old woman, whose face
beamed with intelligence and good humour, produced from the
high mahogany chest of drawers — an essential piece of furniture
in the ' ben ' room of a Scottish cottage — a number of small
rounded pebbles long retained in the shepherd's family with no
surviving record to account for their preservation. In all proba-
bility they too had been charm stones. On the discussion of such
a suggestion the good wife related the following story.

Her mother, also the wife of a shepherd, had lived among
the hills, at the head of the valley of Ettrick. One summer after-
noon there came to her door an aged crone who begged a bowl
of milk. As churning was in prospect, lambs to be fed, and
above all milk scarce, the shepherd's wife expressed her sorrow
that she could not give the dole, * Ye'll be sorrier or nicht,' came
the reply, as the woman turned on her heel and shuffled away
down the hillside. When the evening milking time came the
true intent of the remark was apparent, for the cow, usually
a good milker, was dry. Much perplexed the shepherd's wife
sought counsel of her neighbour, whose experiences were fortu-
nately more varied than her own. Had she any sweet milk in
the house, queried the latter. *A little in the bottom of a jug/
* Good ! Pour it into a pot, set the pot on the fire, then run and
cut a fresh green turf, which place on the top of the pot. This
done, stick pins into the turf, as many as it will hold, and when
the milk boils the cow will be herself again.' The prescribed
course was faithfully followed, and long ere all the available pins
were in the sod the milk boiled and the cow recovered.

One can hardly imagine a more striking anachronism than
the use of the black art to upset a school board election. Yet
such an occurrence actually took place in a northern county a

Superstition in Scotland of To-day 265

very few years ago. In a parish, so far north that a labourer
from Banff who had migrated thither actually designated himself
to the writer as 'a south countryman/ there lives a dame who
has no mean reputation as being possessed of the evil eye. Let
her but look with evil intent into the face of a collie dog and
henceforth no sheep by haugh or hillside will be chivied by him ;
equally potent are the spells she can cast over the cows to stop
their milk. This dame has a husband, a respectable elderly man,
but stricken with years and no longer able to take an active part
in local affairs. Now it happened that a school board election was
imminent, at which a keen contest was expected, and it behoved
the candidates to make sure of every possible vote. Accordingly
this aged person was duly canvassed, and a promise of his vote
received, the favoured candidate undertaking to convey him to
the poll on the day of the election. The day arrived, and duly
habited in his best clothes, as became such an important function,
the old man awaited the promised conveyance. The morning
passed without its advont, and as the hours fled onwards ominously
angry grew the wife at this disregard of her husband, until, as the
afternoon drew to its close, she could restrain herself no longer,
and consigned the whole concern to the devil. The devil inter-
feres in strange ways ! When the votes came to be counted three
of the candidates had polled seventy-five votes, and a second
election was necessary. ' Ye wad hear that there was a colleesion

in the voting, but ye wad-na be hearing that Mistress A

caused the colleesion,' remarked a native of the parish on the
following day.

Sailors are of all people the most superstitious, and many a
person who has suffered from a rough voyage has seen some
hapless parson indicated as the cause of his discomfort ; but there
are other creatures besides clerics who can raise the winds. On
the extreme north coast a considerable amount of communication
between the small crofter hamlets is carried on by a trading
schooner. Now it happened that the doctor was flitting from
one of these townships and had chartered the schooner for the
conveyance of his household goods. Everything had been care-
fully stowed on board save a crate which lay on the pier containing
live poultry, an important part of the establishment where supplies
are not always readily procurable. But when the simple mariners
learned of its contents they absolutely declined to take it on board,
for why should they risk their lives by taking into their ship
winged creatures that would undoubtedly raise the storm ; and

266 A. O. Curie

so the poultry had to be sold to any one at the pierhead who would
make an offer for them.

The traveller who takes the coast road along the north side of the
Kyle of Sutherland will recognise the hamlet of Spinningdale by
the gaunt ruins of a cotton mill standing between the high road
and the shore. About half a mile above the village at the edge
of a wood lie the remains of a great cairn ; most of the stones
that composed it have been removed to build dykes, but one or
two upright slabs spared near the centre indicate the remains
of a chamber suggesting that it probably covered the ashes of
some neolithic hero. The legend repeated in the neighbour-
hood attributes to it a very different origin. Many years ago
there visited the district a plague, which in its ravages took a
heavy toll of life from the poor crofters who dwelt on the haughs
beside the Rhivra burn ; so in despair the survivors betook them-
selves to the priest to consider the best means of averting the
disaster that threatened the community. No insuperable diffi-
culty presented itself to the priest ; the plague-stricken area was
quite definite and within it consequently was the disease. So,
following the good man's advice, the inhabitants formed them-
selves in a ring around it and walked inwards to a common
centre, keeping of course the pestilence ever before them, till,
just as they reached the final point of convergence, the pestilence
in the form of a small animal vanished into the ground. Lest it
should find its way to daylight once more its pursuers raised a
mighty mass of stones over its retreat. One almost wishes the
vandals who destroyed the cairn had let it loose again upon
themselves !

Beside the banks of a noted salmon river, which meanders
through brown moors and green meadows to the Northern Ocean,
there lives a man who has seen the fairies. This man is aged
now, but in his youth one Sunday morning, as in meditative
mood he wandered by the banks of the stream, his vision was
blessed, by the sight of a band of little people habited in green,
tripping along hand in hand in the tracks of a diminutive piper,
who piped them gaily forward. Now the man who saw the little
folk is no untutored rustic, whose world is contained within the
bounds of his parish, but he has sojourned in the United States,
where the strenuous life gives little opportunity for the cultivation
of romantic fancies. Yet his faith in this vision remains as stead-
fast as the earth on which he stands, and should you in your
ignorance of such mysteries endeavour to persuade him that his

Superstition in Scotland of To-day 267

fancy played on him a trick he will tell you that nothing to him
is more sure than that he saw the fairies on that summer morning
long ago.

Dotted over the richer part of the county of Caithness may be
seen numerous grassy mounds, covering the remains of cairns or
brochs, and known to the natives as ' tullochs ' or * Picts' houses.'
Searching for the site of one of these the writer called one day at
a farm to make enquiries. With that kindliness and courtesy
which one hardly ever fails to meet with in country places the
farmer left his occupation to help in the search. As he described
the object as a ' Picts' house/ the writer treated him rashly to a
few facts of modern archaeology which, however, he politely but
firmly declined to believe in. ' Na, na,' he said, * there were lots
of Picts up and down Caithness in my grandfaither's time ; wee
unchancy folk they were, and if you spoke ill of them ye were
sure to get a fall or nicht. They lived in the tullochs, and if ye
paused in the darkening and listened ye could hear them away in
the heart of the tulloch sharpening their knives. There was once
a woman in this parish who fell in with a band of them as she
was coming home at nicht, and they took her off ; she wan away
back to her ain folk, but she was never the same woman again.'
Thinking that the farmer was not in earnest it was suggested that
the school-board was responsible for the extinction of the Picts ;
but such a theory was received with no favour. ' Na, na,' he
repeated, ' there were lots o' Picts up and down here in my grand-
faither's time.'

The fairies seem to have withdrawn themselves for ever from
mortal gaze, though to a favoured few the fairy music is still
audible ; the Picts no longer wander up and down Caithness and
haunt the tullochs ; even the mermaid who paid a fleeting
visit to the Pentland Firth in 1809, and whose appearance is
accurately recorded with a wealth of detail by credible witnesses
in Henderson's General View of the Agriculture of Caithness
(App. p. 1 08), seems to have left our shores never to return.
But, though education has slain all these wonder-folk with the
hard logic of fact, there is still a harvest of legend and lore to
be garnered in Scotland by those who have the opportunity and
the will to use it.

A. O. CURLE.

Notes on Swedo-Scottish Families

rr~TVHE editor is indebted to Mr. John S. Samuel for these
L JL biographical and historical Notes of Scotsmen in Sweden.
They were prepared by Herr Eric E. Etzel, D.Ph., Upsala,
partly from information in Anrep.: Svenska Adelm Aettartaflor, and
partly from researches in the private archives of members of the
Swedish nobility, who trace their descent from Scotsmen who
migrated to Sweden, for the most part during the Thirty Years'
War. That prolonged struggle attracted a large number of
Scottish soldiers of fortune, who at its close settled in Sweden,
and afterwards made for themselves a name in its military and
industrial annals. The notes — which relate to families still
existing in Sweden — were primarily intended to illustrate and
explain many of the relics and memorials in the Swedo-Scottish
Section of the Scottish Historical Exhibition held in Glasgow,
1911 ; of this section Mr. Samuel was convener, and contributed
largely to its success. Dr. Etzel has endeavoured to secure
accuracy in these notes, but names of persons and places are
inevitably liable to error, and pedigrees doubly difficult to trace,
when the descendants of emigrant Scots try thus to recover the
story of their ancestry.]

CLERCK. Robert Clerck lived in Scotland in the beginning of the
sixteenth century, and was descended from the ancient family of Clerck
of Coulli, in Forfar : he was lieutenant in Selkirk, and married to Helena
Scrymgeor of the noble family of Scrymgeor of Dudhope.

His grandson, William Clerck, was born in Scotland, and in 1607 went,
as captain of a regiment of Scots, to Sweden. He was married to a
Scotchwoman, Malin Dunckham.

His son Hans Clerck, the elder, 1607-1679, was born in Orebro. He
entered the navy, and became admiral, and adviser to the Admiralty.
He was raised to the nobility in 1648. He died at Orebro, and was
buried in that town, in the Church of St. Nicholas, where his coat of arms
is hanging. His brother Thomas was also ennobled. He followed the
profession of the law, and became hSradshQfding — an office between that of
a barrister and of a judge.

One of his sons, Jacob, was a major in the marines, and was killed at the

Notes on Swedo- Scottish Families 269

siege of Stralsund. Thomas, born in 1680, was captured at Pultava, and
was kept prisoner at Solikamsk. This branch of the Swedish line of the
family died out long ago.

Richard Clerck the younger was born in Scotland in 1604, and was
brought to Sweden a few years later. He entered the navy, and rose to
be admiral. He was ennobled in 1648, and thus founded another branch
of the Swedish line of Clercks, but as he had only one son, who died
unmarried, the line died out only sixty-two years after its foundation.

The third branch of this family, like the two first, originated in Scot-
land, but has a different coat of arms, which is, however, identical in one
particular. The first of this branch was Alexander Clerck, of noble
Scottish extraction. He was a goldsmith during Queen Christina's reign.

His grandson Jacob, 1668-1735, distinguished himself in the law, and
was made a nobleman in 1699. Christopher, a grandson of above, was in
the army and rose to be major. In 1803 he advertised in the public papers
for his wife, whom he had not heard of for fourteen years. This branch
has also died out.

The fourth branch was founded by Hans, a grandson of the William
Clerck, the founder of the family in Sweden. He was in the navy, and
rose to be admiral. He became governor in Westerbotten and Lappland
in 1680, and in Calmar and Oland in 1683. He was a valorous and
skilful seaman, and was in several sea-battles, amongst others in the
Mediterranean against the Turks, under the command of the English
Admiral Tromp. He was made a baron in 1687, and died in Arboga in
1718. He lies buried with his wife in the Klingspor tomb in Wallentuna.
His line began and ended with him, for though he had twelve children,
seven of them were girls, and of his five sons, four died as children, and
the fifth was killed by a shot at Pultava in 1709, at the age of 25.

Lorentz, 1653-1720, son of Hans the elder, gained the rank of
lieutenant-general in the army, and was created a baron in 1707. He
was buried in Horeda Church in Smaland, where his coat of arms may
still be seen. He had four children, two of whom were boys. Hans the
elder was shot dead at Pultava, and Carl the younger died unmarried,
thus ending that line of the family.

There is a noble family of Klercker which is supposed to have sprung
from the same source as the Clercks. Their coat of arms is something
similar. One of the members of the family, Carl Frederik of Klercker, is
at present Swedish Minister at Brussels and The Hague. The present
head of the family is John Echard Frederik, born 1866, a Doctor of
Philosophy and author.

HAIJ. (HAY.) This ancient noble family, which is famous in several
European lands, is descended from a Scottish peasant. In the year 920, in
King Kenneth IIL's time, when the Danes landed on the Scottish coast,
and at first had the upper hand in the battle at Loncarty, this peasant, for
lack of any other weapon, took the yoke of his plough, and with two of
his sons who were very strong and brave, met his flying countrymen, and
forced them to return to the struggle, the result being that the Danes
suffered a complete defeat. It is said that the heroic peasant, who, after

270 Eric E. Etzel

the battle, was found worn out and wounded, cried out to encourage the
soldiers * Hie ! Hie ! ' and this exclamation, or a variation of it, afterwards
became his surname, and that of his descendants. He and his sons were at
once ennobled by the king, who, at the same time, gave them as much
land in Carse of Cawry (Gowrie) as a falcon could fly over without resting.
In Scotland the race has spread into many different branches.

The first of the family to go to Sweden was Alexander Hay, who was
born in Scotland, and went to Sweden in the beginning of the seventeenth
century. He became a colonel, and married a Swedish lady, Dorothea
Plessan. He had three sons, the eldest of whom, Henric, 1631-1698, became
Commander of Kockenhusen, and was ennobled in 1689. This Henric Haij
had two sons, Henric Magnus and Carl Henric, who also entered the army
and rose to be lieutenant-colonels. In 1 709 they were captured at the Dnieper
and taken to Tobolsk. Henric Magnus' son, Wollrath Wilhelm, also followed
a millitary career and during the war in Pomerania showed bravery and
skill in battle. His son Eric was the first baron, which title he received in
1815. He was a distinguished officer, rising to the rank of major-general.
The present head of the family is Baron Vollrath Wilhelm, and the family
estates are Onsjo and GaddebSck in Vastergotland.

MAULE AND MAULL. The ancestors of these families came from
the town of Maule, eight leagues from Paris, from which they got their name.
From there they came to Scotland, where they were flourishing already in
the thirteenth century. One of the family became the Baron of Panmure
in the Scottish King Alexander's time, between 1214 and 1249, and one of
his descendants became Lord of Brechin in the year 1437, through his
mother, and finally the title became Earl of Panmure, Lord of Brechin and
Navarr.

John Maule of Glittne in Scotland was the father of James, who was
born in Scotland, and went to Sweden about the year 1732, becoming the
ancestor of the family of Maule. He was a naval captain in the East
Indian service. He married a Swede, Lona Busch, and had four children,
who were all ennobled in 1782. One of them, Jacob Maule, entered the
East-India service, and was, for ten years, chief of the office of the
Company in Canton, from which he returned to Sweden in 1781, with a
considerable fortune. One of his sons, James, became a chamberlain, and
held at different times several other posts of honour.

The family of Maull can be traced to a Maule who was a councillor in
Kongelf, and who is believed to have afterwards come to Sweden.

His son Jacob was born in Kongelf. He became 'Chief War-
Commissary* for the army in Scania in 1716, and held a high office in
Gothenburg. He was ennobled in 1716, and died two years later. He
had eight children, but the branch died out with that generation as not one
of the eight left a child.

The present representative of the Maules is James Pilegaard, born
in 1855. Several members are at present living in Sweden, including
John Maule, captain in the Crown Prince's Regiment of Hussars,
who lent several pictures to the Scottish Historical Exhibition,
1911.

Notes on Swede-Scottish Families 271

MESTERTON. According to tradition this family owes its origin to
England, whence one of its members, who had an estate in Northumber-
land, and had stood on the king's side during the revolt against the
Stuarts, had to fly. He went first to Holland, and later on it seems that
he went -to Sweden, while a younger brother, who had been on Cromwell's
side, took possession of the family estate. According to the family tree of
the Psilanderskolds at Riddarhuset (Swedish House of Nobles), the first
member of the family known in Sweden, Jacob Mesterton, was son to
Archibald Mesterton, governor of Edinburgh. The above-named Jacob,
1625-1689, who went to Sweden in the middle of the seventeenth century,
is named in the Marriage Register of the Church of St. Nicholas for the
year 1658, and is there called 'Jacob Masterton,' and in 1660, at Arboga,
where he owned a farm, his name is found written, Jacob ' Mesterthun.'
He was a merchant in Stockholm, and owned some property in different
parts of Sweden.

Carl Mesterton, born in 1715, became a Theological Professor in Abo,
and was a prolific author. His great-grandson, Carl Benedict, born in
1826, had a distinguished career as a Physician and Professor of Chirurgery
at Upsala University. He planned a hospital at Upsala which was so
practical that it served as model to several of Sweden's hospitals. He died
at Upsala in if

MONTGOMERY. The family of Montgommorie, Montgomerie or
Montgomery, originally had its earldom and estates in the Pays d'Auge, in
Normandy. It spread to England and Scotland, and the first of the family
to be ennobled in Sweden was descended from a younger son of the first
Earl of Eglinton. Robert Montgomery, born in Scotland in 1647, lost all
his property in that country through the revolution. He married three
times. By his three wives he had twenty-one children, among whom
there were eight sons, of whom one named John went to Sweden.

John was born in Scotland in 1701, and was sent to a relation in
Stockholm in 1720. He became the owner of the LSnna Factory in
Roslagen, and of several others in Norrland and Finland, and was made a
nobleman in 1736. He died in Stockholm in 1764, and was buried in the
Church of St. Mary. His son Robert, 1737-1/98, at first entered the
Swedish service, but later on left it for the French army, in which he
reached the rank of captain. He then re-entered the Swedish service, in
which he rose to be commander. During the time he was in the French
army, he was present at the battle of Bergen, under the command of
Marshal Closel, and at several other battles. He received from France a
pension of 600 livres annually, as long as such pensions were paid. For
being a member of the Anjala-Society he was condemned to be executed,
but the sentence was reduced to loss of rank and of his orders and to
imprisoment in St. Barthelemy, from which he was set free in 1793. His
first wife was Anna Sibylla von Stalbourg, whom he took by force from
her first husband.

One of his sons, named Josias, 1785-1825, was the first to be called
Montgomery-Cederhjelm. His maternal grandfather, Baron Josias

272 Eric E. Etzel

Cederhjelm, settled the estate of Segersjo, in Nerike, on him and his heirs,
on the condition that the occupier of the property and his heir should
always bear the name of Cederhjelm in addition to his own family name.
Josias was in the army, and was adjutant to General Baron Vegesach in
the Norwegian war, and had the gold medal for bravery in the field. He
bore the rank of colonel when he died at the age of forty. He was
buried in the Cederhjelm vault in the Church of St. Clara in Stock-
holm.

Another branch of the family Montgomery in Sweden began with
Jacob David Montgommerie, who was at one time major-general in
Hanover, and afterwards entered the Swedish service, and became
lieutenant-colonel in a German regiment of the Swedish army in
Pomerania. He died in 1653.

His son, David Cristoffer, was a Swedish officer, and died 1704. He
married twice, and his son l Carl Gustaf also entered the army. Carl
Gustaf, 1690-1763, was wounded at the battle of Helsingborg, in 1710, and
when in 1713, on the way to Wismar, the vessel he was in went on the
rocks at Bornholm, he, with several others, was declared a Danish prisoner
of war, was plundered, and taken to Copenhagen, and was there until the
following June, when he was exchanged. He had five sons, all of whom
were ennobled.

One of his granddaughters, MUrta Christina, was celebrated for her
beauty. She married a Count Douglas, and was called 'The beautiful
Countess.'

Carl Johan, 1730-1805, was in the Pomeranian war, during which he
fought in the battles of Gustrow, Grantzow, Sussow, Schatcow, Anclam,
Passewalk, and Werbelow, and was badly wounded in 1759.

David Robert, 1771-1846, went through the whole of the Finnish war
1780-90, during which time he was in the battles of Kowalla, Uttismalm,
Likala, Skogsby, Walkiala, Keltis, and Nappa. In 1789 he personally
saved King Gustaf III. from being taken prisoner by three Kossacks, when
he was reconnoitring an outpost. For the bravery he then displayed he
was named a Knight of the Order of the Sword on the spot, although he did
not receive the insignia of the Order till 1801. He was ordered with
his regiment to Pomerania in 1806, and was taken prisoner by the French
in Lttbeck. He left the service in 1811, with the rank of lieutenant-
colonel.

Otto Wilhelm, 1736-1775, was in the Pomeranian war, and was present
at the battles of Svinemiinde, Werbelow, Passewalk, Kfipenack Grimm,
Demmin, and Anclam. One of his sons, Carl Christoffer, 1765-1792, died
of a wound which he received at the engagement at Warela.

Otto Wilhelm, 1768-1837, had the gold medal for bravery on the field
of battle in 1 8 10. He was in the war in Finland, and was wounded at
Hornefors.

Gustaf Leonhard, 1772-1845, was in the navy for some time, during
which he was present at the retreat from Wiborgsviken, and the sea-battle
at Svensksund in 1790, after which he received the Svensksunds medal in
gold.

Notes on Swedo-Scottish Families 273

Carl George, 1779-1847, and Fabian Hugo, 1782-1832, were accepted
by the Finnish Riddarhuset (House of Nobles) as nobles.

Gustaf Adolf, born in 1791, during his youth filled several different
positions, such as assistant-clerk in an office, and to a judge. Later on he
proved himself a brave soldier in the Finnish war, 1808-9, during which he
marched over 1200 English miles, and took part in the encounters at
Putkila Koiwiste (where he captured a prisoner, and received the medal for
bravery), Kuopio, Kellenjemi, laipale, and Idensalmi. He took part in the
campaign in Westerbotten, where he was in the contests at Hornefors
and Degernas. He was on duty as outpost when the Russians marched
over Qvarken, and got his feet frozen. He was wounded several times,
and because he captured a mounted Cossack, he was given his com-
mission as lieutenant. He was in the war in Norway in 1814, and was
in the conflicts at Lierskans, Medskog, Skotterrud, and Malmerberget.
Later on he was in Parliament, where he worked for the high taxation of
schnapps, and the abolition of number-lotteries. From 1834 to 1841 he
was manager of Carlbergs Copperworks in JUmtland, where he made roads,
built a church and school for the employees of the factory, and with his
own money and that of others interested founded a pension-institute
which bears his name. Finally he worked for several newspapers, and
himself published a military paper. He translated several works, and wrote
and published a history of the Finnish war, 1808-9, in recognition of which
he was elected member of several native and foreign learned and literary
societies.

The heads of the two branches of the family of Montgomeries now in
Sweden, are Robert, a Chamberlain to the Swedish Court, born in 1851,
who lives on the family estate of Segersjo, and Knut Robert Gabriel,
born in 1850. He is a captain on the reserve of the Life Dragoon
Regiment.

MURRAY. This Swedish family is descended from an old noble family
in the county of Perth in Scotland of which a Malcolm Murray, who lived
about the year 1250, was the founder. The Dukes of Athol, Earls of
Dunmore, Barons Elibank, and several other noble families have this
family name. In Cromwell's time one branch went to Prussia, and to this
belongs the Swedish family.

Johan Murray, 1665-1721, a landowner in Prussia, had a son named
Anders, 1695-1771, who was born at Memel in Prussia, and who in 1717
took a degree, answering to the English * Master of Arts,' in Jena. He
became a clergyman, and was rector in Schleisweg and Haddeby in 1725,
and in 1735 went to the German church in Stockholm, where he became
the priest in charge in 1738. Among other writings, he published a
German homily. He died in 1771. One of his sons, Gustaf, 1747-1825,
took academical degrees at Gottingen in 1768, and holy orders in 1770
at the German church in Stockholm. There he took duty, and after being
ordinary Court-preacher to the king, and first Court-preacher to Duke
Carl of Sodermanland in 1773, and holding several other important
appointments, became principal Court-preacher to the king in 1809. He

274 Eric E. Etzel

was a Commander of the Order of the North Star. He was ennobled in
1810, and became Bishop of Westeras in 1811.

The present head of the family is Carl Wilhelm Otto, born in 1836.
He lives at Saltsjobaden.

NISBETH. This Swedish family originated in Scotland, and takes its
name from the property of Nisbet in Berwickshire.

William Nisbeth was born in Scotland in 1596. He went to Sweden,
and became first a major and finally colonel in the Upland Foot Regi-
ment. He died in 1660, and was buried in Old Upsala Church, where
may still be seen his coat of arms. His son William entered the same
regiment, and was ennobled in 1664, after proving that he was a member
of the family of Nisbet in Scotland.

Carl Wilhelm, 1790-1860, became a major, and gained the gold medal
for bravery and Carl XIV. Johan's medal.

Fredric Wilhelm, 1727-1798, was a prisoner during the Pomerian War
for three years.

Mauritz Wilhelm, 1681-1767, was fighting at Clissow, where he was
shot in the right leg ; at Pultowsk, where he was shot twice ; at Holofzin,
where he was badly wounded ; at Reschilenska, where he was shot, and at
Pultava, where he was taken prisoner, and was kept at Wolodga for many
years before he was released in 1722, when peace was declared.

The present head of the family in Sweden is Carl Gustaf Mathias,
born in 1849. He ^s a c^v^ engineer, the hereditary owner of Tisslinge,
and owns other property.

SETON. The Swedish noble line of this family has included, besides the
still living Baron line, two others, namely those of Seton and Dundas.

The Seton line was one of the most ancient in Scotland, and began to
distinguish itself in King Malcolm Canmore's reign in 1070. One member
of the family married the sister of King Robert Bruce.

The Baron line of Setons had its origin in France, and spread to Scotland
when Princess Mary of Lorraine was married to King James V.

The Dundas line originated with the Earls of Northumberland.

George Seton, born 1696, in Scotland, was a student at Ehrenburg,
whence he travelled to Dantzig, where he studied commerce. He went
to Sweden in 1718, and settled in Stockholm, where he became a merchant.
He was ennobled in 1785 at the same time as his nephew, Alexander
Baron, Doctor of Law. George Seton never married, and so his line
began and ended in himself. He died in 1786, and was buried in the
Church of St. Maria in Stockholm.

The Baron line of Setons in Sweden began with the above-named
Alexander Baron, Doctor of Law, born in Scotland in 1738. He was
ennobled in Sweden in 1785, taking the name of Seton, and bought the
stately house Ekolsund at Husby-Sjutolfts, of King Gustaf III. He was
married to Elisabeth Angus, of Edinburgh, and had three sons, one of
whom was in the navy, and was drowned near the Cape of Good Hope.
He was unmarried. Another son, who had no profession, and never

Notes on Swedo-Scottish Families 275

married, died in 1828. Patrik, 1766-1837, his eldest son, was a Doctor of
Medicine, and married a Scotchwoman, Agnes Thomson. He died at
Torquay in England, leaving several children. His son and heir, Alexander,
born 1806, lived on his Scotch estates.

The Dundas line of Setons in Sweden began and finished in the person
of Robert Dundas, who owned the estate of Akerberg in Scania. He was
ennobled in 1807, taking the name of Seton, and died without heirs.

Patrick Baron, born in 1849, is the present head of the Swedish line.
He owns Ekolsund and Segersta, both in Upland, Preston in Scotland, and
other properties in both countries. His wife is Beate Louise Eleonore
Rosencrantz.

SINCLAIR. This family can be traced back to Woldorus, Count of
Sinclaire in France, whose son William came to England.

Frank Sinclaire, afterward Sinclair, was born in Scotland, went to Sweden,
and joined the army, in which he worked himself up to the rank of colonel.
He was raised to the nobility in 1649. The line of Sinclairs of which he
was the founder died out long ago.

John and David Sinclair, cousins of the above-named Frank, came to
Sweden in 1651. David became the colonel of a regiment of cavalry.
He bought the country estate of Finnekumla, and, when he was raised to
the Swedish nobility, was allowed to retain the ancient coat-of-arms
of his family, with the addition of a white five-leaved rose in the
middle of the cross. He was shot dead by a cannon ball at the battle of
Warschau, in the sight of King Carl X. Gustaf, in 1656. His son
William became a general, and was raised to the rank of baron shortly
before his death in 1715. Malcolm, a son of this William, 1691-1739,
was taken at Pultava in 1709, when only eighteen years of age, and kept
prisoner until 1722, when the war concluded. In 1739 he was on his way
home from Constantinople, where he had been sent on important affairs,
when he was seized and massacred by Russians, who left his body in a
wood. It was afterwards taken to Stralsund and buried in the Church of
St. Nicolas, where his epitaph may still be seen. His cruel death raised
great indignation in Sweden, and was the subject of a romance, well known
under the name of ' Malcolm Sinclairs Visa.'

One of his brothers, Henrik Gideon, was a very clever soldier, and
served sometimes in France, sometimes in Sweden. He was in the
campaign in Norway, during which he was present at the siege of Fredrics-
hall. Owing to his changing service so often, he never reached a higher
rank than captain. With the French army he took part in the war of
J733> and m I74° was m tne Finnish war, after which he returned to
France, and went through the whole of the Seven Years' War. His son,
Carl Gideon, born in 1730 at Stralsund, after serving in the army in France
and Germany with great distinction for some years, joined the Swedish army.
He showed great courage and skill in the battle at Warbourg, and was
chosen to instruct the young Prince Maximilian, afterwards Kur-Furste of
Pfaltz-Bajern, in the art of war. Later on, when King Gustaf III. was
travelling through Zweibriick, he saw and recognized Carl Gideon, and

276 Eric E. Etzel

gave him the rank of colonel. He afterwards reached the rank of general.
He died in Westmanland in Sweden in 1803. He was married to
Henrietta Eckbrecht von Dilrckheim, but had no children, and with him
died out not only his line in Sweden, but also the chief line of the Barons
Sinclair of Ninbourg and Dysart in Scotland.

Anders Sinclair was born in Scotland in 1614. He came to Sweden
and became a musketeer in Colonel Robert Stuart's regiment in the
Swedish army in 1635, from which time he advanced in rank until he
became commander in 1678. He was raised to the Swedish nobility in
1680. In the siege of Thorn, he defended the post confided to him so
valiantly that the enemy was repulsed eight times, during which he was
shot in both arms and his head. He died in 1689. His son, Frans David,
was a prisoner in Russia for thirteen years. He had one daughter only,
and his number in the table of nobility was given to a natural son of
Court Fredric Carl Sinclair, named Carl Gustaf, a major in the army, who
was raised to the nobility in 1 804. It is supposed that his line began and
ended with himself.

Fredric Carl, born in 1723, became an ensign at the age of eighteen,
after serving for three years as a volunteer at the fortifications. He was in
the campaign in Finland about the year 1740, and with the permission of
the authorities went to France in 1745 where he was taken prisoner by
the Austrian troops, but escaped shortly after ; he then took part with
the French army, in the campaign at Rehnstrommen, and in 1746 in the
campaign in Belgium and the siege of Namur. In 1757 he was in the
war in Pomerania, during which he conducted the siege on the landside at
Penemtmde fort. At Lockenitz he was wounded five times. He had
very much to do with the revolution of 1772. He was created a baron in
1766 and count in 1771, and in the army was general and councillor of
war. He died in 1776.

The present head of the family in Sweden is Carl Gustaf Wilhelm,
born in 1849. He was a captain in the Second Life-Grenadiers.

SPENS. William Spens, who was a member of a noble family in Scotland,
lived in the sixteenth century. He had a son named Jacob, who was born
in Scotland and went to Sweden in King Carl IX.'s reign as colonel of a
regiment of English and Scotsmen. He afterwards entered the Swedish
service, and became Swedish Legate or Ambassador to England in 1612.
Ten years later he was created a baron, and received the barony of
Orreholm. He was AuHc Councillor and general over the English and
Scottish warriors in the Swedish army. In 1632 he died of a fit, which
seized him when he heard the news of King Gustaf II. Adolf's death, and
was buried in Riddarholms Church in Stockholm. His wife was a Scotch-
woman, Margaret Forath, who afterwards married Baron Hugo Hamilton.

His son Axel, who was a major in the army, and died in the Polish
War in 1656, had a son named Jacob, who became a general, and in
1712 was created a count. In 1712 and 1714 he and his wife entailed
the estates of Hoja and Engelholm on their second son, Carl Gustaf,
because their elder son, Axel, was then a prisoner in Russia, and was not

Notes on Swedo-Scottish Families 277

expected to return, and the two entailed estates were not to be in the
possession of one Count Spens if there were two living. Axel had been
taken after the battle at Pultava in 1709, and was taken to Moscow,
where he was kept a prisoner until 1722, when peace was declared. On
his return to Sweden he had the command of the Observation Army at
Stockholm. He died unmarried in 1745.

The head of the family is now General Count Gustaf Harald Spens,
born in 1827. He has the estate of Hoja, while that of Engelholm is
held by Count Gabriel Spens, born in 1878.

Chronicle of Lanercost1

MY lord Robert de Brus, King of Scotland, died a leper ;
he had made for himself, however, a costly sepulchre.
His son, David, a boy of six or seven years, succeeded him. He
had married the sister of the King of England, as has
A.D. 1329. been explamecj above ; but he was not crowned
immediately, nor anointed, although his father had obtained
[authority! from the FPapall Court for such anointing of the

/ J L i J O

Kings of Scotland in future.2

In the same year, on the i6th day of March, my lord Edmund
of Woodstock, Earl of Kent, the king's uncle and son of the late
illustrious King Edward the son of Henry, was taken at Win-
chester as a traitor to the king, and there before many nobles of
the realm acknowledged that, both by command of my lord the
Pope and at the instigation of certain bishops of England, whom
he named expressly, and by advice of many great men of the
land, whom he also named and proved by sure tokens, and
especially at the instigation of a certain preaching friar of the
convent of London, to wit, Friar Thomas of Dunheved, who
had told the said earl that he had raised up the devil, who
asserted that my lord King Edward, lately deposed, was still
alive, and at the instigation of three other friars of the aforesaid
Order (to wit, Edmund, John and Richard) he intended to act,
and did act with all his power, so that the said Lord Edward, the
deposed king, should be released from prison and restored to the
kingdom, and that for such purpose my lord the Pope and
the said lord bishops and nobles aforesaid had promised him
plenty of money, besides advice and aid in carrying it out.

In consequence of this confession, the said Edmund, Earl of

1 See Scottish Historical Review, vi. 13, 174, 281, 383; vii. 56, 1 60, 271, 377;
viii. 22, 159, 276, 377; ix. 69, 159.

2 The bull conveying this right is dated at Avignon on the Ides of June, 1329.
The Bishops of Glasgow and S. Andrews were directed to exact from King Robert
and his successors an oath that they would preserve the immunity of the ecclesias-
tical order and extirpate heretics.

Chronicle of Lanercost 279

Kent, was condemned to death and was cruelly beheaded. More-
over, it was said that his death was procured chiefly through the
agency of Sir Roger de Mortimer, Earl of March, who at that time
was more than king in the kingdom, forasmuch as the queen-
mother and he ruled the whole realm. The bishops, also, and
the other nobles who were the Earl of Kent's advisers and
promoters of the aforesaid business were severely punished.
And the aforesaid Preaching Friar was delivered to perpetual
imprisonment, wherein he died, as has been described above.
But the marvel is that the said friar, or any other very learned
person, should trust the devil, seeing that it is said by God in
the holy gospel according to John that he is a liar and the
father, that is the inventor, of lies. My lord Thomas de Wake,
a baron and faithful subject of England and loyal to the realm,1
and sundry other Englishmen, fearing the cruelty and tyranny of
the said Earl of March, crossed over to France until such time
as they should see better conditions and more peace in the realm.

In the same year the Scottish friars obtained a certain Vicar of
the Minister-General and were totally separated from the friars of
England.

About the feast of S. Luke the Evangelist,2 the king held a
parliament at Nottingham, whereat the said Earl of March was
privily arrested by order of the king and taken
thence to London, and there on the vigil of S. Andrew A'D' I3^°'
the Apostle next following 3 in parliament was condemned to
death, and on the evening of the same day was drawn and hanged
on the gallows, where he hung for three days, being afterwards
taken down and buried at the Minorite Friars.4 The charge upon
which he was condemned is said to have been manifold — that he
seemed to aspire to the throne — that it was said that he himself
had caused the king's father to be killed, or at least had been
consenting to his death — that he had procured the death of the
aforesaid Earl of Kent — that it was through him and the Queen-
mother that the Scots, so far as in them lay, had gained the
kingdom of Scotland, free and independent of the lordship of

1 Ancestor of Sir Herewald Wake of Courteenhall, Northampton. The Wakes
claim to be of Saxon descent, and this Thomas or his father was first summoned
as a baron of Parliament in 1295.

2 1 8th October. 3 zgth November.

4 But the king's letter is extant, directing that the body should be delivered to
the widowed Countess and her son Edmund for interment with his ancestors at
Wigmore.

280 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

England for ever, without having to do homage to the Kings of
England, thereby causing serious detriment to the heritage of the
King and Crown of England — that there was a liaison suspected
between him and the lady Queen-mother, as according to public
report. There was hanged also on account of the aforesaid earl
one Symon of Hereford, formerly the king's justiciary.

Now the lady Queen-mother, seeing the earl's death and
hearing the charge upon which he was condemned, took alarm
on her own account, as was said, assumed the habit of the Sisters
of the Order of S. Clare and was deprived of the towns and
castles and wide lands which she possessed in England. Howbeit
she enjoyed a competent and honourable sufficiency, as was
becoming for the king's mother.

Meanwhile the son and heir of the Earl of Arundel, my lord
Thomas le Wake, Sir Henry de Beaumont,1 Sir Thomas de
Rosslyn, Sir Fulk Fitzwarren, Sir Griffin de la Pole, and many
others, who had been exiles in France, returned to England,
and their lands were restored to them, with all that the king
had received from these lands during the time of their exile.2

In the same year the new Pope came to the old one and was
received to favour, on condition that he should not leave the
curia, and there he remained till the day of his death, when
the Pope caused him to be buried with ceremony.

In the same year a son named Edward was born to my lord
King Edward the Third.

About the feast of S. Andrew 3 David, son of the late Robert
de Brus, was anointed and crowned King of Scotland at Scone,
and it was publicly proclaimed at his coronation that he
3I' claimed right to the kingdom of Scotland by no heredi-
tary succession, but in like manner as his father, by conquest
alone.

In the same year died my lord Thomas Randolph, Earl of
Moray, who had been appointed Guardian of Scotland until
David should come of age ; wherefore Donald, Earl of Mar,

1 Ancestor of Sir George H. W. Beaumont of Coleorton Hall, Ashby-de-la-
Zouch. This Henry was styled consanguineus regis, and was summoned as a baron
of Parliament, 4th March, 1309.

2 Some of these lands were in Scotland, over which Edward III. had resigned
all claim by the Treaty of Northampton. But it was stipulated in that treaty
that these lords should receive back their Scottish possessions, a condition that the
Scottish Government was not in a position to fulfil. Hence all the subsequent
trouble about the Disinherited Lords.

8 3<Dth November.

Chronicle of Lanercost 281

was elected to the guardianship of Scotland, notwithstanding
that he had always hitherto encouraged my lord Edward de
Balliol to come to Scotland in order to gain the kingdom by
his aid ; but when he found himself elected to the guardianship
of the realm, he deserted Edward and adhered to the party of
David.

On the feast of the Holy Martyrs Sixtus, Felicissimus and
Agapetus, to wit, the sixth day of the month of August, the
aforesaid Sir Edward de Balliol, son of the late Sir John
of that ilk, King of Scotland (having first taken counsel A'D' !«"2
privately with the King of England, and bringing with him the
English who had been disinherited of their lands in Scotland, and
the Frenchman, Sir Henry de Beaumont, who had married the
heiress of the earldom of Buchan, and who was in England ;
bringing also with him my lord the Earl of Athol,1 who had
been expelled from Scotland,2 and the Earl of Angus3 and the
Baron of Stafford,4 and a small force of English mercenaries) took
ship and invaded Scotland in the Earl of Fife's land near the town
of Kinghorn, effecting a landing where no ship had ever yet been
known to land. The whole force did not exceed fifteen hundred,
all told ; or, according to others, two thousand and eighty. Oh
what a small number of soldiers was that for the invasion of a
realm then most confident in its strength ! No sooner had they
disembarked than the Earl of Fife5 attacked them with 4000
men ; but he was quickly repulsed, many of his men being killed
and the rest put to flight. So my lord Edward and his men
remained there in peace without molestation that night and the
following day, but on the third day they marched as far as the
monastery of Dunfermline.

On the day following the feast of S. Lawrence the Martyr6
they marched to the Water of Earn, where the Scots from the
other side of the river came against them with 30,000 fighting
men. But on that day they would not cross the water to the

1 David of Strathbogie, nth earl in the Celtic line.

2 He is noted in Fordun (cxlvii.) as one of the disinherited lords.

3 Gilbert de Umfraville, 4th earl in the English line.

4 Ralph, Lord de Stafford, created Earl of Stafford in 1351. He was one of
Edward III.'s ablest officers.

5 Duncan, loth Earl of Fife (1285-1353), who, although he often changed
sides, is distinguished as having been the first to sign the famous letter to the
Pope in 1320, declaring the independence of Scotland.

6 nth August.

282 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

English, nor would the English cross over to them ; but the
English, having held council, crossed the water in the night and
fell upon the Scottish infantry, of whom they killed 10,000, put
to flight the others unarmed, and pursued them. And when they
returned in the morning light, believing that the armed men had
run away in the same manner, behold ! they were confronted by
the Earl of Mar, Guardian of Scotland, having in his following
the Earls of Fife, of Moray,1 of Menteith,2 of Atholl (whom the
Scots had created),3 and Sir Robert de Brus, Earl of Carrick, son
of the late Sir Robert de Brus their king, but not born in
wedlock.4 They were formed in two great divisions, with twelve
banners displayed on the hard ground at Gledenmore,5 about two
miles from S. John's town.6 They began to fight at sunrise and
the action lasted till high noon ; but my lord Edward was
strengthened by God's protection and the justice of his cause,
so that the Scots were defeated chiefly by the English archers,
who so blinded and wounded the faces of the first division of
the Scots by an incessant discharge of arrows, that they could
not support each other ; so that, according to report, of that
whole army, scarcely a dozen men-at-arms escaped, but that all
were killed or captured, and that the number of killed and
prisoners was 16,000 men. Howbeit in the first onset, when
English and Scots were fighting with their spears firmly fixed
against each other, the Scots drove back the English some
twenty or thirty feet, when the Baron of Stafford cried out :
* Ye English ! turn your shoulders instead of your breasts
to the pikes.' And when they did this they repulsed the Scots
immediately.

There was also much advantage in what a certain English
knight said that day, who, perceiving that the fighting was very

1 Thomas, 2nd Earl of Moray, succeeded his father on 2Oth July and was
killed on i2th August.

2 Murdach, 8th Earl of Menteith in the Celtic line.

3 David of Strathbogie having been forfeited in 1314, King Robert bestowed
the earldom on his brother-in-law, Sir Neil Campbell (d. c. 1316). The earl
named in the text was Sir Neil's son John, who was killed next year at Halidon
Hill.

4 There is confusion here. David (afterwards King of Scots), was created Earl
of Carrick previous to his marriage in 1328 to Princess Joan of England. After-
wards, in 1332 or 1333, Alexander, natural son of Edward Bruce, Earl of Carrick
(brother of King Robert I.), was created Earl of Carrick and was killed soon after
at Halidon Hill.

6 Dupplin Moor. 6 Perth.

Chronicle of Lanercost 283

severe on both sides, cunningly cried out : l Cheer up, Englishmen !
and fight like men, for the Scots in rear have now begun to fly.'
Hearing these words the English were encouraged and the Scots
greatly dismayed. One most marvellous thing happened that
day, such as was never seen or heard of in any previous battle,
to wit, that the pile of dead was greater in height from the earth
toward the sky than one whole spear length.

Thus, therefore, in this battle and in others that followed there
fell vengeance upon the heads of the Scots through the Pope's
excommunication for breach of the aforesaid truce, and through
the excommunication by the cardinal and the Anglican Church
because of the support and favour shown to Robert the Bruce
after the murder of John Comyn.

My lord Edward caused all the slain aforesaid to be buried at
his expense. Having, therefore obtained this truly marvellous
victory aforesaid, they entered S. John's town and abode there to
rest themselves.

Now on the feast of S. Francis the Confessor, to wit, the fourth
day of the month of October, my lord Edward was created King
of Scotland at the Abbey of Scone according to the custom of
that kingdom, with much rejoicing and honour. In which solemn
ceremony it is said that this miracle took place, namely, whereas
there were in that place an immense multitude of men and but
slight means of feeding them, God nevertheless looked down and
multiplied the victuals there as he did of old in the desert, so that
there was ample provision for all men.

Meanwhile the Bishop of Dunkeld came to the king's place,
and undertook to bring over to the king all the bishops of
Scotland, except the Bishop of S. Andrews. The Abbots of
Dunfermline, of Cupar-in-Angus, of InchafFray, of Arbroath and
of Scone came to peace also ; and likewise the Earl of Fife with
thirteen knights, to wit, David de Graham,1 Michael de Wemyss,
David de Wemyss, Michael Scott,2 John de Inchmartin, Alexander
de Lamberton, John de Dunmore, John de Bonvile, William de
Fraser, W. de Cambo, Roger de Morton, John de Laundel and
Walter de Lundy. But the other chief men of Scotland who had
been deserted, seeing the king in the unwalled town of S. John,3
as it were in the heart of the kingdom with such a small force,

1 Sir David Graham of Kincardine and Old Montrose, afterwards one of the
plenipotentiaries for the release and ransom of David II. in 1357 ; lineal ancestor
of the Duke of Montrose.

2 Of Balwearie, ancestor of the Scotts of Ancrum, etc. 3 Perth.

U

284 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

assembled in great numbers and besieged him. When the people
of Galloway, whose special chieftain was the king,1 heard this they
invaded the lands of these Scots in their rear under their leader
Sir Eustace de Maxwell, and thus very soon caused the siege to
be raised. Upon this Earl Patrick, and the new Earl of Moray by
the Scottish creation,2 with Sir Andrew de Moray,3 and Sir Archi-
bald Douglas,4 having collected an army, invaded and burnt
Galloway, taking away spoil and cattle, but killing few people,
because they found but few. And for this reason the Scots and
the men of Galloway were long at war with each other.

Meanwhile the king strengthened and fortified S. John's town,
appointing the Earl of Fife with his men as garrison there, while
he with his army rode about and perambulated the country beyond
the Firth of Forth, and then returned. But before he got back,
the Scots, by stratagem and wiles, had captured the Earl of Fife
and burnt S. John's town.

Now after the king's return and when he had arrived at
Roxburgh on the feast of S. Calixtus, to wit, the fourteenth day
of the month of October, he dismissed his army in the town
and went himself, for the sake of greater quiet, with a small
retinue, to be entertained in the Abbey of Kelso, which is on
the other side of the town bridge. But when the said Sir
Andrew de Moray heard this, with other knights and troops,
he continually dogged the king and his people in order to harass
them. They broke down the bridge between the king and his army
by night, so that they might capture him with his small following
in the abbey, or kill him if he would not surrender to them.
But the king's army hearing of this repaired the bridge with utmost
speed ; and some of them, not waiting till this was done, plunged
into the great river armed and mounted, swam across and
pursued the flying Scots for eight miles, in which pursuit many
were killed and others captured, among whom was the aforesaid
Sir Andrew de Moray, Guardian of Scotland since the death of

1 Edward Baliol inherited the lordship of Galloway through his father John
and his grandmother Devorguila, daughter and co-heiress of Alan, last of the
Celtic Lords of Galloway.

2 John, 3rd and last Earl of Moray in this line, 2nd son of Thomas Ran-
dolph, ist Earl, killed at Neville's Cross, 1346.

3 Son of the younger Andrew de Moray (killed at Stirling in 1 297) and after-
wards Regent of Scotland. See Bain's Calendar, ii. pp. xxx.-xxxi.

4 Regent of Scotland, youngest brother of the ' Good Sir James.' Killed at
Halidon Hill, 1333.

Chronicle of Lanercost 285

the Earl of Mar, and a certain cruel and determined pirate called
Crab, who for many years preceding had harassed the English by
land and sea. Both of them were sent to the King of England
that he might dispose of them according to his will.1 Howbeit
this Crab, having been granted his life by the King of England,
became afterwards a most bitter persecutor of his people, because
of the ingratitude of the Scots of Berwick, who, at the time of
the siege of that town refused afterwards to ransom him and even
killed his son. But Sir Andrew de Moray was ransomed after-
wards for a large sum of money.

About the feast of S. Nicholas the Bishop,2 the King of England
held a parliament at York, to which the King of Scotland sent
my lord Henry de Beaumont, Earl of Buchan, and the Earl of
Atholl, and many others with them, to negociate and establish
good peace and firm concord between my lord the King of
England and himself ; and this business, by God's ordinance, was
carried to a prosperous conclusion, as will be shown anon.

But meanwhile the new young Earl of Mar (by the Scottish
creation),3 and the steward of Scotland, and Sir Archibald Douglas,
having assembled a strong troop of men-at-arms on the iyth of
the kalends of January, to wit, the ninth day before Christmas,
came secretly early in the morning to the town of Annan, which
is on the march between the two kingdoms, where the King of
Scotland aforesaid was staying with the small force he kept
together, intending to remain there over Christmas. They found
the king and his people in bed, like those who were too confident
in the safety secured through many different victories already won,
and they rushed in upon them, naked and unarmed as they were
and utterly unprepared for their coming, killing about one hundred
of them, among whom were two noble and valiant Scots, to wit,
Sir J. Moubray and Sir Walter Comyn, whose deaths were deeply
lamented,4 but the king afterwards caused them all to be buried.
Meanwhile the king and most of the others made their escape,
scarcely saving their persons and a few possessions which they

1 John Crab, a Flemish engineer, served Walter the Steward well in the defence
of Berwick in 1319 (see Bain's Catalogue, iii. 126, Maxwell's Robert the Bruce,
pp. 266-268, Barbour's Brus, c. xxx.).

2 6th December.

3 Thomas, gth Earl of Mar, can have been but an infant at the time. The
reference is to the Earl of Moray.

4 Sir Henry Balliol, Edward's brother, was also among the slain.

286 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

carried with them across the water into England. Of the Scots,
as was reported, about thirty were killed in the brave defence
offered by the naked men aforesaid.1

The king therefore came to Carlisle, and there kept his
Christmas in the house of the Minorite Friars, receiving money
and gifts and presents which were sent to him both from the
country and the town ; for the community greatly loved him
and his people because of the mighty confusion he caused among
the Scots when he entered their land, although that confusion had
now befallen himself.

At the feast of S. Stephen Protomartyr,2 the king departed
from Carlisle into Westmorland, where he was honourably
received, and he stayed with my Lord de Clifford at his
expense, to whom he granted Douglasdale in Scotland (which
formerly had been granted to his grandfather in the time of
the illustrious King Edward the son of Henry), provided that
God should vouchsafe him prosperity and restoration to his
kingdom. After that he stayed with his near relative the Lady
de Gynes at Moorholm,3 from whom he received gifts of money
and jewels and promised that, if he should prosper, he would
give her wide lands and rents in Scotland to which he was
hereditarily entitled of old.

After the aforesaid overthrow of the king and his expulsion
from the realm, forasmuch as Sir Archibald Douglas had been
the prime mover in planning and prosecuting the said overthrow
of the king (albeit that expulsion may be attributed to the Earl
of Moray as being of nobler rank and more powerful) they
treacherously captured my lord the Earl of Fife when he was
travelling beyond the Scottish sea, because he was true to the
King of Scotland and put him in prison, making Archibald
guardian of the realm of Scotland.4 In course of time, however,
Archibald afterwards released the earl from prison and granted
him lands beyond the Scottish sea, so that he should have the
earldom.

1 The chronicler does not here allude to an allegation made by both Heming-
burgh and Walsingham, viz. that Douglas in this exploit broke a truce which he
and March had made with Edward Balliol for the safety of their own lands.

2 26th December.

8 This lady died in 1334, leaving extensive estates to her son William.

4 This Archibald Douglas (there were many of that name) was the youngest
brother of the good Sir James. He was known as ' The Tineman,' because he
lost so many battles.

Chronicle of Lanercost 287

Now it is held by many people that the said overthrow and
expulsion, inflicted upon the king at that time, were really to
his advantage, enabling him to know what men of the realm
would be faithful to him ; but many of his former adherents
utterly deserted him after his expulsion ; whence he also learnt
to be more careful in dealing with the Scots, and look better
after his own safety.

On the tenth day of March following,1 to wit, on the morrow
of the Forty Holy Martyrs, being the season when, as Scripture
testifieth, kings were wont to go forth to war, the King of
Scotland,2 supported by a strong armed force of English and
some Scots, entered Scotland directing his march towards Berwick,
and there applied himself and his army to the siege of that city,
which was well fortified. My lord the Earl of Atholl, being
young and warlike, raided the neighbouring country with his
following and supplied the army with cattle ; also the ships of
England in great number brought plenty of victual, and closely
maintained the blockade by sea. The Scots, seeing the king
re-enter his realm with so great an army, dared not risk an
engagement with him, but invaded Northumberland, slaying and
burning, carrying off prey and booty, and then returned to
Scotland.

Also on the twenty-second day of the aforesaid month of
March, to wit, on the morrow of S. Benedict, they invaded
Gillesland by way of Carlisle, slaying and burning in the same
manner, carrying off cattle and booty, and on the following day
they returned.

On the next day, to wit, on the vigil of the Annunciation of
the Glorious Virgin, Sir Antony de Lucy, having collected a
strong body of English Marchmen, entered Scotland and marched
as far as twelve miles therein, burning many villages. But as he
was returning on the following day with the booty he had taken, the
Scottish garrison of Lochmaben attacked him near the village of
Dornock at the Sand Wath, to wit, Sir Humphrey de Boys and
Sir Humphrey de Jardine, knights, William Baird and William
of Douglas, notorious malefactors, and about fifty others well
armed, together with their followers from the whole neighbouring
country. They charged with one intent and voice upon the
person of Sir Antony, but, by God's help and the gallant aid
of his young^men, these two knights aforesaid were slain, together
with four-and-twenty men-at-arms. William Baird and William
1 1 332-3. 2 Edward Balliol.

288 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

of Douglas were captured, and all the rest fled disgracefully. No
Englishmen were killed, except two gallant esquires, to wit,
Thomas of Plumland and John of Ormsby, who had ever before
been a thorn in the eyes of the Scots. Their bodies were straight-
way taken to Carlisle on horses and honourably interred. Sir
Antony, however, was wounded in the foot, the eye and the
hand, but he afterwards recovered well from all these wounds.1

On the same day of the Annunciation,2 which was the first day
of the year of our Lord MCCCXXXIIJ, the Scots were defeated in
Northumberland, and likewise others near the town of
3 3' Berwick. Now when the King of England heard that
the Scots had thus invaded his land and done all the evils afore-
said, notwithstanding that he had not yet broken the peace and
concord arranged between himself and David, son of Robert the
Bruce, who had married his sister who was with him [David]
in Scotland, he approached Berwick about the feast of the apostles
Philip and James,3 to make war upon the Scots in aid of his kins-
man, the King of Scotland.4 With him were his brother-german,
my lord John of Eltham,6 and many other noble earls, barons,
knights, esquires, and 30,000 picked men. The King of Scot-
land was still maintaining the siege of the said town ; and on the
octave of the Ascension of our Lord,6 both kings delivered a
violent assault with their army upon the said city ; but those
within resisted so strongly, and defended themselves so manfully,
by means of the strength and height of the wall (which the father
of the King of England had caused to be built while the town
was in his possession), that the English could not obtain entrance
against them ; nevertheless, they maintained the siege without
interruption. After dinner, on the fourteenth of the Kalends of
August, to wit, on the vigil of S. Margaret, virgin and martyr,7
the Scots came up in great strength (to their own destruction)
in three columns towards the town of Berwick, against the two

1 See a paper, by Mr. George Neilson, on The Battle of Dornock, in the Transactions
of the Dumfries and Galloway Antiquarian Society, 1895-6, pp. 154-158.

2 25th March, which was New Year's Day according to the Calendar then in
vogue.

8 ist May.

4 The chronicler continues thus to designate Edward Balliol, although King
David had never been deposed. Moreover, the kinship between the two Edwards
was exceedingly remote.

5 Second son of Edward II. and Earl of Cornwall.

6 zoth May. 7 1 9th July.

Chronicle of Lanercost 289

kings and their armies occupied in the siege, who, however, were
forewarned and prepared against their coming. Now the Scots
marching in the first division were so grievously wounded in the
face and blinded by the host of English archery, just as they
had been formerly at Gledenmore,1 that they were helpless, and
quickly began to turn away their faces from the arrow flights and
to fall. And whereas the English, like the Scots, were arrayed in
three divisions, and the King of Scotland2 was in the rear division,
so the Scots diverted their course in order that they might first
meet and attack the division of him who, not without right,
laid claim to the kingdom. But, as has been explained, their
first division was soon thrown into confusion and routed by his
[Balliol's] division before the others came into action at all. And
like as the first division was routed by him [Edward Balliol], so
the other two were shortly defeated in the encounter by the other
English divisions. The Scots in the rear then took to flight,
making use of their heels ; but the English pursued them on
horseback, felling the wretches as they fled in all directions with
iron-shod maces. On that day it is said that among the Scots
killed were seven earls, to wit, Ross,3 Lennox,4 Carrick,5 Suther-
land,6 and three others : 7 twenty-seven knights banneret and
36,320 foot soldiers — fewer, however, according to some, and
according to others, many more. Among them also fell Sir
Archibald de Douglas, who was chiefly responsible for leading
them to such a fate ; and, had not night come on many more
would have been killed. But of the English there fell, it is

said[ ]8

Before the Scottish army arrived at Berwick a certain monk
who was in their company and had listened to their deliberations
exclaimed in a loud voice — ' Go ye no further but let us all turn
back, for I behold in the air the crucified Christ coming against
you from Berwick brandishing a spear ! ' But they, like proud
and stubborn men, trusting in their numbers, which were double

1 Dupplin. 2 Edward Balliol. 3 Hugh, 4th Celtic Earl of Ross.

4 Malcolm, 5th Earl of Lennox in the Celtic line. He was one of the earliest
to espouse the cause of Bruce in 1 306.

5 Alexander de Brus, natural son of Edward, Earl of Carrick.

6 Kenneth, 3rd Earl of Sutherland.

7 The Earls of Menteith and Athol made up six : there is no record of a
seventh.

8 Blank in original.

290 Chronicle of Lanercost

as many as the English, hardened their hearts and would not
turn back. This story was told by one of the Scots who had been
knighted before that battle, and who was taken prisoner in the
same and ransomed. He added that whereas before the battle
there were two hundred and three newly-made knights, none
escaped death but himself and four others.

Now on the day after the battle the town of Berwick was
surrendered to my lord the King of England on this condition —
that all its inhabitants should be safe in life and limb with all
their goods, movable and immovable, subject, however, to the
rights of any petitioner. Also Earl Patrick surrendered the castle
of the town to my lord the King of England, on condition that
he should retain his earldom as formerly, and he made oath that
for ever after he would remain faithful to the king's cause.
Therefore the King of England entered the town and castle and
took possession of them for himself and the crown of England
for all future time, together with the county of Berwick and the
other four counties of Scotland next the March (to be named
presently), according to the convention formerly made between
him and the King of Scotland,1 when the King of Scotland had
been expelled from his kingdom, and the King of England
pledged himself and his people to restore the kingdom to him ;
and he promised and confirmed it by a charter that he would
hold the kingdom of Scotland from him, as from a Lord Para-
mount, in like manner as his father had held it from his [Edward
III.'s] grandfather.

The king appointed my lord Henry de Percy warden of the
castle and town, and Sir Thomas Gray, knight,2 under him. He
made William de Burnton Mayor of the town, who had previously
been Mayor of Newcastle. The king also commanded that three
justiciaries should come there, to wit, Sir William de Denholm,
knight, Richard de Embleton, Mayor of Newcastle, and Adam de
Bowes, to make inquest as to what Englishmen had been disin-
herited in the town of Berwick, and at what time, and to restore
their houses and lands to them.3

1 Edward Balliol. See Bain's Calendar, iii. pp. 200, 201.

2 Father of the author of Scalacronica.

3 All these appointments, except that of William de Burnton, may be seen in
RotuR Scott*, i. 256-7.

(To be continued.)

Helenore, or The Fortunate Shepherdess.1

THIS manuscript volume is, so far as I know, the only copy
in existence in Alexander Ross's autograph of one of the
finest Pastorals in the Scottish vernacular — a poem which, in
the counties of Forfar, Kincardine, Aberdeen, and so along
to Inverness, easily holds in public estimation a place equal, if
not superior, to that held by Allan Ramsay's Gentle Shepherd
in the Lothians and other lowland counties of Scotland. In
one respect it is undoubtedly superior — as a genuine and faithful
record of the habits, customs and common speech of the locality
and period the poet professes to describe.

My boyhood was spent in Lochlee, only sixty years subsequent
to Ross's death, and ere increased facilities of intercommunication
had begun to efface manners of speech and action which helped to
make the remoter nooks of Scotland noteworthy and interesting.
This enabled me to verify for myself many of the vernacular
peculiarities of the poem ere they passed into oblivion, and thus
to understand why Jamieson, in his Scottish Dictionary, so often
refers to The Fortunate Shepherdess as the source of many of
his quotations. Dr. Alex. Murray, too, the celebrated linguist,
in the venerable Scots Magazine, about a hundred years ago,
proposed setting agoing a society for the special study of Ross's
poem as a foundation for the modern vernacular Scottish tongue.
Dr. Murray's early death probably prevented the carrying out
of this excellent suggestion.

There are four of our comparatively modern poets who are
looked upon as faithful setters forth of our real modern Scottish
vernacular : Allan Ramsay, 1686-1758 ; Alexander Ross, 1699-
1784; Robert Fergusson, 1750-1774; and Robert Burns,
1759-1796. One of our recent critics, Dr. Longmuir, the
editor of by far the best and most scholarly edition of Heknore,
himself a poet and a keen student of our language, remarks
on this point, and in his opinion I entirely concur : * There is

aSee note by Dr. Hay Fleming on page 299.

292 J°hn S. Gibb

such an elevation in the language of Ramsay as makes us feel
that this is not the every-day dialect of Scottish shepherds.
Fergusson, again, frequently runs into the opposite extreme,
and makes his characters speak a sort of burlesque or antiquated
Scotch that could not have been colloquial in the streets of
Edinburgh in his day. Burns not unfrequently forgets his
Scotch, and passes into unexceptionable English. We consider
Ross's language as more idiomatic and characteristic than that
of any of the poets we have named ; we feel in reading his work
that his language is neither elevated by education nor degraded
by affected vulgarity or antiquity ; it is, in short, the ordinary
dialect of the people whom he has so successfully represented.
It is remarkable that none of the authors mentioned above was an
uneducated man, for Ramsay was sufficiently acquainted with
Latin to imitate the Latin odes of Horace ; Fergusson finished a
college curriculum ; Burns received a superior English education,
and had acquired a smattering of French ; and Ross obtained the
honour of graduation as a Master of Arts.'

Thus far Dr. Longmuir. But it is not only as a dialect quarry
that Heknore demands our attention. The poem is a true Scottish
Pastoral which has commanded the favourable verdict of com-
petent critics ever since its appearance in 1768. Blacklock, the
blind poet — the foster-father of Burns — regarded it as the equal
of Ramsay's Gentle Shepherd, and Burns not only writes of Ross
as 'our true brother,' 'owre cannie,' a 'wild warlock,' acknowledg-
ing that his own beautiful vision of Coila had been suggested by
Ross's Scota, in the invocation at the beginning of the poem, but
says, in one of his letters : * I will send you The Fortunate
Shepherdess as soon as I return to Ayrshire, for there I keep it
with other precious treasures. I shall send it by a careful hand,
as I would not for anything it should be mislaid.' Beattie of
The Minstrel, also a very competent critic, not only selected
Helenore for publication, but wrote in its commendation the only
known Scots poem he ever penned, in which, after much whole-
hearted praise of Ross, he gathers up, in one stanza, the
impression made by a perusal of the poem :

' Oh, bonny are our greensward hows,
Where through the birks the burny rows,
And the bee bums, and the ox lows,

And saft winds rustle,
And shepherd-lads on sunny knows,

Bla the blythe fusle ! '

Helenore, or the Fortunate Shepherdess 293

Even the sour-tempered but able critic Pinkerton acknowledges
as to The Fortunate Shepherdess : ' The language and thoughts are
more truly pastoral than any I have yet found in any poet save
Theocritus.'

This deservedly high opinion of Ross's achievement has con-
tinued down to our time, and is crystallized by a local Lochlee
poet, Duncan Michie by name, in lines engraved on a public
monument, erected to Ross's memory, in the old churchyard
of Lochlee, where his dust reposes, within a hundred yards of the
cottage in which he spent half a century of happy and blameless
life. The monument was placed in its present position about
1854, and bears the following inscription :

' Erected to the memory of Alexander Ross, A.M., schoolmaster at Lochlee,
author of Lindy and Nory ; or, The Fortunate Shepherdess, and other poems in
the Scottish Dialect. Born, April, 1699 ; died, May, 1784.

* How finely Nature aye he paintit,
O' sense in rhyme he ne'er was stintit,
An' to the heart he always sent it,

Wi' micht an' main ;
An' no ae line he e're inventit,

Need ane offen' ! '

Alexander Ross was born at Torphins, I3th April, 1699, in
the parish of Kincardine O'Neil, Aberdeenshire. His father, a
farmer, sent him to the parish school, then taught by Peter
Reid, well-known for his assiduity and success as a teacher.
Young Ross profited so much that after studying Latin for
about four years he gained, in November, 1714, by public com-
petition, a bursary in Marischal College, Aberdeen, which enabled
him to be a student for four sessions, and in the end to be capped
M.A. in 1718. After graduation he became family tutor at
Fintray House, then occupied by Sir Wm. Forbes of Craigievar,
who was so well satisfied with his conduct and abilities that he
assured him that, should he decide to study for the ministry, his
interest would not be awanting to promote his views. This
promise from a gentleman with no less than fourteen benefices in
his gift was an important one ; nevertheless Ross, for reasons
satisfactory to himself, resolved — contrary to the then usual
practice — to follow parochial teaching as his life-aim, not as a
stepping-stone to the ministry. Subsequently to his engagement
in Fintray House, he taught in Aboyne and Laurencekirk — at the
latter place enjoying much friendly intercourse with Mr. Beattie,
the father of the minstrel poet and professor — and finally in 1732,

294 J°hn S. Gibb

through the interest of Alexander Gordon of Troup, he was
settled in Lochlee as parochial schoolmaster, the duties of
which office he discharged faithfully and efficiently till his death
in 1784 — the long period of fifty-six years. To these duties were
added almost ex-officio those of session clerk and precentor. In
1730, 23rd July, he is entered in the Register of Notaries Public
as Alexander Ross, son to Andrew Ross, sub-tenant in Torphins.
The duties of a Notary could not have occupied much of his time
in such a sequestered nook of Scotland as Lochlee then was, but
it must have been very convenient to have such an official within
call when needed. I have seen and read one or two documents
formally executed by Ross in his legal capacity.

His school responsibilities were comparatively light. The
schoolroom was only some twenty feet by sixteen, and in winter,
the busiest season of the school year, was accessible to the children
of only some five or six families. The dwelling-house, of a like
size with the schoolroom, formed the other end of the one-storied
cottage, the site of which is in the centre of wild and magnificent
scenery. It was while standing here, and probably fresh from a
perusal of Helenore, that the author of Attic Fragments expressed
his opinion, about 1830, that the poem 'contains some of the most
romantic descriptions that were ever written, and preserves traces
of customs and traditions not to be found elsewhere.'

In 1726 Ross took to wife Jean, daughter of Charles Catanach,
farmer in the parish of Logic Coldstone, and by her had a family
of seven children — two sons, who died in childhood, and five
daughters, one of whom died young, but the remaining four
married and had families. Ross and his wife enjoyed fifty-three
years of happy married life. Jean Catanach died in 1779, aged
seventy-seven years, and five years before her husband, who
manifested his abiding love for his life-long partner by erecting
one of the handsomest monumental stones in the old churchyard,
and engraving thereon, after the needful dates, the following lines
of his own :

* What's mortal here Death in his right would have it,
The Spiritual part returns to God who gave it ;
Which both at parting did their hopes retain,
That they in glory would unite again,
To reap the harvest of their Faith and Love,
And join the song of the Redeem'd above.'

Ross's marriage, probably the result of an early attachment,
and attended by a life-long happy outcome, might have resulted

Helenore, or the Fortunate Shepherdess 295

very differently. Jean Catanach, a grand-daughter of James
Duguid, was avowedly a Roman Catholic, and, though some-
times worshipping with her husband in the Presbyterian church,
Lochlee, remained a Roman Catholic all her days. Yet there
was no religious domestic bickering. She made no objection
to their children being trained up in Protestantism — * the result,'
says Dr. Longmuir, ' perhaps of her distance from priestly
interference ; and partly from the pious and amiable character of
her husband.'

Essentially Ross is a man of one book, in striking contrast to
another Alexander Ross, but a century earlier than our Ross,
though also an Aberdonian and a schoolmaster, and the author of
some thirty works, de omnibus rebus et quibusdam aliis — the
reading through of whose works was to Butler the unchallengeable
proof of plodding scholarship, as in the oft-quoted lines :

' There was an ancient sage Philosopher,
And he had read Alexander Ross over.'

Our Ross only published one volume. The following is the title
of the first edition : ' The Fortunate Shepherdess, a Pastoral Tale ;
in Three Cantos, in the Scotish Dialect. By Mr. Alexander Ross,
Schoolmaster at Lochlee. To which is added a few songs by the
same author. Aberdeen : Printed by and for Francis Douglas.
MDCCLXVIII.'

The volume had prefixed to it a modest ' advertisement ' or
preface by the author, in which, after stating his object in
composing the work — to set before the reading eyes in their
plain and native colours a variety of incidents in country
life, where one still meets sometimes with a degree of innocent
simplicity and honest meaning among the lower ranks of
people in remote parts, which he can hardly expect in large
towns or among the higher ranks of life — he proceeds to say
of the language that, though many of the phrases be broad,
he has avoided gross indelicacies, and asks the reader to con-
sider that he only represents the expressions and sentiments
of plain country people, which, though they may not bear to be
tried by the rules of grammar, will, he imagines, be understood
by those who are conversant in the old Scottish language and our
present provincial dialects. He concludes by saying that the
work had lain by him for several years, that copies of the
manuscript had got abroad, that one of these had fallen into the
hands of a gentleman who desired it should be published ; that,

296 John S. Gibb

being conscious that the tendency and design were moral, his
objections were easily overcome, and that had he printed a
list of the subscribers who had done him so much honour, he
would have laid himself open to the imputation of the greatest
vanity. What would we not give for that list of subscribers
now?

Two years before the publication of the first edition of Helenore
was issued Ross had to be in Aberdeen on pressing private
business, and called on Beattie, who was by this time an author
of a volume of poems and Professor of Moral Philosophy,
and already meditating The Minstrel or the Progress of Genius.
Beattie was delighted to meet Ross, whom he describes to
Blacklock as a good humoured, social, happy old man, modest
without clownishness, and lively without petulance ; and who
was able to speak from personal knowledge of Beattie's father
in Laurencekirk, who had died while the minstrel was so young
that he could hardly remember him.

The result of this intercourse was that Ross put the whole of
his manuscripts into Beattie's hands for examination and selection.
This eventuated in the appearance of Helenore and the Songs in
1768, and of Beattie's commendatory poem, in the Aberdeen
Journal of June i in that year. Ross's preface only appears in
the 1768 edition ; Beattie's commendation is prefixed to all
subsequent issues. The songs added to the first edition were
popular in the Glen long before 1768, and being supposed on
pretty good grounds to be descriptive of domestic happenings
in the poet's own family retained their popularity for long ;
and one is not unfrequently sung even in the present day. I
refer to Wooed an* married an a\ which has had rather a
singular history. There are three songs with similar titles and
sung to the same tune, and each of them popular. Ross's
song in some collections has been ascribed to a lady who certainly
did not write it, and one of the other two has been given for that
of Ross in the Brechin edition of his Helenore^ with which, of
course, our poet could not have had anything to do.

The first edition was very inaccurately printed. The proof-
reader, if such there was in Francis Douglas's printing office,
did his work very carelessly ; and no proof seems to have
been seen by Beattie or Ross while the work was passing through
the press.

The second edition appeared in 1778, ten years after the first,
very neatly printed by J. Chalmers & Co., Aberdeen, and

Helenore, or the Fortunate Shepherdess 297

revised and improved with minute carefulness by the author.
Helenore is made the principal title ; Beattie's commendatory
verses are prefixed without his name ; Ross's explanatory adver-
tisement is omitted — the division into cantos is dropped ; words
are changed and one or two lines discarded, while Bydby's Dream
of the Fairy feast is interwoven, a passage which undoubtedly
indicates the flood mark of Ross's poetic inspiration. The
volume is closed by a short glossary. This was the last edition
that passed under the author's own eye.

A third edition appeared in 1789 ; a fourth in 1791 ; a fifth
in 1796 ; and a sixth in Edinburgh, by John Turnbull, in 1804,
typographically more incorrect than any of its predecessors.

Although there were numerous other editions, nothing further
of notable importance in regard to Ross's works took place for
fully half a century. In 1866 appeared an edition, with life
and notes by John Longmuir, LL.D. This is a faithful text from
the second edition, Ross's last revision of Helenore, and the songs
and glossary with notes of readings from the first edition. No
pains has been spared in verifying and marshalling every ascer-
tainable fact bearing on the poet and the poem. Every effort
have been made both by editor and publisher to render this
the definite and authoritative edition of one of Scotland's sweetest
pastorals. In this aim they have admirably succeeded. I say
this with the less hesitation because familiarity with Glenesk
from my boyhood, its scenery, people, language, and legends,
as well as having enjoyed personal intercourse with an old man,
who had been one of Ross's pupils and still remembered him
with reverence and affection, supplemented by lifelong study
and the gradual acquisition and comparison of a fairly complete
series of the various editions of Helenore, enabled me to furnish
gladly to my lifelong friend, Dr. Longmuir, a good deal of
material. I mention this solely in justification for so largely
drawing on Dr. Longmuir's labours for the facts stated in this
paper.

Dr. Longmuir's account of Ross's unpublished manuscripts
in the Advocates' Library is important and scholarly. In all
his editorial labours, I have noticed only one error requiring
correction ; and that arising very much from the accident of
my not seeing the statement till too late for correction. In
speaking of the loss of music in the Glen, and of the annual
visits of John Cameron, an itinerant violinist from Deeside,
maintained for half a century, Dr. Longmuir says : ' Mr.

298 John S. Gibb

Ross appears to have enjoyed the company of Cameron, who
was a man of unblemished character, and could speak of not
a few of the customs of the Highlanders that were even then
beginning to disappear ; such as the practice of the nearest
relations leading off a solemn dance, to a plaintive melody,
immediately after the death of a member of the family.
Although this practice had prevailed in a district not more
than sixteen miles distant from Lochlee, yet no tradition records
that it was ever known in this district.' Dr. Longmuir may
be right as to the absence of tradition, but singularly enough
I can testify to the fact of the somewhat eerie observance
taking place not only within my knowledge, but with myself
as a somewhat reluctant actor. When I was in my eleventh
year, a woman, very aged, poor, and friendless, died in a one-
roomed cottage, about half a mile from my home in the Glen
at the time. The death took place in the early morning. In
the evening a number of the neighbours, old and young, met
at the cottage, and to the slow music of a violin, moved in
rhythmical order round the floor in front of the bed on which
the veiled body was lying. How long the dance lasted I cannot
say, as at the end of half an hour I slipped out, and ran home too
frightened to speak of what I had seen. Dr. Longmuir gives a
faithful account of the appearance of ' those neatly written home
made volumes ' into which Ross transcribed the corrected copies
of his poems, which he occasionally read to an intelligent friend,
or lent among his neighbours for their benefit or amusement.
Dr. Longmuir further says concerning the three volumes of
Ross's manuscripts now preserved in our Advocates' Library :
4 They have been all written in a neat, round legible hand ; each
piece had been stitched into a cover of stout paper ; and their
brown colour and worn corners give sufficient evidence of
their having been extensively circulated and much read. These
separate pieces have been bound together in their original state.'

The autograph manuscript of Heknore in my possession, which
I have already referred to, is a home bound quarto volume of
144 pages. It has this curious variation of the main title —
* Helenore alias Norie or the Fortunate Shepherdess, evincing
that wooing is oftimes (sic) one thing and marriage another.
Rendered in the Scots Dialect.'

On the brown paper cover is written ' Mr. Forbes of Brux.'
Brux was a considerable Highland lairdship on the Don in Aber-
deenshire, a mile or two from Kildrummy, which had been in the

Helenore, or the Fortunate Shepherdess 299

possession of a cadet of the Forbes family for several generations.
Jonathan Forbes, the Laird of Brux, had been * out ' in the '45,
was present at the battle of Culloden, which caused him to go
into hiding where he could, and occupy himself with menial
work, so as to escape the severe search made for those who
had borne arms against the Government. He is said to have
occupied himself a good deal in building dry stone dykes and
thus improving his estate at Brux. One morning a party of
soldiers suddenly surrounded him while employed in this humble
work at a little distance from the mansion house, and demanded
of him if the Laird was at home. He at once coolly replied,
* Yes, he certainly was in the house when I was there at breakfast a
short time ago.' The soldiers hurried off at once and the Laird
betook himself to a safer quarter.

Where this was it is hard to say. It might be Lochlee, where
the feeling of the people was so strongly Jacobite that the Duke of
Cumberland on his way north to Culloden thought it needful to
send a party to burn the Episcopal church and otherwise punish the
adherents of Prince Charlie. Ross's early and lifelong connection
with the Forbeses would also prepare matters. The distance of
Lochlee from Donside, some thirty miles by crow-flight, made
it easily accessible to a Highlander, while its remoteness, its wild
mountainous character, and the absence of roads at that time,
rendered it as safe a hiding-place as any corner of Scotland. It
was used as a refuge by others compromised by Culloden, and
why not by Forbes of Brux ?

This manuscript volume may be the outcome and testimony
of mutual beneficial intercourse, and may possibly be the identical
copy referred to by Ross in his advertisement to the 1768 edition,
as having been seen by a gentleman who desired that it should
be published, and had written to him to that effect. This is all
the more likely as there is also written, in a contemporary hand,
on the brown paper cover — * A Pastoral in the Scots Dialect
belonging to Brux, 1767.'

JOHN S. GIBB.

Note.

A special interest attaches to this paper. It is the last which
was written by Mr. Gibb for the Edinburgh Bibliographical
Society, of which he was one of the original members. Born at
Lochlee, Glenesk, on the loth of March, 1831, where Alexander

300 Helenore, or the Fortunate Shepherdess

Ross had been schoolmaster for more than half a century and
where Helenore was written, he naturally took a deep interest
both in the poet and the poem. That interest was whetted in
his boyhood by his acquaintance with an old man, who had been
one of Ross's pupils. As Ross was born in 1699 and Mr. Gibb
lived till 1912, the three lives extended over a period of 213
years.

In many ways Mr. Gibb was a notable man. After teaching
the private school at Aldbar Castle for ten years, he was appointed
rector of Dalkeith Academy in 1862, and remained there until
1874, when he became treasurer of the Edinburgh and Leith Gas
Co., and, after that company was taken over by the Corporation,
he continued to be treasurer until August, 1910.

One of his most distinguished Dalkeith pupils has said :
* Mr. Gibb was a born teacher, and would have made an ideal
headmaster of a public school, like Dr. Arnold of Rugby. He
could make the dullest of lessons, even mathematics or arithmetic,
interesting ' ; and, ' when giving a lesson on natural science or
history, ... let himself go, and his enthusiasm communicated
itself to us.'

His amazing vigour, mental and physical, enabled him to
discharge perfectly his onerous duties even in his eightieth year.
He was long an ardent volunteer ; and, to the very last, a keen
golfer, an eager student, and an indefatigable book-collector.
His knowledge of many classes of books was marvellous, and his
library was probably the largest as well as the most varied private
collection in Edinburgh. It contained many exceedingly rare
items ; and not a few practically unique. Some of these are
well known, for no teacher, no official, no collector, ever had
a more kindly nature, more unselfish disposition, or more
courteous manner. The paper on Helenore was finished on the
5th of January ; but, having been seized with a sudden illness,
he was unable on the nth to attend the meeting of the Biblio-
graphical Society, for which it had been prepared ; and he died on
the following day. D. HAY FLEMING.

Reviews of Books

THE CAMBRIDGE MEDIEVAL HISTORY. Planned by J. B. Bury, edited
by H. M. Gwatkin and J. P. Whitney. Vol. I. 'The Christian
Roman Empire and the Foundation of the Teutonic Kingdoms.'
Pp. xxiv, 754. With portfolio containing 14 maps. Royal 8vo.
Cambridge: University Press. 1911. 2os. net.

THE editors of the Cambridge Medieval History have been able to benefit
by the experience of the editors of the Cambridge Modern History. That
important work was a literary as well as a publishing experiment, the
results of which have on the whole been satisfactory. Its chief defects,
the absence of footnotes and maps, the lack of criticism in its long
bibliographies and of discussion in its long stretches of narrative, — would
be almost fatal to a history of the middle ages. The first volume of
this new book for the most part avoids these defects : some footnotes
have been allowed, a neat little portfolio of sketch maps is provided,
more guidance in the use of authorities is offered in the bibliographies,
and the general arrangement of the book is less annalistic than the
arrangement of the Cambridge Modern History. There is no reason,
so far as we can see, why still more development on these lines should
not be encouraged in the later volumes. The curious mid-Victorian ideas
about the ten centuries which succeeded the Teutonic invasions are by
no means dead ; indeed, efforts to destroy them have frequently produced
others which, if not so erroneous, distort the truth ; and the general
reader who will welcome the first comprehensive history of these centuries
in the English language, will gladly remain ignorant of a few thousands
of facts, if he can gradually learn what the Middle Ages really were like.

This brings me to one criticism on the structure of this volume. The
general chapters are separated from each other ; some of them, including
Professor Vinogradoff's important survey of social and economic con-
ditions of the Roman Empire in the fourth century, are packed away
at the end of the book. Consequently, the reader is not led on from
a political and religious survey of the Empire, through a study of social
and economic conditions, to a complete view of the west of Europe
before the invasions ; he is hurriedly conveyed from the world of Con-
stantine and Athanasius into the Teutonic camp, and pursues the invaders
more ignorant of Gaul and Spain, almost of Britain, than they were
themselves. The volume is too Teutonic. The editors have been
fortunate in securing the co-operation of such experts as Dr. Martin

302 The Cambridge Medieval History

Bang, Dr. Ludwig Schmidt, and Dr. J. Peisker, and, as Dr. Schmidt
is the chief authority upon the chronology of the invasions, and Dr.
Peisker has made a bold revolution in current ideas on the Slavs and
their * Asiatic background,' we get an admirable general idea of the
Teutonic and pagan world. This is all to the good ; much of it will
be quite new to English readers, and none the less valuable for being
controvertible ; but surely these useful contributions made it all the more
necessary to bring together, and apply as definitely and concretely as
possible, all that is known of the western provinces in the fourth century.
This could not be done simply from the Roman point of view, for the
provinces were more than Roman. The single chapter on a Roman
province is Professor Haverfield's resume of his and other great labours
on Roman Britain, and here, as elsewhere, Professor Haverfield maintains
a clear distinction between Celtic and Roman society. 'The uplands
remained comparatively unaffected. . . . Some districts [of the civilised
part of Britain] probably belonged to the Imperial Domains. . . . The
remainder of the country, by far its largest part, was divided up, as before
the Roman Conquest, among the native cantons or tribes, now organised
in more or less Roman fashion. ... It is just the system which Rome
applied also to the local government of Gaul north of the Cevennes'

(P- 372).

Then again, it is by no means certain that Celtic society was so static
as is usually assumed ; it is probable that in those parts of Europe,
especially Ireland, which were unaffected by Rome, important changes
took place before Celtic civilisation was overwhelmed. This side of
things, so dark to all but a few scholars, will, it is to be hoped, be
worked out in later volumes. In this volume, we should, I venture
to think, have had a careful geographical survey of Gaul, and a chapter
on Celtic origins and development by some scholar like M. Camille
Jullian, complementary to the chapters by Bang and Peisker. This
should have been followed by a study of the Gallo-Roman church and
Gallo-Roman civilisation on the lines adopted in the general chapters
by Mr. Turner and Professor Vinogradoff. As it is, this subject is only
treated in a few pages by Dr. Schmidt and M. Pfister.

There is no such complete work in English as this upon the fourth
and fifth centuries. Apart from the writers mentioned, Mr. Baynes and
Mr. Barker have written careful and solid chapters on the eastern empire
and on Italy in the fifth century, Dom Butler has an interesting chapter
on Monasticism, Miss Gardner on the theological disputes of the fifth
century, Professor Gwatkin, the editor, on Arianism, and Mr. Lethaby
on Early Christian Art. The important chapter entrusted to the Rev.
H. F. Stewart, on 'Thoughts and Ideas of the Period,' might have
been made still more useful, if it had been placed earlier in the book,
and written with firmer strokes on the lines, for example, of the
illuminating essay in the last volume of Molinier's Sources de Fhistoire de
France. Mr. Turner's learned essay on the organisation of the church,
though rather stiff, is perhaps the most useful chapter in the volume;
and English students will welcome Mr. Beck's brief paper on the Teutonic

Blomfield : History of French Architecture 303

Conquest of Britain, which, by separating the early from the later history
of the Anglo-Saxons, brings the invaders and their customs into touch with
the invaders of Gaul and the west. Mr. Beck should have referred to the
discussions by Thurneysen and others on the date of the first landings.

F. M. POWICKE.

A HISTORY OF FRENCH ARCHITECTURE, FROM THE REIGN OF CHARLES VIII.

TILL THE DEATH OF MAZARIN (1494-1661). By Reginald Blomfield,

A.R.A., M.A., F.S.A. 2 vols. Vol. I. Pp. xxxii, 169. Vol. II.

xii, 176. 410. With many illustrations. London: G. Bell & Sons.

1911. 505. net.

MR. REGINALD BLOMFIELD has followed his History of Renaissance Archi-
tecture in England with a similar and equally admirable work on France
under a title less comprehensive. It is his opinion, repeated more than
once in the volumes before us, that the development of Renaissance, or as
he prefers to call it Neo-classic, architecture in France is continuous, from
the first impulse received from Italy at the close of the fifteenth century to
the epoch ending with the French Revolution ; but the subject, when
followed through and beyond the reign of Louis XIV., is so vast in extent
that he has been compelled to limit his survey to 1661, the year of the
death of Mazarin. This date nearly corresponds with the close of the
career of Francois Mansart, whose work represents to the author 'the
high-water mark of French Neo-classic architecture in its purest form.'
He is thus able to trace the development of the style up to the point when,
as he says, it reached certainty and assurance, and the interest of the
development resides with him in the gradual building up of architecture as
an independent art with its own special means of expression. The earliest
sub-period, that marked by the dominant personality of Francois I., was one
of tentative efforts inspired by individual fancy, that resulted in a good deal
of picturesque and attractive work, much of which has now perished, but that
made no real contribution to the establishment of a consistent style.

In connection with this epoch Mr. Blomfield deals fully with the often-
discussed questions of the architectural work of Italians in France, and
with the position and operations of native building experts. Modern
French writers on the art which the author says, * has always been one of
the finest expressions of French genius,' have elevated to the position of
architects of original capacity certain Frenchmen who we know were
employed on the characteristic buildings of the time, such as Fontainebleau
and the chateaux on the Loire. Mr. Blomfield has no difficulty in show-
ing that these men were merely master builders, who had inherited some
of the older medieval traditions of good masonry, but were certainly no
founders of a new architectural style. There were Italians in France,
such as Serlio, and a certain Domenico di Cortona, called II Boccador,
capable of furnishing sketches and models, and it seems likely that the
latter was in fact the designer of the Hotel de Ville at Paris, reduced to
ruin under the Commune. The leading spirit however, in the charac-
teristic work of the time, was Fran£ois I. himself, whose restlessness and
wayward fancy expressed itself in the numerous palaces and hunting-boxes

304 Blomfield : History of French Architecture

which he was for ever calling into being. Du Cerceau indeed states
definitely that the king was so well versed in building that it was hardly
possible to call anyone else the architect of his palaces. The architect
proper does not make his appearance till after the death of the royal
amateur, when a serious and consistent worker and theorist appears on the
scene in the person of Philibert de 1'Orme. From this time architecture,
it is pointed out, with some sets-back owing to the troubles of the latter
part of the sixteenth century, pursued an upward course till it culminated
in the epoch of Louis XIV. Henri IV., whose sane and enlightened
patronage of the arts is contrasted with the frivolous efforts of Franfois,
contributed notably to its development. He was, Mr. Blomfield says,
1 the founder of that great tradition of civic planning which has been one
of the most important contributions of French architecture to civilization,'
and the Place des Vosges, formerly Place Royale, is a still perfectly
preserved monument of his taste and judgment.

One of the most valuable parts of Mr. Blomfield's work is his persistent
assertion of the dignity of his own art, as an art with its own laws within
itself independent of any adventitious aids. He is, one need hardly say,
entirely opposed to the famous heresy of John Ruskin, expressed in the
words c ornamentation is the principal part of architecture . . . the highest
nobility of a building does not consist in its being well built, but in its
being nobly sculptured and painted.' An assertion borne on the wings of
such eloquence as that of the writer just quoted flies far and is hard to
overtake. We welcome therefore the re-statement of the true principles of
architectural aesthetics which Mr. Blomfield has given us on more than
one page of his volumes. Of Jean Bullant, whom he ranks with Goujon
as 'one of the bright particular stars of French art in the sixteenth
century,' he claims that 'he was the first of the Neo-classical men in
France to handle architecture as an art, complete in itself, having its own
technical conditions and its own peculiar ideals,' and that he ' was feeling
his way to a conception of architecture as an austere and noble art with its
own technique, and its own peculiar methods of giving form and reality to
the imaginations of the artist.' Again, a real architect is 'capable of
leaving a wall alone, and of relying for his effect on rhythm and proportion
and refinement of detail,' and objects to providing < a frame for the anec-
dotes of the sculptor.' 'Fine planning, fine proportion, fine scale, sim-
plicity in phrasing, and selection in ornament, will always be essential
qualities in architecture,' though ' writers of the last century conceived of
architecture mainly as an affair of ornament tacked on to building.' We
are grateful to the writer for these expressions of the faith that is in him,
as well as for his most lucid treatment of his interesting theme. There
are expressions towards the close of his second volume which suggest that
he intends in a future publication to follow the further development of
French Neo-classic architecture through the rest of the reign of Louis XIV.
and the eighteenth century, till the final cataclysm of the Revolution, with
which, he maintains, French architecture ' went bankrupt.' It needs
hardly to be said that all serious students of his subject would welcome the
further aid which he would thus afford to them.

Blomfield : History of French Architecture 305

The present volumes are supplied with a full apparatus criticus in the
form of footnotes, and are of course adequately illustrated. These illus-
trations are partly from his own pencil drawings and partly from photo-
graphs, but in large part they consist in reproductions of old engravings
that to the general reader are hardly of the same interest. The use of
these is however necessary, for, as Baron Geymtiller has recently pointed
out, the older buildings of the epoch we are concerned with have been to
a great extent swept away, and these engravings are the only record of
them which remains. Q BALDWIN BROWN.

BRITISH STATESMEN OF THE GREAT WAR, 1793-1814. By the Hon.
J. W. Fortescue. Being the Ford Lectures delivered to the Univer-
sity of Oxford, 1911. Pp. 279. 8vo. Oxford : Clarendon Press.
1911. 75. 6d.

MR. FORTESCUE has established his historical reputation by his description
of battles and campaigns, and as an expounder of strategical and tactical
methods and principles, but this volume makes it abundantly clear that had
he devoted himself to biography he would have achieved an equally great
success. It is not only in the occasional thumb-nail sketches, like the
description of Francis II.'s portrait, as showing him * sitting in an uneasy
attitude upon a throne too big for him,' that Mr. Fortescue shows his gift for
picking out essentials and bringing them home to his readers ; he has given
us finished portraits of the men of whom he is writing, which both arrest
one's attention and carry conviction. He comes to his subject with the
great advantage of having already written a big book on the same topic, or
very much the same, and in these studies of the men who maintained the
struggle against Revolutionary and Napoleonic France, he is dealing with
matters with which he is exceptionally familiar.

His criticism of Pitt as a war minister is all the more severe because he
writes with an intimate knowledge, not only of what Pitt tried to do and
failed to do, but of other English war ministers who were no more successful,
and of the causes of their failures : he has therefore a standard by which to
judge fairly. He shows that Pitt's original neglect of the Army and Navy
was a most important source of his inability to achieve success, and that this
was accentuated by his failure to grasp the limitations of the weapons
he was using. To some extent, Pitt's failures may be laid at the door of
his chief confidant, Dundas, who, with all Pitt's ignorance of war and the
conduct of war, had nothing of the ideals which inspired Pitt and helped
him to inspire his countrymen by his example of steadfastness and
continued resistance. But though misled by Dundas, Pitt cannot escape
the principal burden of responsibility. His * ignorance of human nature,'
and 'the sanguine self-sufficiency which too often deterred him from
seeing things aright ' (p. 1 82) seem to have combined to prevent him from
realizing that success in war is only to be achieved by careful preparation,
by systematic organization, by the provision of forces, adequate in numbers
and in equipment to the tasks before them, and above all, by a clear idea
of what the tasks exactly are on which they are to be employed. Pitt had

306 British Statesmen of the Great War

no military policy, or rather his military policy consisted of a series of
hastily-conceived and half-prepared ventures, many of which might have
been successful had an adequate force been forthcoming, and if they had
been begun in time or pursued with sufficient vigour. Presented simul-
taneously with three or four opportunities for effective intervention, when
he had barely the means with which to utilize one effectively, Pitt tried all
at once, and the result was chaos. It is not the least merit of the much
undervalued statesmen who succeeded to the burden under which Pitt had
collapsed, that they to a large extent shook off the legacy of Pitt's policy of
* frittering,' and concentrated their efforts on the maintenance of the war
in the Peninsula, preferring one long-sustained effort to a series of spurts.

These statesmen, Perceval, Liverpool, and Castlereagh in particular,
have undoubtedly been very unfairly and unjustly treated by history.
Their comparative failure after 1815 to graPP^e with the very great
difficulties which accompanied the return of peace, and which were
certainly not diminished by the wild extravagances of the more advanced
advocates of * Reform,' then as always the chief check to reasonable
progress, have been allowed to obscure the very great services which they
rendered this country, and indeed to Europe, between 1808 and 1815.
Granting for the moment that the Whig legend of 1815-1830 is in the
main true, the names of these men should nevertheless be held in honour in
this country, for if, as Mr. Fortescue shows, no one of them was Pitt's
equal in ability and intellect, as a combination they were far more success-
ful than Pitt had ever been. They may have been narrow-minded, but by
confining their attention to one problem at a time, by attending to the war
and the war only, and keeping their hands off domestic problems while
there was a formidable enemy at the gates, they did achieve a real and
lasting success : they ceased to rely on the efforts of paid foreigners,
but saw that if England was to exercise any solid influence over the affairs
of Europe, she must play an effective part in the struggle on land, and
with her own troops. The elder Pitt had had to recognize this truth in
the Seven Years' War, and if his son had grasped the principle and shaped
his policy accordingly he would have been saved many bitter disappoint-
ments. Liverpool and his colleagues no doubt owed much to Wellington,
but he in his turn owed much to them, a debt which he afterwards-
acknowledged in handsome terms, if at the time he was a little inclined
(cf. p. 256) to underestimate their difficulties. Mr. Fortescue endeavours,
to hold the balance fairly between Wellington and the Government at
home, and the lecture in which he does so (No. VII.) is among the best in
the series. His sketch of Wellington is judicious and illuminating : he
finds the Duke's character * more complex and puzzling than is generally
supposed,' and judges him to have been of a really passionate and emotional
temperament, held in restraint by a mighty will power, not the cold
and frigid thinking and fighting machine which most people picture.
'One has a sense of natural feelings compressed and crushed down in
Wellington,' he writes, and the whole chapter makes one look forward more
keenly than ever to the time when Mr. Fortescue gives us his account
of Wellington's great campaigns in the Peninsula and Low Countries.

British Statesmen of the Great War 307

But to return to Perceval, Liverpool, and Castlereagh. Mr. Fortescue
has a very good case to present, and his defence of them against the biassed
criticisms of Napier and those who have followed him, can hardly fail to
impress his readers with its justice. His picture of the work Castlereagh
did in 1814 is most striking (p. 260). 'Thirty years ago,' he writes,
* even young Whigs were permitted to speak with subdued admiration of
Castlereagh's conduct at the headquarters of the Allies in 1814'; as he
shows, Canning in the same position would have been a hopeless failure
from the very things in which he excelled Castlereagh, sheer cleverness
and intellectual agility. Perceval, too, he does much to bring before one as
a real character, and not as a mere figure on the political stage (pp. 193-
196), and he points out that when there was friction between Canning
and Liverpool (then Hawkesbury) in 1804, and it seemed that one of them
must leave office, it was with Canning that Pitt was prepared to part.
Canning, and next to him Henry Dundas, appear to the least advantage in
Mr. Fortescue's pages, for with Fox he is but little concerned, since Fox
was so little in office. His sketches of them are merciless, but they hit
the weak points in their armour. Canning, with all his brains, was not
quite a gentleman, as his behaviour to Moore and to Castlereagh himself
shows, and being this was not a man to inspire confidence in colleagues
or subordinates. A British general could not count on not being made a
scapegoat for other people's blunders, if things went wrong when Canning
was in charge. Dundas, for all his shrewdness and capacity for ' trans-
acting business,' had the mind of an adroit political agent, he had nothing
of the higher qualities needed to make a statesman. Mr. Fortescue is at
his best in dissecting Dundas, his polished irony cuts deeper than any
invective could, and does not leave much of a reputation to Pitt's principal
colleague.

Pitt himself, as we have shown, fares somewhat badly at Mr.
Fortescue's hands when the details of his work, his actual plans and
their execution, are being discussed. He could not make an army ; had
he made one he could not have used it. But Mr. Fortescue is fully alive
to Pitt's merits, and far from unsympathetic. The Pitt he draws for us
with his * inveterate prudence,' his consciousness of capacity, his burning
patriotism, his ignorance of the ways of men, his resolution and tenacity,
may seem somewhat of a bundle of inconsistent elements, but he was the
offspring of a Pitt and a Grenville, two families with very strongly marked
characteristics which Mr. Fortescue describes with great effect. One has
in the picture Mr. Fortescue has drawn, a man whom it is easier to under-
stand than any other of the many Pitts that other writers have tried
to show us. The portrait may bear the stamp of the painter's strong
individuality, but it is a portrait which lives, and certainly represents things
which are really present in the subject.

On the events of the war, on the various expeditions and opportunities^
Mr. Fortescue is full of happy suggestions. He draws attention to the
curious fact that at the moment when the Revolution declared war on
Monarchy, there was ' an amazing abundance of half-witted sovereigns '
(p. 83). George III., the only European monarch of more than average

308 British Statesmen of the Great War

ability and character — for Mr. Fortescue has little difficulty in showing
(p. 1 7 ff.) that the ' received version ' as to George III. is far from good
history — the only really resolute opponent of the new forces among
contemporary sovereigns, was himself destined to long years of insanity.
A passage of most striking character is the opening passage, in which are
described the portraits in the great gallery at Windsor (pp. 1-2), and the
sketches of Chatham (pp. 40-46), and of Windham (pp. 112-114), merit
special mention. Of necessity, Mr. Fortescue repeats in this volume
judgments and comments which will be familiar to readers of his larger
work, but to some extent they gain by being compressed here, and one
may hope that those to whom the details of strategy and tactics make
no appeal, and who are therefore not very likely to read the volumes in
which Mr. Fortescue has told the story of 1792-1802 at length, will learn
the gist of the military history of England during those years from this
volume. It could not be better compressed than it is in Lectures III. and
IV., and one is specially grateful for the refutation (pp. 88-90) of Lord
Rosebery's apparently cogent but really unsound attempt to explain away
the contrast between the relative success of the Army and the Navy by
declaring that the one was essentially aristocratic, the other comparatively
democratic. The statement, indeed, is * a ludicrous travesty of the truth '
(p. 89), and yet it is just the kind of generalization which gets into the
text-books. One can only hope that this book, which does so much to put
before its readers the real facts as to a little understood but vitally im-
portant period, will be very widely read. It cannot fail to prove
interesting, one would hope it will also afford instruction.

C. T. ATKINSON.

THE MAKING OF THE NATIONS : SCOTLAND. By Robert S. Rait, Fellow
and Tutor of New College, Oxford. With thirty-two full-page illus-
trations from original paintings and from photographs, also maps and
plans. Pp. xii, 320. 8vo. London: Adam and Charles Black. 1911.
75. 6d. net.

THIS is the first volume of a new series of histories which promises to be
exceptionally attractive. It concerns the growth and development of the
Scottish nation from the Roman invasion to the Disruption of 1 843. The
most important events in the making of Scotland prior to the reign of
Malcolm Canmore are given due prominence in Mr. Rait's introductory
chapter. Like Mr. Lang, he tilts at the theory of the English overlord-
ship, and corrects an error in Mr. Freeman's * honest' Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle of 924, which is mainly responsible for the subsequent claims
to supremacy of Norman and Plantagenet sovereigns. As Sir Archibald
Lawrie has recently pointed out, what is known of Scottish history before
the end of the eleventh century is derived from English and Irish chronicles
and annals; the writings of Scottish writers have perished. Why, there-
fore, should Mr. Freeman have regarded his solitary Englishman as
necessarily an unbiassed witness ?

Next we come to the Anglicization of the kingdom, which had its

Rait : The Making of the Nations 309

origin in Malcolm's marriage with the sister of Edgar Atheling, afterwards
canonized as St. Margaret. She set herself to reform the Church. Though
several of her children bore the names of Saxon kings of England — Edward,
Edmund, Ethelred, and Edgar — Norman influences were predominant.
Duncan II., Alexander I., and David I. all resided at the English court in
their youth ; and when the last of Malcolm's sons, David, succeeded to the
throne in 1124, the feudal system became established in Scotland. Mr.
Rait finds him a ' sair sanct ' for the north of England ; and the views
which Scott expressed in The Monastery, that this pious monarch was not
solely influenced by religious motives in his acts of munificence to the
Church, are probably correct.

In his third chapter, which covers the reigns of William the Lion,
Alexander II., and Alexander III. (1165-1286), the author deals with the
consolidation of the kingdom and the dawning of national unity, a necessary
preliminary to the War of Independence. The question of the disputed
claims after the death of the Maid of Norway is clearly stated. Whilst
the decision of Edward L, as Lord Paramount of Scotland, was based on
the modern law of hereditary succession that the more remote descendant
of an elder daughter should be preferred before the nearer descendant of a
younger daughter, it obviously suited his purpose. 'The English king,'
writes Mr. Rait, * was wise as well as fair, for though Bruce had always
been pro-English, Balliol was, in English opinion, "a simple creature,"
and simplicity was a useful quality in a vassal king.' Mr. Freeman's
glorification of Edward is well known, and to say, as he does, that his
conduct throughout the whole business was marked by disinterestedness
displays a partial mind.

The Scottish nobility and ecclesiastics swore fealty to Edward, broke
their oaths, renewed them and were readmitted to favour, but Wallace
made no submission to the conqueror. That is his just title to undying
fame. He first kindled the flame of patriotism, and he remains the greatest
of Scotsmen. Bruce was undoubtedly a turncoat, and Mr. Rait ventures
the opinion that he may have been present at Wallace's trial and death.
But once crowned, all the faults of King Robert's turbulent youth were
atoned for.

The reign of David II., when so many men changed sides, is a record of
disaster. The expenses of the war, including the ransom of the king,
proved as oppressive to the Scots as the drain on the national resources of
Sweden after the defeat of Charles XII. at Pultawa. We pass on with a
sense of relief to the first two kings of the House of Stewart — Robert II.
and his son Robert III. (1371-1406) — a period extolled in ballad and
romance. The battle of the clans on the North Inch of Perth and the
tragedy of Rothesay at Falkland are treated as mere interludes. They are
familiar to readers of Scott, who are likely to accept his version whatever
historians may say.

It is curious to find James I. instituting a Quo Warranto inquiry after
the English model into baronial trespasses on the Crown's prerogative, the
result no doubt of his long captivity.

Mr. Rait describes the reign of James IV. as the Golden Age of medieval

310 Rait: The Making of the Nations

Scottish history. It produced Sir Andrew Wood, the first great sea captain
to defeat the English privateers in the Forth and the Tay, and William
Dunbar, the most gifted of the early poets, who celebrated the king's
marriage with Margaret Tudor in 'The Thistle and the Rose.' It saw the
suppression of the Lordship of the Isles as a separate state claiming indepen-
dent sovereignty, and it culminated in Flodden Field, more memorable
than many victories for the reckless valour and splendid devotion displayed
by sovereign, nobles, yeomanry, and burgesses alike. Into the maze of
factions, feuds, and intrigues between the Regent Albany, the queen-
mother, Angus, and Arran, in which Henry VIII. bore an ignoble part,
Mr. Rait does not lead us. The minority of James V. is dreary history,
and particulars can well be spared.

When this king came into his own (1528), the Reformation had begun
with the burning of Patrick Hamilton at St. Andrews, but it received no
encouragement from him. He was forced to rely on the ancient league
with France, for he distrusted his uncle Henry and his treacherous subject
Angus. We should have liked a fuller account of the policy of Cardinal
Beaton, who supported the national party when many of his base country-
men were in English pay. Even Protestants can sympathise with this
Roman prelate fighting a losing battle with grim determination to the end.
John Knox not only trod down his enemies ; he trampled on them when
dead. He gives a lengthy description of Beaton's murder in his History,
dwelling with delight on the horrible details. He writes, as he himself
confesses, 'merrily,' and his comments on the afiair could not be surpassed
for malice and vindictiveness. His violence of speech and action does not,
however, detract from the value of his work in reforming a Church
obviously corrupt, though little can be said for the tolerance and moderation
of Presbyterianism, as witness its claim to secular jurisdiction.

Mr. Rait has dealt adequately with the subsequent events to the Union
of the Crowns, but perhaps he is too lenient to Queen Elizabeth. He
thinks that if Murray had been legitimate, he would probably have been
one of Scotland's greatest kings; and his comparison between him and
William of Orange is novel and interesting. After the assassination of the
' Good Regent ' the country was divided into two rival factions, and there
are, in fact, so many cross currents in Scottish history prior to the year 1603
that the task of making the story intelligible is no easy one. That the
author has succeeded in steering a straight course within the narrow limits
at his disposal is due to his powers of exposition and to his literary skill.

During the contest between Church and State in the matter of Epis-
copacy, the policy of James contrasts favourably with that of his successor.
After the rough handling which the Scottish Solomon had received from
Andrew Melville when his throne was insecure, his severe treatment of
that strenuous divine at the conferences in London with the English
bishops is not surprising. Charles could not plead such provocation, and
he had all the blindness, though unhappily in this connection not the
indecision, of Louis XVI. Whilst James attempted to check the excesses
of Laud, who, if much misrepresented himself, imperfectly understood the
Scottish temper, Charles authorised the preparation of the new liturgy, a

Rait : The Making of the Nations 3 1 1

step far in excess of the Five Articles of Perth. He also alienated the
nobility by withholding from them the offices of state ; they joined hands
with the Presbyterians, and the result was the National Covenant, followed
by fifty years of misery and strife.

The motives which induced Montrose to forsake the Covenanters and
go over to the King have been the subject of heated discussion. Mr. S. R.
Gardiner reveals him as a maker of modern Scotland. Mr. Rait accepts
his views that he detested Argyll and Hamilton's usurped supremacy under
Parliamentary forms, and desired * to emancipate the life and mind of Scot-
land from the grinding pressure of the Presbyterian clergy, of which the
greater nobles were able to make use.' Writing in the Quarterly Review
so far back as December, 1846, Lord Mahon, who was among the first to
clear the Great Marquis from undeserved calumny, was of the same
opinion ; for he saw no reason to distrust the truth of his own dying
declaration that what principally moved him was when he 'perceived some
private persons under colour of religion intent to wring the authority from
the King and to seize on it for themselves.' In less than a year — September,
1644, to August, 1645 — Montrose triumphed at Tippermuir, at the Bridge
of Dee, at the Castle of Fyvie, at Inverlochy, at Auldearn, at Alford, and
at Kilsyth, a glorious record, though his actual victories were less remark-
able than the extraordinary celerity of his marches. After Philiphaugh he
ceased to menace the Covenanters. Devotion to duty was Montrose's
watchword. To his credit be it said, he refused the tempting offer of the
Generalship of the Scots in France, for he was a proud man and loved
magnificence. He returned to Scotland on a forlorn hope at the bidding
of his master. Many men have died manfully on the scaffold ; few have
had during their last hours to endure such vile insults and abuse as his foes
heaped upon him ; none have borne their sufferings with greater composure
and dignity. They tried, as Mr. Rait says, to make his death ignominious.
They failed contemptibly, and the verdict of later generations, which he
doubtless anticipated, is in his favour.

Where quotation can be suitably employed, ancient chroniclers or
modern diarists are permitted to speak for themselves. To illustrate the
Solemn League and the history of Scotland up to the Restoration, a
number of extracts are given from the Letters and Journals of Robert
Baillie, Principal of Glasgow University, a temperate Covenanter, whom
Carlyle regarded as something of a Boswell and exceptionally veracious.
Baillie's respect for Charles I. and his avowed affection for his son, whom
he met at The Hague, is a strange trait in his character, and distinguishes
him from the religious bigot. t Let the King do what he will,' he wrote
of Charles II. in reference to Episcopacy, * he will ever get the blessings ot
us all.' For the period up to the Revolution of 1688, usually known as
the ' Killing Time,' the principal authority is Bishop Gilbert Burnet. The
faithful supporter of Dutch William admits that James VII., when as
Duke of York he was mainly responsible for the administration of Scotland
from 1679 to 1685, advised the bishops to proceed moderately and encouraged
trade. Partisan though he was, he thus proves himself to be fair-minded.
Archbishop Sharp is an historical enigma. We are struck by his saintly

3 1 2 Rait : The Making of the Nations

features and benevolent aspect ; and it is difficult to believe that this man
could have been guilty of such atrocious cruelty to his late friends, especially
the prisoners of Rullion Green. Justice is done to Claverhouse, if little is
said of his campaigns. He was no butcher like Cumberland, but a most
gallant soldier and an honourable opponent, who, in carrying out his
instructions, always kept within the law. Such ardent spirits were not
met with in the days of the early Stewart kings, who had few adherents
noted for loyalty.

The last heading is Modern Scotland (1689-1843). The preliminaries
to the Treaty of Union, the Fifteen, and the Forty-Five, admirably
described as they are, suffice for one chapter, and he might well have added
another dealing with the century from Culloden to the Disruption. The
Augustan era, which, roughly speaking, covers the reign of George III.,
deserves more than bare mention in a couple of sentences. In the domain
of literature and thought Irishmen have not been numerous, nor, with a
few exceptions, of first-rate importance ; and Wales cannot boast a single
figure above mediocrity. But in the short space of sixty years, between
1760 and 1820, Scotland produced a brilliant collection of poets, philo-
sophers, essayists, historians, and novelists, whose work profoundly influenced
succeeding generations, and formed a substantial contribution to the making
of the nation.

This handsome volume, with its excellent portraits and maps, will be
much appreciated. It is scholarly, well informed, and notes the latest
research ; and, as Mr. Rait has an easy style of narrative, it will appeal to
a wide class of readers. He has a happy faculty of seizing upon the salient
features of the period with which he deals, and his comments on the course
of events are always illuminative.

It would be impossible to produce a comprehensive history of England
within the same compass. Not only is the subject vast, but the great
figures of William L, Becket, Edward I., Henry VIII., Elizabeth, Cromwell,
William III., Marlborough, and Wellington are shadowy and elusive.
Their characters are so complex that they fail to arouse enthusiasm, for the
average man, as distinct from the historical student, cannot get on intimate
terms with them. Typical as they are of their age, we regard them as
hard and cold personages, without a spark of romance. But it is easy to
understand St. Margaret, Wallace, Bruce, the Good Douglas, James L,
James IV., Montrose, Claverhouse, and Prince Charles Edward. Their
fortunes may be eagerly followed, and in the hands of a competent writer
always appear to bear the impress of novelty.

Mr. Freeman once complained that English people, women especially,
venerated Wallace and Bruce as heroes, and ignored Edward I. as statesman
and lawgiver. Did he seriously expect the Statutes of De Donis and £)uia
Emptores to evoke widespread interest ? Despite Carlyle's rhapsody, Crom-
well the Lord Protector has no hold on the affections of posterity as has
Wallace the Guardian of the Kingdom, although each maintained his
country's liberties and national independence. The misfortunes of Mary
Queen of Scots excite sympathy ; the duplicity of Queen Elizabeth alienates

Rait : The Making of the Nations 3 1 3

it — notwithstanding the distortions of Mr. Froude. Macaulay's estimate
of Dundee is not now generally accepted. If we turn to the Wars of the
Roses, we find that they were the outcome of mere selfishness and greed, a
dynastic contest which can hardly stimulate the imagination to-day. They
did not affect the nation at large, and were confined to the feudal lords and
their retainers. Not so the War of Independence, inspired as it was by
noble patriotism and lofty ideals, — qualities which, it must be admitted,
were not lacking in the later struggles of the Cameronians and the
Jacobites.

The range of English history covers a wider, but less picturesque, field.
North of the Tweed there is scarcely a lowland glen or highland pass
without its own peculiar associations. In Scotland we are not troubled
with the same number of perplexing questions regarding the origin and
evolution of social, industrial, and political institutions. Thus its history,
which, apart from baronial feuds and clan rivalships, is to a great extent
concerned with religious matters, has a warm place in the hearts of the
people, who care little for abstruse constitutional problems.

G. A. SINCLAIR.

GEORGE THE THIRD AND CHARLES Fox. THE CONCLUDING PART OF
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. By the Right Hon. Sir G. O. Trevelyan,
Bart., O.M. In 2 vols. Vol. I. pp. x, 342. With one Map.
Demy 8vo. London : Longmans, Green & Co. 1912. 75. 6d. net.

THIS delightful book is a continuation of two previous and separate works
by the same author, The American Revolution and Early History of Fox.
Of the former this and the volume still to be published form the concluding
part, but we trust there is still more to follow upon Fox. The admirers of
that brilliant statesman could not desire a better biographer. Sir George
has made himself very familiar with the age in which Fox lived, with his
haunts and companions, and is in hearty sympathy with the causes which he
espoused and advocated with so much eloquence and zeal. Some may
question whether the best title has been selected. There is, of course, a good
deal about George III. and Fox in it, but other people and matters bulk
almost as large.

It is really a social and political history of England during the period
when the American War was slowly dragging along, bringing nothing but
defeat and discredit to the mother country, and George was ruling accord-
ing to his own perverse will, opposed at every step by the vigorous efforts
of Fox.

It is at least an attractive title. These two men stood out not only
in striking contrast, but they represented perhaps better than any others
the two influences then fighting for the mastery in England, that which
sought to preserve all the evils and corruptions of the past, and that which
strove to sweep them away.

The character of George III. is certainly somewhat of a puzzle. The
idea, which may perhaps linger in some minds, of a simple-minded country
gentleman, pious but rather stupid, has little foundation in fact. He had an
excellent head, a clear idea of what he wanted and of the best way of

314 Trevelyan: George the Third and Fox

getting it. His piety and domestic merits no one has questioned, but the
difficulty is to see how one who was religious and possessed a conscience
could carry on a consistent course of bribery and corruption, and ever
be found the patron and upholder of the most dissolute and incompetent
men.

The truth was that in the king's opinion Parliament was simply a
nuisance which he could not get rid of, and could only mitigate by a liberal
distribution of bribes and rewards. Like Charles I. he would have much
preferred to reign alone, and he could only tolerate as the nominal rulers
with whom he had to associate those who entirely subordinated their own
wills to his. If a man showed independence he at once lost favour. Men
who had minds of their own, such as Chatham and Fox, he could not away
with. They were an abomination unto him. His religion probably
aggravated the situation by weighing him down under a sense of kingly
responsibility. But from these pages we can also learn why George, in
spite of all his faults, was popular. A thorough Englishman, his public
appearances were such as to call forth the enthusiasm of his people. When
there was an invasion scare no one was more active than he in the inspection
of dockyards and militia camps. His cool head and firm courage won him
the respect of the whole nation. * George the Third,' says our author,
* never showed to better advantage than in his character of titular chief of
the fighting services. In that department of State affairs he understood his
duty thoroughly, he did it gallantly, and he kept within it.'

If Fox did not come up to his sovereign's standard in private life, he at
least possessed the virtue which enabled him to resist all attempts to win
him over to the Court side. As the vigorous exposer of abuses and the
champion of freedom, he remained the greater part of his life under the
chilly shadow of opposition. Had he come over the highest pinnacle of
power might have easily been reached. A king who upheld Sandwich
could hardly have objected to the moral character of Fox. He was, says
Sir George, 'drenched with calumny when alive, and it has been
the fashion ever since, among writers of a certain class, to ignore the
priceless services which he rendered to liberty and humanity, and to judge
him solely by their own interpretation of his attitude with regard to the
foreign policy of Great Britain. But his detractors then or now have never
been able to call in question his highest title to honour. No man has
denied, and no man can deny, that during all the best years of his life,
Charles Fox sacrificed opportunities of power and advancement, emolu-
ments which he sorely needed, and popularity which he keenly relished, for
the sake of causes and principles incomparably dearer to him than his own
interests and advantage.'

There are subjects dealt with in this volume which call for special
attention, such as the country life of the aristocracy and its connection with
art and literature, the story of Keppel and Palliser, with the triumphs of
the former and the light which the whole incident throws upon the abuses
of the age, and the sad tragedy of Andre.

We cannot commend the arrangement of this book. The order of time
is not observed. Dates are rare. There is one, 1778, from which we never

Seton- Watson : The Southern Slav Question 3 1 5

seem to get quite away, although we are constantly being taken back to
earlier periods, and again carried into the future.
The style, in many passages, recalls Macaulay.

W. G. SCOTT MONCRIEFF.

THE SOUTHERN SLAV QUESTION AND THE HABSBURG MONARCHY. By
R. W. Seton- Watson, D.Litt. (Oxon). Pp. xii, 463. With Map.
Demy 8vo. London: Constable & Co., Ltd. 1911. I2s. 6d. net.

ADVOCATING, as Mr. Seton- Watson does, a definite programme of reform,
he writes with his eye on the future rather than on the past. If we leave
aside the valuable appendices of more than one hundred pages of original
documents, tables of statistics, and hitherto unpublished letters, this
important treatise falls into three sections of unequal length. The first
nine chapters sketch in bold outlines * for the first time in English,' as
the author justly claims (p. 335), the history of the Croat and Serb races
under the sway of the House of Habsburg. This section of some 200
pages is the only part of the book that, strictly speaking, falls within the
province of history. Though merely introductory to the main theme, these
summaries are of undoubted value to English students of continental pro-
blems. The second and third sections treat not of remote centuries, but of
burning problems of to-day and of their probable solutions.

In the chapters devoted to the Friedjung Trial and its sequels the author
writes not as a historian weighing the testimony of others, but as a contem-
porary authority describing what he has seen and heard. The story is of
thrilling interest, but is told at disproportionate length if we are to treat the
whole work as an ordinary historical composition. In this section, how-
ever, Mr. Seton- Watson gives us not so much a rounded history as raw
material for the use of future historians. His reports of the famous trial, in
spite of undisguised sympathy for the Slav leaders, give an impression of
moderation and of an earnest desire to preserve impartiality. The con-
cluding portion of the book treats of the problems with which the future of
the Habsburg dominions is bound up, and the author's confident solution
may be summed up in one word — Trialism, or the substitution for
the present dual monarchy of a three-fold state in which the peoples of
Slav descent should enjoy in their own territory self-government in equal
measure with the two races that now dominate Austrian and Hungarian
destinies respectively.

Mr. Seton-Watson's valuable treatise, falling into three sections that
treat respectively of the past, the present, and the future, would seem,
from a purely literary standpoint, to be lacking in cohesion. Unity and
colour, however, are given to the whole by the author's intense sympathy
for the Croat and Serb races of southern Europe in their struggles for some
measure of local autonomy and constitutional liberty.

There is an excellent map to illustrate the author's historical and political
discussions, while an admirable bibliography of eight pages, giving (with
brief comments) lists of the principal authorities in many languages, is
sufficient evidence of the labour and scholarship that have gone to the
making of a remarkable book. WM. S. McKECHNiE.

3 1 6 Hume Brown : History of Scotland

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND TO THE PRESENT TIME. By P. Hume Brown,
M.A., LL.D., F.B.A. Three volumes. Vol. I. xx, 328 ; Vol. II.
xx, 366 ; Vol. III. xvi, 429. 8vo. With Maps and Illustrations.
Cambridge University Press. 1911. 3os.net.

IN these handsome volumes the narrative of Professor Hume Brown's
original history of Scotland is continued to the present time. The main
difference, therefore, between the original story of the consolidation and
development of Scotland and that now presented is to be found in the
additional chapters, which, taking up the thread of events where it was
dropped about 1850, pursues it throughout the last half-century in the
spheres of politics, religion, and education. There are, however, minor
differences, due to the author's desire to introduce such additions and
amplifications as have been made necessary by recent research.

What first challenges attention is the very fine collection of illustrations,
which in themselves give a peculiar value to this new edition of what has
become a standard work. As is well known, recent excavations at New-
stead have yielded a rich harvest of memorials of the Roman occupation,
and a few specimens are shown. These are the first in a series of plates of
objects that illuminate various aspects of life in Scotland. The plates are
particularly rich in types of ecclesiastical and other architecture ; the abbeys,
castles, and churches of Scotland are well represented.

The large number of photographs of men distinguished in war and
politics, in literature and science, invites the reader's scrutiny, and provokes
a desire to read in the lineaments here portrayed something to justify the
verdicts of history. Here, for example, is Claverhouse, whose beautiful face
and cold, compelling gaze seem to protest against the traditional represen-
tation of him, and here is Archibald Campbell, Marquis of Argyle, the
1 host ' of Dugald Dalgetty, revealed to the life. Among the moderns are
Carlyle, from Whistler's painting, and Sir Walter Scott, from Saxon's.
Saxon's portrait gives a vivacity to the features that one misses in the later
portraits, but Lockhart assures us that in 1802 Scott looked like this ; it
will be found interesting to compare the reproduction given on p. 326 of
Professor Hume Brown's third volume with the Tassie medallion reproduced
on p. 1 90 of Scottish History and Life.

In his additional chapters the author lays particular stress on the break
with the traditional theology of Scotland, and this is no doubt a notable
fact in the recent history of the country ; the change of attitude since the
Robertson Smith case is so marked that * heresy-hunting ' is a thing of the
past. The Declaratory Act and the debates on the formula of subscription
to the Confession of Faith are a revelation of a loosening of old bonds.
Professor Hume Brown takes note of the new zeal for social work among
the churches and the decay of doctrinal preaching ; he does not mention
the Institutional Church, but its appearance is a sign of how the current is
flowing. He contends also that the radicalism of Scotland is part of her
history (cf. vol. i. p. 147) and accounts for her democratic church and
school systems. By emphasising the distinct character of the Scottish
nation Professor Hume Brown may claim that he has answered by antici-
pation a recent charge against him that he has failed to accentuate the

Hume Brown: History of Scotland 317

imitative character of Scottish medieval institutions, and has not paid
sufficient regard to their English originals. He may be left to deal with this
indictment and with the other charges of not making a marked discrimina-
tion between the Conventions of Estates and Parliaments (see vol. ii.
p. 92, note) and falling short of severe accuracy in handling the period of
Charles I. and the Commonwealth. He still holds to the view that the
Picts were mainly Goidelic Celts (vol. i. p. 9) ; some fuller treatment of
this point would have been welcome.

In its new form this History of Scotland is sure to be well received. It
cannot be omitted from the library of any patriotic Scot or serious student
of history. A> M WILLIAMS.

CAMBRIDGE UNDER QUEEN ANNE. Illustrated by Memoir of Ambrose
Bonwicke and Diaries of Francis Burman and Zacharias Conrad von
Uffenbach. Edited with Notes by J. E. B. Mayor, M.A., late Fellow
of St. John's College and Professor of Latin in the University of Cam-
bridge. With a Preface by Montague Rhodes James, Litt.D., Provost
of King's College, Cambridge. Pp. xv, 545. Sm. 8vo. Cambridge :
Published for the Cambridge Antiquarian Society by Deighton,
Bell & Co. and Bowes & Bowes. 1911. 6s. net.

As Dr. James tells us in his interesting short preface, this book was pro-
jected and begun by the late Professor Mayor upwards of forty years ago.
In 1870 he published the first part, the life of Ambrose Bonwicke, and
printed a few copies of the remainder for private circulation. On Professor
Mayor's death in 1910, the value of the work, as enriched by his notes,
being fully recognised, arrangements were made on behalf of the Cambridge
Antiquarian Society to have the printed sheets of the incomplete work
transferred to them.

The book consists of three parts, each being accompanied by voluminous
notes upon persons, places, incidents, and other matters mentioned in or
arising out of the text. The editor's contribution, even in its unfinished
form, is of great variety and interest, and is much larger than the original
text.

The first part is a reprint of the memoir of Ambrose Bonwicke (born
1691, died 1714), written by his father, and first published in 1729. It
discloses a young scholar of St. John's College, of weak constitution,
fervently pious and morbidly sensitive. He brought his life to a premature
close probably through asceticism and close study. Professor Mayor has
annotated the life by 1 10 pages of notes upon such subjects as the Bonwicke
family, Sturbridge fair, Burgersdijck, to name but three of the varied topics
taken at random.

The second part consists of a translation of the short record of the visit
to Cambridge of the Dutch professor, Frans Burman, who came to England
in 1702 as chaplain of the Embassy sent from Holland to congratulate
Queen Anne on her accession. It also forms the basis of a number of
learned notes.

The third part contains the account of a visit to the University in 1710

3 1 8 Mayor : Cambridge under Queen Anne

by Z. C. von Uffenbach, a Doctor in Civil and Canon Law of Halle, and
a celebrated collector of books and manuscripts. Dr. von Uffenbach (who
was accompanied by his brother) fills his narrative with details, sometimes
odd, at other times ill-natured, regarding the various colleges, their learned
men, librarians and libraries, besides touching upon minor cognate matters.
It thus affords ample scope for Professor Mayor's notes and illustrations.
Uffenbach was evidently inclined to be critical of men and things in Eng-
land, and seems seldom to lose an opportunity of saying something dis-
paraging. He visited the University library, where he remarks, * we could
see nothing well because the librarian, Dr. Laughton (or as they pronounce
it, Laffton\ was absent, which vexed me not a little, as Dr. Ferrari highly
extolled his great learning and courtesy. Rara avis in his terris?

The morning of one of his last days in England was spent in packing up
his books and goods in three bales to send them to Holland. c At noon,' he
tells us, 'we dined at the Blue Bell in Clare market. There a Scot,
Cherbourn [Sherbourne ?], of good family, well made with a very strong
voice, singing a good bass, broke several double flint glasses by shouting. . . .
He is upwards of forty years old, a loose liver and deep in debt ; he speaks
scotch, irish, english, dutch, german, italian, french and latin.'

As letting us see how our manners and customs struck a frankly critical
and somewhat cross-grained visitor two hundred years ago, this latter part of
the book is invaluable, and we owe a debt of gratitude to the Cambridge
Antiquarian Society for thus placing within reach a work which reflects on
every page the varied and entertaining learning of the late Professor Mayor.

JOHN EDWARDS.

L'ADMINISTRATION FINANCIERS DBS £TATS DE BRETAGNE DE 1689 A
1715. Par F. Quesette. Pp. 251. 8vo. Paris: Honor£ Champion.
1911. 3fr. 50.

WITHIN recent years such savants as Loth and Lot have demonstrated the
importance of Brittany in the spheres of philology and hagiology. M.
Quesette's monograph deals with a later period and a different field, but it
possesses such qualities of insight and comprehension that, taken along with
the studies of M. le Moy on provincial institutions, it indicates that in
the eighteenth century Brittany still deserves the attention of students of
history.

Compared with the field on which M. Marcel Marion is at present
working, M. Quesette's subject is a limited one, but this very limitation
has enabled him to strike deeply into the general life of the province with
which he is concerned. Under Richelieu, Brittany, like the other pays
d'ltats, was free from much of the taxation under which the rest of France
groaned, and the Breton estates acted within certain limits as an inter-
mediary between the Crown and the inhabitants of the province, and
possessed something like fiscal autonomy. M. Quesette traces, in a most
illuminating manner, the development of the Estates in the sphere of
financial administration from the condition of an inert and almost lifeless
organism to the stage in which they became active and alive. The trans-

Hardy: Six Roman Laws 319

formation was effected under the financial pressure which marked the
reign of Louis XIV., and the Estates became rejuvenated through a
struggle which at first sight seemed to threaten their existence.

M. Quesette's study of a phase of the relations between the French
Crown and Brittany will interest students of federal institutions, and every
reader will deplore the author's untimely death. j)AVID BAIRD SMITH.

Six ROMAN LAWS. Translated with Introduction and Notes. By E. G.
Hardy, M.A., D.Litt. Pp. viii, 176. 8vo. Oxford: Clarendon
Press. 1911. 6s. net.

THIS scholarly little book is designed to meet the needs of a very special
class of students — those reading for the school of Literae Humaniores at
Oxford. The sound tradition of that school requires that preparation for
it shall be based, as far as possible, on a study of the original authorities.
Thus Roman history is made in all cases to rest upon a first-hand know-
ledge of Cicero and Tacitus, Appian and Plutarch. And from the better
men something more is looked for ; they are expected to make themselves
acquainted with at least the more important of the epigraphic texts, in so
far as these have a bearing on the story of the constitution. The most
convenient of handbooks for this latter purpose is the Fontes of Bruns.
But Bruns's collection is a good deal more extensive than is strictly neces-
sary, while it is at the same time unprovided with those ' aids to reflection '
which even the ablest of undergraduates usually finds welcome.

These are precisely the defects that Mr. Hardy has set himself to remedy.
He has chosen six of the better-known laws, has rendered them into intel-
ligible English — not always an easy task — and has supplied each with a
brief introduction and a set of useful notes. There are also three Appen-
dixes dealing with special difficulties connected with the Lex Agraria and
the Lex Julia Municipalis respectively. To the elucidation of what is
obscure, Mr. Hardy brings a fresh mind, abundant learning, and an
independent judgment. His mastery of detail is indeed astonishing, when
one remembers the physical disability from which he unfortunately suffers ;
his manuscript was written in Braille. It is greatly to be hoped that he
will carry out his intention of producing a companion volume, and that he
will include in it that most impressive of Roman inscriptions, the Monu-
mentum Ancyranum. Meanwhile there are signs that Roman History is
going to come to its own in our Scottish Universities. When it does so,
teachers and students will find Six Roman Laws a valuable instrument.

GEORGE MACDONALD.

ACCOUNTS OF THE LORD HIGH TREASURER OF SCOTLAND. Edited by
Sir James Balfour Paul. Vol. IX. A.D. 1546-1551. Pp. Ixviii, 599.
Royal 8vo. H.M. General Register House. 1911. 155. net.

THE Lyon King, whose volume of the Treasurer's Accounts for 1541-46
was reviewed last year (S.H.R. vii, 309) now pursues his editorial task
on the accounts down to the spring of 1551, setting out the text with all
the care that can be desired, and prefacing the book with a sufficiently

320 Paul : Accounts of Lord High Treasurer

extended survey of the period and comment on the prominent elements of
finance. A central fact of the time being the battle of Pinkie, there is
episode and to spare glanced at or directly recorded in the accounts. The
wealth of those is such that the preface scarcely attempts as full an outline
and chronological register as some readers would have found convenient.
Concerning Pinkie, it points out the effort of the Scots army to get
forward the artillery, ' battards, moyanis and falconnes ' (which failed so
badly when the hour came), the cost of munitions and the wages of
gunners and pioneers, the provision made in advance for field-surgery,
and the melancholy employment of 'cairttis to helpe to erd the deid
folkes be the space of twa dayes.' Apparently this sad task was slackly
taken in hand, for subsequently, it would seem in October, letters had to
be sent to Musselburgh and Inveresk requiring the people there 'to caus
be erdit the deid persounnes restande in the feildeis of Fawside.'

Somerset's movements after the battle are not traced, though there is
great need for an itinerary of his army, with a few dates to help us to
follow it from Leith to Home Castle, and back to England. Indeed
it is not easy to reconcile the Lyon King's statement about Home Castle,
as delivered to Somerset before Pinkie, with the statement of contempor-
aries, as well as of all modern historians, that it was besieged and taken by
him after Pinkie, or with the terms of the accounts themselves. We find
no mention in the preface of the fact that simultaneously with Somerset's
advance on the east coast, Thomas, Lord Wharton, was making a minor
expedition into Scotland on the west, with the capture and destruction of
the tower of Castlemilk and the Steeple of Annan as the object.

Interesting entries relative both to the gunners for Annan Steeple and to
the close warding of Castlemilk occur as items in the accounts for Septem-
ber 1547. An episode of the west which is passed over in the preface is
the volte-face made by the Master of Maxwell, who, after pledging himself
to Wharton and the English interest, was brought back to the side of
Scotland and the Governor by the timely bribe of the hand of the heiress
of Herries, with the result that in arrayed battle against Drumlanrig,
Wharton's allies, the Maxwell party, turned round and attacked him and
his English force in the field, to the confusion and fury of the English
leader. There is piquancy in the allusion made in the account in January,
1548, where the Master is reported as * than being at the opinioun of
Inglande ' ; it is immediately followed by frequent letters and messages to
him significant of his conversion before 23 February, the day on which he
fulfilled his promise to revoke his treason and * cross again the invasion ' to
which he had sworn himself to Wharton. During the English occupation
of Lauder in the spring of 1549, we come upon letters sent to Sir Hew
Willoughby, afterwards to earn renown as an Arctic explorer.

A student of Scots literature cannot fail to observe that the troubled
time was not likely to encourage the Muses. Payments even to minstrels
are scarce at this period. There is, however, one interesting literary entry
in February 1549 :

1 Item to Williame Lauder for making of his play and expensis maid
thairupoun. xili. vs.*

Paul: Accounts of Lord High Treasurer 321

This play was a feature of the celebrations attending the marriage of Lady
Barbara Hamilton, eldest daughter of Regent Arran, to Alexander Lord
Gordon. The passage was noticed by David Laing, and was printed by
him in 1869 in a note to Fitzedward Hall's edition of Lauder's Office and
Dewtle of Kyngis (E.E.T.S. revised edition, 1869, p. xi). 'No indication
is given,' said Dr. Laing, 'of the character of the Play. It was most
likely a kind of pageant.' A fuller note on the subject by Laing was
printed in Furnivall's edition of Lauder's Minor Poems (E.E.T.S. 1870,
pp. v-viii). The item of 1549 appears to be the oldest reference to
Lauder as author. Sir David Lindsay, the Lyon King poet, appears in
1548-49 as the bearer of letters to Denmark. These were no doubt in
pursuance of a request for the assistance of Danish ships to protect the
Scottish coast from the English as well as in furtherance of a projected
treaty of free trade between Denmark and Scotland.

Another entry that from the literary standpoint piques curiosity is the
grant of an escheat in 1546 to Cristine Lindsay, which raises the question
of possible identity or connection with the satirical woman of the same
name who has a place in the poems both of Montgomerie and of James VI.
some forty years later. What is probably an allusion to Blind Harry's
poem appears in 1548 :

* Item, for the buke of Wallace to my lord governoures grace, xlv s.'
Arran, to judge from the accounts, was no bookman, but this single
transaction at least betrays his interest in patriotic literature.

As usual the accounts are rich in domestic data, especially as regards
dress, such as the * coittis and breikis ' with * reid buttonis ' and ' poynttis,' the
' holland claytht ' for the necks and * ruffis ' of * sarkis ' the ' taffat ' for * belt
and gartains,' and the hose and shoes of velvet for the men, and the
* bonegrace ' (large bonnet), the * Franche blak ' and ' dalmez ' for gowns,
<worsat' and 'champlot' for kirtles and the 'welwote to begarye the
kirtill ' for young ladies of the court and to furnish them with * huddis and
paitlettis and uther necessaris.' Descriptions of costume contained in
Lindsay's Squire Meldrum receive very ample illustration and confirmation.
Among some curious passages explained by the Lyon King is a proclama-
tion in 1 548 against the currency of ' bagcheik grottis,' a phrase at once
descriptive, patriotic, and disrespectful, applied to the broadfaced coins of
Henry VIII.

A word of praise must be reserved for the glossary and index, which are
so worthy a complement to the editorial expositions.

GEO. NEILSON.

ANGLO-DUTCH RIVALRY DURING THE FIRST HALF OF THE SEVENTEENTH
CENTURY. By the Rev. George Edmundson, M.A. Being the Ford
Lectures delivered at Oxford in 1910. Pp. 176. Demy 8vo.
Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1911. 6s. net.

THE relations of the English and the Dutch throughout the seventeenth
century were complicated by the fact that while religious and political
interests drew them together, rivalry in trade and in maritime power caused

322 Edmundson : Anglo-Dutch Rivalry

considerable hostility between them. This is clearly brought out by Mr.
Edmundson in these lectures.

Fishing was the fundamental industry on which Dutch prosperity had
been built up, they had long been free to practice it, and bitterly resented
attempts of the English and Scottish to restrict their opportunities for
carrying it on near the British shores. The English were becoming jealous
of their success, and the constant need for money felt by the Stuart kings,
as well as their naval enthusiasm, dictated a policy of imposing a toll upon
foreigners for the right to fish. The English were determined to uphold
a claim to sovereignty on the seas, in virtue of which they attempted to
dictate terms for fishing even in Greenland or Newfoundland.

Trade rivalry in the East was another cause of discord, and the situation
was further complicated by the influence of Spain upon the policy of James
and Charles I., and by the internal troubles of both countries. They were
continually on the verge either of war or of alliance, and the story of the
long series of protracted negotiations carried on between them is well told
by Mr. Edmundson. The period treated of is one of preparation for
the coming struggle, ending, as it does, with the Navigation Act and the
consequent outbreak of war in 1653, an(^ tne author thoroughly fulfils his
object in showing how the clashing interests of the first half of the century
led inevitably to the open hostility of the Cromwellian and Restoration
periods.

A. CUNNINGHAM.

NATIONAL LIBRARY OF WALES. CATALOGUE OF TRACTS OF THE CIVIL
WAR AND COMMONWEALTH PERIOD, RELATING TO WALES AND THE
BORDER. Pp. x, 85. 8vo. Aberystwith. 1911. 2s.6d.net.

IT is a matter of first-rate importance that a new library should be started
on right lines, and the National Library of Wales is fortunate in being
guided by one who has a due appreciation of this, and of what may be done
in the way of getting full value out of a great collection. Mr. Ballinger
evidently has determined that its use shall not be crippled by curtailed or
slipshod work. In his Bibliotheca Celtica for 1909 he has already made
an excellent start in the development of the resources at his hand, and he
seems to have introduced into bibliography some of the enthusiasm of the
Celtic revival which has penetrated other departments of literature. Now
he gives us a list of the Civil War tracts relating to Wales, an equally good
piece of work, which should be welcome to many students.

It has become a truism that a librarian's office is not merely to guard his
treasures, but also to unlock and set them forth, so that seekers after
knowledge may be guided on their road, and hindered as little as may be
by difficulty in finding their material. And of all guides one of the most
valuable is accurate, careful cataloguing, such as the work before us. A mass
of old pamphlets — in early catalogues likely to be found under a single
entry * Tracts, so many vols.' — is here classified, arranged chronologically,
titled separately ; and it becomes a source of history, henceforth indispens-
able to any who study the period which it embraces. To the historical

National Library of Wales 323

student the very titles of some of these quaint productions are stimulating ;
and the fact or their being reproduced with such fulness enables him to
judge fairly well what he will find to enlighten him on any particular
point — for in those days a pamphleteer apparently was sometimes beset
with doubts that his reader might never get beyond the title-page, and
accordingly compressed into that as much of his subject as was possible.

We find Scottish history touching the Welsh in several instances ; as
Aug. 3, 1648, when divers gentlemen of Wales give their instructions how
* to carry on the work and to have intelligence with the Scots and Irish,'
or Aug. 25, when we hear of the Scottish lords surrendering to the Sheriff
of Chester, or Aug. 1647, when an account is published of the Scots army
at Hereford. The Welsh criminal flees into Scotland for refuge (March 4,
1648) and a Representation is performed before General Monk by 'an
Englishman, a Welshman, and a Scotchman' (April n, 1660).

Among bibliographers, who will best be able to appreciate this list, there
may be differences of opinion as to its methods : as to the transliteration,
for instance, of a capital * V ' by a lower-case *v,' when it is certain that
the printer, had he preferred the smaller letter, would have used it in the
form ' u ' ; or as to the advisability of printing the collation in the same
type as the title itself. But of the value of the work as a whole there can
be no question ; and many will find it an incentive to further effort on
their own part, and a most excellent model for imitation.

P. J. ANDERSON.

IN DEFENCE OF THE REGALIA, 1651-2. Being selections from the family
papers of the Ogilvies of Barras. Edited, with introduction, by Rev.
Douglas Gordon Barren, M. A., F.S. A.(Scot.). Pp. xvi, 371. With photo-
gravure frontispiece and nine illustrations. 8vo. London : Longmans,
Green & Co. 1910. 1 6s. net.

THIS is one of the most important of recent contributions to the history of
Scotland in the seventeenth century. The story of the brilliant defence
of Dunnottar Castle against Cromwell's forces and of the preservation of
the Scottish regalia is well known, but here for the first time it is presented
in an accurate form, free from legendary accretions. And here for the first
time are all the available documents collected together in print. Mr.
Barren is well known as an antiquary and in particular as the first living
authority upon all historical matters connected with the county of Kin-
cardine in which he lives. His introduction to the documents printed in
this volume is a really masterly piece of work, in which historical insight
and local knowledge are combined with a good literary style.

The eighty-eight documents relating to the regalia, and thirty mis-
cellaneous papers, which form the bulk of the book, are chiefly, though
not wholly, taken from the family papers of the Ogilvies of Barras. The
editor has very properly included certain documents which have already
been printed, but which are essential to the elucidation of the story.

That the romantic story of the defence of Dunnottar and the rescue of
the regalia should have issued in an unseemly quarrel for subsequent

324 Barren: In Defence of the Regalia

recognition is unfortunately a fact. Mr. Barren has collected all the
evidence regarding it, and we think he has been successful in showing
that it was initiated by the Dowager Countess Marischal in her son's
interest. It also appears that Mrs. Grainger, the wife of the Kinneff
minister, was not really the heroine of the rescue of the * honours,' but
a somewhat sordid individual, whose husband was rather a weak man.
George Ogilvy's defence of the castle with a mere handful of men was a
military achievement the ability of which was recognised even by his
enemies. To his valiant stand the safety of the regalia was due in the
first place. In the second place, when the castle could no longer hold out
the l honours ' were certainly removed to a safer hiding-place in Kinneff
Church with the assistance of the Graingers, but it would seem that the
actual method of the removal was not according to the received story,
the unhistorical nature of which Mr. Barren has demonstrated to the full.
That story — as we may read it in histories and guide-books — tells how
Mrs. Grainger, in returning from a visit to Mrs. Ogilvy at the castle,
carried the crown through the English lines in her lap, the sword and
sceptre being borne behind her in a head of lint by her maid. The true
story appears to be that Mrs. Grainger's maid came frequently to the
seaward side of the castle rock to gather dulse, and when she had become
sufficiently familiar to the soldiers she carried away the regalia hidden
under seaweed in her creel. The editor points out that * it is significant
that on the tombstone in Kinneff Church, where the credit of preserving
the regalia is effusively ascribed to Grainger, the much more dangerous
and trying part his wife is popularly represented to have played, receives
no word of praise, or of acknowledgment ' (p. 21).

The unworthy attempts after the Restoration to deprive George Ogilvy
of the honour which was his due seem to have been the result of the
Countess Marischal's attempt to use the regalia incident to cover up her
disloyalty to the Royalist cause. Mr. Barren says that 'by birth and
upbringing, she was, and probably continued to remain, a daughter of
the Covenant.' Ogilvy had a hard struggle to get such recognition
as he did receive, and he even found a rival in his old friend Grainger.
Later on we find that after Ogilvy's death the Earl of Kintore attempted
to wrest the credit from the Ogilvy family in favour of his own. Viewed
in the light of the documents it is now easy to see the petty meanness of
some of the actors in the less worthy parts of this drama.

The book is one which no student of the seventeenth century in the
north of Scotland can afford to be without.

F. C. EELES.

A HISTORY OF ENGLAND. By C. R. L. Fletcher and Rudyard Kipling.
With Pictures by Henry Ford. Small 410. Pp. 250. Oxford :
Clarendon Press. 1911. 7s.6d.net.

IN the days when history is becoming increasingly complicated and scientific
it is refreshing to find a book written for young people in a simple and
straightforward manner. The authors, however, have not treated their

A History of England 325

subject in a merely superficial way. The chief merit of the work is that
views are expressed clearly and fairly, which are the outcome of wide
reading and of mature deliberation ; so that boys and girls are given a
useful digest of their country's history, racily written and on the whole
accurate. The puzzling characters of Henry VIII., Elizabeth and Charles I.
are admirably presented, while the sentence, ' He cared for but one thing
on earth, to smash King Louis of France,' is a terse and true explanation
of the actions of William III.

The few mistakes that occur in the book are not of a serious nature.
One of these is that Edward III.'s claim to the French crown would have
been a good one by English law. An elder branch of the family, however,
the House of Navarre, would have succeeded before the English line, had
the Salic Law not been observed in France. Another slight oversight is
the date 1708 in place of 1707 for the Union of the Parliaments of England
and Scotland. Again, on one of the maps Halidon Hill is placed south
instead of north of Berwick. It was not to be expected that Scottish
history would bulk largely in this volume, but considering that the book is
written for 'all boys and girls who are interested in the story of Great
Britain and her Empire,' the affairs of the northern kingdom might perhaps
have been given more room.

The verses scattered throughout the volume are calculated to arouse the
patriotism of youthful readers. The finely-executed illustrations are valu-
able as giving as far as possible an accurate representation of the dress and
armour of the different periods.

E. STAIR-KERR.

COLONEL ST. PAUL OF EWART, SOLDIER AND DIPLOMAT. Edited by
George G. Butler. 2 Vols. Vol. L, pp. cxciv, 320 ; Vol. II., pp. 483.
With Portraits and Maps. Demy 8vo. London : St. Catherine Press.
1911. 2is. net.

IN recording the life of his wife's ancestor, a desirable idea in the main, the
editor has done it in these two handsome and well-illustrated volumes in
the most bewildering way. The first portion of his work deals with the
biography of Colonel Horace St. Paul, who was created in 1759 a count
of the Empire. This part is very difficult to understand, owing to the
chaotic manner in which it is set forth ; but we learn that the subject was
born in 1729 (that fact has to be searched for carefully), and that he was
outlawed for fleeing the country after killing a man (a quaint account of
the quarrel is given, which shows that the duel was caused by a lady and
her snuff-box) in a duel in 1751.

After being kindly received in France by the Due de Penthievre, whose
sporting tastes agreed with his own, he later went to the Low Countries,
and became aide-de-camp to Prince Charles of Lorraine. In 1759-60 he
followed Marshal Daun, and served with much honour in the Austrian
army. His father's death in 1762 turned his eyes homeward, and he,
through his friend Lord Stormont, the British ambassador, received a pardon
for the fatal duel in 1765, and later became a diplomat as Secretary to the
Embassy in Paris. His diplomatic career lasted until 1777. After his

326 Butler : Colonel St. Paul of Ewart

retirement he lived in England, mainly in Northumberland, at Ewart, at
peace, except when disturbed by the rumours of the French invasion,
until his death in 1812.

We have gleaned all this with some difficulty from the tangled web the
editor gives us, a web where Colonel St. Paul and his friends are interwoven
in a very difficult manner. The diplomatic correspondence which follows
in either volume is printed verbatim, and will be of value to the patient
student, who will need to do his own researches. It is a pity that so much
work has been bestowed with so little method, for the care taken in pre-
paring the book (though we can scarcely pardon the curious remark, on
page Iviii, about the parentage of Lord Glenbervie, which is really quite well
known) has been very considerable, and it might have made, being drawn
from original sources, a much more readable work on French and English
relations during the eighteenth century.

A. FRANCIS STEUART.

ENGLAND UNDER THE HANOVERIANS (1714-1815). By C. Grant
Robertson, Fellow of All Souls, Tutor in History to Magdalen
College, Oxford. Being Vol. VI. of A History of England. In seven
volumes. Edited by Charles Oman, M.A., Fellow of All Souls'
College, Oxford, rp. xix. 555. Demy 8vo. With seven Maps.
London : Methuen & Co. IDS. 6d. net.

IT may be said at once that this is a disappointing book. It will scarcely
enhance the reputation of editor or publishers, and the author justly
anticipates the dissatisfaction of his readers. It is difficult to believe that
the editor has given himself the trouble to read the work through. To
cite all the errors in grammar, the faulty punctuation, the mistakes and
inconsistencies in spelling, discrepancy in date between text and margin,
and instances of confused and inaccurate statement, of such a sort that an
exact construction of the sentence makes the author say the opposite of
what he must be supposed to mean, would require more than the whole
space allotted to this article. Such blemishes are so numerous as to be,
not accidental but, characteristic. Over and over again the puzzled
reader is compelled to c try back.' But the time and the guesswork
required for decipherment of an Oxyrhynchus papyrus are grudged to a
modern English history. Parts of the book are written sometimes with
laboured turgidity, sometimes with a vehemence in expletives difficult to
reconcile with soberness of judgment, sometimes with an affected preciosity
which omits or misuses the inferior parts of speech, sometimes with a lack
of precision and even a confusion of statement not merely troublesome, but
exasperating, to the reader. Sometimes the author appears to have trans-
ferred contracted memoranda from his note-book unextended to the text.
To take two or three from innumerable instances of inexactness in his style :
he says ' the latter ' when he means ' the last ' ; he speaks of a hypothesis
* at variance with other well-established facts ' ; of three things as * both ' ;
he uses 'as' for 'but' and 'over' for 'of; he says Soult 'lost 10,000
casualties ' at Roncesvalles ; that the disabilities of the Roman Catholics

Robertson : England under the Hanoverians 327

were * a need ' of Ireland ; and that Pitt's blindness to the necessity of
reform was * an omission ' in the Government's programme.

These and their like, however, are not the only surprising phenomena
in the book. The author uses expressions new in literature, and hardly
justified as innovations by peculiar propriety or fitness. Thus, for example,
he describes George III. as ' queering the cards ' ; and a loan as * souped
amongst ' the supporters of the Ministry.

But if his lack of precision is diversified by bad taste, his slipshod
grammar is matched by blunders in geography, and these by carelessness in
narration. The 3^ by 4^ inches map of the Peninsula in the volume,
diminutive and inadequate as it is, is still large enough to have kept him
from an unfortunate distortion of Napier's History, in which he not only
misapplies Napier's words, but in place of correcting Napier's blunder,
transfers Ciudad Rodrigo from the interior of Spain to the interior of
Portugal. His account of the burning of the Gaspee (p. 258) is unfair
because it omits all mention of the provocation. On page 460 he says
that the Chesapeake was cannonaded by the Shannon till she surrendered.
That is not so. Every schoolboy knows that she was carried by boarding.
Those readers who know Holy Willie's Prayer may be surprised to learn
(on page 345) that that sanctimonious lay was a starting-point of the
Industrial (or was it the French ? for the text is here, as so often elsewhere,
obscure) Revolution. He tells us that the family of Duncan Forbes
founded the Scottish whisky distilleries, and thus not only shortens the
career of these institutions by several centuries, but deprives the monasteries
of part of their glory.

The story which is the subject of the book has often been told of late.
Error in the main facts was hardly possible. Accuracy in details, and
clear English throughout, were to be reasonably demanded. Their so
frequent default destroys confidence in the whole work. Yet much of the
author's narrative and much of his commentary are excellent. He exhibits
wide knowledge, fertility in ideas, and access to the best sources. He can
examine and compare the forces at work, and set forth their direction and
effects. He can vividly realise characters and situations, he can describe
with eloquence and sympathy, and he can make his story admirably clear
and informing. Why then is so large a part of the book unworthy of his
powers ?

The editor of the series of which the volume forms a part explains that
it is intended to supply something between a school manual and a minute
monograph. The happy mean has been fixed at 500 pages per dynasty.
Normans and Angevins, Tudors, Stuarts and Hanoverians must each be
drawn out or diminished to fit this Procrustes' bed. The author confesses
in his first sentence that his task is beyond him. Yet he does not wisely
economise the space at his disposal. There are passages needlessly inflated,
as well as others unsuccessfully contracted, passages of invective overloaded
to weakness with adjectives, and scores of obiter dicta in the shape of
abstract propositions superfluous to the tale. But he complains that he has
not been permitted to embody his history as he conceived it. He describes
a large part of his work as * syncopated ' (literally, * knocked together'), a

328 Robertson : England under the Hanoverians

treatment, he says, Required by the exigencies of space.' He says IOOO
pages, instead of 500, would have been too few for him. This does not
explain, still less justify, the shortcomings of his curiously unequal work,
but it may suggest the spirit which made them possible. Collaborative
history in which writer and editor cannot arrange space and mode to their
common satisfaction will not be recommended by this venture. The
author complacently exonerates both editor and proof-reader from respon-
sibility. In this discharge, however, the reader will not willingly concur.
There are many omissions from the Index, but it too may have suffered
syncopation.

ANDREW MARSHALL.

THE FIRST ENGLISH LIFE OF KING HENRY THE FIFTH : written in
1513 by an Anonymous Author known commonly as the Translator
of Livius. Edited by Charles Lethbridge Kingsford, M.A. With
Introduction, Annotations, and Glossary. Pp. Ivi. 212. Demy 8vo.
Oxford : Clarendon Press. 1911. 8s. 6d. net.

MR. KINGSFORD has rendered valuable service to historical scholarship in
following up his article on * Early Biographies of Henry V.' (English
Historical Review, 1910) by editing and printing for the first time the
work of the Translator of Livius discussed and described in that article,
and hitherto known only by references and quotations in the sixteenth
century chroniclers. Harpsfield, Holinshed, and Stow all refer to and in
some cases quote freely from this anonymous Translator, but the possible
existence of the actual translation has been unnoticed or overlooked, as
Mr. Kingsford says, until he recently discovered it in the Bodleian
Library, in an excellent manuscript of the early seventeenth century,
bound in a folio volume with other historical transcripts made about 1610
for Sir Peter Manwood, a Kentish antiquary ; and when the text of this
was already in print, he found another copy in the British Museum,
differing in many details, and slightly later in date, but evidently from the
same original.

This first English Life of Henry V. is extremely interesting for a
variety of reasons. The original author, Titus Livius Forojuliensis (so
named in Hearne's edition of his work), otherwise Tito Livio da Forli,
wrote his Latin Vita Henrici £)uinti about the middle of the fifteenth
century from information supplied by his patron, Humphrey of Gloucester —
but the especial interest of the Translator's Life is that it might almost be
called an original work : the author added so much important fresh
material and wove it together with a skill that is almost unexpected at a
time when historical biography in English was practically an unknown
quantity. He dedicates his work to Henry VIII., and internal evidence
places the date of its composition in 1513, curiously, just about the time
that More was engaged on his Richard III.

The language and style of the Translator may best be summed up in
Mr. Kingsford's own words : * What harshness of diction appears is due
rather to the pains of one who had to labour with an imperfect instrument
than to the clumsiness of the workman. The author's mastery seems to

Life of King Henry the Fifth 329

have increased as his work progressed. . . . Had it been his good fortune
to have his work printed, he might justly have been esteemed one of the
pioneers of English prose in the sixteenth century.'

The original passages are of great interest and importance, inasmuch
as they supplied the chroniclers with much of their most lively and
characteristic material for the life of King Henry ; which in turn gave
Shakspere information, not merely through the Famous Victories, but direct,
as Mr. Kingsford proves, from Stow and Holinshed. So that the
Translator's work is as it were an ancestor (and perhaps the principal
one) of the play and of all the modern concepts of Henry's character ; and,
moreover, carries back and substantiates an entire group of legends as far
as the middle of the fifteenth century. The interpolations in the Translator's
Life are derived from Enguerrant de Monstrelet, the Policrontcon, a version
of the Brut, and lastly and chiefly, the report of the fourth Earl of
Ormond, who, born in 1392, was intimately acquainted with the Court of
Henry V., and held many important offices during his reign. The Earl's
accounts of various episodes, now fully obtained through the Translator's
quotations, go to prove points that have hitherto been regarded with
suspicion by modern historians as resting only on John Stow's evidence.
There are nine distinct passages from Ormond, all adding materially to the
interest of the narrative and the development of Henry's character ; as for
instance the stories of his riotous youth, the visit of St. Vincent Ferrier to
his camp before Caen, and the romantic episode of the Sire de Barbasan.
It may be noted that they all extend and verify the court legends as
distinct from the city tales (such as the Chief Justice story) with which
Ormond might naturally be less well acquainted ; and also that the
Translator's Life does nothing to deprive Shakspere of full responsibility for
the creation of Falstaff.

Mr. Kingsford's scholarly Introduction is of very great interest in
elucidating and amplifying the carefully edited text.

MARY LOVE.

DAT ARNAMAGNJENSKE HAANDSKRIFT 81 a Fol. (Skdlholtsb6k yngsta)
indeholdende Sverris saga, Boglunga sogur, Hikonar saga Hakonar-
sonar. Udgivet af Den Norske Historiske Kildeskrift-Kommission
ved A. Kjaer. Kristiania (ist and 2nd parts). 1910.

AKTSTYKKER TIL DE NORSKE ST^NDERMODERS HISTORIE. 1548-1661.
Dr. Oscar Alb. Johnsen. (ist part.) Kristiania, 1910.

THE former of these issues are two volumes from the Arnamagnaean
Collection of MSS. at Copenhagen, and include the Sverri, Boglunga and
Hakon Hdkonar Sagas, which are of recognised value in the historical, or
semi-historical literature of Iceland. The Saga stories, commemorating for
most part the doings of the heroic age of the tenth and eleventh centuries,
appear to have been first committed to writing in Iceland, in the
then current language of the North (Norana tunga) in the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries. All the first MSS. having perished, it is to the care

330 Dat Arnamagnaenske Haandskrift

of Ami Magnusson (1663-1730) that scholars are indebted for most of
those which are preserved. He managed to secure all that could be
found, on paper or vellum, in Iceland, and had them conveyed to Den-
mark ; and it is from that great Collection that most of the Sagas as now
known, in the original text, as here, or in translations, have been procured.

It is mostly by Danish scholars that this priceless vernacular literature
of ancient Iceland has been exploited ; and of this there may be quoted,
as monumental evidence, the twelve volumes issued at Copenhagen, under
the title of Fornmanna Sogur, in 1825-1837. But the origin of Saga
composition may be attributed mainly to hereditary and traditional
influences from Norway, the land from which the Icelanders of the ninth
century voluntarily exiled themselves ; and Professor P. A. Munch, of
Christiania, in the earlier part of last century, followed by such other
Norwegian scholars as Professors Sophus and Alexander Bugge and
others, have devoted much attention to the publication and elucidation of
Saga literature.

This is being vigorously followed up by the National Manuscript Com-
mission of Norway, who have already published, and are now in the
process of publishing, from this original source, and from other quarters,
a variety of early matter, in Saga and general historical literature, of which
the present issues, clearly printed and carefully edited by Herr A. Kjaer,
form part.

The second work quoted at the head of this notice is also published at
Christiania, under the same auspices, under the editorship of Dr. Oscar
Alb. Johnsen. Its personal memorials and records of district meetings,
under royal or delegated authorities, are important contributions to the
understanding of contemporary life in Norway at a much later stage than
the date of the Saga stories, namely in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries.

The labours of this Norwegian Commission in these and kindred publi-
cations are of the utmost value to all who are interested in the history
and literature of Iceland and Scandinavia, and deserve very hearty com-
mendation. GILBERT GOUDIE.

./ELDRE NORSKE SPROGMINDER. Udgivne a Den norske historiske
kildeskriftcommission. I. and II. Kristiania. 1911.

THE contents of these booklets, now printed for the first time, with
Herr Torleiv Hannaas as editor, are made available under the auspices of
the Manuscript Commission, by whom the preceding items have been
issued. The first part consists mainly of sayings and proverbs (maellare
og ordtjke) from the district of West Agder in Norway from the first half
of the seventeenth century ; the second part is a collection of old word-
forms from Robyggjelag in West Telemark from the close of the sixteenth
century.

Both collections are from manuscripts preserved in the Royal Library at
Copenhagen, and are significant illustrations of the distribution of dialect
variations in Norway at the dates given, and of the gradual process of the

Norske Sprogminder 331

welding of the whole into the present-day speech, which still retains its
variations in the diverse Amts into which the country is divided. They
at the same time give unmistakeable indications of racial and linguistic
community of origin in the Scandinavian peninsula and on this side of the
North Sea. A very few instances, closely allied to our Scottish forms,
may suffice in illustration of this :

Brendt baarn rceest elden (Burnt bairns dread the fire).

Dee te ej guld som glimrer (It is not all gold that glitters).

Gud helper den seeg sift vll helpe (God helps them that will help them-

selves).
Blaandj a mixture of milk and water, a favourite beverage under the

same name to this day in Shetland.

Sveine-trfini (the snout of swine), still in common use in Shetland.
Ollum mannum so thetta href sio el! bfria qvedi Gu o sina (To all men
who this letter see or hear [the subscriber sends] God's grace and
his own, etc.). This is the introductory language of contem-
poraneous legal documents in Shetland.

These publications deserve to be welcomed as contributions to depart-
ments of comparative philology in which students in this country ought to
be interested not less than in Norway. Not only the similarity to our
own, in language and idiom, of these old sayings, recorded in Norway
three hundred years ago, is noteworthy, but equally so is their antiquity as
here disclosed. Have we coeval, or more ancient, notices of these homely
sayings in our own Scottish literature ?

GILBERT GOUDIE.

LIVES OF THE HANOVERIAN QUEENS OF ENGLAND. By Alice Drayton
Greenwood. Volume II. Pp. xiii, 439. With Illustrations. 8vo.
London: G. Bell & Sons, Ltd. 1911. IDS. 6d. net.

THIS volume, which concludes the work Miss Alice Greenwood has done
in continuation of Agnes Strickland's magnum opus, contains biographies of
Charlotte of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, queen of George III. ; Caroline of
Brunswick, queen of George IV. ; and Adelaide of Saxe-Meiningen, queen
of William IV. Viewed as literature, the book does not call for any
enthusiastic praise ; but, viewed strictly as historical writing, it is an
honest piece of journeyman work. The authoress has not utilised any
hitherto unknown documents, but, on the other hand, she has taken great
pains in ransacking the familiar sources of information, and accordingly her
lives of the three last Hanoverian queens are the fullest and most adequate
which have been written up till now.

It were superfluous to write at length in reference to the studies of
queens Charlotte and Caroline, for the matter the writer there sets forth
is of course already fairly widely known. But, with the exception of Mr.
Lewis Melville's recent production, The Sailor King, comparatively little
has been said heretofore concerning the reign of William IV., and so we
turn with interest and expectation to the concluding section of Miss
Greenwood's book. And in her life of Queen Adelaide — even more notably,

z

332 Greenwood: Lives of the Hanoverian Queens

perhaps, than in her other biographies — the authoress combines personal
detail with political fact in a distinctly happy fashion, contriving throughout
to avoid giving undue prominence to either of these elements, yet at the
same time never waiving anything of vital importance. Dealing fully with
the domestic side of her theme, she furnishes also numerous sidelights on
the outstanding events of William's time, notably the passing of the Reform
Bill ; while incidentally she illuminates the king's own character and
actions, paying due attention to his relations with the navy.

Like its predecessor, the volume has a trustworthy index. The three
illustrations are well reproduced in photogravure, and it is a pleasure to
note that an example of Allan Ramsay figures as frontispiece.

HISTORICAL PORTRAITS, 1600-1700. The Lives by H. B. Butler and
C. R. L. Fletcher. The Portraits chosen by Emery Walker. With
an Introduction by C. F. Bell. Pp. 328. 410. Oxford : Clarendon
Press. 1911. ios.6d.net.

THIS is an excellent volume. We have already (S.H.R. vi. 401) called
attention to the value of the first volume of the series — that from 1400
A.D. to 1600 A.D. — and students will give a hearty welcome to this second
instalment. The volume contains 132 portraits (many of them full size
plates), and their selection by Mr. Emery Walker is a guarantee that all that
can be done, has been done, to ensure that they are authentic. Included
in the number are James VI., the Duke of Lauderdale, Claverhouse,
Montrose, and other Scottish portaits ; while of special interest are the
engravings of literary men of the seventeenth century — including Bacon,
Isaac Walton, Jonson, Herrick, Milton, Pepys, Bunyan, Locke, Dryden,
Addison, and Swift. The biographical sketches by Mr. Butler and Mr.
Fletcher are short and to the point.

We look forward with interest to future issues of this very valuable
collection.

THE BOOK OF THE OLD EDINBURGH CLUB, Vol. III. Pp. x, 264, 35.
With 32 illustrations. 4to. Edinburgh : printed by T. & A. Constable
for the Members of the Club. Issued 1911.

THE Old Edinburgh Club has already made a name for itself by the
excellence of its publications, and we have given (S.H.R. vii. 99, viii. 423)
a cordial welcome to its two first volumes. The new issue contains very
interesting material, including papers on the Armorial Bearings of the City
of Edinburgh, by Sir J. Balfour Paul ; The Black Friars of Edinburgh, by
Mr. Moir Bryce, and a very racy paper by Mr. Cockburn on The Friday
Club and other Social Clubs in Edinburgh. While the pictures it gives
of the hours of relaxation of the leaders in law and literature are drawn with
very humorous lines, no student of social life in the capital in the early
years of the nineteenth century can afford to neglect this paper.

Other papers are on Sculptured Stones, on Parliament Square, and on
Lady Stair's House, and there are many useful illustrations and plans.

Report of American Historical Association 333

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE
YEAR 1908. In Two Volumes. Vol. II. (i). Diplomatic Correspond-
ence of the Republic of Texas. Part II. Vol. II. (2). Part III.
Pp. 1617. 8vo. Washington: Government Printing Office. 1911.

THIS is an elaborate and almost exhaustive edition of the Diplomatic
Correspondence of Texas from the time of its independence, wrung by
revolt from Mexico in 1836, down to 1845, when it was to cease to
be a Republic and to become one of the United States. The editor was
Professor George P. Garrison, whose much regretted death in 1910 left to
others the task of seeing the great collection of manuscript through the
press. As an independent power Texas sought recognition, not only from
the United States, but from France and Great Britain. An envoy,
General Pinckney Henderson, was sent in 1837 to negotiate the matter,
and his letters to Lord Palmerston, then British Foreign Secretary, and to
Count Mol£, then the French Foreign Secretary, reviewing the course of
the struggle with Mexico, are the opening documents of a long course
of despatches exchanged both with France and Britain.

Hardly less interesting, though much less extensive, is the correspond-
ence with Spain, Prussia, and the Netherlands, while a specially curious
and almost archaic suggestion arises from the approaches made to, and
treaty adjusted with, the Hanseatic Republics of Lubeck, Bremen, and
Hamburg. Professor Garrison's labours have been faithfully carried to
editorial completion by three ladies, who have credit by the care with
which the text is brought to light in these two weighty tomes which are
the diplomatic reliquiae of Texas as a separate Republic.

A HUNDRED YEARS OF HISTORY FROM RECORD AND CHRONICLE,
1216-1327. By Hilda Johnstone. 8vo. Pp. xv, 292. London :
Longmans, Green & Co. 5$. net.

AN assistant lecturer in Manchester University, Miss Johnstone has put
this little book together partly for her classes and partly to acquaint a few
general readers with the raw material of history, plainly translated but
without other annotation or editorial process except the briefest introduc-
tion and an outline chronology. Wendover, Matthew Paris, Hemingburgh,
the Vita Edwardi //., and Baker of Swinbroke are the chief annalists
extracted from for the reigns of three kings. There is thus little deviation
from the distinctly trodden path of English chronicle, as the narratives
selected are typical and often canonical versions. They have been chosen
for their general interest and accuracy. Iniquities of the Scots, such as
those of * a certain robber, William Wallace by name,' at Stirling, and of
Bruce at Byland, figure in the excerpts, which dovetail into each other as a
vigorous, continuous, entertaining story, in which the rise of parliament is
a theme not the less interesting because merely incidental, as for the most
part it appeared to contemporaries. Passages checked we have found care-
fully rendered. While specialists might have preferred more variety of less
known authors, and a slightly larger representation of charters and items
from public accounts, etc., Miss Johnstone has better attained her aim by

334 Cole Manuscripts in the British Museum

avoiding the more recondite sources, dealing instead mainly with orthodox
authorities. She has used them to good purpose, and has managed to echo
the liveliest note of the time in her * hundred years of history.'

INDEX TO THE CONTENTS OF THE COLE MANUSCRIPTS IN THE BRITISH
MUSEUM. By George J. Gray. 8vo. Pp. vii, 170. Cambridge :
Bowes & Bowes. 1912. 155. net.

WILLIAM COLE, antiquary of Cambridge, floruit 1714-1782, voluminously
collected, transcribed, and annotated, acquired an invaluable store of infor-
mation about Cambridge and vicinity, and bequeathed his collections, about
a hundred folio volumes, to the British Museum. By the aid of a small
body of subscribers Mr. Gray's index is published, and of course wonder-
fully facilitates reference. While centring on Cambridge, the material
embraces much matter remote from that meridian, e.g. l Scotch Nation,
epigrams upon' ; * Scotland : Verses on the tumultuous sedition in, 1639.'
Cole's portrait in the frontispiece shows him sturdy, bewigged, and bright-
eyed, worthy of remembrance and of Mr. Gray's index.

SCOTLAND UNDER JAMES IV. By Eric Stair-Kerr. Pp. 153. Crown 8vo.
Paisley: Alex. Gardner. 1911. 2s.6d.net

THIS little book gives an account of one prosperous period of the history of
Scotland before the Reformation. The author's estimate of the powers of
James IV. is a high one. He contends that in his reign Scotland took a
high place in politics abroad, while at home the Highlands were peaceful,
the power of the Galloway ' clans ' broken, and something approaching a
Scottish navy was established ; that the king was, while he dealt somewhat
despotically with the Church, prodigal in granting her lands, and though
devout was yet, in the case of the Lollards of Kyle, liberal.

He, however, has to admit that the continual expenditure of the court,
and the ever-increasing taxation, would have led to the loss of the devotion
of the people had not this been changed by the great calamity of Flodden.
The author gives a short chapter on the contemporary 'Makars' of the
reign, which will be read with pleasure. In regard to the prosperity of
Scotland in the time of James IV., we think he relies a little too much on
the account of Ayala, which is all painted in rose colour. More might
have been said about the queen and the influence of her English followers
in the ten years during which she was queen-consort.

Flintshire : Its History and its Records, by Professor T. F. Tout (8vo.
Pp. 38. Price 55.), an address delivered to the newly founded Flintshire
Historical Society, clearly indicates the lines on which local studies and
centralised research can with the most advantage combine their efforts. It
is an essay of marked interest as tracing a very curious stage in the shiring
of Wales, by which, under a statute of 1284, the new county of Flint was
partly carved out of Cheshire and partly made up of scattered fragments of
conquest won from Llywelyn's principality. Its relationship to Chester
however was so peculiar and the jurisdiction exercised in that city through
the justices and chamberlain remained so long as to warrant the claim in

Tout: Flintshire 335

substance sustained so late as 1569, 'that the county of Flint pertained to
the county palatine of Chester.'

The discussion of this old dependence of a county in Wales on an
English shire leads Professor Tout to remark on the fact that certain Welsh
records have recently been sent down from London to the Welsh National
Library at Aberystwyth, and to put forward the plea that in like manner
the Flintshire records should go back to Chester, and those of the duchy of
Lancaster to Lancashire. He appeals to the archives departmental* of
France as a precedent for imitation. Obviously this is a point of home
rule on which Scottish historical students ought to be alert. Professor
Tout refers to the origin of the palatinate as the commanding problem
of Cheshire-Flintshire history and is not hopeful of its solution.

He is more adventurous regarding the ' Clwydian ' type of West Flintshire
churches remarkable for their double parallel naves. Finding that this type
prevails in Dominican churches in Toulouse and the Garonne valley, he
remembered the early Dominican dominance, radiating from Rhuddlan and
St. Asaph, and has formed a hypothesis that the double naved churches of
the Vale of Clwyd may be footprints of Dominican influence. The essay,
though short, is packed with fact, theorem, and purpose, and well fitted to
stimulate parallel study of county origins. Points in the story of Flintshire
relative to Chester have analogy in that of the Stewartry of Kirkcudbright
towards Dumfries.

From the Camden Society there come two very variously interesting
volumes. First there is the Camden Miscellany^ Vol. XII. (4to. Pp. x, 296.
London : Offices of the Society, Gray's Inn, 1910), containing (i) two
London Chronicles from the collection of John Stow, (2) a Life of
Sir John Digby, 1605-1645 (written before 1665), (3) Iter Bellicosum,
being a drummer, Adam Wheeler's, account of the campaign of Sedge-
moor in 1685, and (4) Common Rights at Cottenham and Stretham in
Cambridgeshire, being a series of papers, articles of agreement, judgments,
affidavits, and orders as to common and pasture rights, edited by Arch-
deacon William Cunningham from originals dated between 1596 and 1639.

Most interesting of these contents are the two London chronicles in the
skilled editorial hands of Mr. C. L. Kingsford, whose knowledge of the
annalists of the capital has been so well demonstrated by previous editings
of the like sort. The period covered, 1523-1564, was full of incident, and
although most of the facts registered were utilized by Stow for his Summary
of English Chronicles, first published in 1565, a careful collation has brought
out many significant omissions and variations on Stow's part from his
source now published — suppressions probably in some measure resulting
from his known anti-Protestant sympathies.

Pinkie escapes notice altogether, but an entry of the year 1547 reads :

'This yere the kynges ship named the Menyon did take a grete Spaynysh
shyp in the naro sease mannyd weth Scott & halff ladyn with costly goods.'

The peace of 1550 is mentioned as 'including ye Scotes,' and in 1551
the visit of the dowager Mary of Guise is the subject of a paragraph :

336 The Camden Society

' Note also yat uppon ffryday beynge ye vjtb daye of November ye Quene of
Scottes rode through Chepesyde with a greate companye of Englishemen way-
tynge on her, after she had lyen iiij dayes in ye byshope of London's palace
besyde Paules churche.'

War breaking out again in 1557, we rea(^ apparently under date 1558 of
an important naval exploit :

' In the begynyng of July, iii shipes of this citye comyng from Andwarp ladin
with riche marchandise were takyn by Scottes and Frenchemen, whiche were
estemyd to be better worth than 20,000 li.'

These meagre passages serve at least to eke out a little our Scottish
annals, and in like fashion we recover something from the Digby biography,
which bears the flamboyant title of Hector Britannicus. Digby is not
likened to the Trojan hero only ; a poem declares :

4 1 might Horatius Codes have hym nam'd
Who gainst Porsenna's Army single stood
On Tibers Bridge for which Act hee is famed :
So almost sole our brave Sir John made good
The Horse and Foots retreat against ye Scot
At Newborne fight which ne're shall bee forgot.'

The prose record tells a wonderful story of Digby's valour at Newburn
fight on the Tyne, near Newcastle, (28 August, 1640). The flight of
other bodies of horse had left * Sir John with his single troop engaged
against the whole Army of the Scottish horse to undergoe the unequall
shock of the overpowering Ennemy advancing in a firme and united
body.' Mounted on c Sylverside ' — a steed of mettle worthy to carry any
hero — Sir John was unhelmeted and the horse badly wounded, and the
Scots pressed furiously upon him, * but ' (says the pious and laudatory
biographer) ' God vouchsafed to bee his helmet and overshadowed his head
wonderfully with the heavenly shield of his holy protection in this day of
battaile for neither by sword carbine nor pistol which pell-mell were
brandished and discharged at his bare head and came so near that his face
glowed with the heat of the fire issuing from them was hee either hurt or
touched.' But his horse fell dead, and the valiant Sir John was 'environed
by the enemy and became their war-like prisoner,' grateful, however, to the
* coronell ' and other commanders for the ' singular respect civilitie and
courtesie ' with which he was treated during his imprisonment in New-
castle. (Spalding's History of the Troubles notices his capture.)

As he was being led into the Scottish quarters an incident happened, the
record whereof has its entertaining side :

4 hee saw in the way one of his footmen lying on the ground with his face
downeward. There lies saith hee, dead, one who living was my man. At whose
voice the servant joyfully starting up was unmeasurably glad for his maisters life
whome hee conceaved also dead though sorrowfull for his captivity, wherein he
was licenced by the Scots to waite upon hym as formerly.'

Flippancy must doubtless be avoided by historical critics, but can one
resist asking whether that serving man's explanation was any better than
FalstafPs at the battle of Shrewsbury ?

The Camden Society 337

The other Camden Society publication is Despatches from Paris, 1784-
1790. Volume II. (1788-1790). Edited by Oscar Browning. (410.
Pp. 337. London. 1910). It completes the work, of which the first
volume was noticed in 1910 (S.H.R. vii. 423). Mr. Browning was then
seriously ill, and his recovery happily enables him to accompany the second
half of his text with the preface to the whole. The chief interest he finds
in the selection of embassy correspondence lies in its indications that Pitt
(however differently interpreted by other authors) had a passionate desire
for peace with France, in spite of the fate which was to identify him as
above all a war minister, and to make him die a victim of Austerlitz.
Deeply interesting it is to follow the course of culminating and explosive
events during the crisis of 1788-90.

When, on 14 July, 1789, the Bastille fell, it was so direct a conse-
quence of the general revolt that the circumstances attending it, although
labelled ' extraordinary,' evoke less surprise than might have been looked
for in the calm and elaborate descriptive despatch of 16 July, with a
postscript written at 1 1 p.m. The Duke of Dorset, the ambassador, was,
however, profoundly apprehensive. 'The regularity,' he wrote, 'and deter-
mined conduct of the populace upon the present occasion exceeds all belief
and the execration of the Nobility is universal amongst the lower order of
people.'

Maryland under the Commonwealth. A Chronicle of the Year 164.9-1658)
by Bernard C. Steiner (8vo. Pp. vii, 178. Baltimore: The Johns
Hopkins Press. 191 1). This Johns Hopkins University study in historical
and political science has all the interest of a chapter of religious and
political struggle across the Atlantic in the Commonwealth time. Mary-
land was a proprietary colony of successive Calverts, Lords Baltimore, a
Roman Catholic family. The Puritan Commonwealth in England
appointed a Protestant governor in 1649. The situation was difficult:
the opposed religious interests and views of colonial administration
especially as regards an oath of allegiance or fidelity to the proprietor were
irreconcilable : a parliamentary commission was appointed in 1651 : the
governor was deposed and the proprietary government overthrown : in 1654
there was civil war over the oath of fidelity resulting in Puritan victory ;
but the Puritan ascendency was short lived, and in 1657 tne proprietary
government was restored. It was a triumph for Lord Baltimore due, says
a Maryland historian, to * the justice of his cause and his wisdom, constancy
and patience.' When we turn to the brief notes of Carlyle on Cromwell's
letters, Nos. 199, and 203, relative to this matter, and compare them with
Dr. Steiner's elaborate and heavily-referenced study, we can the better
appreciate the present advance of American local history and its conquest
of fact from transatlantic archives. The volume is a painstaking exposition
of the policy and government under Baltimore, the revolution effected by
the over-zealous parliamentary commissioners, and the reaction in favour of
the original administration.

Monsieur A. Mounier has had the goodness to send us the first part of his
Silhouettes des ^uatre Derniers Chevaliers Dauphinois Au xvie Siecle —

338 Current Literature

Bayard, Arcesy Montbrun, et des Adrets. (Pp. 41. Grenoble : E. de
Valle"e et Cie.) Dedicated < A 1'honneur du Dauphine,' this sketch of the
* perfect knight ' Bayard and of the ' white knight,' Antoine d'Arces, best
known to Scots history as De la Bastie or Bautie, has its particular
interest in this country from its notice of the latter, a gallant tilter and
soldier, the unfortunate wielder of regency authority in Scotland under the
Duke of Albany, destined to a savage death by the blood feud of the
Humes in 1517. The family chateau at Meylan was called la Batie,
doubtless from some ancestral medieval fortlet. From this d'Arces took his
familiar appellation. For his career in Scotland in 1 502-08 we can from
Sir David Lindsay and Hume of Godscroft, Tytler and Francisque Michel,
get far fuller particulars than from M. Mounier, but we follow with advan-
tage M. Mounier's description of his knight errantry and adventures, or
misadventures rather (for he was made prisoner at both places), in the
French service at Treviglio and Padua in 1509. These were unlucky
preludes of his unlucky return to Scotland in 1517. But there is one
continental episode recorded by Sir David Lindsay which might repay M.
Mounier's examination. In Squire Meldrum, Sir David Lindsay tells of
De la Bastie's finding the squire (William Meldrum of Cleish and Binnis)
mauled by Stirling of Keir, and how the French knight expressed his keen
regret that he had not arrived in time to share the fray :

' Wald God that I had bene with thee,
As thow in France was anis with me
Into the land of Picardy
Quhair Inglismen had great invy
To have me slane sa thay intendit
Bot manfullie thow me defendit
And valyeanlie did save my lyfe ;
Was never man with sword nor knyfe
Nocht Hercules I dar weill say
That ever faucht better for ane day
Defendand me within ane stound
Thow dang seir Sutheroun to the ground.'

Historic ofSquyer Meldrutn, 11. 1395-1406.

Perhaps in the second part of his Dauphinois study, M. Mounier may be
able to verify the actuality of De la Bastie's service against the English in
Picardy, if not of his rescue by the stout laird of Binns, whose ' historic '
by Lindsay, however embellished poetically, was certainly no fiction. To
elucidate this will be a double tribute — to the French knight's biography,
and to the Scottish poet who put his alleged speech into verses, which gave
Squire Meldrum so hearty a lift.

The Tenth Annual Report, for the year 1910-11, of the Carnegie Trust
contains a record of the work done by beneficiaries, including those in the
departments of Literature and History. Professor Hume Brown as reporter
commends the publications thus assisted as permanent contributions to
history, doing credit to the Trust. New subjects of assisted study for

Current Literature 339

1911-12 include Scots naval history, a catalogue of medieval manuscripts,
charters of Inverness, records of sea-fisheries, and themes of Celtic folk-lore
and Scottish dialect.

The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the year
1909 (Royal 8vo. Pp. 812. Washington, 1911), is a solid, not to say
ponderous, tome of matter chiefly concerning the materials of history, but
containing several actual historical studies as well. Of these latter the one
of most general interest is that on Bismarck by Guy S. Ford, who treats
the great Chancellor's memoirs as needing scrutiny almost as jealously
sceptical as that necessary for Napoleon's. The Gedanken und Erinner-
ungen are, he says, 'to be used with more caution than most memoir
literature,' and he quotes with approval Busch's remark about his master
that ' he was not qualified to be a historian.'

Julius Goebel, studying the German element in American history, out-
lines the elements required to ascertain the cultural status of the German
immigrants in various generations in order to determine their contribution
to American civilization.

H. T. Colenbrander, similarly examining the Dutch element, and Miss
Ruth Putnam on the same subject, alike present a great deal more of
definite and interesting fact to support their common conclusion that both
old Dutch and new Dutch ingredients have been * marvelously vital ' in
the mixture of American thought and political theory.

Reports on the historical societies of Great Britain, Holland, France,
and Spain give a tolerably full survey of these organizations.

A large section is devoted to a series of papers on the * Lessons ' of
British, German, Italian, Dutch, Spanish, and Swedish archives, followed
by extensive reports on the archives of Illinois from 1790 by Professor
Alvord and T. C. Pease, and of New Mexico from 1621 by Professor
John H. Vaughan. Miss Grace G. Griffin's * Bibliography of writings on
American history published in 1909,' by its 250 pages well displays the
ardour with which the American is now editing his records and exploiting
his ancestry and annals.

The whole volume is a guarantee of the living force of historical research
and criticism in America, and is such a year-book of these studies as
compels admiration both of its spirit and its industry.

From different quarters there issue quite a series of studies of arms. Not
only have we Professor Tout's paper in the English Historical Review,
collecting the passages relative to early artillery in England, but we have
a no less careful essay by Mr. R. Coltman Clephan on The Ordnance of the
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Cr. 8vo. Pp. 49-138 reprint from
the Archaeological Journal. London: Hunt Barnard & Co. 1911.), and
we have also in the Tudor and Stuart Library a handsome reproduction of
Gaya's Traite des Armes, 1678, edited by Charles Ffoulkes (8vo. Pp.
xxxvi, 172. Clarendon Press. 1911. 53. net.) in which a captain of
Louis XIV. dealt with the arms and firearms, artillery and military instru-
ments of his time, and illustrated them with excellently explanatory plates.

340 Current Literature

Elsewhere appears a short notice of Professor Tout's calendar of gunpowder
entries in the public records.

Mr. Clephan's paper resumes his earlier studies of the ' handgun '
(noticed in S.H.R. vii, 206), and has special value in that it gathers
evidence from Europe, reproduces early pictures to support his citations of
early documents, and presents drawings and photographs of ancient pieces
of ordnance which have survived. Thus combined the proofs serve to
bring out important facts in the evolution of cannon.

In 1326 an Oxford manuscript contains the earliest known picture of a
cannon on a four-legged stand, with a bolt or 'garrot' as the missile, set in
the mouth and neck of the bottle-like explosive engine. Next year we have
Barbour's record of * crackys of war ' used by Edward III. in his campaign
against the Scots. Numerous continental records mention * vasa,' * scolpi '
or 'sclopita,' ' canons,' 'pot de fer a traire garros a feu' between 1331 and
1339, by which time the institution was fully established. ' Carrots ' were
at first the usual missiles. Between 1359 and 1369 the guns on record are
of bronze, copper, and brass, and from 1 364 stone comes to be the prevalent
projectile. The 'tiller' of the early bombard was its wooden bed or stand.
Before the end of the fifteenth century 'great' guns were being made,
sometimes breechloaders, and there was already a considerable variety of
lighter weapons. Large pieces of the Mons Meg type came into vogue in
the fifteenth century, Meg herself being estimated as of about 1460.
Corresponding weapons in Holland bore the corresponding names ' Dulle
Griete ' (Mad Meg) and ' Holle Griete ' (Bonny Meg). Both Meg and
Griete are contractions of Margaret.

But we have pillaged Mr. Clephan enough : his pages are tempting,
enlivened as they are with jewels of early criticism such as the statement of
De Commines that in spite of all the guns at the battle of Fornovo he did
not believe the artillery on both sides put together had killed ten men !
Mr. Clephan has amassed a really extraordinary amount of information
concerning the development of ordnance, the very names of which, such
as steinbiichsen, schirmbiichsen, crapaudeaux, passe-volants, espingardes,
veuglaires, carbotannes, escopettes, feldschlange, and todenorgel, would
make a curious glossary. Few ideas of to-day are without antique pre-
monition, and the fact holds about guns and gun-carriages. Even the
mitrailleuse had a very business-like prototype in the ' orgelgeschiitz,' with
no fewer than sixty-three barrels. Some references to Scottish artillery
under James IV. would now admit of supplement, but we note with
interest and gratitude — though not without that modest diffidence so
characteristic of our country — Mr. Clephan's conclusion that ' guns were
being cast in Scotland earlier than any recorded in England.'

From Mr. Clephan's most instructive and valuable critical compilation
we pass to the crude treatise which Louis de Gaya, Sieur de Treville,
composed in 1678, and to which Mr. Ffoulkes has prefixed an introduction
warmly and deservedly commended in a word of preface by that dis-
tinguished authority on arms, Viscount Dillon. The treatise is a sort of
{dialogue raisonn/ of the sword, bayonet, musket, pistol, carbine, pike,
partizan, halbert, buckler, shield, bomb, grenade, ordnance tackle of all

Current Literature 341

kinds, petard, and belier (or ram), of the oriflamme and other banners, and
finally of the drum, trumpet, and other instruments of military music. A
hand-glossary prefixed is of assistance, and there is a summary bibliography.
Gaya is often in error about historical fact, for the story of arms is always
obscure. His remark on the two-hand sword or 'espadon' is odd. He
says he never saw it used except in the Netherlands, where the ramparts of
all the towns were stocked with them every six paces, with a like supply of
maces. But he adds that in spite of their apparently fierce purpose these
weapons were only put there pour fembellissement de leurs parapets.

Gaya states that bombs were not used in France until 1635. Mr. Ffoulkes
shows, however, that the invention, at least in embryo, goes back beyond
the year 1472, when Valturius describes brazen balls filled with powder.
As for red-hot shot, which Gaya calls ' boulets rouges,' Mr. Ffoulkes finds
history for them as far back as 1575, while Mr. Clephan makes them a
full century earlier, at the siege of Oudenarde in 1452. Gunpowder
subjects are all of high general interest, and Professor Tout, Mr. Clephan,
and Mr. Ffoulkes each make such meritorious additions to the growing
pile of recovered fact as materially sharpen the points and heighten the
attractions of the discussion.

In the January number of the English Historical Review Mr. W. H.
Stevenson carefully edits a number of eleventh-century-English fragments —
prayers, list of sureties, surveys of land. The late Mr. F. H. M. Parker
sets in parallel the forest laws and the stories of the death of William
Rufus, and supports Voltaire's scepticism about the New Forest tradition.
Mr. J. F. Chance discusses the Charlottenburg treaty made with Frederick
William I. in 1723. Professor Haskins contributes a note on the abacus
in its connexion with English exchequer accounting. Dr. Holland Rose
prints diplomatic letters preceding the rupture with France in 1793.

In the Oxford and Cambridge Review for January Mr. L. F. Salzmann,
writing on l Medieval Byways — Those in Authority,' gives telling examples
of administrative oppression and the social disturbance ensuing. His
objection to England of the middle ages as ' merrie,' however, is a relative
question, which the instances of brutality hardly answer. They could all
be paralleled by modern cases : the police court is a bad barometer for mirth.

The Modern Language Review for January deals with the text of Dante's
letters, with Donne's sermons and poetry, and with Shelley's prose
romances.

Old Lore Miscellany for January is strong on Shetland folk-lore, Shetland
wrecks, Ewan MacDonald's Faclair Gaidlig or new Gaelic Dictionary, and
on Orkney surnames and the old Orkney township.

In The American Historical Review for January Professor C. R. Beazley
reviews the achievement of Prince Henry (the Navigator) of Portugal,
whose greatness of conception and power of colonial organization he estab-
lishes by most telling citations from contemporary documents of political
and commercial history. Mr. R. C. H. Catterall describes the proceedings

342 Current Literature

of Sir George Downing in the Netherlands in the capture of three of the
regicides of Charles I. at Delft in 1662 and carrying them off — much
against the grain of Dutch feeling — to England, where they were executed
as traitors. The event, says the writer, * certainly left every one engaged
in the capture to suffer the contempt of that and succeeding ages.'

A second series of the secret reports of John Howe deals like the first
with the attitude and suspected preparations of the United States as against
Britain in 1 808. Apparently there was a good deal of confident talk of a
militant section. They said they could < take the British Provinces of
Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick.' The reporter adds : * It is
amusing to hear them talk here of the extreme facility with which they
can possess themselves of the British Provinces.' Howe himself thought
differently on that head. In his opinion, however, the people had no great
wish for war. In fact, there was no war until 1812.

In the Revue Historique (Jan.-Feb.) Mademoiselle Inna Lubimenko traces,
with a creditable modicum of research, the enterprises of English merchants
in Russia in the sixteenth century inaugurated by the adventurous voyage
of Willoughby and Chancellor in 1553. Jenkinson's mission in 1557
considerably secured the prospects of the English * Merchant Adventurers *
promoting those schemes, which were pursued with great tenacity and
some triumph over difficulties. The published records of the * Eastland
Company ' would have furnished important parallel sources of information.
A concluding section of the Acta tumultuum Gallicanorum describes, with
the exultation natural to the victorious faction, the battle of Moncontour in
1569. The writer rejoices with exceeding joy in the overthrow of the
German contingent, whom he lectures unmercifully for their failure from
their ancient virtue, and for their cruelty, and * passion of pillage, worse than
that of the Turks ' ! He crows over the capture of the large guns of the
Huguenots, which they had dubbed chasse-messe, but which their captors
renamed chasse-preche. M. B£mont contributes a well-informed survey of
recent work in British history, specially noticing for Scotland the writings
of Sir Archibald Lawrie, the late Bishop Dowden, Professor Hume Brown,
Professor Herkless, and Mr. Hannay, Dr. G. Henderson, Dr. W. L.
Mathieson, and Miss Keith. His criticisms are praise.

In the Bulletins de la Sod/if des Antiquaires de I' Quest (1910, trimestres
2, 3, 4 ; 1911, trimestre i) subjects include the great levy of 300,000 men
in Vienne in 1793, a biography of Jean du Verger, 1581-1643, abb6 of
Saint-Cyran, and a notice of Jacques de Breze, grand seneschal of Nor-
mandy, who married a daughter of Charles VII. and Agnes Sorel, and killed
her for unfaithfulness.

There is also a brisk critical discussion of the site of the battle of Vouill£,
A.D. 507, placed by Gregory of Tours in campo Vogladense decimo ab urbe
Pectava milliario. Even in France the sites of early battle are still themes
of combat. In the present instance Vouille" (Vougle), fourteen kilometres
north-west of Poitiers, appears to hold the field of the victory of Clovis, in
which the Visigoths were finally overthrown and Alaric fell. It would
never do for a battlefield like that to get adrift again.

Notes and Queries

CATHERINE, MARCHIONESS OF CARNARVON ? Catherine,
second daughter of Lionel (Murray), third Earl of DYSART[S.], is stated in
Complete Peerage, Scots Peerage, and as far as I know by all authorities to
have married, ist September, 1724, John, styled Marquess of CARNARVON,
who was heir apparent of James, first Duke of CHANDOS. This John was
born in 1703, and was therefore twenty-one at the date of his marriage.
Catherine was third child of her parents, who were married very shortly
after 4th May, 1680, so she appears at the date of her marriage to have
been aged about forty. As she was not an heiress, it seems prima facie
improbable that a Duke's eldest son, aged twenty-one, would have married
a woman so much older than himself. If any of your readers can throw
any light upon the matter, or can furnish me with any proof of the
marriage, or even with the date of Catherine's birth, I should be very
glad to have the information for the second edition of the Complete
Peerage, which I am editing. VICARY GIBBS.

12 Upper Belgrave Street, S.W.

AN OLD TIREE RENTAL OF THE YEAR 1662 (now in the
Argyll Charter Chest). Some years ago the Editor of the Transactions of
the lona Club printed an old Rental of the Bishoprick of the Isles, and
drew attention to the expression a * Teirung ' as a land measurement which
occurs only once in the Rental, and he asked if anyone could throw light on
the matter. So far as I know no light has been shed hitherto upon it, but
the following Tiree Rentall is of the highest interest, as it settles not only
what a Tirung was, but also clears up the extent of the maill or malie,
which by some has been supposed to be a Norse measure of land.
Briefly, a Tirung is a 6 mark land, and was divided into 48 malies or
20 penny lands. Ti ee was clearly the winter resort of the MacLeans
and of their chief, and he had free quarters for himself there all winter and
for his retinue, who, it is herein stated, were never less than a hundred.
The falconers had also free quarters and lambs for the hawks, and the
whole island paid a sail and hair tackle to a galley. The weaving of
some kind of coarse linen was in vogue, as a tribute of 60 elnes was levied
from the island weavers. But the Rental, of which the following is a
verbatim transcript, shall speak for itself.

344

Notes and Queries

Memorial Rentall of Tirie as the samen wes in use to pey when it wes
fullie set.

A Tirung is a 6 merkland and is divydit

into 48 malies or 20 pennylands.
The extent of Tirie is 20 tirungs or

1 2O merkland and 5 shillings more.
Tirie was in use to pey when it wes

fullie set each tirung of money rent

the soume of £160 inde for 20 tirungs

of modern rent, - ^3200 o

The milne did pey, - - 0040 o

Item everie tirung did pey of victuall

40 bolls meall beares, malt equallie

each boll containing 5 firluts of Lin-

lithgow measure inde of victuall upon

^4266 13 4 £4266 13 4

2O tirungs 800 bolles, at £5 6s per

boll is, -

Item each tirung a mertimes cow, -
Item a whitsonday cow and calfe
Item 12 stone cheese at 2 merks per

stone,
Item 12 quarts butter at 2 merks per

quart,

Item 16 wedders,

Item 4 dussan of pultrie with eggs,
Item 6 bolls horse corne, strae and

groomes meat free, -
Item each malzie 4 loads of peats is

£102 one each tirung at 3sh 4d per

load, - - -

West Tirie of Linning -v

30 elnes I
East Tirie of Linning

30 elnes J
Everie weaver payed a merk and were^

ordnarlie four scoir set to the V

chamberlaine for,
Whole Tirie peyed a saill and hair

taikle to a galey,
The Falconers had free quarters and

Lambes' etc for the haulks.
And Tirie wes wont to quarter all the

gentlemen men that waited on McLean

all winter not under a 100.
This rentall is besyds the teinds ipsa

Corpora.

6 13

IO OO

16 oo o

16 oo

16 oo

8 oo

12 oo o

32 oo o

60 elnes, 20 o o

26 13

£2333 6 8

£0086 13 4

NIALL D. CAMPBELL.

Notes and Queries 345

FROM THE BURGH CHARTER ROOM, HADDINGTON.

1 January 4, 1529. . . . personaliter constituti honorabilis et circumspecti
viri David Lindsay nomine et ex parte Leonis Regis Armorum, Johannes
Meldrum alias Marchmond heraldus. Johannes Diksoun alias Ross et
Petrus Thomsoun alias Iley heraldi ex una et Dominus Robertus Bachok
capellanus Altaris Bte. Virginis Marie infra ecclesiam parochialem de
Falkirk ab altera parti bus. quiquidem Dominus Robertus non vi aut metu
ductus nee errore lapsus, sed ex sua pura libera et spontanea voluntate pro
certis causis rationabilibus animum suum, ut asseruit, monens, fecit con-
stituit creavit et solempniter ordinavit, prout tenor presentis instrumenti
facit constituit creat et solempniter ordinat prefatum Leonem Armorum
Regem et reliquos heraldos Regni Scotie, presentes et futures veros legitimos
et indubitatos patrones Capellanie sue per ipsum Dominum Robertum infra
Insulam Sancti Michaelis Archangeli in ecclesiam parochialem predictam
fundatae, dans et concedens dictus Dominus constituens prefatis Leoni
et heraldis patron is predictis aut tribus eorumdem conjunctim, prefato
Leone uno eorum existente si infra regnum pro tempore exteterit. . . .
&c. &c.f

The above Notarial Instrument is on a grant by Sir Robert Bachok
of the patronage of the Altarage, founded by him in the Aisle of St. Michael
in the parish church of Falkirk, in favour of the Lion King of Arms and
the Heralds. Three of the Heralds form a quorum to present, the Lion,
if one were in office, being essential.

The Heralds, with the Macers, were patrons of St. Blaseus' altar in
St. Giles, Edinburgh. William Meldrum, from whose protocol book
in the Burgh Charter Room, Haddington, I copied the deed was, I suspect,
a brother of Marchmond Herald mentioned above.

'27 January 1556. Thomas Reid hes maid constitut and ordanit and
be thir presentis makis constitutis and ordanis Johne Hoppryngill brother
germane to George Hoppringill of Wranghayme his cessionar and assignay
in and to ye uptakin of ye soum of iijc merkis mony of yis realm or of
ane steding of aucht oxin tiltht with ye haill plennissing yairof at ye
modificatioun of Johne Cokburn umquhile of Ormistoun and George
Browne of Colstoun promittit to him faythfullie be James Cokburn of
Langtoun for ye delivering and hayme brynging of ye said James out of
Ingland at ye raid of Solenmoss he beand tayne prisoner be Inglishmen
yan, gevand grantand &c his full power &c to call and persue ye said James
for non full fyllin of his said promise before quhatsumevir juge or jugis
unto ye obtening yairof &c.'

The above Thomas Reid was parish clerk of Melrose, and on the same
day he granted his parish clerkship with all its dewties, &c., to said John
Hoppryngill, on condition of his renouncing it in his favour again on
Reid's return 'out of utheris partis to quhilkis he is passand.' This deed
throws a sidelight on the unfortunate Raid of Sol way Moss in November,
1542. It is copied from Steven's Protocol Book (folio 1648) in the Burgh
Charter Room, Haddington. j G WALLACE-JAMES.

346 Notes and Queries

JOHN HOME'S EPIGRAM. Lockhart in his Life of Sir Walter
Scott, chapter xli., says :

' Port he considered as physic : he never willingly swallowed more than
one glass of it, and was sure to anathematise a second, if offered, by
repeating John Home's epigram :

' " Bold and erect the Caledonian stood,
Old was his mutton, and his claret good ;
Let him drink port, the English statesman cried —
He drank the poison, and his spirit died." !

Where does this quotation come from ? I should be glad to have a
reference to any poem of Home's in which it appeared.

GEORGE MACKAY.

JOHNE OF ARINTRACHE— A KNAPDALE QUERY. A

curious and hitherto unnoticed item regarding one of the many Gillespick
Campbells who were Lords of Lochow appears in two old Inventories of
Lord Lome's writs made in 1633. It runs as follows :

'Number 127. Item, auld writ on parchment grantit be one Johne
of Arincrauche Lord of Knapadaill to ane Gilleaspeck Campbell Lord of
Lochahaw of the Lands of Arincraw and ane number of pennylandis
without a dait.'

In the other old Inventory it is entered thus :

'Item ane writt on parchment grantit be one Jon of Arintrache, Lord of
Cnapadaill to ane Gilleaspock Campbell, Lord of Lochachow of ze landis
of Arnetra and ane noumber of pennylandis without a dait.'

Can the granter be identical with John of Menteth, Lord of Knapdaill
and Arran, who on the Vigil of S. Andrew, 1353, granted to Archibald
Cambell, Lord of Lochaw, the pennyland within which Castle Suyne was
situated, the lands of Apenad, the two pennylands of Danna called Barmore,
the three pennylands of Ulva, the lands of Dalechalicha, Skondenze,
Dreissag in Knapdaill with power of appointing and dismissing sheriffs,
and if condemned to death 'with power to cause hang them upon ane
gallous ' (Argyll Inventory) ?

I regret to say that I cannot find the original of the first mentioned
item, and in the Inventory of the ninth Earl's writs made in 1680 it is not
even entered, in which the Knapdaill writs begin with the 1353 Charter.

Where also is Arintrache or Arnetra (apparently formed from the Gaelic
j4iridh-na-traigh\ as I can find no such place in old maps of Knapdale,
within whose bounds, however, it need not necessarily be ? Could it
possibly be meant for Arran of the peaks (na-cruaich) ? The letters / and c
are often confused by copyists.

28 Clarges Street, W. NIALL D. CAMPBELL.

The

Scottish Historical Review

VOL. IX., No. 36 JULY 1912

Student Life in St. Andrews before 1450 A.D.

SO far as we read of Student Life in connection with the early
Colleges — and it is there we have the most reliable and
definite information — it was modelled on that of the cloister.
We find the observance of fasts and festivals along with, and
sometimes rather than, the pursuit of literature and the culture of
the intellect. It is significant that at St. Leonard's College, St.
Andrews, down to 1698, 'there seems reason for saying that
appointments by the Crown were generally made out of con-
sideration for the spiritual needs of the Church rather than the
intellectual wants of the College.' : But there was a period in
Scottish University history prior to the foundation of the Colleges.
St. Salvator's, the first Scottish College, was founded in 1450 by
James Kennedy, and it is the period between 1410 and 1450 with
which we are at present concerned.

The reproduction of medieval student life in general is rightly
regarded as a somewhat severe strain upon the historical imagina-
tion. Perhaps even more so is it true of that life in Scotland in
pre-College days. Our information is so scanty that one is at
first tempted to call it prehistoric. General conceptions can be
obtained from well-established facts at contemporary Universities —
these are indeed of the utmost value for the understanding of a
time when there was among the learned in Europe a camara-
derie that has not been surpassed.2 The collections of Student

1 Herkless and Hannay, The College of St. Leonard's, p 34.

2 Rashdall's vol. on Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages is indispensable.
For student life, see vol. ii. pp. 593-712.

S.H.R. VOL. IX. 2 A

348 James Robb

Letters l are also of some importance ; whether real or imaginary
they reflect the conditions of the age in which they were composed,
' telling, e.g. of the accidents that may befall one on the way to a
seat of learning, of the clamant need of money on arrival there
for books and parchments, for clothing, bedding, etc. But for
obvious reasons we read little in these letters of the wilder side of
University life ; indeed, if we were to judge him by his own
account the medieval student in general was a model of industry
and good behaviour. For particular information as to Scotland
we must look to contemporary Scottish records, and above all to
the records of St. Andrews, the seat of the oldest Scottish
University and the principal seat of learning in Scotland prior to
the Reformation; and here we have the Acta Facultatis Arcium
(still unfortunately in manuscript), the collections of early Statuta,2
and occasional references in the University Commissions' Reports.
Still with all this we feel the want of an authentic record of the
daily life of a student in the early times, and we should have been
grateful for an account like that of James Melville for the
Reformation period, and of the scholar of St. John's, Cambridge,
concerning whom we are told exactly when he rose out of bed,
how much of the day was devoted to study and what kind of
study, what he had to eat — how he was content with ' a penye
pyece of byefe amongest iiii havyng a fewe porage made of the
brothe of the same byefe with salt and otemell, and nothynge els '
for his dinner — and how he warmed himself by walking or
running about for half an hour before going to bed because there
was no hearth or stove to warm his feet.8

At first, and for a considerable time afterwards, as we might
expect, special buildings were not available for the reception of
the St. Andrews student, let alone provision for collegiate
residence ; lectures were delivered wherever it was convenient to
meet. As a consequence many ' schools ' sprang up, and it was
found necessary as early as 1414, i.e. within two or three years of
the University's foundation, to enact statutes for their regulation.
The intention was * quod omnes studentes in artibus viverent
collegialiter.' 4 It was required, e.g. that no schools were to be

1 See Chas. Haskins's instructive article in Amer. Hist. Rev. vol. iii. pp. 203-29.

2R. K. Hannay, The Statutes of the Faculty of Arts and the Faculty of Theology at
the Period of the Reformation [St. Ands. Univ. Publications, No. vii.], 1910.

3 Thomas Lever's Sermons (1550), Arber's English Reprints, p. 122.
*Votiva Tabella, (1911), p. 36.

Student Life in St. Andrews 349

conducted in the Faculty of Arts unless ' per modum com-
munitatis, aule, vel pedagogii sub cotidiano regimine et custodia
magistrorum ' ; that no * extra commensales,' or ' Martineti,' as
they were otherwise called, be admitted to these schools with the
exception of poor students and the sons of burgesses ; and that
no master was to receive the scholar of another master without
first giving him satisfaction.1 It thus appears that masters were
to exercise personal supervision over scholars, that special pro-
vision was to be made in favour of poor students to whom the
expense of living with a master would doubtless be prohibitive,
and also in favour of the sons of citizens who were under the
guardianship of their parents. According to Thurot, pedagogies
had become very numerous on the Continent before the close of the
fourteenth century.2 The pedagogies at St. Andrews were for-
bidden in 1429, as discords and scandals had arisen in these rival
establishments. The prohibition was, however, evaded, and in
1432 the Dean of the Faculty of Arts was required to visit the
various houses once a week and ascertain if the discipline and
teaching were satisfactory.3 Finally, in 1460, it was resolved that
in future there should be only one pedagogy. We find, there-
fore, that generally speaking considerable provision was made for
the personal supervision of the Scottish student in the very earliest
days. Notwithstanding this, we learn also that very consider-
able license was allowed to him ; indeed, the laxity of house
discipline was at times so pronounced that we can only account for
it by the rivalry existing between the different pedagogies, each of
which was naturally anxious to secure as many of the students as
possible.

It will be observed, also, that thus early have we come across the
Poor Scholar to whom we look for much of the poetry and
heroism of student life, who has always figured largely in Scottish
education, and for whom special provision has always been made.
It is interesting to learn from the Acta under date 1444 that
remission of fees was granted in favour of four poor men, who,
however, were taken bound to pay back when they were able to
do so.4 One is not wholly left to conjecture as to how such

1 Hannay, pp. 3-6.

2 U enseignement dans I* Univ. de Paris, p. 92 ff.

3 J. Maitland Anderson in Scott. Hist. Rev. iii. p. 312.

4 Principal Sir Jas. Donaldson, University Addresses (1911), p. 520 ; and Rashdall,
p. 658 n. i.

350 James Robb

students were to meet the necessary charges of lodging and food
and University dues, and what menial services they could perform
in return for benefactions without loss of academic caste. Mr. Risk
assures us that a necessitous student of Harvard of the present day
can employ himself from reading gas-meters to waiting at table
in the hall, like the ancient servitor of Oxford and Cambridge,
without any sense of inferiority.1 In a less exacting age than
this, when even gentle youths were habitually brought up as
pages to bishops and abbots, few tasks would be too humble for
a poorer student — the office of ' luminator ' was a highly respect-
able one — and opportunities would not be wanting to enable an
ambitious youth to eke out his slender stock. For him begging,
at all events, was no disgrace. The example of the Friars had
made it comparatively respectable, and all that the Scottish
Parliament of the time could do was to attempt to regulate
matters.2 Many a man who would have been ashamed to dig
was not ashamed to beg.3 The Chancellor's Court at Oxford, on
1 3th July, 1461, made the interesting entry that Denis Burnell
and John Brown, poor scholars at Aristotle Hall, had officially
sealed letters testimonial permitting them to beg (* ad petendum
eleemosynam '), and this does not appear to have been exceptional

1 America at College (1908), pp. 29-31.

2 Cf. Acts Par/. Scot. vol. ii. 36(9), 49(17), etc.

3 The Goliards sang :

No one, none shall wander forth
Fasting from the table ;
If thou'rt poor, from south and north
Beg as thou art able !

J. A. Symonds, Wine, Women, and Song, p. 46.

And their petition was :

Literature and knowledge I
Fain would still be earning,
Were it not that want of pelf
Makes me cease from learning.

Do., p. 50.

It was not till 1574 that 'vagabundis scollaris of the vniuersities of sanct
androis glasgow and abirdene ' were included in the Act against ' strang and
ydle beggaris ' who on conviction were to be ' scurgeit and burnt throw the
girssell of the rycht eare with ane het Irne of the compass of ane Inche about,'
and who were to suffer the pains of death as thieves if at the end of sixty days
they fell again into their * ydill and vagabound trade of lyfF.' It is important to
note, however, it is expressly stated that these rigorous measures were not to be
applicable to such students as were ' licensit be the Dene of facultie of the
vniuersitie to ask almous.' — Scott. Act. Tar/, vol. iii. 86-9 ; re-enacted in 1579.

Student Life in St. Andrews 351

at any University of the time.1 Again, to support a scholar at
the University, or to help him on a smaller scale by giving him
something at the door in return for a prayer or two, was a recog-
nised work of charity in the medieval world.2 It is to be hoped
that not many of them could make the confession which R. L.
Stevenson puts in the mouth of Villon : * I am a poor student of
Arts of this University. I know some Latin and a good deal of
vice. I can make chansons, ballads, lais, virelais and roundels,
and I am very fond of wine.' While the poor scholar was never
awanting in the Scottish Universities the students in pre-Reforma-
tion Scotland were for the most part drawn from the clergy and
the lairds, with an occasional sprinkling of the sons of the
nobility and of burgesses and artisans.

A journey3 to the Scottish seat of learning in the first half of
the fifteenth century was an event of some importance, not
unattended by risk to life and limb, though the legislation of
James I. had happily for a short time ensured unusual peace and
security. But Bower, referring to the following reign, could only
cry out, * Woe unto us miserable wretches, exposed to all manner
of rapine and injury, how can we endure to live ? ' 4 Self-
preservation, therefore, made travelling in company practically a
necessity. It does not require a very vivid imagination to picture
the eager youths on their way, the well-to-do on horseback
accompanied by servants and retainers, the poorer on foot and
carrying little beyond what the wants of a day demanded, and all
of them armed ; the stoppages by the way at inns, which were for
the most part comfortless ; the quaint talk and occasional song
and story to beguile the tedium of a lengthened journey ; the
frequent alarms or actual conflicts with highwaymen ; the welcome
and good cheer furnished by the monks ; and the safe arrival at
the destination at last.

Having arrived, our bejant can now enter upon the main
business of his coming. He is liable to be visited by some
touting master or one of his students anxious to secure the new-
comer for his ' school.' That custom, prevalent at other Univer-
sity centres, early manifested itself at St. Andrews ; by statute in
June, 1416, the masters, regent and non-regent, bound themselves

1 Giles, Undergraduate of the Middle Ages (1891), p. 10.
2Cf. Rashdall, pp. 657-8.

3 Cf. generally, Hume Brown, Early Travellers in Scotland (1891) and Acts Par I.
Scot, for reigns of James I. and II.

4 Sc otichronicon, vol. ii. p. 512.

352 James Robb

not to 'procure' students by entreaties, bribes, promises or threats.1
' In the matter of lectures,' says Rashdall, speaking generally, * a
trial was respectfully solicited with all the accommodating obse-
quiousness of a modern tradesman.' 2

To whatever l school ' our student might attach himself there is
one essential by way of equipment. As all lectures were delivered
in Latin, he must be able to read and write that language with
a fair degree of readiness if he was to benefit from the prelections
of his instructors. To speak Latin and to understand it when
spoken was the common acquisition of the schools of the period ;
even in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and we may say
down to the seventeenth, it was a living language among the
learned in Scotland. The Schools Commission in their Third
Report (1867) state that 'schools for Latin, to which were sub-
sequently added Lecture schools for English, existed in the chief
towns of Scotland from a very early period.' 3 Regarding the
purity of the Latinity as spoken, it is generally agreed that it was
not of a high order, and proficiency naturally varied with the indi-
vidual. From that as well as from other causes many, indeed,
would leave the University with about the same amount of scholar-
ship as they had when they entered it.

What kind of instruction was obtainable ? In 1419 the books
specified for license, which seemed to have been the minimum
required, are minuted. No distinction is made between 'ordinary'
and 'extraordinary' books, and no further information is given as
to requirements till we come to the Reformation period. The
list is as follows : — Logic — The Vetus Ars ; Topics (four books) ;
Prior Analytics ; Elenchi. Philosophy — Physics (eight books) ;
De Generatione et Corruptione; De Coelo et Mundo; De Sensu
et Sensato ; De Somno et Vigilia; De Memoria et Reminiscentia ;
Metaphysics (librum metaphisice vel quod audiat eundem) ;
Tractatus de Sphera ; De Perspectiva (si legatur) ; Geometry
(first book) ; Meteorics (three first books) ; De Anima (three
books) ; some libri morales, especially the Ethics. (The books
here given are according to the order and specification in the
minute.)4

The student's study for the day being done, he is more or less
at liberty to spend the remainder of his time as he will. One of
his first and most vivid experiences will be to face the ordeal of
* Initiation.' In medieval times student initiation seems to have

1 Cf. Hannay, pp. 4-6. 2 Rashdall, vol. ii. p. 606.

*Vol. i. pp. i, 2. 4Hannay, pp. n, 12.

Student Life in St. Andrews 353

been universally prevalent, and it was a custom of such a nature
that no academical prohibition or regulation could wholly put it
down. The usual form it took in German Universities was the
ceremony of * dishorning.' The bejant was dressed up in a cap
with horns and long ears to resemble a wild beast. With a variety
of ceremony the horns and ears were cut off, the student's nose
was held to the grindstone while the handle was turned, his hair
was combed and cut, his nails were pared, his face was painted,
and he had rubbed into his skin or he was made to swallow a
mixture of salt and wine. In France, on the other hand, the
bejant was represented as a criminal who had to undergo trial at
the hands of his fellow-students ; he was admitted to the fraternity
only on his making expiation for the supposed crime by fine or
otherwise, such as * per captionem librorum.' We have no
information as to the form of initiation in vogue at the English
Universities in medieval times.1 Whether the method in Scotland
was dishorning, criminal trial, or otherwise, it may be regarded as
certain that the bejant had to face some form of badgering ;
hoaxing and bullying would be followed by welcome to the
brotherhood, and finally a feast would be provided at his own
expense, which was not infrequently a serious inroad upon the
savings of many years' pinching. Within the last decade a St.
Andrews bejant was treated somewhat similarly to that indicated
above — the hair was taken off one side of the head ! — but repres-
sive measures were at once adopted by the authorities and the
practice has apparently been seldom repeated.2 It is still customary
at St. Andrews for a bejant to give a packet of raisins to the first
senior who demands it on * raisin-day,' as it is called ; this must
be regarded as a survival of the ancient Bejaunia.

As to his leisure time. Naturally much must have depended
upon his age, his disposition, and his upbringing. We can dismiss
the sombre, ideal youth, who in all ages lives the stern, laborious
life, and whose only 'dissipations' are of a religious nature— pious
processions, masses, and University sermons — he is not the
typical student of any age. It is with the typical student we are
concerned, the man of many interests to whom there are joys
outside a lecture-room or a tabernacle, and whose existence cannot
yet be summed up in * chapel, work, dinner ; dinner, work,
chapel.' Nor are we considering that part of the sixteenth

1 Cf. Rashdall, vol. ii. pp. 628-36.

2 This winter a bejant is said to have been condemned to be ducked in the
Swilcan Burn for ' crimes' committed by his sister, now an M.A. !

354 James Robb

century whose theological teaching embraced a general prohibition
of all ' profane games, immodest runnings, and horrid shoutings';
the early fifteenth century was more natural and healthy than that.

For even the most studiously inclined, Reading must have been
somewhat of a luxury when few books were available, and most
of them very expensive. It appears that 'as early as January 17,
1415, the Faculty of Arts resolved that £5 should be sent to
Paris to purchase books of the text of Aristotle and commentaries
on logic and philosophy. But on May 2 1 of the same year this
resolution was rescinded.'1 The minute of 1439 speaks plaintively
of librorum paucitas among other things ; and the poor student for
the most part would require to write out his own books at the
dictation of the master. It is not till I3th August, 1456, that we
have the nucleus of the University Library, when, at a meeting of the
Faculty of Arts held in the Pedagogy, it was agreed to make the
necessary provision, and various donations of books are recorded
in the Faculty Register. Most, if not all, of the ' houses ' would
have some literature. Besides the classics, it was now possible to
have even the product of native talent in such works as those of
Thomas the Rhymer, Barbour, Fordun, Wyntoun, and James I.
The comparative lack of reading material was a difficulty that
beset the path of the studious in all the preceding centuries, and
for a considerable time after the period under consideration. The
scarcity of books was not without its compensations ; there was still
the contact of mind with mind engaged in discussion on the same
problems — 'disputation' was indeed an essential and characteristic
feature in early University education — resulting in mental acute-
ness and resourcefulness, which form after all one of the main ends
of a University training, and were a raison d'etre for the very
existence of a University.

As for Plays, the Miracles and Mysteries formed an outlet
for dramatic display ; 2 while the Abbot of Unreason began to
appear in Scotland in the first half of the fifteenth century. Music
and musical instruments of a simple nature were not awanting,3
and student poems of uncertain antiquity have come down to us,

XJ. Mainland Anderson in Votiva Tabella, pp. 93-4. The first volume was
presented to the Library by Alan Cant, Chancellor of St. Andrews, who gave
' unum notabilem librum, scilicet, magnorum moralium cum diversis aliis
voluminibus in illo libro.'

8 Cf. Rashdall, vol. ii. pp. 674-5.

3 Bower (p. 505) says that James I. sang well, and played on the tabor, bagpipe,
psaltery, organ, flute, harp, trumpet, and shepherd's reed.

Student Life in St. Andrews 355

some grave, some gay, some sacred, and some profane, embracing
the magnificent Gaudeamus — the song-creed of the undergraduate.1
The reckless spirit of the time is well reflected in Dunbar's
Goliardic poem : 2

' I will na priestis for me sing

Dies ilia, Dies ire ;
Na zit na bellis for me ring

Sicut semper solet fieri,
Bot a bag pipe to play a spryng,

Et unum ale wosp ante me.
In stayd of baneris for to bring

Quatuor lagenas cervisie,
Within the graif to set sic thing

In modum crucis juxta me
To fle the fendis, than hardely sing

De terra plasmasti me.'

In the Middle Ages generally there was a lack of organised
amusement, however, more particularly of an intellectual character.
It is with jousts, hawking, and cockfighting the people were mostly
familiar. In such ways the sporting instincts of our student could
find expression. We may take it, perhaps, that jousts were
rather big undertakings for the ordinary University youth while
in session ; yet at Cambridge about this time there was much loss
of life among the students from tilting, and it was found very
hard to get the king's command obeyed which forbade that sport
within four miles of the town. The famous contest between the
Burgundian knight Jacques de Lalain and Sir James Douglas at
Stirling in 1449 wou^d be certain to excite speculation, excitement,
and emulation among the youth of the University.3 We have
some definite information about hawking and cockfighting. The
Acta expressly tell us that the students were allowed to go out
a-hawking on condition that they went in their own clothes and not
in 'dissolute habiliments borrowed from lay cavaliers.' And at
the Festival of St. Nicholas, the patron saint of the Grammatici,
over whom control seems to have been exercised by the Faculty
of Arts from the beginning, we learn that while two or three days
were permitted for cockfighting, it was expressly forbidden that a
fortnight or three weeks be spent ' in procuratione gallorum.'
We may perhaps regard this limited permission as an instance of

1 Cf. generally Symonds, Wine, Women, and Song.

2 ' Testament of Maister Andro Kennedy,' Dunbar's Poems, ed. by Schipper,
p. 215.

3 Early Travellers, pp. 30-8.

356 James Robb

the inability of the authorities to put down a sport of which they
might disapprove and which they therefore attempted to regulate.1

An amusement perhaps of a less harmful kind in- connection
with the Gramma fid was the burlesque quasi-religious festival of
the Holy Innocents, in which the Boy-Bishop figures. A boy,
dressed in full bishop's robes, with mitre and crosier, and attended
by comrades as priests, made a circuit of the town blessing the
people ; his authority usually lasted from the 6th to the 28th
December, and differed according to the locality. The custom
was prohibited in 1431 by the Council of Basel, but it was
not finally abolished in England till the reign of Elizabeth.
References to the ceremony are made in the Acta. The Faculty
required that the Feast of the Grammatici should no longer be
celebrated in December, but in summer, on 9th May, i.e. the day
of the translation of St. Nicholas ; and the collecting of money
from house to house as the saint passed with his boy-bishop from
the castle to the monastery was forbidden. We have no descrip-
tion of the Feast of St. Nicholas as celebrated by the Faculty.
But it was required that ' there was to be no bringing in of May
in guise : on Twelfth-day, going to the church and returning, all
must wear their proper garb, and the King of the Bean alone was
to be dressed up.' 2

Apart from numerous Scots Acts for the people in general,
certain restrictions as to Dress were made applicable to students
in the earliest times. A regulation in the Acta, apparently of
June 6, 1416 (the year is awanting), forbade * incepturi in
artibus ' to have * sotulares rostratos nee laqueatos nee fenes-
tratos * ; nor were they to put on c supertunicale scissum in
lateribus.' Among the early Statuta of the University we read :
* Item ad decorem Academicae pertinere creditum est, quod tamen
imperatum non fuit, ut adolescentes, in publicis comitiis, in aede
sacra, foro et locis celebrioribus incedant veste talari et dimissa,
non cincta. Postea damnatus fuit abusus excisarum vestium, et
cordularum de cervicibus pendentium, consultumque ne his vestibus
adolescentes assuescerent.'3 It appears also that the Faculty of
Arts even increased its finances to some extent by exacting small
sums from those students to whom there was granted the privilege

1 Cockfighting, as a pastime, continued customary among certain classes until
comparatively recent times.

2 Hannay, p. 18.

3 1826-30 Commission Report, Evidence, p. 235.

Student Life in St. Andrews 357

of appearing at congregations in secular costume.1 In the College
days the regulations as to dress are very minute.

If to amusements such as these above described we add chess,
and the somewhat commoner ones of walking, running, leaping,
fencing, wrestling, throwing the hammer, putting the stone,
<fute-ball,' and dancing with the ' most honourable and elegant
daughters' of the local magnates, and, I fear we must add,
drinking and gambling, we have pretty nearly exhausted the round
of the students' diversions in that period. But at least two out-
door amusements remain to be more particularly referred to, viz.
Archery and Golf. These are purposely classed together, for the
reason that the Scottish Legislature found it necessary to fulminate
statutes repeatedly against golf among other pastimes as being
unprofitable, interfering with the more important accomplishment
of archery and the military efficiency of the people in general. It
was in March, 1457, that Parliament ' decreted and ordained
that wappinschawingeis be halden be the Lordis and Baronis
spirituale and temporale foure times in the zeir, and that Fute-ball
and Golf be utterly cryit doune and nocht useit; and that the
bowe-merkis be maid at ilk paroche Kirk a pair of buttis, and
schuttin be useit ilk Sunday.' 2 Clearly the game of golf had
taken a firm hold at that date, otherwise there would be no occasion
that it should be { cryit doune.' So far as we know the history of
St. Andrews Links, that does not take us further back than 1552,
when Archbishop Hamilton acknowledged the license granted to
him by the city of St. Andrews to plant and plenish cuniggis (or
rabbits) in them ; but this document is not conclusive as to the
date when the Links became city property, or as to the uses
to which they were put.3 For several centuries now they have
afforded unrivalled opportunities for golf.4

As to Archery, which it was the especial care of the Government
of the country to foster for offensive and defensive purposes, it is
clear from frequent enactments, including the above, that the
people were not allowed to remain ignorant or unskilful in the
use of the bow, and in later days there was an Archery Club

1 Hannay, p. 21. 2 Acts Par/. Scot. ii. p. 48(6).

3 Hay Fleming, Historical Notes and Extracts concerning the Links of St. Andrews,
1552-1893.

4 The blue ribbon of Amateur Golf has been twice gained by a student of St.
Andrews, first by Peter Corsar Anderson in 1893, when a student of Divinity,
and second by Arthur Gordon Barry in 1905, when a student of Arts and Science,
and on both occasions on the Prestwick Golf Course.

358 James Robb

among the students, the medals of which are still in the possession
of the University. We see that the Sundays were to be utilised
for shooting purposes. At Leipzig and Nantes the Sundays were
utilised for lectures or disputations, though that was exceptional.1

Thus in various ways the life of the early student might be a
more or less joyous and healthy one ; and if asked to abandon his
University career, even to marry a lady of many attractions, he
might answer, like the student of Siena, that he deemed it foolish
to desert the cause of learning for the sake of a woman, * for
one may always get a wife, but science once lost can never be
recovered.' 2

But there is also another side to the picture. Students of all
ages have had a reputation among the laity for general uproarious
behaviour, yet the number who deserved this reputation may be
regarded as an insignificant fraction of the whole. In one par-
ticular we may think the modern student more fortunate than his
pre-Reformation brother ; tobacco was a comparatively late im-
portation, and it is possible to blame much of the license of the
medieval student to the lack of nicotine ! In the course of his
dealings with the citizens, as deal he must, and in the pursuit of
his amusements, or even of his studies, he not infrequently came
into contact with the townspeople. The antipathy between town
and gown is immemorial and perennial, though we hear of nothing
so terrible in Scotland as the Oxford dispute in 1208, or the bloody
encounter in Paris in 1229. Still it is not without reason that a
concordia had to be made between the University and the Priory
as early as I422,8 and again between the University and town
authorities under Bishop Kennedy in 1444, in which the duties,
privileges, and jurisdictions of the parties were carefully defined.4
Possibly, however, in the whole history of the relations of these
two authorities the most bitter and prolonged controversy was at
the end of the seventeenth century, when a suppost of the Uni-
versity named Balmanno had belaboured a townsman with a club
stick to such purpose that * he left him for deid ' ; this gave rise
to years of litigation, the parties ultimately ending where they
began, and agreeing to recognise each other's jurisdiction.

Struggles between students of the different ' houses ' were also
not unknown, for the pedagogies were rivals, and officials as well

1 Rashdall, p. 674 n. 5.

2 Guido Faba, Parliaments ed Epistole, 16-19.

3 1826-30 Commission Report, Evidence, p. 234.
*Ibid. pp. 176-8.

Student Life in St. Andrews 359

as students were occasionally involved in actual participation.
The disputes in 1457 and 1460, as well as the still more famous
one 1470, fall outside the period under consideration. Doubt-
less events like these added zest to life in the imagination of
hot-blooded youth ; but there is a day of reckoning with the
authorities. It is certain that birching was not unknown in the
Universities generally, and St. Andrews was no exception. In
the University's reply to the 1826-30 Commissioners there is this
significant remark with reference to laws enacted even in the days
of the Colleges : ' In the most ancient there is the nearest
approach to the spirit of Draco — corporal punishment is prescribed
for the disorders noticed ' in certain of the regulations, such as
swearing or scaling College walls.1 Again, the Lord Primate
empowered the Principal of St. Leonard's College as late as 1687
to f punish transgressors, either corporally or by pecuniall mulcts.' 2
Further, the early statutes contain severe strictures as to those
guilty as ' noctu-vagi,' etc., with a gradation of punishment up to
expulsion, according to the nature of the offence.3

It would appear that comparatively few graduated in the early
days, for various reasons, among them being the difficulty about
lectura, and in 1419 more than a third of the licentiates in Arts
seem to have avoided the master's degree. In the following year
Bishop Wardlaw licensed four men presented to him without
examination. Indeed, it looks as if the distinction was mainly
confined to those who were specially recommended by the regents,
for while the Acta contain no instance of actual rejection, we find
that under date 1441 * decanus facultatis ut moris est secundum
formam statutorum inquisivit a regentibus an noverint aliquos
bacalarios ydoneos ad examen anno presente, ad quod respondatur
negative.' If we can believe Mr. Rouse Ball's statement in his
History of Mathematics, Paul Nicolas, a Slavonian, was the first
student on record to be ' ploughed ' at any University ; this was
at Paris in 1426.

To the ordinarily constituted mind it is a day of rejoicing when
a career is crowned with success ; and as at the present day, so in
the early years, there was feasting when one was made a bachelor,
and again there was feasting when he became a master. Even
this also required regulation, until in 1467 it was found necessary
* to restrict expenses at the bachelor's feast to 405. and at the

1 1826-30 Commission Report, Evidence, p. 286.
* Ibid, pp. 214-15. 3 Ibid. p. 235.

360 Student Life in St. Andrews

master's to £4, though a young man of birth who was egregie
benefidatus might obtain permission to make his graduation
memorable for festivity.' l It was required by statute that each
examiner should receive a duplex birretum, worth at least 45. 6d.;
besides which there were customary gratitudines to the vice-
Chancellor and the examiners. Guests at the act were presented
with gloves, which were required to be of good material. It would
be difficult to think of a more extraordinary expression of delight
than that of a successful inception at Bologna thus described by
Buoncompugno, ' Sing unto the Lord a new song, praise him with
stringed instruments and organs, rejoice upon the bright-sounding
cymbals, for your son has held a glorious disputation which was
attended by a great number of teachers and scholars. He answered
all questions without a mistake, and no one could prevail against
his arguments. Moreover he celebrated a famous banquet at
which both rich and poor were honoured as never before.'2

One obligation at least remains for the successful youth. The
only provision for teaching made by the ancient constitution of the
Universities of Europe was that masters came under an obligation
to teach, if called upon, for a period of two years; and this matter
of post-graduate lectura was a vexed question at St. Andrews from
time to time. It was difficult to induce masters to undertake
regency, and as there was not a sufficient number of lecturers at
the Schools' in 1439, a regulation was adopted imposing a fine
on those who neglected this duty ; but by 1455 the omission of
lectura by new masters as well as failure to pay the fine had
become a matter of course.

This duty done, the student was free to enter upon his life's
work, and wherever he may have gone he doubtless carried with
him pleasing memories of his sojourn in the 'city by the sea.'

JAMES ROBB.
1Hannay, p. 37. 2 Munich Cod. Lat. 23499, f. 6 v.

Ballad on the Anticipated Birth of an Heir
to Queen Mary, 1554

THIS ballad is preserved in MS. amongst the Pepys Collection
of Ballads in Magdalene College, Cambridge. It does not
appear in any of the published collections of ballads, nor is it, to
the best of my knowledge, referred to by any historian. The
rejoicings for the reported birth of a prince in April, 1555, are
mentioned by Strype (Memorials, in. i. 343, ed. 1822), Froude
(History of England, v. 517, ed. 1875), an<^ other writers, but this
ballad is of earlier date, and evidently refers to the rejoicings at
the news of the Queen's conception. A memorandum which
follows the ballad in the Pepys volume runs as follows :

' Extract of a Letter from Mr. Michael Bull, M.A., Fellow
of Bennet Coll., Camb. of the 12th of June 1701 to
Mr. Humphry Wanley, relating to the foregoing
Ballad.

' I have according to your desire copyed out the Ballad, and
with all the exactness I could. There is no picture in it ; nor
anything wrott in Capital or Roman Letters, but all printed in
the old English Letter. I have spelt it and pointed it, just as it
is printed.

' There is pasted on the Backside of this Ballad, a printed copy
of a Letter sent from the Councel to the Bp- of London, to sing
Te Deum for her Majties being wth child. If a copy of it will be
usefull to you, I shall send it you assoon as I know it.'

This note fixes the approximate date of the ballad. The Te
Deum at St. Paul's, in consequence of the Council's letter to
Bishop Bonner, was sung on Wednesday, November 28, 1554
(Wriothesley, Chronicle, ii. 123 ; Stow, Chronicle, ed. 1631, p. 625 ;
Strype, in. i. 324).

C. H. FIRTH.

362 C. H. Firth

THE BALLAD OF
JOY,

UPON THE PUBLICATION OF

Q. MARY, WIFE OF KING PHILIP,

HER BEING WITH CHILD;

Anno Domni 15.

Now singe, now springe, our care is exiled,
Oure vertuous Quene, is quickned with child.

Nowe englande is happie, and happie in dede,
That god of his goodnes, dothe pspir l here sede :
Therefore let us praie, it was never more nede,
God prosper her highnes, god send her good sped.

How manie good people, were long in dispaire,
That this letel england, shold lacke a right heire :
But nowe the swet marigold, springeth so fayre,
That England triumpheth, without anie care.

How manie greate thraldomes, in englane were scene,
Before that her highnes, was publyshed quene :
The bewtye of englSde, was banyshed clene,
With wringing, and wrongynge, & sorrowes betwen.

And yet synce her highnes, was planted in peace,
Her subjects were dubtful, of her highnes increse :
But nowe the recofort, their murmour doth cease,
They have their owne wyshynge, their woes doo release.

And suche as envied, the matche and the make
And in their proceedinges, stoode styffe as a stake :
Are now reconciled, their malis doth slake,
And all men are willinge, theyr partes for to take.

Our doutes be dyssolued, our fancies contented,

The mariage is joyfull, that many lamented :

And suche as enuied, like foles have repented,

The Errours and Terrours, that they have invented.

But God dothe worke, more wonders then this,

For he is Auther, and Father, of blysse :

He is the defender, his workinge it is,

And where he dothe favoure, they fare not amys.

Therefore let us praye, to the father of myght
To prosper her highnes, and shelde her in ryghte:
With joye to deliver, that when she is lighte,
Both she and her people, maie joye without flight.

1 Prosper.

Ballad: Anticipated Birth of an Heir 363

God prossper her highnes, in every thinge,

Her noble spouse, our fortunate kynge :

And that noble blossome, that is planted to springe,

Amen swete Jesus, we hartelye singe.

Blysse thou swete Jesus, our comforters three,
Oure Kynge, our Quene, our Prince that shal be :
That they three as one, or one as all three,
Maye governe thy people, to the plesure of the.

Imprinted at London in Lumbarde strete at the
signe of the Eagle, by

WYLLYAM RYDDAELL.

A Ballad Illustrating the Bishops Wars

SINCE the publication of the paper entitled * Ballads on the
Bishops Wars,' which was in 1906 (Scottish Historical Review,
iii. 257), I came across another on the same subject. It is
contained in volume two of the Luttrell collection of c Humorous
Political Historical and Miscellaneous Ballads' in the British
Museum (No. 31). No ballad of the period seems to me so well
to reflect the feelings inspired by the alliance of the English and
Scottish nations against the government of Charles I. It shows
the temper which produced the league of 1643. As it does not
appear to have been reprinted it deserves to be made more
accessible.

The use of the phrase ' Jock of broad Scotland ' to personify

Scotland is curious. In Masson's Life of Milton (v. 92) there is

another example of the name, but there it is applied to a beggar

— -' Alexander Agnew, commonly called Jock of Broad Scotland,'

— who was hanged for blasphemy on 2ist May, 1656.

C. H. FIRTH.

A New Carroll compyled by a Burgesse of Perth, to be sung at Easter
next 1641, which is the next great episcopall feast after Christmass :
to ba sung to the tune of Gra-mercie good Scot.

When Jock of broad Scotland went south to complain
That Prelats-and-pick-thanks this land had ov'rgane
He came unto Tweed, Heaven favoured him so,
The waters soon fell, and so let him go

2 B

364 C. H. Firth

That without great trouble his foot came to land
Where Jack of fair England took Jock by the hand.

Jack bade him beware there were knaves in the way
That would meet him and kill him, at least make a fray
But Jock went on with a bag full of bloes
He had ay two for one to give to his foes
With a club and a cudgell whomever he fand ;
Yet Jack of fair England took Jock by the hand.

But Jock being wearie he took him to rest,

The winter being cold, where the fire was best :

He sent his complaint, to him who commands,

It was found to be just, with all his demands;

How the prelat and pick-thank had joyned in a band ;

Yet Jack of fair England took Jock by the hand.

They banded to put both the body and saull
Of the poore Scot at home in a terrible thrall
By loosing the bands of the Kirk and the State
Conforming to Rome their Imperiall seate
Where beast after beast hath still had command,
Yet Jack of fair England hath took Jock by the hand.

The Scot had a good and an honourable cause,

For still he protested to live by the lawes

And that made his courage both courteous and keene

Although that his purse was sober and meane

By begging or stealing he sure could not stand,

But Jack of fair England hath took Jock by the hand.

Jack told him so long as his cause was so good

He should neither want money nor fewell nor food

Untill it were clearly both ? heard and discust (Badly rubbed.)

And prelats and pick thanks both dung to the dust

Be merrie good Scot, they shall both understand

That Jack of fair England hath thee by the hand.

When Jock did send home, he wrote it for news
That England warr'd Ireland in wearing of trewes :
For Ireland but weares them on their nether parts
But England on both their heads and their hearts.
Let Scotland and Ireland praise God in a band
That Jack of fair England took Jock by the hand.

And also he wrote, that made Scots to dance,

That England for manners warr'd the kingdome of France

For still they were giving, God knows what they got,

Yet they said and they sang grand mercie good Scot

French manners, an sword, and an idoll we fand

For purity and peace, Jack took Jock by the hand.

Carroll compyled by a Burgesse of Perth 365

Now good Scot returne, thy prelates are gone
As beasts to their dens; thy pick-thanks each one
Are all to the rout, and have quat their cause :
Take them home with thy self, and after thy Laws
Sit and judge the false traitours that joynd in a band
For Jack of fair England hath thee by the hand.

Come heere good Scot as a friend when thou will,
Goe camp with thy friends in Ireland thy fill ;
Keep order at home, serve GOD and thy Prince,
Thy Kirk and thy Counterey are setled from hence :
It shall be proclaim'd through many a land,
That Jack of fair England took Jock by the hand.

When Jack of fair England hath to do with a man,

Let Jock of broad Scotland advertis'd be than

For Jock shall be ready when Jack hath to do

With his club and his cudgell and his wallet too.

Till the whoore be hunted by sea and by land,

It's for God and the King, Jack and Jock joineth hand.

FINIS

John Bruce, Historiographer

1745-1826

DURING the time when Henry Dundas was the chief hench-
man of the younger Pitt, it was good to be a Scotsman,
and especially a Scotsman who had the means of being useful to
the Ministry. Most of the patronage of the Government was in
the hands of Dundas, and he used it steadily as a means of
securing political support for the party. From 1784 to 1801,
moreover, he was first a member and then President of the Board
of Control, enjoying in the latter capacity — as a courtesy, though
not as a right — a considerable share in the patronage of appoint-
ments to the East India Company's service ; and this was used in
the same way. Scotland was Dundas's chief concern, for England
was already converted to the cause. Regularly, therefore, nomina-
tions for writerships and cadetships sped northwards to doubtful
constituencies ; and as a consequence, season after season the
batch of recruits for India was largely made up of youths hailing
from across the Tweed ; until, as one disgusted Englishman
remarked, a cry of ' I say, Grant,' outside the Secretariat at
Calcutta would bring a dozen of red heads out of the windows.
These Scotsmen — to say nothing of an earlier generation of mili-
tary officers who had gladly sold their swords to John Company-
brought many others to the land of mohurs ; and even to-day the
proportion of Scottish names, alike in the service and in the
mercantile community of India, is considerable. Not that this
infusion was in any sense a bad thing ; on the contrary, Anglo-
Indian history would be very different if the names of Malcolm,
Munro, Elphinstone, Mackintosh, Duncan, Grant, Ochterlony,
Burnes — to mention but a few — had never been included in its
pages. The Scotsman carried to India the national energy and
the national conscientiousness ; and both countries were benefited
thereby.

Among the Scotsmen thus recruited was John Bruce. He owed
his appointment as the East India Company's Historiographer to

John Bruce, Historiographer 367

the good offices of Dundas, who in this way remunerated services
rendered to himself and to the Ministry of which he formed a
part. Undoubtedly, the appointment was in some senses a job ;
but it was one for which there was a good deal to be said, and we
must confess that Bruce did his best to earn the salary that was
paid to him in that capacity, just as he was the first Keeper of the
English State Papers to make his post an effective and useful
one instead of a mere sinecure.

Of Bruce's early life we know but little. He was born in
1745, and was the heir male of the ancient family of Bruce of
Earlshall ; though the ancestral estates had passed by marriage
into another family, and all that he inherited from his father was
the small property of Grangehill, near Kinghorn in Fifeshire.
Young Bruce was sent to Edinburgh University, where he dis-
tinguished himself so greatly that in 1774 he was made Professor
of Logic. His lectures in that capacity attracted much attention ;
and he repeated this success when he took at short notice the
place of Adam Fergusson as Professor of Moral Philosophy.1 On
the double series of lectures thus delivered were based his earliest
published works, namely, one on the principles of philosophy,
which went through three editions in five years, and The Elements
of the Science of Ethics ', issued in 1786.

Bruce appears to have been first brought into contact with
Dundas (to whom, by the way, he was distantly related) by becoming
tutor to that statesman's only son Robert (a future President of
the India Board). His services in this respect were rewarded by
the grant, to him and another jointly, of the reversion of the post
of King's Printer and Stationer in Scotland — an office which,
however, did not fall in for about fifteen years. Soon there
occurred an opportunity of making himself useful to Dundas in a
fresh capacity. The time was approaching when the Government
must decide whether or not to propose the renewal of the exclusive
privileges of the East India Company, and both the supporters
and the opponents of that body had already taken the field.
Dundas, though he was not yet President, was by far the most
influential member of the India Board, and it was to him that
Pitt looked for guidance in the matter. The duty now (1790)
entrusted to Bruce was to prepare for Dundas's use a detailed

1 Among his pupils was Walter Scott, who writes in his fragment of auto-
biography : ' I made some progress in Ethics under Professor John Bruce, and was
selected, as one of his students whose progress he approved, to read an essay before
Principal Robertson.'

368 W. Foster

digest of the various proposals which had been made for the
future regulation of Indian affairs, and to provide him with any
further information he might require on the subject ; in short, he
was to * devil ' for Dundas in the Indian controversy. The task
was one well suited to Bruce's capacity, and he entered upon it
with his usual energy. He seems to have planned an extensive
report upon the subject, which was to be divided into three
sections. The first was to sketch the general history of India
down to the time of writing ; the second to give a special account
of the operations of the East India Company from its inception to
the year 1790 ; and the third was to analyse the various plans
suggested for the future administration of the dependency. It
was a heavy piece of work to undertake in addition to other
labours, and it is not surprising to find that the first section was
only partially completed, while the second had to be left for later
treatment. The third, as being most urgent, received the greatest
amount of attention, and it was completed and printed in 1793
(by order of the India Board) under the title of Historical View of
Plans for the Government of British India. The author's name was
not given ; and as late as 1810 James Mill, writing in the Edin-
burgh Review, either was, or pretended to be, in doubt whether
the work was not written by Dundas himself.

It was probably in connexion with these researches that Bruce's
attention was drawn to the unsatisfactory state of the State Paper
Office at Whitehall. The post of Keeper had been held from
1773 by an ex -diplomatist, Sir Stanier Porten (uncle of Edward
Gibbon), but he seems to have treated it as a sinecure, and,
although three commissioners had been appointed in 1764 to
arrange and digest certain classes of records, little real progress
had been made. Porten had died in June, 1789, and his post was
now vacant. A letter among the Dropmore MSS.1 shows that
Dundas was on the look-out for some suitable appointment for
his protege ; and it was possibly on his prompting that Bruce, in
October, 1792, submitted a series of suggestions for rendering the
office more efficient and for calendaring certain series of documents,
including those relating to the East Indies and to other depen-
dencies of the Crown. The result was seen in Bruce's appointment
to be Keeper of the State Papers, with effect from July 5, 1792.
The post was one of honour rather than of emolument, for the
salary remained at j£i6o per annum (the figure fixed in 1661), and

1 Fourteenth Report of the Hist. MSS. Commission, Appendix, part v. p. 306.

John Bruce, Historiographer 369

was subject to deductions for taxes, fees, etc., amounting to over
^27 yearly ; while no provision was made for any clerical assist-
ance. Bruce, however, did not rest until matters were put upon a
more satisfactory footing. He drew up a series of regulations
and a scheme for a more suitable establishment, and pressed these
upon the ministry. After considerable delay — Pitt himself mislaid
the royal warrant at Walmer and a fresh one had to be prepared —
these were sanctioned by a warrant of March 4, 1 800 ; and they
remained in force until 1854, when the State Papers were trans-
ferred to the Public Record Office. By the new arrangement
Bruce's salary was raised to £500 per annum, and he was provided
with a deputy and the necessary clerks. His post had already
been confirmed to him for life, by letters patent of September
23, 1799, possibly as some compensation for his having refused
the post of Consul at Hamburg, which had been offered to
him by Grenville in the previous year and was worth £600 a
year.1

It was the aim of the new Keeper to utilize the archives under
his charge in bringing the experience of the past to bear upon the
problems of the present ; and he succeeded rather too well for his
own comfort. Pitt and Dundas had discovered his merits as a
digesting machine, with the result that, whenever a subject at once
complicated and important came before them, Bruce was applied
to as a matter of course. Thus the capture of the Cape of Good
Hope, Ceylon, and other Dutch settlements in the East (1795)
raised the question whether these possessions should be governed
directly by the Crown or through the East India Company ;
whereupon Bruce prepared under instructions two reports on the
history of the Cape and the Dutch Islands — a task which, as he
said, necessitated his * wading through heavy Dutch authors and
still heavier Dutch papers,' and occupied him for a considerable
part of the years 1796-97. At the same period he produced a
Review of the Events and Treaties which established the Balance of
Power in Europe and the Balance of Trade in favour of Great Britain,
which was printed in 1796. About two years later, when the
country took alarm at French threats of invasion, he reported on

1 The particulars here given of Bruce's connexion with the State Paper Office
are taken from Mr. W. N. Sainsbury's account of that office, printed as an
appendix to the Thirtieth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Records (1869).
It may be added that Bruce was in no way related to another John Bruce (1802-69),
who had much to do with the public records as author of several calendars of the
Domestic State Papers, and Treasurer and Director of the Camden Society.

370 W. Foster

the arrangements made for the defence of the kingdom at the
time of the Spanish Armada;1 while in 1801 he submitted a
further report on the precautions adopted at the time of previous
French schemes of invasion. The projected union of Ireland with
Great Britain led to a fresh call upon his energies, inasmuch as
ministers desired a full account of the measures taken at the time
of the union of Scotland and England. And all this was in
addition to the labours he had undertaken for the East India
Company, his connexion with which we must now examine.

This takes us back to the middle of 1793, when Bruce's
Historical Fiew had just been printed, and the Company's exclusive
privileges, thanks to Dundas, were on the point of being extended
for another twenty years. The minister may well have thought
that some small return was due to him, especially if it took the
form of a provision for Bruce, who had already worked hard in
the Company's interests. As we have seen, Bruce's post at the
State Paper Office brought him at this time only j£i6oa year, and
was terminable at His Maiesty's pleasure ; and this was but a
poor substitute for the life professorship at Edinburgh which he
had surrendered at Dundas's suggestion. Moreover, it is evident
from the letter already mentioned (p. 368) that as early as August,

1792, the latter had in mind the possibility of employing Bruce
to investigate the records lying at the East India House. Accord-
ingly he now proposed to the Directors that they should create for
Bruce the post of Historiographer to the Company — an employ-
ment familiar enough to a Scotsman, for there was then (and still
is) an official Historiographer at Edinburgh. The motion, how-
ever, proved unpalatable to the Directors, and they countered it
in a very ingenious manner. They represented that practically
the post already existed and was filled by a distinguished writer,
since for over twenty years they had been paying £400 per
annum to Robert Orme, the author of The Military Transactions of
the British Nation in Indostan, to enable him to continue his
historical studies. However, Dundas was not easily moved when
once he had made up his mind ; and so a compromise was reached,
by which Bruce was given the reversion of the post, with £,100 a
year meanwhile. The actual date of this arrangement was July 10,

1793. In the establishment lists of the time Orme and Bruce are
bracketed together as joint Historiographers.

Though his salary from the Company was little more than
nominal and he had plenty of other demands upon his time, Bruce

1 On this work Pitt is said to have grounded some of his measures of defence.

John Bruce, Historiographer 371

set to work at once to justify his appointment. He had still at
heart the completion of the general history of Indian affairs he had
already sketched out ; and his letterbook (now at the India Office)
shows how indefatigable he was in applying to everyone (especially
the officials in India) who could afford him assistance in procuring
materials. It was while waiting to see the result of his first appeal
that he compiled and presented to the Company a detailed history
of the recent negotiations on the renewal of the charter — a work
which was printed in 1811, when the period for which the Com-
pany's privileges had been extended was approaching its termina-
tion. He also prepared for Dundas an elaborate report upon the
various plans proposed for the organization of the military forces
in India.

The response to Bruce's appeal for assistance from India was on
the whole disappointing. Certain individual officers forwarded
him valuable reports on matters within their cognizance ; while in
the Bombay Presidency, thanks to the interest shown by Governor
Duncan, a committee was appointed which provided him with a
quantity of useful materials. But, although Bruce persuaded the
Company to send out (May, 1797) official instructions on the
point, in other parts of India his demands were practically ignored.
Further discouragement was afforded by the death in November,
1796, of his brother, Colonel Robert Bruce, of the Bengal Artillery,
who had lent most zealous assistance to his projects. We are not
surprised, therefore, to find that he turned his attention for some
time to other matters.

The death of Orme in January, 1801, left Bruce sole Historio-
grapher, and raised his salary to £400 per annum. He was now
about 55 years of age ; and probably he had begun to recognize
that, considering his duties at the State Paper Office, it would be
wise to concentrate his attention upon that section of his proposed
work which was to deal with the history of the Company, full
materials for which were now at his disposal. After some delay
the Directors were induced (May, 1803) to allow him the use of
certain rooms at the East India House and to sanction the engage-
ment of a clerk to make extracts for him from their records.
Four years later, Robert Lemon, Bruce's indefatigable assistant at
the State Paper Office, was employed by the Company for the
same purpose (in addition to his official duties) ; and in August,
1810, another clerk was added to the staff.

On the heavy task he had thus set himself, Bruce laboured
resolutely until 1810. His work was done in his own house at

372 W. Foster

Knightsbridge ; * and there he and Lemon worked diligently
evening after evening, sometimes until eleven o'clock, occasionally
devoting Sunday to the same task. At a later date Bruce declared
that the work entailed the perusal and abstracting of more than
thirty thousand documents, besides printed works ; but probably
he included in the total the letters which were examined by his
India House staff but not epitomized for his use. An examination
of the references given in the work shows that, as regards the
Company's records, he confined himself almost entirely to the
letters received from the East and the Company's replies, and that
he made little use of the valuable series of Court Minutes. On
the other hand, the documents at the State Paper Office bearing
upon India seem to have been fully utilized.

As already mentioned, the original intention had been to carry
the history down to the year 1790; but the desire to have at
least part published in time for the renewed negotiations on the
charter led Bruce to pause when he had reached the union of the
two rival Companies in 1708. In June, 1810, he announced its
completion to this point, and in the same year the work was
published in three volumes at the Company's expense under the
title of Annals of the Honourable East India Company. The copy-
rights of this and of his account of the charter negotiations of
1793 were made over to the Directors, who seem also to have
received the sale proceeds. They were not ungrateful, for in
August, 1812, they voted Bruce, in return for his literary labours,
an honorarium of ^1000.

The Annals became at once the standard work upon its subject,
and it is still far from obsolete. That it has defects cannot be
denied. For these the form adopted was partly responsible.
When Lord Hailes's Annals of Scotland appeared, Dr. Johnson
wrote to Boswell : ' It is in our language, I think, a new mode
of history, which tells all that is wanted and, I suppose, all that
is known, without laboured splendour of language or affected
subtlety of conjecture.' Bruce would probably have been glad
to hear the same remark applied to his work ; and indeed it
describes very fairly what we may suppose to have been his idea
in adopting the same form. However, most readers prefer a
lively narrative to a dry enumeration, year by year, of what the
historian judges to be the leading facts he finds in the materials
before him. No doubt Bruce provides us with a painstaking
analysis of the abstracts made for him by his clerks; but the

1 No. 9 Brompton Grove, now replaced by Ovington Square.

John Bruce, Historiographer 373

result is too obviously a mere summary of events in which (one
suspects) he really felt little interest and which he deemed of no
very special importance to his own generation. Nor does he
make any pretence at impartiality. It goes without saying that
in a work produced under such auspices he is a thoroughgoing
advocate of the Company, and condemns all who came into con-
flict with that body ; 1 while in his preface he hints an expectation
that this survey of the past will induce Parliament to continue
unchanged the exclusive privileges of the Company, instead of
giving way to * exploded, or to specious, but hazardous, theories
of commerce.' In this result, at all events, he was disappointed.

The compilation of the Annals was not the only work under-
taken for the Company at this period. About 1 805 Bruce began
an elaborate Review of the Political and Military Annals of the
Honourable East India Company ', which was to extend from the year
1744 to the renewal of the charter in 1793. Apparently this did
not get beyond 1761, and it was never printed ; but Bruce's own
copy, extending to 1320 pages, is now among the India Office
records.2

On the title-page of the Annals Bruce was able to append to
his name not only F.R.S., but also M.P. He had been elected
for the small Cornish borough of Mitchell in February, 1809,
and he retained his seat until the summer of 1814, when he
retired on the ground of ill-health. The chief events of his
Parliamentary career were his brief tenure of office as Secretary
to the Board of Control (March- August, 1812) and his speech
in Committee on the India Bill. This was printed in 1813.
According to an obituary notice in the Gentleman's Magazine?
he held also the appointment of Latin Secretary to the Privy
Council. He certainly prepared Latin versions of letters sent to
the Emperor of China in 1804, 1810, and 1811, and also of a
royal letter addressed to the King of Abyssinia in 1808. These
will be found in the letter book already mentioned.

As we have seen, the Annals had been brought to a close earlier
than had been intended. After the publication of the three
volumes, Bruce set to work on a further instalment, which was
to extend to 1748, or possibly to 1763. He did not, however,
get very far. Age was beginning to tell upon him, and first a

JThe corrective was supplied by Bruce's compatriot, James Mill, whose history
(begun about four years betore, but not finished until several years after, the
Annals) errs in the opposite direction.

2 Home Miscellaneous, vol. 91 A. 3 Vol. xcvi. part Ji. p. 87.

374 W. Foster

dislocated leg and then rheumatism laid him up for some time.
Meanwhile the Company, smarting under the partial loss of its
privileges, had inaugurated a campaign of retrenchment at the
East India House ; and in the spring of 1 8 1 6 the Committee of
Accounts and Warehouses turned its attention to the Historio-
grapher's Department. Bruce had then been absent for fifteen
months, and Lemon had to undertake the defence, in the course
of which he admitted that the other two clerks, whose hours were
only from ten till three, were practically uncontrolled, as he him-
self was unable, owing to his duties at the State Paper Office, to
do more than look in two or three times a week. He seems,
however, to have satisfied the Committee, for the only change
then made was that his two colleagues were required to attend
from nine till four, in consideration of which their salaries (and
his) were raised to £2 per week. In the following year the
matter came up again, this time before the Committee of Corre-
spondence ; and at the end of March, 1817, it was rather
summarily decided to abolish the department of the Historio-
grapher and transfer the work to the Librarian's department.
Bruce, who was at Bath and had not then received a letter
announcing what was proposed, wrote at once in great indignation
to protest against the ' unmerited degradation ' of being placed in
subordination to the Librarian. The Directors, however, were
inexorable ; and he therefore addressed a memorial to them,
applying to be pensioned, and asking at the same time for a
declaration that his literary work had met with their approval.
Both requests were granted : he was given a retiring allowance of
two-thirds of his salary, while * his zealous and faithful services '
were acknowledged in handsome terms. Even this did not
pacify him, and he made an attempt to induce the Board of
Control to interfere, but in vain. A further source of annoyance
was that the Directors had induced his assistant, Lemon, to resign
his post at the State Paper Office in order to give his whole time
to the India House records ; in this case, however, Bruce had
the victory, for he succeeded in persuading Lord Sidmouth to offer
Lemon an increased salary, whereupon the latter withdrew his
resignation.

Having so efficient a deputy at the State Paper Office, and
being now well over seventy, Bruce seems to have withdrawn
from all literary work. He retired to his estates in Scotland,
where he spent his time in making improvements, including
the repairing of the remains of the old palace of Falkland. In

John Bruce, Historiographer 375

such congenial pursuits the years sped rapidly away; and he
died tranquilly at his seat of Nuthill on April 16, 1826, being
then in his eighty-second year. The Gentleman s Magazine, in
an anonymous obituary from which we have already drawn, gives
a pleasant, if somewhat high-flown, eulogy of his attainments and
character; and with a citation of this we take our leave of him :
' Mr. Brace's intellectual powers were of the very highest order.
He was equally distinguished as an accurate historian and an
elegant scholar. The extent, the variety, and the correctness of
his general information was astonishing. ... In the more vigorous
period of his life he was eminently distinguished by that qualifica-
tion which is so rarely to be met with, in which great knowledge
is combined with a shrewdness and pleasing urbanity of manners
which rendered his communications agreeable to everyone. His
conversational powers were captivating in the extreme, and his
sallies of innocent humour and flashes of wit were irresistibly
entertaining.'

W. FOSTER.

A Secret Agent of James VI1

JAMES VI. was, after he attained to years of discretion,
dominated by one absorbing purpose, — the determination
to succeed Elizabeth upon the throne of England. His ambition
led him into many strange and almost inexplicable actions, for
the age was not one of straightforward diplomacy, and he himself
was even more crooked than the majority of the men with whom
he dealt. All that can be said for the king is that his dissembling
was to some extent forced upon him ; his case was desperate, for
it was not only a question of gaining England, but also of keeping
Scotland, and on both issues he faced the same foe, mighty Spain,
whose Catholicism was rivalled only by her ambition.

Well did James know what would be his fate if Philip's
resources were equal to his desires. According to Camden2 he
said to Sir Robert Sidney as early as 1588: {I expect no other
courtesie of the Spaniard, then such as Polyphemus promised to
Ulysses (to wit,) that he would devoure him the last of all his
fellowes.' When it is remembered that, as the king was well
aware, his own nobles took Spanish money and hoped for Spanish
troops, it becomes plain that James had no easy task even to
maintain his position at home.

The succession to the English throne was a matter still more
complicated, for there was no direct heir, and a large section of
the population, still Catholic in sympathy, looked forward to
reunion with the Church of Rome as soon as Elizabeth was dead.
Naturally it was to crusading Spain that these English Catholics
turned their eyes, and the ' enterprise of England ' occupied the

lBalcarres MSB. vol. vi. Nos. 27, 28, 29, 30, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44.
Some of these documents were printed by Maidment in Analecta Scotica,
vol. i. pp. 328-335.

2 Camden, Book iii. p. 287 in Darcie's translation of 1625. While James was
by no means so honest as he pretended in the matter of his dealings with Parma,
his whole attitude during the year of the Armada evinces a sincere fear of Spain.

A Secret Agent of James VI 377

thoughts of Philip long after the great Armada had failed. With
Spain hostile, the Scottish claimant would have had his hands
full enough, but his difficulties were increased by the fact that
England was only doubtfully friendly. Elizabeth gave him, it is
true, a grudging pension, but James, as an alien, was not liked
by the English people, nor was he, till late in the day, in touch
with the dominant faction at court.1

England, it was plain, would not drop like a ripe pear into the
lap of the expectant Scot ; action of some sort was necessary, but
the line of that action was hard to determine. Against the might
of either Spain or England force was out of the question, and
James fell back on craft. His policy was to make friends with
the stronger party, obviously, but while the fierce conflict raged
undecided it was essential to keep open both doors. As long as
he received his English pension and maintained good relations
with Elizabeth he preferred to appear in public as the 'Protestant
successor ' ; but that did not prevent the cunning king from
making, in private, strenuous attempts to gain the support of
Catholic Europe. Begirt by intriguing nobles and the unrivalled
' Secret Service ' of England, James was led to use many curious
agents and undignified methods. The one quality which com-
mands respect is an admirable persistence.

Most of James' underhand dealings were discovered in his own
day by the indefatigable English spies; others have been fully
revealed by the light of modern discovery ; but as yet little has
been written of a strange, or rather grotesque, scheme which
occupied the royal mind in the autumn of 1596. It was to all
appearance quite abortive, but it is both interesting and his-
torically important. In the year 1596 everything seemed to
point towards some compromise with Rome. The Octavians
were in power, and they, even at the time, were suspected of
Catholic tendencies ; certainly they belonged to the party of the
Queen, herself of doubtful religion, and most of them came of
families little devoted to Protestantism. The secretary was John
Lindsay of Menmure, whose brother Walter, under the name of
Don Balthasar, was deep in the counsels of Philip and his priests.
The state of affairs at home, then, was distinctly favourable to the
old religion, and the story t of ' Poury Ogilvy ' may be adduced
as evidence that some attempt was actually being made to gain
recognition from the Catholic powers. Of this matter, however,

1 At first James corresponded with Essex. It was only after that nobleman's
death that he got into touch with the powerful Cecil clique.

378 J. D. Mackie

though much has been written,1 little is really known. All that
is certain is that Ogilvy dealt in Flanders, Venice,2 Florence,
Rome and Spain, and that he claimed to have a commission from
the Scottish king, which James denied on August 3rd, I596.3
About a fortnight later, however, the king's sanguine spirit was
planning a fresh manoeuvre, as appears from a letter 4 which he
sent the secretary (Lindsay) on August I9th :

* Secretaire, I have sent this frenshe man unto you, that ye
maye conferr with him. 1 trust ye shall finde maire stuffe in
him nor kythis outuardlie; eftir conference with him ye maye
haiste his dispatche as ye and he sail agree upon. I ame uerrie
far deceaved gif his hairt be not inclynd to serue me in all that
he can, thairfore ye sail do weill to encourage him in his goode
intention : fair ueill.

JAMES R.'

The ' frenshe man,' as appears from other documents,5 was a
certain M. de la Jess6, a Gascon gentleman who had occupied
various posts of minor importance in the households of some of
the French nobility, and the nature of his good intention appears
in a document endorsed : * Pour M. de la Jesse. Memoriall anent
his Imployments.' 6 The Frenchman is to conduct some negotia-
tion for his majesty so as to secure * amitle^ forces, ou argent pour le
secourir en r affaire d'Angleterre? and it becomes apparent that the
main thing is to win over the French king, who will probably be
very unwilling to act on James' behalf;

' veu le malcontentement qu'il a de sa Ma.te, le peu de moyen
qu'il a de se maintenir luy mesme, la probabilite qu'il ne sou-

1 Birch, in his Memorials of Queen Elizabeth, pp. 407-421, tells the whole story.
T. Graves Law, in the Miscellany of the Scottish History Society, vol. i. pp. 1-70,
gives additional documents. The State Papers (Scotland: Elizabeth) contain
information on this subject under the dates July 13 and August 3, 1596.

2 The Spanish ambassador believed Ogilvy had been there, but Sir Wm. Keith
could not bring the Venetian government to admit that any Scottish envoy had
dealt with them. Maidment : Letters and Papers of the Reign of James VI. and I.
p. 9.

3 State Papers (Scotland: Elizabeth), vol. lix. 19, 20.

*Balcarres MSS. vol. vi. No. 27.

5Ba/carres MSS. vol. vi. No. 29. ' Minute of Mr- de Jesse's Letters of Estate.'
'a franche gentilman of the prouince of gascayne, sumtyme gouernor of the
pages of the defunct quene of navarre, and eftir counsellor and servitour of the
chambre of umq11 our maist honole oncle the duik of Aniou . . . and presentlie
counsellor and maister of requeistis of madame, the onlie sister of the king of
france.'

6 Balcarres MSS. vol. vi. No. 40.

A Secret Agent of James VI 379

haittera jamais 1'union de ces deux Royaumes, la difficult^ de
1'induyre a bander centre 1'angleterre non obstant que sa Mate.
Ten voudroit presser, ce que sa Ma.te, ne pourroyt faire pour le
present. Avec le peu de sagesse que nous seroyt de faire ligue sans
necessite, avec la France et angleterre centre le roy d'espainge.'

Here was an errand for a stray literary adventurer ! It appears,
however, that the secretary was by no means convinced of the
advisability of entrusting so heavy a commission to an agent of
whom so little was known, and riper consideration brought James
into agreement with his trusty servant, for on 6th September he
wrote : l

* Secretaire, I finde youre advyce agrees iuste with my awin
opinion concerning our quintessencit frenche mannis dispatche;
for I thinke it aneuch he haue general! lettirs in his recommenda-
tion to als manie as he plesis and yone discourse of my title 2 to
be blawin abroade be him alwayes. Ye sail do uell to haiste
als sone as ye can to meete me in Falkelande and delaye your
ansoure geving him quhill our meeting, fairwell.

JAMES R.'

The reason for Lindsay's suspicion becomes at once apparent
when it is discovered that M. de la Jesse demanded in return for
his services not only letters of credit to most of the potentates in
north-west Europe, but also a * letter of estate ' appointing him
' Historiographe ' to the king. Copies of these letters of credit
still survive,3 for the most part in duplicate.4 One set is very
possibly in de la Jesse's own hand, and in this case each letter has
been most drastically amended ; the other group of these ' missives
desyrit by Mr de la Jess£ ' is a copy (I think by Lindsay) of the
French models prior to their correction. Here no deletions have
been made, but many passages, especially those which set forth
the great merits of the ambassador, have been heavily underlined
by the remorseless critic — not without purpose, as will appear.
The extant letters are directed as follows : To the King of France,
to Madame de France, to Messieurs de Guyse, to the Emperor,
to several princes of the empire, to several English nobles, to the

1 Balcarres MSS. vol. vi. No. 28.

2Tytler, vol. iv. p. 266 (ed. 1882), says this discourse was written by
Elphinstone. I do not know on what authority.

3 Balcarres MSS. vol. vi. Nos. 43 and 44.

4 The letter to the Bishop of Glasgow survives only in Balcarres MSS. vol. vi.
No. 43 (Lindsay's copy). The bishop is of course James Beaton, who represented
Scotland in Paris.

2C

380 J. D. Mackie

Bishop of Glasgow, to the marshals of France, to Messieurs
Vilars et Joyeuse, and to the Sieur du Plessis. They are all in
French, though a marginal note explains that the missives to the
Emperor and the princes of the empire are to be put into Latin.
Of the first two letters there are no fewer than three copies,1 for
they were written out in a big clear hand, probably by some clerk
whose French was not very strong, but there is no proof that the
king signed any of them and that they were ever entrusted to
M. de la Jesse.

These various missives are not of superlative interest. The
general sense is to recommend M. de la Jesse very cordially, and
to beg the recipient to be generous to him if he apply for help
* mesmes pour son particulier? 2 but some of the special modifica-
tions introduced suggest the most childish diplomacy. The king
of France is reminded of the ' auld alliance ' ; the marshals of
France are told that the king loves brave men, the nobles of the
empire that he respects honourable allies. A special heading is
provided for a letter to the Earl of Essex, congratulating him on
his success at Cadiz. The Guises are appealed to on account of
common blood, du Plessis on the ground of a common religion.
The emendations to the letters, however, are both interesting and
amusing. In some, that to the Emperor and the English nobles,
for example, a laconic 'point du tout"1 is written in the margin
and the whole is crossed out. In every case the abundant praise
of the messenger is reduced, all reference to a far-reaching negotia-
tion is suppressed, and his mission is stated in the vaguest possible
terms. In the clerkly copy of the letter to the French king3
reference is made to certain definite articles of a Mtmoire 4 which
the ambassador has, and to which James expects a reply, but
there is no proof that the letter was dispatched in this form, and
no other missive contains anything nearly as definite.5 Special
care, too, was taken to delete any passage which asserted that the
bearer occupied a post at the Scottish court, and it is very plain
that although M. de la Jesse wished to be known in Europe as
the Historiographer-Royal of Scotland, Secretary Lindsay was
quite determined that he should enjoy no such distinction. Thus

1 These clerkly copies are Balcarres MSB. vol. vi. Nos. 40 and 41.

2 For example, in the letter to * M15- Vilars et Joyeuse.'
8 Balcarres MSS. vol. vi. No. 41.

4 Evidently the Mtmoire already quoted. Balcarres MSS. vol. vi. No. 40.
6 The corrections are in a hand very like that of the king himself, who may
have looked over them before he dispatched the letter of September 6th.

A Secret Agent of James VI 381

the ' Minute of Mr de Jesse's letters of estate,' though it exists
in two copies,1 contains blanks in all the important places (e.g.
the amount of the salary and the fund from which it was to be
drawn are not filled in). It was apparently never signed by the
king,2 and did not pass the Privy Seal.3 It is therefore probable
that the * quintessencit frenche man ' never obtained his reward.

On October nth Lindsay sent the various missives, or rather
fair copies of them, to the king, together with an extraordinary
epistle from himself, which reveals clearly his own view of M. de
la Jesse and his errand. It begins in Scots, and breaks off into a
sarcastic attack upon the would-be historiographer, written in
French, and composed for the most part of the self-laudatory
passages which had been deleted from the ambassador's own
draft of his letters of credit. The reason of the careful under-
lining now becomes apparent : the secretary was noting the most
flamboyant phrases for his own use.

Lindsay begins 4 by saying that David Moisie 5 will give to the
king M. de la Jessd's letters, amended, according to his majesty's
wish, cin sik thinges quherin they debordit anent his awin
praise ' ; he warns James that the Frenchman is very anxious to
have his own letters delivered 6 to the king, with intention to
dispute the alterations. The secretary explains that he has drawn
up the ' letters of estate ' in the form of a signature 7 which must
pass the seals, and that this too greatly annoyed de la Jesse,
whose main concern was to be appointed historiographer. This,
hoped Lindsay, could never happen, for no council would appoint
him historian of Scotland, with a yearly pension, * never hauing
sein oni historic of his awin countrey vrytin be him,' nor would
it be agreed to give him ' ane vther zearlie pension pour avoir

1 Bale ar res MSS. vol. vi. No. 29 in Scots, No. 44 in French. The Scots
copy is printed in the Analecta Scotica, p. 330.

2Tytler, vol. iv. p. 266 (ed. 1882), states that De la Jesse was actually
appointed.

3 1 can find no trace of the appointment in the Register of the Privy Sea!
(MS.), and naturally one looks in vain in the printed Register of the Great Seal.

^Balcarres MSS. vol. vi. No. 30. Analecta Scotica, p. 334.

5 The author of the Memoirs.

6 This may be held to show that de la Jess6's copies had never been seen by
the king, but the alterations do not seem to me to be in Lindsay's hand, but in
the king's ; and if James had not seen them how could the secretary say that they
were amended according to the royal command ? ,

7 On ' passing the seals,' see Livingstone, Guide to the Public Records of Scotland,
pp. 155-156.

382 J. D. Mackie

1 fort pratique les Royaumes de France, angleterre lescosse et
dennemark ensemble les potentats et seigneurs de maintes princes
d'almaigne, pays Bas et lorraine avec une soigneuse devotion.1
Et pour ce qu'il faut user de ses mots il me semble, 2aprez avoir
souventefois gouste et escout£ ses discours peu fructueus et de
tout vulgaires, il vaudroyt mieux offencer en general la suffi^ance
de ses pareils et signamment sa preudhomie,2 sa judicieuse
suff^ance,3 4ses merites et son scavoir,4 sa dexterite,5 6sa probite
et oculaire Sundance,6 et 7ne donner point de relasche a ses muses
grandes amyes de vostre Mate,7 que de luy donner tant de pensions
et 1'imployer en choses politikes avec le dangier de Fhonte d'avoir
employe un tel qui peut estre est estime estre fol et avoir les
quintes.' 8

The writer goes on to point out that M. de la Jesse's letters
are still fifteen in number, despite the fact that several have been
withdrawn. He urges the king to give him these letters closed9
together with 100 crowns, and let him go at once, remitting the
' letters of estate ' to the council in the ordinary way. This seems
to be the last known of M. de la Jesse, and in the absence of
evidence it seems reasonable to conclude that the sarcasms of
Lindsay took effect, and that the king's fantastical scheme, if not
entirely abandoned, was at least greatly narrowed in content. The
idea of sending a self-satisfied poet10 round the courts of Europe to
proclaim James' title is so grotesque, and the additional notion
of rewarding him with the office of Historiographer so ridiculous,
that one is tempted to dismiss the whole story with a laugh.

But, for all its absurdity, it has its serious side. It shows, in
the first place, that the king was willing to employ the most
unlikely ambassadors, and is in this way supplementary to exist-

1 This passage is taken wholesale from the letter to Messieurs Vilars et Joyeuse.

2 A take-off of the letter to Madame.

3 From the letter to the French marshals.

4 From the letter to Madame.

5 From the letter to Mre- Vilars et Joyeuse.

6 From the letter to the sieur du Plessis.

7 A take-off of the letter to the Bishop of Glasgow.

8 The king had called the Frenchman quintessencit. Quintes sometimes meant
a cough. Perhaps M. de la Jess6 was afflicted with a cough. It may merely
mean that he was capricious.

9 This seems to show that Lindsay was enclosing fair copies at this time ; in
that case the king's corrections must have been made earlier.

10 He was a poet (see the letter to the ' Seigneurs Angloys ').

A Secret Agent of James VI 383

ing narratives. It establishes a slight presumption in favour of
agents (like Ogilvy of Poury) who stated that they had been
commissioned by James to negotiate abroad, but who were utterly
disowned by the Scottish sovereign. The affair of M. de la
Jesse reveals the king's love of the unofficial negotiator.

It reveals, too, the great design which was at the bottom of
James' heart, and to which he reverted again and again — the idea
of forming a vast league to secure his succession to the English
throne and to defeat Spain. This was the age of leagues, real
and imaginary, and James was quite on a level with the other
monarchs of his age in his belief in the value of a huge con-
federacy. About the time of the fall of Arran he had spoken
of a great Protestant League,1 and soon after his return from
Denmark he had actually sent ambassadors to various German
princes.2 What is more, the necessity of uniting even with
Roman Catholic powers against Spain was fully realised by at
least one Scotsman, the Master of Gray, whose summing up of
Philip's designs is a very able piece of work.3

The idea of a vast anti-Spanish league, then, is not in itself an
absurdity, and it is necessary to look very closely at de la Jesse's
letters. Though there is no hint of the king's changing his
religion, many of these missives are directed to Catholic princes,
but it will be noticed that no attempt whatever is made to deal
with Spain. James probably had no great hope of active assist-
ance from the powers to whom he applied, but it may not be too
much to assert that his idea was to < blaw about ' his title amongst
states which, however loyal to Rome,4 felt a real dread of Spanish
ambition ; fortunately there is other evidence which gives to this
interpretation of the royal design some additional weight — in
Italy, too, the king was working against Spain.

In the year 1596 Sir William Keith was at Venice5 on behalf
of the Scottish monarch, acting, as so many of James' agents had
to act, with credentials which could be used only in private.6 He

1Tytler (ed. 1882), vol. iv. pp. 106-107.
2Tytler (ed. 1882), vol. iv. p. 176.

3 Papers of the Master of Gray (Bannatyne), pp. 169-182. James, however, was
more deeply involved in the Spanish plots than Gray stated.

4 The king, of course, was holding out hopes of his conversion to Catholicism.

^Balcarres MSS. vol. vi. Nos. 17, 18, 19, 20. Printed (with a few errors) by
Maidment in Letters and Papers of the Reign of James VI. and I. pp. 8, 1 3, 20,
and 22.

6 Maidment, p. 9 ; Keith to King James from Venice, Feb. 4, 1 596.

384 J. D. Mackie

was instructed to gain the good-will of the seignory, with a view
to the great crisis which must follow Elizabeth's death, and when
the Venetian government had given a general assurance of
friendship, Keith received orders1 to explain that Spain was
the universal foe, and that it was the universal interest to check
her ambition. The envoy, who was provided with a number
of blanks, also sounded the c Duke of Florence,' 2 and found that
he too was weary of Spanish overweeningness. It is of im-
portance to notice that at later dates James is still found dealing
with both these states, and that there was actually a scheme
for marrying James' son to the daughter of the Duke ; 3 but
these matters scarcely concern us at the moment.

For us it is possibly not without significance that the Master of
Gray thought of visiting Italy at this very time. On September
17, 1596, Bowes heard that he had applied for leave to go
abroad,4 and there are still extant two letters of recommendation,
written by the king on his behalf, and dated from Falkland
on September 9th. One is to the Duke of Parma5 and the other
to the Duke of Florence,6 and both merely explain that Patrick,
Master of Gray, is going abroad for the sake of his health, and
ask that he may be kindly treated in Italy. Fair copies of these
two letters are still in Edinburgh, and this, coupled with the fact
that the Master of Gray was certainly at Holyrood on January
6th, I597,7 makes it improbable that this journey was ever

1 Maidment, p. 20 ; Keith's Instructions, Nov. 1596.

2Maidment, p. 15 ; Keith to Thomas Foulis from Padua, Aug. 15, 1596.

3 These negotiations with Florence are mentioned by Lord Hailes in the Secret
Correspondence of Sir Robert Cecil, pp. 112, 113. Sir Michael Balfour of Burlie
was the agent employed, and his main object seems to have been to procure
money, which the duke would not advance, as he doubted if the marriage would
ever take effect. Burlie's negotiations did not escape the sharp eyes of the English
intelligencers. Cf. Cal. S.P. Dom. Eliz. cclxxi. 88 ; cclxxii. 52 ; and cclxxxi.
60. The dates are between 1599 and August, 1601. The 'Duke of Florence'
is, of course, Ferdinand, Grand-Duke of Tuscany.

As for the negotiations with Venice, they appear to have progressed well,
for later Sir Anthony Shirley assured James that the Venetians, to oblige him, had
greatly restricted their trade with England. This, thought Shirley, was a good
thing, as it would make the English discontented and weaker; thus James would
not only be more welcome as 'a means of alteration,' but he would be able to deal
with England without the assistance of Spain (Secret Correspondence of Sir Robert
Cecil, pp. 155-156).

4C*/. S.P. (Scotland: Elizabeth), lix. 40.

5 Eakarres MSS. vol. vi. No. 21. 6 Balcarres MSS. vol. vi. No. 22.

''Register of the Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. p. 357.

A Secret Agent of James VI 385

undertaken.1 But whether this venture was made or not, it
is incontestable that a Maitland of Lethington2 was working
in Italy on James' behalf in 1596, and when all the evidence
is added together, it becomes plain that James laid considerable
stress on this portion of his foreign policy. All these negotiations
have been regarded by some3 as mere examples of the king's
megalomania, but the succession to the English crown was really
a question of European importance, and apart from any financial
advantage he might obtain, the Scottish monarch was well advised
in using on his own behalf the Italian jealousy of Philip's too
great authority.

The best proof that James' attack was well directed lies in
the obvious disquiet of the Spaniards themselves. Ogilvy of
Poury, whatever were his credentials, was known by the Duke
of Sessa4 to have trafficked in Venice and Florence, and the
ambassador's great anxiety to persuade the soi-disant envoy that
James would find no help in Italy is most marked. Sessa was at
pains to hurry Ogilvy into Spain as soon as possible, and took
credit for having done so. The explanation is that Spanish
arrogance had alienated all Italy, including the Pope himself, who,
as Sessa was fain to confess to Philip, shared the opinion of
Sixtus V. 'that it can not be denied that the Spaniards are
catholics, but they believe there are no other Christians in the
world but themselves.' Clement VIII., in fact, was only too
willing to snatch at a chance of converting Scotland without
recourse to the arms of Spain, and the result was a long series of
negotiations between James and himself, in the course of which

1 It is true that in both letters clerical errors have required correction, but the
extant copies were probably meant to be the actual ones entrusted to Gray. At a
later date there is talk of Gray going to Rome (vide Cal. S.P. Dom. Eliz.
vol. cclxxiv. 97 : April 7-17, 1600). This was in the spring of 1600, and in
the autumn we find Gray warning Cardinal Borghese that James' negotiations
at Rome have been discovered by the English government (Papers of the Master of
Gray, Bannatyne, p. 187). But by October, 1600, Gray himself was in the pay
of England, and he was so slippery a gentleman that we cannot hold James
responsible for all that he did. The extant letters of credit, however, show that in
1596 he still enjoyed the royal favour.

2M'Crie, Life of Andrew Melville, vol. ii. p. 528 [ed. 1819].

3 Maidment, p. n.

4 Sessa was Philip's agent at Rome. His correspondence with his royal master
of January and February, 1596, was intercepted by the French and given to King
James. The English government got it quickly from Scotland, if not from
another source as well. The letters have been published more than once. E.g.
Birch, Memoirs of Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. pp 409 et seq.

386 A Secret Agent of James VI

he was led to believe that the Scottish king might possibly be
converted, and would certainly grant toleration.1

It was, therefore, no idle policy which James pursued when he
tried to separate Spain from the other Catholic powers in Italy,
and what he did in that land he was willing to do all over Europe.
Hence comes it that he entertained extravagant notions about the
utility of de la Jesse. That particular secret agent does appear to
have been somewhat of an imbecile, but the general plan itself was
worthy of a statesman. The king's idea was to ' blaw about * his
title, to check Spain,2 and to win to his side the Roman Catholic
but anti-Spanish 3 powers of Europe. From these allies he
probably hoped for no direct assistance ; they would help him
well enough if, in their fear of Spain, they hindered the projects
of his mighty rival. However unworthy were James' methods, his
general design was not ill-devised ; neither was it altogether new.
For the greatest of the Roman Catholic and anti-Spanish powers
was France, Scotland's friend by the tradition of centuries. In
the ' Memoriall ' anent employing de la Jess6 to deal with Henry
IV. appear the glimmerings of a true policy, and it is possible
that the accession to the English throne was finally determined
when the wise French king decided, reluctantly perhaps, but
absolutely, that the choice lay between James and a Spanish
nominee, and that France must therefore give her entire support
to her ancient ally.4

J. D. MACKIE.

1 These negotiations between James and Clement VIII. have long been discussed.
A. O. Meyer's Clemens VIII. und Jakob I. von England, contains ample proof
of their reality.

2 The title was to be * blawn about ' in opposition to the book of * Doleman * or
Parsons setting forth the Spanish claim.

3 The fact that Ogilvy went to Spain at all may militate against this theory.
But possibly he did not go willingly, possibly he had not the king's commission,
and even according to his own story Spain was a ' pis-aller.' On August 3, i 596,
James denied to Bowes that Ogilvy had from him any commission to Spain, and the
' Memorials presented to Philip ' (from James) by Ogilvy are, as they stand, very
suspicious. James could never have described his father as Earl of Lennox. Cf.
T. G. Law in the Miscellany of the Scottish History Society, p. 33.

4 See a letter from Henry IV. to Cardinal d'Ossat, his representative at Rome,
December 24th, 1601. Lettres du Cardinal d'Ossat, v. 390 (ed. 1732). D'Ossat
had been tempted by a scheme for ousting Spain by putting in a Catholic
competitor in the shape of Cardinal Farnese, who might marry Arabella Stuart.
Henry said the scheme was futile.

San Viano : A Scottish Saint

mountains of Carrara, which yield the famous marble,
set a serried rampart between the sea-plain on the west
and the high valley of the Serchio on the east, to which they
give an Alpine beauty quite uncommon in Tuscany. It is in
this valley — the Garfagnana — and among the crags of these wild
hills, that Viano, the Scottish Saint, has his seat and cult, not far
from the little mountain village of Vagli di Sopra.

Ten years ago, an Italian friend and I set out on a walking tour
of a few days, which should carry us from the sea at Forte dei
Marmi by a mountain pass to the Garfagnana and to Lucca.
Our road led through Serravezza in its gorge, then past the
quarries of the Cipollaia, to a long tunnel under the hill, beyond
which we found Arni and the path to the pass of La Bella, at a
height of some 3600 feet above the sea. The day was cloudy at
first, with bursts of rain, but when we reached the pass the clouds
lifted, showing the great mass of the Tamburo on the left, while
in front, to the eastward, the Garfagnana valley lay broad and
deep and green under a golden sun.

As we came down the first steep slopes we noticed, northward
under the high cliffs of the Tamburo, a whiter spot that meant a
building. In so wild a place the thing seemed strange, and I put
a question to the wandering man who knew the country and
had attached himself to us in the quality of a guide. * That,' he
answered, 'is the Chapel of the Scottish Saint.' From this guide,
and, next morning, from the Sacristan of San Lorenzo di Vagli,
I had the details which form the following

LEGEND OF SAN VIANO

Like San Pellegrino — whose church, much frequented in summer
pilgrimage, stands in full view of Vagli, but some fifteen miles
away, among the hills on the east of the Garfagnana — San Viano
was a man of Celtic blood, a wanderer into Italy from the North.
A woman accompanied him — his wife in one account, his sister in

388 Rev. J. Wood Brown

another — and the pair settled down at Vagli, where Viano worked
on the land and his companion kept house for both.

But Viano was no common colonist ; he was holy, and a sign
of this sanctity soon appeared which reminds us of Pagan days
and the far-off cult practised in prehistoric Crete ; the birds gave
it by perching on his plough, and the doves confirmed it when
in a pair, snow-white as his soul, they came to sit on the saint's
shoulders as he worked.

The woman, his companion, thought him mad, and would have
driven the birds away. Thus came the crisis that led Viano to
forsake the world. He renounced her, saying, ' Thou art un-
worthy'; and, leaving her company and the haunts of men, took
to the cliffs of the Tamburo as if his birds had lent him their
wings. Here, in a cave, he spent the rest of his life, a complete
hermit till his death.

Of that hidden life only the shepherds knew, seeing Viano from
time to time, and from an awful distance ; so that, when at last
he was seen no more, it was the shepherds who brought the news
of his death to Vagli. The men of the village desired to have in
their keeping so holy a body, and built, not without pains, a path
by which they might reach the inaccessible cave where it lay. By
this road San Viano was at length brought down to the village
church, but next day the body was gone ; it had flown, as in life,
to the cave in the cliff.

So they built a wall there, turning the cave into a chapel, and thus
the use began which still carries the people of the district in pilgrim-
age thither twice a year, on the 22nd May and the 22nd September.

It is added that his own countrymen, the Scots, disputed the
possession of San Viano's body with the men of Vagli, and that
a compromise was come to. The body was carried back to
Scotland, but the head, embalmed in spices, remained in the cave-
chapel above Vagli. It is said to have been brought down in
later times to San Lorenzo, the village church, where, however, it
is not now to be found, nor can any one say what has become of it.

We slept at Vagli di Sopra, and, in the early morning, calling
the Sacristan of San Lorenzo, we set out in his company for the
chapel. For about half a mile we retraced our steps of the day
before, then left the road, taking a mule-path which led up the
steep slopes of the Tamburo on the right. In about an hour
we had reached the sanctuary. The position it occupies is
magnificent ; set under high cliffs of limestone and marble, with

San Viano : A Scottish Saint 389

a wide outlook over Vagli to the Serchio valley and its distant
bounding hills, where San Pellegrino has his seat.

On the way up, the Sacristan pointed out the flowers of the
mountain thistle, very silvery and abundant on these high slopes.
'These,' said he, 'were the food of the saint, and, look you, each
one turns still towards San Pellegrino ; it is the salutation of the
one Scottish saint to the other, for San Viano and San Pellegrino
were fellow-countrymen.' Here we have a pure local legend ;
for, in spite of pains taken, I could not find that the Sacristan had
ever heard of the thistle as our national flower.

At the last turn in the path before reaching the chapel, we saw
a large stone with several incised crosses, at least one patie and
evidently ancient. In the next ravine to the right there is a spring
which flows through three holes in the rock. It is said that San
Viano made these with thumb and fingers, as for the first time he
climbed to his cave ; that the water sprang as he lifted his hand
from the rock, and that this fountain furnished his only drink, as
the thistles were his only meat, while he lived in the mountain.

I have called his hermitage a cave, but at our nearer view it
seemed rather a shelf deeply weathered out under the cliff, at a
corner where it hangs over the valley at a great height. Simple
walls of rough stone have sufficed to turn part of this hollow into
a chapel, where the rising floor, the roof, and one whole side are
of the living rock. The altar wall lies westward, and in it is a
door which leads out upon the unoccupied part of the shelf. Just
here we found the very corner of the cliff, and saw how the shelf
turns the angle to run some way further till it dies upon a final
projection of the rock. I suppose that the oratory of San Viano
lay at this end, and that the chapel enclosed the site of his dwelling.

It remains for others to pursue the matter further, and, if
possible, to identify the Celtic saints in question. As to San
Pellegrino, traditionally the wandering son of a ' King Richard
of Scotland,' the Bollandists (August ist) treat as spurious the
ancient account of his life contained in a MS. (880. 6) of the
Biblioteca Governativa at Lucca. ' Viano ' seems likely to be an
Italian rendering of the Celtic Fian. Both saints probably
belonged to the movement associated with the greater name of
Columbanus. This, it will be remembered, had a chief seat at
Bobbio, not far from the Garfagnana, and counted San Frediano,
Bishop of the more closely neighbouring Lucca, as one of its
most eminent representatives.

Florence. J. WOOD BROWN.

Chronicle of Lanercost1

WHEN these matters had been settled satisfactorily, the king
returned to England about the feast of S. Lawrence,2
and the aforesaid justiciaries coming to Berwick, performed the
duties assigned to them ; but, whereas the clergy of the town had
given great offence to the king during the siege, all the clergy
of Scottish birth were expelled according to his instructions, and
English clergy brought in to replace them.3

Note, that when the Scottish friars had to leave the convent
of Berwick and two English friars were introduced, the Scots
provided them with good cheer ; and while some of them enter-
tained them at dinner with talk, others broke open the wardrobe,
collected all the books, chalices and vestments, packed them in
silken and other wrappings, and carried them off, declaring that
all these had been gifts from my lord Earl Patrick.4

Now it must not pass without mention how, before warlike
operations were undertaken against Berwick, an offer was made
to David, son of my lord Robert de Brus, whom the Scots had
anointed as their king, that he might come in safety to the King
of Scotland 5 to renounce the kingdom in his favour, whereupon
he [Edward] would straightway grant him all the lands in Scot-
land which his father or grandfather had at any time possessed in
Scotland. But he [David], being a boy of about nine years,
acting on the advice of his council, utterly refused that offer, and,

1See Scottish Historical Review, vi. 13, 174, 281, 383; vii. 56, 160, 271, 377;
viii. 22, 159, 276, 377; ix. 69, 159, 278.

2 loth August.

8 The writs expelling the Scottish friars are printed in Rotuli Scotia, i. 258.

4 Ninth Earl of Dunbar, and second or fourth Earl of March (1282-1360).
During his sixty years' tenure of the earldom he changed sides very often, giving
shelter to Edward II. in his flight from Bannockburn ; but the invasion of Scot-
land in 1334, when the English did not spare his own lands, finally sent him over
to the cause of Scotland.

6 Edward Balliol.

Chronicle of Lanercost 391

after the aforesaid battle, hearing sinister rumours about disaster
to the Scots, betook himself with his people to Dunbarton castle
as a secret place of safety.

Meanwhile, on the morrow of the octave of the Nativity of the
Glorious Virgin,1 the King of Scotland2 held a parliament at
S. John's town 3 in Scotland, wherein he utterly revoked and
quashed all the deeds and grants of my lord Robert de Brus,
who had forced himself treacherously and violently upon the
throne, ordaining and commanding that all that he [Robert] had
granted away should be restored to such of the original and
true heirs who had not borne arms against him in the aforesaid
wars. [To the widows of those who] 4 had fought and been killed
he did not give their terce, but charitably and graciously granted
them a fifth part only, on condition that they should not marry
again except by his special license or command.

In the same year died Master John de Ross, Bishop of Carlisle,
who was taken away for burial in the south of England, whereof
he was a native. Sir John of Kirkby, canon regular of Carlisle,
succeeded him in the bishopric.

Also in winter of the same year died my lord Louis de
Beaumont, Bishop of Durham, and was buried there in the
monk's choir under a great, remarkable and beautiful stone.
In his place the monks of Durham elected one of their con-
fraternity, Sir Robert of Greystanes, a man in every respect
worthy of such a dignity and a doctor of sacred theology. When
he came before the king and besought his grace for the baronies
and lands belonging to the bishopric, the king received him
graciously enough ; but in the end replied that he had sent his
own clerk, Master Richard de Bury,5 Doctor in Theology, to
the court of my lord the Pope upon certain important affairs of
the realm, and that among other things he had requested him
that Richard might be made Bishop of Durham ; but, in the
event of his not obtaining what he asked from the Pope, then
he would willingly grant him [Robert] all the grace he craved.

This reply notwithstanding, that monk went before his Arch-
bishop of York, was consecrated by him, was afterwards installed,
received the submission of the clergy of the diocese, and performed
other acts pertaining to the office of bishop.

1 1 7th September. 2 Edward Balliol. 3 Perth. 4 Hiatus in original.

5 Richard Aungerville (1281-1345), better known as Richard de Bury, a great
scholar and patron of learning, author of Philobiblon. At the dissolution of the
monasteries, some of his books went to the Bodleian and others to Balliol College.

392 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

After this, the aforesaid Master Richard returned from the
Pope's court bringing with him to England a bull wherein it was
set forth that the Pope had granted him the bishopric of
Durham, and that he might be consecrated by any bishop
whom he should choose. And consecrated he was in England,
but not by the Archbishop of York. Thus were there two
bishops consecrated for one bishopric ; but one of them, to wit
the monk, shortly after went the way of all flesh ; whereby
Master Richard remained as Bishop of Durham, and held a most
solemn festival on the day of his installation, to wit, the fifth day
of June in the year 1334. My lord the King of England was
present, also the Queen, my lord King Edward of Scotland, two
English earls, to wit, the king's brother the Earl of Cornwall and
the Earl of Warenne, four Scottish earls, the Archbishop of York,
the Bishop of Carlisle and a great multitude of clergy and people.

On the nineteenth day of the said month, to wit, on the feast
of the Holy Martyrs Gervase and Prothasius, the King of Scot-
land came to Newcastle-on-Tyne, accompanied by the Earls of
Atholl,1 Dunbar, Mar2 and Buchan, and there in presence of the
two English earls aforesaid, four Scottish earls, the archbishop,
the aforesaid bishops and an almost innumerable multitude of
clergy and people, the same Edward de Balliol, King of Scotland,
performed his homage to my lord Edward the Third, King of
England, in token of holding the kingdom of Scotland from him
as Lord Paramount, and so from his heirs and successors for all
time. And whereas the same King of England had assisted him
in reclaiming and possessing his said realm of Scotland, whence
for a season he had been expelled by the Scots, and had supplied
large funds [for that purpose], the King of Scotland ceded to him
the five counties of Scotland which are nearest to the English
March, to wit, the counties of Berwick and Roxburgh, Peebles and
Dumfries, the town of Haddington, the town of Jedburgh with
its castle, and the forests of Selkirk, Ettrick and Jedworth, so
that all these should be separated from the crown of Scotland
and annexed to the crown of England in perpetuity.3 Thus there

1 David of Strathbogie, nth Celtic Earl of Atholl (1309-1335).

2 Thomas, gth Earl of Mar in the Celtic line, son of the Regent, must have
been a small boy in 1332, for he was still a minor when his mother died
in I 347-8 and Edward III. appointed his stepfather, William Carsewell, to be
his guardian (Rot. Scot. i. 708).

* In the deed of surrender Dumfries and Linlithgow are included (Faederat
1 2th June, 1334).

Chronicle of Lanercost 393

remained to the King of Scotland on this side of the Scottish sea l
nothing but the other five counties, to wit, Ayr, Dunbarton,
Lanark, Stirling, and Wigtown in Galloway beyond the Cree.
All these aforesaid things were publicly confirmed by oath, script
and sufficient witnesses, and after they had been duly settled, the
king returned to England.

Howbeit after a short lapse of time, to wit, about the feast of
S. Mary Magdalene,2 the Earl of Moray newly created by the
Scots, the Steward of Scotland, Lawrence of Abernethy and
William de Douglas, who had been taken by the English earlier
and ransomed, having gathered a great force of Scots, raised
rebellion against the king,3 and violently attacked the Galwegians
who adhered faithfully to him. Also they attacked others of
Scotland who dwelt in the aforesaid five counties subject at that
time to the King of England, and levied tribute from them.
Also a certain knight of Galloway, Dugald de Macdouall, who
had always hitherto supported the King of Scotland's party,4 was
persuaded for love of his newly-wedded wife to raise the
Galwegians beyond the Cree against the king and against others
on this side [of the Cree],5 who offered strong resistance ; and
thus they mutually destroyed each other.

About the same time came the Lord of Brittany to England,
to render his homage to my lord the King of England for the
earldom of Richmond after the death of John of Brittany, earl of
the said town.

Meanwhile David, whom the Scots had formerly anointed as
their king, and who had remained in the strong castle of
Dunbarton, betook himself to France, and did homage to the
King of France, so that he should hold his realm from him as
from a Lord Paramount, on condition that he should assist him
in recovering his kingdom from the aforesaid Kings of England
and Scotland. Rumour of this being spread through Scotland,
the number of Scots in rebellion against their king6 increased
daily, so much so that before the feast of S. Michael,7 nearly the

1 The Firth of Forth. 2 zznd July. 3 Edward Balliol.

4 And who soon returned to it, as appears from a deed printed in Rotuti Scotia,
i. 608, showing that Macdouall had rejoined the English party in May, 1341.

6 The river Cree (Gaelic, Criche, a boundary) divided Eastern Galloway (now
the Stewartry of Kirkcudbright) from Western Galloway or Wigtownshire. The
people of Eastern Galloway adhered to the Balliols, whose principal messuage
was at Buittle.

•Edward Balliol. 7 2gth September.

394 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

whole of Scotland rose and drove the king to Berwick, which
belonged to the King of England. Even the Earl of Atholl, who
had borne the chief part in bringing the King of Scotland to his
kingdom, now deserted him, and the Earl of Dunbar did the same
to the King of England, to whom he was bound by oath.1 Then
the whole of Scotland rose as one man, except the Galwegians on
this side of Cree and except the Earl of Buchan, who was not of
Scottish birth and whom they kept in captivity. When the King
of England heard this, he called parliament together in London,
arranged for an expedition against Scotland, and before the feast of
All Saints2 arrived with an army at Newcastle-on-Tyne, where he
remained until the feast of the holy Martyr and Virgin Katharine.3
Then he entered Scotland, coming to Roxburgh, where he repaired
the castle, which had been dismantled, as his headquarters.

On the fourth day of December of the same year Pope John
XXII. died at Avignon, to wit, in the eighth year from his
creation. A certain monk Albur4 succeeded him in the ponti-
ficate, and was named my lord Benedict XII. Now my lord
John, his predecessor, had determined many questions during his
lifetime and had affirmed certain doctrines not in accord with
all the opinions of the doctors nor, apparently, consonant with
the Catholic faith, especially in declaring that souls that had passed
through purgatory could not behold God face to face before the
day of judgment. Wherefore in presence of the cardinals before
his death he publicly revoked that saying, and all those things
which he had said, pronounced or determined which did not
savour of the truth, and by a bull under his hand. . . .6

On the third day after Christmas next following the King of
England searched the forest of Ettrick with his men ; but the
Scots did not dare to give him battle, keeping themselves in
hiding. Wherefore my lord the King of England sent the King
of Scotland, who was with him there, and the Earl of Warwick
and the Earl of Oxford with their people, and certain barons and
knights with all their people, to Carlisle, in order to protect that
western district from the Scots. But on their march they turned

1The cession of Scottish territory was too much for the stomachs of these
gentlemen.

2 ist November. 3 25th November.

4 A Cistercian ; sometimes called * the White Cardinal.'

5 Honnulla desunt. This was the bull Benedictus Deus, defining the beautiful vision,
declaring that the faithful departed do see God face to face before the re-union of
soul and body.

Chronicle of Lanercost 395

aside to Peebles and those parts to hunt the Earl of Moray and
other Scots who they were informed were thereabouts. How-
beit these [Scots] took to flight, so the English burnt and wasted
everything on their march, and arrived thus at Carlisle.

After the Epiphany of our Lord l the forces of the counties of
Lancaster, Westmorland and Cumberland assembled by command
of the King of England at Carlisle under the King of Scotland 2
and the earls and barons of England who were there ; whence
they all marched together into Scotland, destroying such towns
and other property as they came upon, because the inhabitants
had fled, and afterwards the King of Scotland returned to
Carlisle.

Meanwhile the King of England, hearing that some of his
subjects were holding meetings in secret as if they were plotting
rebellion against him, returned to England with a very small
following disguised as traders, in order to ascertain the truth ; and
in a short time all matters were peacefully settled by God's help.

About the feast of S. Matthew the Apostle3 the King of
France's envoys came to the King of England to negotiate some
treaty of peace with the Scots ; but they did not fare very success-
fully in their mission.

[There is inserted here an instrument in Norman French, given
under the hand of Edward III., ist March, 1335, setting forth
the terms upon which Edward Balliol was to hold the kingdom of
Scotland under the King of England as Lord Paramount^

In the same year, after the death of Pope John XXII. , there
were affixed to the door of the church of Minorite Friars in
Avignon four placards, two greater and two less, no doubt by
Friar Michael of Cesona and his adherents ; which Michael the
said Pope John had removed from the office of Minister-General
of the Order of Minorites and had excommunicated. The title
of the greater placards was — 4The Appeal of Friar Michael of
Cesona against James of Caturco to the Catholic Pope next
to be created.' And the title of the two lesser placards was —
* Declaration that Friar Gerard Odo4 is not Minister-General of
the Order of Minorites ' ; for it was the person formerly known
as James of Caturco whom the Order appointed to be Minister-
General, in compliance with the will of the said Pope John.5

1 6th January, 1334-5. 2 Edward Balliol.

3 24th February, 1334-5. 4 Called in French Gerard Eude.

5 This bitter dispute is told at length in L. Wadding's Annala Minortim, ad ann.
1328-1334.

2D

396 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

On the feast of the Ascension of the Lord1 the King of
England held his parliament at York, and made arrangements
for his expedition against Scotland. Thus about the
;35' feast of the Nativity of S. John the Baptist,2 he came
with his army to Newcastle-on-Tyne, whither came to him the
King of Scotland3 from Carlisle with his people, and there it
was arranged that the King of England, his brother the Earl of
Cornwall, the Earl of Warwick, the Earl of Lancaster, the Earl
of Lincoln, the Earl of Hereford, with all their retinues, and the
Count Juliers from over the sea (who had married the sister of
the Queen of England and had come to support the king with
a splendid following), should march to Carlisle and there enter
Scotland on the twelfth day of the month of July. But the King
of Scotland,3 the Earl of Warenne, the Earl of Arundel, and my
lord Henry de Percy, a very wealthy baron, all being near of kin
to the King of Scotland, were to remain with their retinues at
Berwick and to enter Scotland in like manner on the aforesaid
day. This was carried out as it had been arranged. Each king
entered Scotland by a different route ; nor did they find anyone
so bold as to resist the force of either of them. Wherefore they
freely marched through all the land on this side of the Forth and
beyond it, burning, laying waste, and carrying off spoil and booty.
Some of them, especially the Welsh, spared neither the clergy nor
their monasteries, plundering regulars and seculars impartially.
Also the seamen of Newcastle burnt a great part of the town
of Dundee, with the dormitory and schools of the Minorite
Friars, carrying away their great bell ; and they burnt one friar
who formerly had been a knight, a man of wholly pure and holy
life. The bell they exposed for sale at Newcastle, where it was
bought by the Preaching Friars of Newcastle for ten marks,
although one party had no right to sell it and the other none
to buy.

Meanwhile my lord Guy Count of Nemours beyond the sea,
kinsman of my lady the Queen of England, came to England
with seven or eight knights and one hundred men-at-arms, to
assist the King of England against the Scots, although the king
did not stand in the smallest need of his assistance. Passing
through England to join the king at Berwick, which was in
possession of the King of England, he took certain English guides
to show him the way. But while he was on the march towards

1 25th May. 2 24th June.

8 Edward Balliol.

Chronicle of Lanercost 397

Edinburgh, the Earls of Moray and Dunbar and William Douglas,1
having been informed of the coming of the aforesaid count, way-
laid him in ambush with a strong force, attacking him twice or
thrice in the same day. But he and his party made a manful
defence, and arrived at Edinburgh on the same day after a march
of many miles. There, however, they surrendered, it is said,
through want of provender. But when the Scots learnt that he
was the Count of Nemours, through whose country they had
often to pass in travelling to lands across the sea, they held
neither him nor his knights nor his men-at-arms to ransom, but
allowed him to return free to England with all his men, exacting,
however, from him a solemn oath that neither he nor his people
would ever bear arms against the Scots. But they made prisoners
of all the English who were with him, and killed some of them.
The Earl of Dunbar and William Douglas escorted them back to
England, but the Earl of Moray and his men returned after these
events.

It came to pass by chance that the English garrison of Rox-
burgh undertook a plundering expedition into these parts ; hearing
of which, the Earl of Moray, being in the neighbourhood with his
force, attacked them vigorously. But they made manful defence
and defeated him, taking him a prisoner to England, and so at
last he was brought to Nottingham. The English cared but little
for the capture of the Count of Nemours, considering it a mighty
piece of presumption that he should have dared to enter Scotland
in time of war with so slender a force.

While these things were happening, the King of France and
the King of Bohemia had fitted out seven hundred and fifteen
ships to harass the southern parts of England with armed parties
in the cause of the oft-mentioned David de Brus, who had done
homage for the kingdom of Scotland to the King of France, in
order that the King of England, hearing that his country was
invaded by foreigners in the south, should desist from molesting
the Scots in the north.

The aforesaid ships appeared first off the town of Southampton,
eight of them seizing the harbour, while the men in two ships
invaded the dry land, burning two unimportant villages on the

1 Son of Sir James Douglas of Lothian. Born about 1300, he became chiefly
instrumental in recovering the ceded counties for King David. He was known as
4 the Knight of Liddesdale ' and * the Flower of Chivalry,' and was killed in 1353
by William 1st Earl of Douglas, who detected him in treasonable negotiation with
the English.

398 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

coast. But the people of that district, forewarned of their coming,
got between them and their ships, and their seamen captured those
who remained in the two ships. The other six ships took to the
open sea in flight, nor was any more seen in those parts of all the
aforesaid ships, save one, which, having 300 armed men on board,
made the land near Portsmouth and did some burning on the
shore, but of all these men not one got back to his own country.

At last the Scots, feeling themselves beaten and wholly unable
to resist the kings, came in to peace about the feast of the
Assumption of the Glorious Virgin j1 the Earl of Atholl2 being
among the first at the instance and by persuasion of the
earl,8 whose daughter he had married. Howbeit, Patrick of
Dunbar, the Earl of Ross,4 Sir Andrew de Moray (a wealthy
baron), and Maurice of the same [name], William de Douglas,
William de Keith,5 and some other nobles of Scotland with their
retainers, did not come into the peace, but, assembling many
others, committed much injury upon those who had accepted
peace. The Lord's day next before the feast of S. Andrew the
Apostle6 was appointed at their own request as the day for
coming into peace, if they were willing, but very few presented
themselves. Indeed, while the Earl of Atholl was occupied in
besieging Kildrummie Castle beyond the Scottish sea in the cause
of the King of Scotland,7 the aforesaid Earls of Dunbar and Ross
marched upon him with all those who adhered to their party, in
order to force him to raise the aforesaid siege, and an encounter
took place between them. In the end, many Scots who were with
the Earl of Atholl having taken to flight, either through panic or
treachery, the earl himself was killed together with a few others
who remained in the field with him to the end.8 William de
Douglas, who was one of the chief actors in this affair, was made
Earl of Atholl by the Scots.9

The King of Scotland10 remained during the whole of that

1 1 5th August. 2 David of Strathbogie, last of the Celtic Earls of Atholl.

8 He married Katherine, daughter of Sir Henry de Beaumont, titular Earl of
Buchan.

4 William, 5th Earl of Ross and Lord of Skye, d. 1372.

5 Second son of Sir Robert de Keith, who commanded the Scottish horse at
Bannockburn.

6 26th November. 7 Edward Balliol. 8Cf. Bain's Cal. Doc, Scot. iii. 1221.

'Douglas, who conveyed the earldom to Robert Stewart (afterwards Robert II.)
in 1341, does not seem to have ever assumed the title.
10 Edward Balliol.

Chronicle of Lanercost 399

winter season with his people at Elande^ in England, because he
did not yet possess in Scotland any castle or town wherein he
could dwell in safety. But the King of England remained in the
north, and kept his Christmas at Newcastle-on-Tyne. But soon
after the Epiphany of the Lord,1 being much grieved because of
the death of the aforesaid earl [of Atholl], he issued summons for
the assembling of an army to quell the said earls and their power.
But in the meantime there came to the King of England at
Berwick envoys from the Pope and my lord the King of France
to arrange some kind of peace or a temporary truce. The
English army was assembled, when, by consent of the king and
the King of Scotland,2 a truce was struck between the kingdoms
until the middle of Lent,3 when there should be a parliament
in London, certain articles and demands having been drawn up,
whereby peace might be restored if the parties could come to agree-
ment in the meantime ; if not, then the war should be renewed.
This truce was struck about the Purification of the Glorious Virgin ;*
the first and most important demand being on the part of the
Scots, that there should be a fresh investigation by learned and
impartial men of both realms as to who had the strongest claim
to the kingdom of Scotland — to wit, Edward de Balliol or David
son of Robert de Brus, or whether David should succeed Edward
in the kingdom if he [Edward] should not have an heir born of
his body. It had been adjudged, however, after manifold and
long controversy among the people and clergy that the inheritance
of the kingdom of Scotland went to Sir John de Balliol, the father
of Edward, because he was descended from the elder sister (as has
been explained above in the year of our Lord 1292), notwith-
standing that Sir Robert de Brus was the senior in equal degree
from the line as the Lady Devorguilla, mother of the aforesaid
John de Balliol, and Sir Robert was male heir in that female [line],
because neither in England nor Scotland doth the inheritance of
the kingdom run according to the laws of the Empire.

During this parliament the aforesaid Maurice de Moray by
treachery slew Sir Godfrey de Ross, a Scottish knight, the King
of Scotland's 5 sheriff of Ayr and Lanark, because he had killed
his brother in fair fight. Wherefore in the said parliament no
terms of peace were arranged, owing to the pride of the Scottish
partisans.

1 6th January, 1 336. 2 Edward Balliol.

3 loth March, 1336. 4znd February, 1336.

5 Edward Balliol.

400 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

At Christmas in the same year, my lord Philip, son and heir of
the King of Aragon, and brother of Lady Sanxia, Queen of Sicily,
took the habit of a Minorite Friar in the convent of Naples, with
great solemnity, my lord Robert, King of Sicily, preaching in
the mass of his (Philip's) taking the habit, and the lady Queen
Sanxia serving at table. Mention is made above (1292) about
the admission of the King of Aragon and other kings and sons of
kings to the same Order.1

Before the feast of Ascension the king sent the said King of
Scotland 2 to Scotland, and with him sundry earls, to wit, Lan-
, caster, Warwick, Oxford and Angus, and barons and
an army ; but he himself remained in the south.
Meanwhile the Scottish knight, Sir John de Stirling, the King of
England's governor of Edinburgh Castle, hearing that the Earls
of Dunbar, Fife and Sutherland were besieging with an army the
castle of Cupar in Fife (in the hands of the King of England and
the King of Scotland), beyond the Scottish sea, took with him
forty men-at-arms of the garrison of his castle and eighty archers
and other men, crossed the firth secretly, set fire one morning to
a couple of villages near the aforesaid castle, and suddenly
attacked those who were besieging the castle. When they saw
the neighbouring villages in flames, a body of men charging
fiercely upon them, and those in the castle making a sortie, they
took to instant flight, abandoning their siege engines, arms, stores,
and all that they had ; for they thought that the aforesaid English
earls, of whose approach they had been well informed, had sud-
denly arrived with their army. Sir John hotly pursued them
with his party, reinforced by those in the castle, killing those
whom he could catch, and driving the others away. Afterwards
he returned, seized their baggage, and burnt their engines. After
this successful exploit, he marched back to Edinburgh.

Throughout all these transactions the King of France was
fitting out warships and preparing an army of his own kingdom,
besides the King of Bohemia and his mercenary troops, with
stores and arms, in aid of the Scots against their true and rightful
king, my lord Edward de Balliol, and against his kinsman the
King of England, who was his ally and defender, supporting him
in all ways, and this because David, son of the late Sir Robert de
Brus, had done homage to him [King Philip] as holding his king-
dom (if he could obtain it) from him as Lord Paramount. This

1 No such mention is made in the chronicle as it has come to us.

2 Edward Balliol.

Chronicle of Lanercost 401

action of the King of France was not concealed from the King of
England ; wherefore, as, although young, he was able and war-
like, he sent word inviting them to come freely, if they would, to
land in England, and allotted to them a space of four-and-twenty
miles wherein to rest their forces unmolested until the day of
battle should be fixed, after which each should abide by the fortune
which should befal him. But whereas the king [of England] is
lord of the sea, possessing far more ships than all other Christian
princes, the seamen of England undertook on peril of their heads
that, if the foreigners made good a landing, they should never
afterwards enjoy the use of a single one of their ships ; wherefore
the king should do his best against them on land, because at sea they
would never afterwards return to their own country in their ships.
And the sailors most vigilantly watched all approaches by sea.

Soon after Pentecost l the King of Scotland 2 entered Scotland,
crossed the Scottish sea to the town of S. John (which is called by
another name Perth), which he found to have been burnt by the
Scots, because they dared not await his coming there. But he
repaired it with his troops, surrounding it with a solid mud wall
and a deep ditch as the headquarters of the English.

About the feast of St. Barnabas the Apostle3 the King of
England, who hitherto had been waiting in the south to see
whether any French ships should happen to land in those parts,
came to Newcastle with a very small following, boldly entered
Scotland with them, not without danger, and reached Perth.
Having waited there for a short time, he took part of the army
and marched beyond the Scottish mountains, burning Aberdeen
and other towns, taking spoil and destroying the crops which
were then nearly ripe for harvest, trampling them down with
horses and troops, nor did he meet with any resistance.

About the Ad Vincula of S. Peter 4 the king's brother, my lord
John of Eltham, Earl of Cornwall, came from the south with the
men of Yorkshire, whom the men of Northumberland went to
reinforce, and likewise Sir Antony de Lucy with the men of
Cumberland and Westmoreland, and they all marched together
into Carrick and the western parts of Scotland which were not in
the king's peace, laying them waste as much as they could,
burning and carrying away splendid spoil, but the people of the
country fled before them. Howbeit William de Douglas hovered
craftily on the skirts of the English army, inflicting upon it all
the injury he could ; but the army quickly marched back with

1 1 9th May. 2 Edward Balliol. 3 I ith June. * ist August.

402 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

the plunder to its own country, the Earl of Cornwall taking his
column to Perth to meet the king, who had just come back from
beyond the mountains. Nevertheless the king did not remain
long in Perth, but, having dismissed the King of Scotland1 and
his people, marched with a detachment of his army to Stirling in
the west country, where in place of the ruined castle he caused a
fort to be built — a pele, as it is called in English. But whereas he
had spent a great deal, not only upon the army under his command,
but also upon the King of Scotland's army, which he maintained
entirely at his own expense, therefore he commanded a council or
parliament 2 to be held at Nottingham in order that he might
demand an aid for recovering both past and future expenditure
from all the people of his realm. In which council or parliament
there was granted to him the fifteenth penny from the community
of the country, and a tenth from the cities, the boroughs and the
clergy, during six years to come, providing that what was due by
the clergy might be discharged by the payment within a year to
come of one mark on every sack of wool.

Meanwhile, sad to say, the said Earl of Cornwall died at Perth
within the octave of the Nativity of the Glorious Virgin,3 and was
carried to England for burial.

The king, taking account of what was the common opinion of
experienced men, that the land of Scotland could never be con-
quered unless in winter, marched with his army to Both well
Castle and those western parts about the feast of S. Luke the
Evangelist.4 When the men of those parts heard of his sudden
and unexpected coming, not being strong enough to resist him
they submitted to his peace, more through fear than for love.
He received them to peace, repaired the said castle which the
Scots had formerly destroyed and abandoned, and he left a garrison
there. Howbeit William de Douglas, hovering about the army
with his following, killed some of the king's men from time to
time.

Meanwhile the Baron of Stafford, a very accomplished soldier,
marching with his following to join the king, passed through
Douglasdale, which had not come into peace, and carried away
much spoil therefrom.

1 Edward Balliol.

2 The chronicler seems doubtful what was the exact nature of this assembly,
whereof the proceedings were not entered in the Parliamentary Roll.

8 1 5th September. * 1 8th October.

Chronicle of Lanercost 403

The King of England returned to England before Christmas,
and the King of Scotland1 remained throughout the winter at Perth
with an extremely modest following.

At the beginning of Lent 2 following the king held his parlia-
ment in London, at which six new earls were created in addition
to the old ones, to wit, Sir Henry, son of the Earl of Lancaster,
was made Earl of Derby ; Sir Hugh de Audley Earl of
Gloucester ; Sir William de Bohun, brother germane of the Earl
of Hereford [became] Earl of Northampton ; Sir William de
Montagu Earl of Salisbury ; Sir William de Clinton Earl of
Huntingdon ; Sir Robert de Ufford Earl of Suffolk ; and Sir
Edward,3 elder son of the king, was made Duke of Cornwall,
which since the time of the Britons never had been a dukedom,
but only an earldom.

Now the Scots, being aware that the King of England and the
nobles of the country were in distant parts, assembled and
besieged Bothwell Castle which the king had lately repaired ; and
because the aforesaid Sir Robert de Ufford, to whom, as well as
to the warden, that castle had been committed by the king, was
absent at the time, the castle quickly surrendered to the Scots
upon these terms, that all those therein should be secure in life,
limb and all their possessions, and receive a safe-conduct to
England : all which was done.

Also at that time the Scots seized several towns and fortresses
in the land of Fife, and thereafter once more destroyed the
wretched Galwegians on this side of Cree like beasts, because they
adhered so firmly to their lord King Edward de Balliol.

It was also decided in the aforesaid parliament of London that,
whereas the King of France had taken and occupied certain of the
King of England's towns and castles in Gascony, especially the
province of Guienne, one army should be sent to Gascony
and another to Scotland, at a suitable time, and that the king
should remain in England. My lord William Montagu, Earl of
Salisbury, was appointed to command the expedition to Gascony,
with certain earls as arranged ; and my lord the Earl of Warwick
was appointed to command the expedition to Scotland, represent-
ing the person of my lord the King of England, and with him
marched all the nobles between Trent and Scotland.

1 Edward Balliol. 2 5th March, 1337.

3 The Black Prince, who was then but six years old. The Prince of Wales
still bears the title of Duke of Cornwall.

404 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

After Easter,1 however, the King of England sent for the King
of Scotland,2 who came to him in England for reasons to be
explained presently.

In the same year Friar Peter, Patriarch of Jerusalem, the
Pope's legate to the Holy Land to negotiate with the Sultan for
restoration of the Holy Land to the Christians, reported thus —
that the Sultan with the assent of all his people was prepared to
restore to the Christians the whole of the Holy Land and whatso-
ever they had at any time possessed oversea which was known to
appertain to the spiritual power, and this gratuitously and without
payment of any kind, so that they [the Christians] might have
possession of the Lord's sepulchre, and the stable, and all the
oversea churches, with oblations, tithes, and all rights belonging
to them, and that their prelates should exercise spiritual authority
in them, according to the custom in churches, and that they
should hold and dispose of these and all the other holy places at
their will, and might solemnly celebrate the divine office in them
with open doors, administer to their people the sacraments and
all sacramental rites and ecclesiastical sepulture, and freely preach
the Word of God in churches and cemeteries, make wills, build
houses without defences round the holy places, rebuild, add to and
construct afresh ruined churches in any place. But that neither
prayers nor price, fear nor favour would induce him to give up
the kingdom of Jerusalem — neither the city nor any town, castle,
house, field, garden, gate, nor a foot of ground which he or his
predecessors had hitherto taken from the Christians, so far as
pertaineth to the temporality, jurisdiction, dominion, property,
expenditure or revenue. But it pleaseth him that all Christians
who wish to do so should come to the Holy Land and to all his
dominion freely to travel and trade, to go, to stay or to return,
and that pilgrims should be free from all tribute. Also he is
willing reasonably to abate the tax upon traders, so that they
may not be oppressed, but rather encouraged. All the aforesaid
grants he offereth upon this condition, that my lord the Pope
shall revoke all the sentences and writings promulgated against
merchants going thither to trade. And thus he concedeth all the
aforesaid [points] from his own free will and not ours.

Now about the feast of the Lord's Ascension,3 the Scots,

seeing that they had captured Bothwell Castle, assembled

"'" in great numbers and laid siege to Stirling Castle; but

met there with a stout defence. The King of England, being

1 3 ist March, 1337. 2 Edward Balliol. 3 zgth May.

Chronicle of Lanercost 405

occupied in distant parts, when he heard of that siege, hastened at
high speed by day and night to Stirling Castle, believing that the
Scots would offer him battle. But when the Scots heard of this,
they raised the siege and would not meet him, wherefore he
returned immediately to England.

About the same time Sir Eustace de Maxwell, a knight of
Galloway and lord of Carlaverock Castle, false to the faith and
allegiance which he owed to my lord the King of England, went
over to the Scottish side (notwithstanding that the King of
England had just provided him with a large sum of money, flour
and wine for the greater security of his castle) and caused the
Galwegians on this side of Cree to rise against the king, using
similar authority to that which he had formerly employed for the
king.1

Dunbar Castle2 at that time was still in the hands of Earl
Patrick, having been neither besieged nor taken by the English.
The whole of the surrounding district of Lothian, although it was
then in the King of England's peace, paid each week one mark to
those within the castle, more, it is thought, out of fear lest it
should be forced from them than from love. Also Dunbarton
Castle was still in the hands of the Scots, and a few small towns.

About the feast of SS. Peter and Paul3 three Scottish knights
who had been with the King of Scotland 4 came to England ; to
wit, Sir Geoffrey, Sir Alexander and Sir Roger de Mowbray, and
were arrested and imprisoned ; for they were accused of having
endeavoured their utmost to persuade the King of Scotland to
break faith and allegiance to the King of England, and to put his
trust in the Scots, regardless of the homage he had done to the
king. The King of Scotland affirmed that this was so, making
this grave accusation against them, and announced it to the King
of England when he came to England.

When the king heard that Sir Eustace de Maxwell had joined
the Scots, he gave his castle5 to the Lord of Gillesland, who,
having assembled a force of English, invaded Galloway and burnt
his [Maxwell's] lands, driving off cattle, wherefore the Scots

1 Or perhaps * serving the king the same baseness as he had practised before.'
De consimili servitio servierat regi ante.

2 Comes de Dunbar in Stevenson's edition ought obviously to read Castrum de
Dunbar.

3 zgth June. 4 Edward Balliol.

5 Carlaverock, which, however, is not in Galloway, but in Nithsdale.

406 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

retaliated by invading England in force by way of Arthuret. On
the third day, before the feast of S. Lawrence,1 marching towards
the east, they burnt about twenty villages, taking prisoners and an
immense number of cattle ; but, having met with some opposition
from the men-at-arms who were in Carlisle and the surrounding
country, and having lost some of their men, they returned on the
same day into Scotland.

About the feast of the Assumption of the Glorious Virgin,2
two Scottish ships returning from France were taken at sea by the
English, wherein were my lord Bishop of Glasgow, many ladies,
soldiers and arms and 30,000 pounds of silver, besides charters,
conventions and indentures which had been concluded between the
King of France and the Scots. The men were either killed or
drowned in the sea ; but my lord Bishop of Glasgow3 and some of
the said ladies, refusing through excessive vexation to eat or drink
or accept any consolation, died at sea before reaching the land and
their bodies were buried at Whitsand in England. The other
things which were in the ships were preserved for disposal by my
lord the king.

Now in the beginning of September, when the Scots were
reaping their harvest, my lord the Earl of Warwick, repre-
senting in all respects the person of the King of England and
maintaining his state, invaded Scotland by way of Berwick, with
the barons, knights, esquires, and troops drawn from all places on
this [north] side of Trent. At the same time the noble baron
Sir Thomas Wake, lord of JLiddel, my lord de Clifford, and my
lord of Gillesland, invaded Scotland by way of Carlisle, together
with my lord Bishop of Carlisle, taking with them the men of two
counties, to wit, Westmorland and Cumberland. Within two
days they formed a junction with the Earl of Warwick's army, as
had been previously arranged between them ; and so they marched
together into Teviotdale, Moffatdale, and Nithsdale, driving off
cattle and burning houses and corn, which had then been stored in
the barns ; but they killed few men, indeed they found hardly
any. But Sir Antony de Lucy, taking with him a detachment of
the army, turned aside into Galloway — killing, plundering, laying
waste all that he could find to the best of his power, returning
afterwards to the main body. And whereas, because of the exces-
sive rain and flooded rivers, they could not advance into Douglas-

1 7th August. 2 1 5th August.

5 John de Wischard, consecrated in 1325, not to be confounded with Bishop
Robert Wischard, the strenuous supporter of Robert Bruce.

Chronicle of Lanercost 407

dale and to Ayr and those parts as had been intended, on the
twelfth day they all returned to Carlisle.1 On that occasion the
King of Scotland2 remained in England and was not with them.

Five days later, however, hearing that the Scots had led an
expedition to the east in order to plunder Coquetdale and Redes-
dale, they marched together against them ; but they lingered too
long, for the Scots had re-entered their own land before they
could overtake them. Howbeit the Scots lifted but few cattle,
because the people had been forewarned of their coming, and had
removed their cattle to distant parts. But they did some burn-
ing, and would have done much more had not the Earl of
Angus, lord of Redesdale,3 offered them bold resistance with his
small force.

About the middle of October the Scots invaded England again
by way of Carlisle, and on the first day marched round that town
towards the east, showing off before the town in three bands, on
the chance of any one or more daring to come out and engage
them. But whereas there was not in the town at that time
sufficient troops to oppose such a strong force, some archers and
a few others went out to harass them in the field. Of these they
made no account, but marched round the town, and, having
burnt the hospital of S. Nicolas in the suburbs, they went off the
same day to the manor of Rose, because they held my lord Bishop
of Carlisle, who owned that manor, in utmost hatred through his
having marched against them in war, as has been described above.
Therefore they destroyed that place, and everything else on their
march, with fire. But in that first night of their coming into
England, Sir Antony de Lucy beat up their quarters and severely
harassed them. Next day, however, the Scots burnt the villages
throughout Allerdale, and detached part of their force against
Copeland to lift cattle. But on the third day, to wit on the vigil
of S. Luke,4 the noble barons, Lord de Percy and Lord de Nevill,
came to the relief of the district with their following of men-at-
arms ; although, as described above, they came too late, although

1 The chronicler refrains from attributing the floods to the direct interposition
of the Almighty in favour of the Scots, as undoubtedly he would have done if a
Scottish invasion of England had been cut short in like manner.

2 Edward Balliol.

3 Gilbert de Umfraville, 4th Earl of Angus in the English line. He inherited
the title from his great-grandfather, a powerful Northumbrian baron, who married
Matilda, Countess of Angus in her own right, in 1243.

4 i ;th October.

408 Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart.

the leading men had written to them to move with speed, because
the Scots had sent their booty and wounded men before them into
Scotland, the armed troops following soon after. For they had
lost a great number of their men, among whom the brother of
William de Douglas1 was taken alive and brought to Carlisle
Castle. Howbeit it had been commonly, but secretly, reported
for a long time that a certain noble in the north country was
unduly favourable to the Scottish side, and that he did on that
occasion, as on other occasions, inform them beforehand at what
time they might safely invade England with their army, and
afterwards sent them word when they should leave it. Which, if
it be true, may God make known to king and country these
cunning traitors.

About the feast of All Saints the Scots mustered and laid siege
to Edinburgh Castle, in the absence of Sir John de Stirling,
warden of that castle. Hearing this, my lord Bishop of Carlisle
and Sir Rafe de Dacre, lord of Gillesland, assembled the forces
of the counties Westmorland and Cumberland, to relieve that
siege, and at Roxburgh there joined them my lord the King of
Scotland 2 and Sir Antony de Lucy with their forces which they
had brought from Berwick, and so they marched together to
Edinburgh, broke up the siege, put the Scots to flight, and re-
established Sir John de Stirling, by birth a Scot, for the safer
custody of the King of England's castle. Somewhat later, how-
ever, when he went forth with his people from the castle to take
some booty, he was captured by William de Douglas and taken
to Dunbarton Castle, as will be shown presently.

Now after the aforesaid feast of All Saints the King of England
sent ambassadors to France to arrange peace with the King of
France, offering to the said king for free possession of the
land of Guienne, just as he held the other parts of Gascony, that
his elder son, the heir of England, should take a wife from the
King of France's family, whom that king should accordingly give
him in marriage, and that the King of France should possess the
land of Gascony with all its revenues for seven years, and after
seven years should restore it without dispute to the King of Eng-
land, as formerly. Further, that the King of England should
accompany the King of France, with one thousand men-at-arms,
to the Holy Land against the Saracens. These, I say, were the
conditions offered by the King of England to the said king,
but that proud and avaricious person rejected them all, wherefore
1 The Knight of Liddesdale. 2 Edward Balliol.

Chronicle of Lanercost 409

the King of England prepared to fight him, hiring and making
alliance with the following nobles oversea as his mercenaries, to
wit, my lord the Emperor Louis, who was then King of Germany
and Duke of Bavaria, and had married the Queen of England's
sister, and was at dire enmity with the King of France ; item, the
Duke of Brabant, son of the King of England's maternal aunt ;
item, the Count of Hainault, the queen's brother-german ; item,
the Count of Guelders, who had married the King of England's
sister ; item, the Count of Julers, the Queen of England's uncle ;
item, the Archbishop of Cologne ; item^ the Count of Treves ; l
item, the Dauphin de Vienne ; item, my lord William de Chalons ;
item, my Lord de Faukemounde. The emperor had 50,000
helmed men under arms, the Duke of Brabant 15,000, the
Count of Guelders 20,000, the Count of Hainault 15,000,
the Count of Julers 5,000, the Archbishop of Cologne 4,000,
the Bishop of Treves 2,000, the Dauphin of Vienne and my
lord William de Chalons 15,000, my lord de Faukemounde
3,000 ; in all, 129,000 helmed men.

The Count of Artois-Arras, whom the King of France had
expelled from his country and of whose lands he had taken
possession, was in England at that time under protection of the
king, who treated him courteously in all respects.

The King of England sent to the aforesaid lords across the sea
my lord William de Bohun Earl of Northampton, the Earl of
Huntingdon, and the Earl of Suffolk, with 15,000 men-at-arms,
archers and spearmen. Also he sent the Bishop of Lincoln with
14,000 sacks of wool to defray the wages of the troops for the
meantime. Afterwards there were granted to him in the next
parliament in London 20,000 sacks of wool of the English mer-
chants for the fitting out and supporting his war. He himself
purchased from the English merchants one sack out of every two
sacks of prime wool for half a mark, and inferior wool at less price
and value ; for he was obliged to spend an almost incalculable sum
for the maintenance of so great an army. Thus it was said that
he spent a thousand marks a day, according to others two thou-
sand pounds.

It so happened that my lord William aforesaid and the other
earls with the army, encountered in their voyage over sea eighty
French ships, which they captured and disposed of at will. The

1 Sic in Stevenson's edition, but further on he is referred to as Bishop of Treves.
In fact he was Archbishop, and, as Chancellor of Burgundy, was one of the Electors
of the Empire.

410 Chronicle of Lanercost

brother of the Count of Flanders was found in these ships and
taken to the King of England, who received him with so much
honour, setting him free, that peace was made between England
and Flanders. But when they arrived in a certain town of
Flanders, they found armed men who gave them battle, but were
soon put to flight by the English archers. Then they raised the
surrounding district to fight our people, but some of them were
again put to flight, and some took shelter in a certain church ; and
because, trusting in the strength of the place, they refused to
surrender, the English set the church afire, and they were burnt
in the church.

After Christmas two cardinals came to England, sent by my
lord the Pope to the King of England in order by God's grace to
make peace between him and the King of France.1 They had
first been to the King of France and had heard all that he desired.
Therefore the King of England commanded that all the arch-
bishops, bishops and nobles of the country should be summoned
to a parliament in London, which was to begin on the morrow of
the Purification of the Glorious Virgin.2 But meanwhile, pending
whatever might happen about the said peace, he sent my lord
William de Montagu Earl of Salisbury, the Earl of Gloucester,
the Earl of Derby, three barons, de Percy, de Nevill and de
Stafford, and the Earl of Redesdale, with 20,000 men, to the
King of Scotland3 in Scotland, commanding them to besiege
closely and effectively the castle of Dunbar — the castle of Earl
Patrick, traitor alike to himself and the kingdom — because it was
irksome and oppressive to the whole district of Lothian, as has
been explained above.

JThe bull with which they were provided is set forth in Raynaldi, A.D. 1337,
§15-

2 3rd Feb., 1338. 3 Edward Balliol.

(To be continued.'}

Reviews of Books

THE BISHOPS OF SCOTLAND, BEING NOTES ON THE LIVES OF ALL THE
BlSHOPS, UNDER EACH OF THE SEES, PRIOR TO THE REFORMATION.
By the late Right Rev. John Dowden, D.D., LL.D., Bishop of
Edinburgh. Edited by J. Maitland Thomson, LL.D. 8vo. Pp. xxx,
472. Glasgow : James MacLehose & Sons. 1912. I2s. 6d. net.

IT is more than a century and a half since Bishop Robert Keith compiled
his * Large New Catalogue of the Bishops ' of Scotland, to which several
generations of students have been indebted as a book of reference in the
ecclesiastical department of Scottish history. In the early part of the last
century, Dr. Michael Russell, sometime Bishop of Glasgow, issued a
new edition of Keith's work, in which, as Bishop Dowden humorously
remarks, 'he corrected some errors of Keith and imported some new
errors of his own.' The tide has often ebbed and flowed on the coasts of
Scotland since Keith laid the foundations on which Bishop Dowden
has raised such a noble structure. It was characteristic of the late amiable
prelate that he should have recognised the labours of his predecessor. For
Keith's generation and opportunities, he says, the Catalogue is a wonderful
testimony to the diligence of his researches among the manuscript sources
of information.

Bishop Dowden, of course, approached his task with opportunities more
favourable than those of Keith. Our knowledge of Scottish and Papal
record has recently made advances which the elder Bishop could not
have anticipated. Not one of the least pleasant features of Bishop
Dowden's work is the handsome recognition of the labours of those
who have enabled him to collect the materials embodied in the present
volume. In addition to easiness of access to the printed and manuscript
sources, modern methods, which may be truly classed as scientific, have
enlarged our chances of reaching something akin to accuracy. There
is always the risk of failure in the fagged brain or the overstrained
eye, but in dealing with vast masses of undigested evidence, reasonable care
can attain to an excellence of which the present generation of students may
be proud. In this respect one may have no hesitation in placing Bishop
Dowden's Bishops of Scotland among the books of reference, which will
maintain its position in the ecclesiastical history of Scotland as a work
of permanent value. It will take an honourable place in the estimation
of scholars, worthy of comparison with the work of his illustrious friend,
Bishop Stubbs of Oxford, whose Registrum Sacrum Anglicanum has been the

2E

412 Dowden : The Bishops of Scotland

delight and instruction of ecclesiastical students in England for many
years.

If Scotland has followed the example of England with such conspicuous
success, may we not look to the sister island for a similar work ? It is
a curious irony that an Irish scholar, domiciled in Scotland, should shed
lustre on Scottish ecclesiastical studies, but that no scholar has yet arisen on
Irish soil to take up the work of Sir James Ware, and do for Ireland what
has been done by Stubbs for England and by Dowden for Scotland.
Until this omission has been supplied there will be a gap in the episcopal
succession of the United Kingdom, and an important chapter wanting
in the department of ecclesiastical biography and exact chronology.

Had Bishop Dowden's life been prolonged, there is little doubt that
he would have completed the episcopal succession in all the Sees to his own
day, as he had done in a few, and that he would also have attempted
catalogues, after the manner of Bishop Stubbs, for the nebulous period
before the Anglicization of the Church of Scotland under Malcolm
Canmore and his immediate successors. As things have happened, the
period of his inquiry was mainly confined to the territorial episcopate
prior to the Reformation. The medieval period the Bishop had made his
own : in it, so far as ecclesiastical Scotland was concerned, he had few
equals and no superiors in the extent and accuracy of his knowledge
at first hand. The result of his labours, pursued under the disturbing
pressure of his professional duties, is now in the hands of students, and it is
safe to say that he has left them a legacy which will be appreciated
by successive generations for its trustworthy guidance in the unravelment
of historical difficulties.

The reviewer, knowing his author's accomplishments, has natural hesita-
tion in attempting to test a work of this kind. But it may be stated
that in several instances, ranging over half a dozen of the Sees, the suc-
cession of bishops has been submitted to the ordeal of English evidences,
in the hope that an individual episcopate might be antedated or prolonged
for a few years beyond the limit stated in the text. The sparseness of
discovery gave little inducement to continue the quest. There was little
to be gleaned where Bishop Dowden had reaped.

It was with some anxiety that we turned to the early succession in the
bishopric of the Isles, of which the episcopal see is called Sodor, as
described in an early thirteenth century charter, the most ambiguous of
all the Sees in connexion with the Scottish Church. It seems a pity that
Bishop Dowden omitted to explain the authority for the election of the
bishops of this See by the abbot and convent of Furness in Lancashire.
There are three charters among the records of the Duchy of Lancaster
which connote the origin of the custom, the earliest of which was issued
by King Olaf of Man, conferring the privilege on the Lancastrian monks.
The charter was afterwards confirmed by his successors, Kings Guthred
and Reynold, and at a later period recognised by Pope Celestine III.
Though there still remain some obscurities that need exposition, Bishop
Dowden has undoubtedly the balance of evidence on his side when he
places two bishops of the name of Nicholas as the immediate successors of

Dowden : The Bishops of Scotland 413

Michael in the early years of the thirteenth century. Other charters
of the Duchy, unnoticed by the author, help to establish the differentiation,
but it is a matter of doubt that Dr. Oliver, on whom the Bishop relies, is
an unimpeachable witness in his report of the supporting evidence.

As so little is known of Bishop Gamaliel of the Isles, it may be mentioned
that ' domino G. episcopo ' is the first witness to one of King Guthred's
charters to the priory of St. Bees in Cumberland. The ambiguity which
hangs over the latter years of Bishop Mark's pontificate is to some extent
relieved by his presence at Russin, where he issued a charter, to which his
seal is appended, on the morrow of the Circumcision in the 24th year of his
consecration. If his consecration can be dated from 1275, it would seem
that the papal intercession with Edward I. for his release from custody in
1299 had been successful. On the Wednesday next after the feast of the
Purification, 1301-2, he was again at Russin where he witnessed a charter
of that abbey. The seals of several of the Scottish bishops are in a fair
state of preservation among the Duchy charters.

Few posthumous works have been so fortunate in their editor. Not
only have the author's references been verified, but supplementary notes
have been added to strengthen or elucidate the narrative. In the arrange-
ment of the Sees, the order of Keith has been followed. The index has
been compiled in generous sympathy with record students. Mr. Maitland
Thomson does not claim finality for the work : he is as modest of his own
skill as was his author ; but as human things go, the association of two
such scholars in a common task has placed us very near it.

JAMES WILSON.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND SINCE THE ACCESSION OF
GEORGE THE THIRD. By the Right. Hon. Sir Thomas Erskine
May (Lord Farn borough). Edited and continued to 1911 by Francis
Holland. Three Volumes. Vol. I. Pp. xvi, 468 ; Vol. II. xiii, 441 ;
Vol. III. xvii, 398. 8vo. London: Longmans, Green & Co. 1912.
42s. 6d. net.

THE LAW AND CUSTOM OF THE CONSTITUTION. (Vol. I. PARLIAMENT.)
By Sir William R. Anson, Bart. Fourth Edition. Re-issue revised.
Pp. xxxiv, 404. 8vo. Oxford : Clarendon Press. 1911. I2s.6d.net.

THE preparation for the press of a new edition of Sir Thomas Erskine
May's useful if somewhat uninspiring Constitutional History of England has
fallen to competent hands. That well-known work, first published in 1861,
covered the developments of exactly one hundred years from the accession
of George III. Mr. Francis Holland has left its substance practically
unaltered, contenting himself with adding a few judicious and modestly-
worded editorial footnotes, where these were absolutely called for.

To the two volumes thus formed, Mr. Holland has added a third entirely
of his own workmanship, treating in due proportion of the half-century that
lies between 1860 and the present day. Of this it may be said at once that
it is entirely worthy of its predecessors, and ought to be as widely useful as
a book of reference. Mr. Holland has modelled himself alike in historical

414 The Constitutional History of England

method and in political tone on his master. Readers will find here the
same mild and broad-minded Whig attitude towards constitutional prob-
lems; and they will find the new volume divided, like the old ones,
analytically into separate compartments, each of which tells connectedly
the story of one isolated topic from beginning to end of the period under
review.

Admirably clear and judicious summaries are given in seven successive
chapters of * Parliamentary Reform,' ' Party,' l The Home Rule Move-
ment,' * Religion and the State,' * Local Government,' ' Reform in the Civil
Service, the Army and the Judicature,' and c The Self-governing Colonies,'
while a final chapter is devoted to the Parliament Bill. Mr. Holland's
sympathetic statement of the position of both parties towards these highly
controversial topics may be confidently recommended to men of all political
parties who honestly desire to get to the heart of things. His Whig bias is
almost invariably kept well under control.

Considered, however, as an exhaustive treatment of constitutional history,
Mr. Holland's contribution shares some of the limitations of the work he
continues. Many topics, and, indeed, whole aspects of constitutional
development are entirely absent from his survey. He gives us rather a
chronicle of the matters of constitutional interest that happened to engage
the attention of Parliament, than a complete constitutional history. The
legal and philosophical aspects of the subject are comparatively neglected in
a work that treats of the relations of the organs of government to each
other, rather than of the rights and obligations of individual citizens.
Nothing is said, for example, of the TafF Vale decision, or of the Trade
Disputes Act ; nothing of the important series of cases concerning the
rights of public meeting. To say this, however, implies no condemnation
of Mr. Holland's treatment of a vast and many-sided subject ; for, perhaps,
no one book has ever yet been written that did equal justice to the various
aspects, legal, historical, and philosophical, of constitutional development in
Great Britain.

Criticism might be directed to a few points of detail ; in one place,
(p. 221) Mr. Holland almost suggests that toleration towards religious
minorities logically involves the principle of disestablishment ; while
(p. 232) the abolition of School Boards is spoken of in general terms,
without the necessary reservation on behalf of Scotland. It is somewhat
remarkable that while the exact words are given of various resolutions
relative to the passing of the Parliament Act, the text of that statute is
omitted. These are trivial points, which do not seriously detract from the
substantial merits of Mr. Holland's valuable contribution to one aspect of
constitutional history, and that an important one.

The new edition of Sir William Anson's treatise on Parliament, forming
the first volume of his standard work on The Law and Custom of the Con-
stitution repairs one of the omissions that have just been pointed out in Mr.
Holland's history : the full text of the Parliament Act has been inserted
between the Preface and the Introductory Chapter. Almost the only
alterations from the fourth edition (that of 1909) are those caused by the
innovations of that statute ; and the work is rightly described as a reissue.

The Law and Custom of the Constitution 415

A few paragraphs are devoted to the new situation created by the payment
of members ; but nothing is said on the method adopted by the House of
Commons to bring about this important departure from earlier Parliamentary
traditions. WM> s> MCKECHNIE.

THE REGISTER OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL OF SCOTLAND. Edited by
P. Hume Brown, M.A., LL.D., Historiographer Royal. Third Series.
Vol. IV. A.D. 1673-1676. Pp. xlvi, 808. 8vo. H.M. General
Register House, Edinburgh. 1911. I5s.net.

THE preceding volume (noticed S.H.R. viii. 297) shewed the administra-
tion of Scotland under the Earl of Lauderdale passing through stages of
gradually increasing stringency in the suppression of conventicles and
'outed' ministers towards the culmination, which is drawing grimly near
at the end of the present volume. The screw is being steadily applied, all
sorts of Acts against religious freedom are being enforced, and on the face
of the record the repression is achieving a moderate success. There appear
to be fewer * invasions ' of the conforming clergy, the Archbishop is not to
be murdered for two or three years yet, and Bothwell Bridge is not yet
within the range of practical prophecy. It is the time indicated in
Andrew Marvell's Historical Poem when his muse * does on giant Lauder-
dale reflect,' thus :

This haughty monster with his ugly claws

First tempered poison to destroy our laws

Declares the council's edicts are beyond

The most authentic statutes of the land ;

Sets up in Scotland a la mode de France,

Taxes excise and armies does advance.

This Saracen his country's freedom broke

To bring upon their necks the heavier yoke.

The three years dealt with are flatter than those that precede and still
flatter than those that are to follow, it is the artificial calm that hides the
gathering force of coming explosion.

Professor Hume Brown's introduction begins by lucidly and persuasively
grouping the thirty-one measures taken against recusants with the conclusion
that the mere tale of them is enough to prove their abortiveness for effectual
stamping out of nonconformity. Then he passes to the social condition of
the country in its 'peccant parts ' (the Borders and the Highlands), the general
signs of growing commercial activity, the attention paid to road making and
maintenance, the transportation of vagrants and criminals, the diminution
of witchcraft charges, and the denunciation of duelling, which had for a
time been a recrudescent abuse.

The towns were not altogether at peace meanwhile. The women of
Edinburgh in 1674 made a demonstration in favour of a 'gospell ministry,'
and insulted Rothes, the Chancellor, * calling him Judas and traitor.' There
was a riot in Hawick in 1673 about the jurisdiction over the fairs and
markets. In 1675 Dundee impugned unsuccessfully the pretensions of a
feudal jurisdiction over sheepstealers. In 1676 Perth had a first-class tumult,
with forehammers and halberts, over the election of provost. We hear of

4i 6 Register of the Privy Council of Scotland

gipsies troubling the land, treated as aliens, and disposed of by expulsion
order. Glasgow comes into the introduction in connection with the pur-
chase by the provost and others in 1676 of a 48-gun ship, the Providence,
for Gibraltar bound, c in order to the managing of a forraine trade ' during
a peace * betwixt his Majesty and the Turk.'

The text is scrupulously rendered and rubricated, and the index, filling
124 double-columned pages, gives admirable apparatus of reference. A
closing sentence genially acknowledges the aid of the Rev. Henry Paton in
the preparation of the volume. The facts that make for general political
and social conclusions are selected for prefatory remark by the editor with
the skill acquired by long experience, and are presented with characteristic
moderation and accuracy. The combustible element is left to accumulate
against a future which cannot be long delayed. Amongst them was the
very curious conflict with the Crown which arose in 1675 in consequence
of the action of a number of advocates of good standing who maintained
and supported a right of appeal to Parliament from the Lords of Session — a
claim which Lauderdale regarded as dangerous, and the king visited with
* his royeall dislyk and displeasur,' with the result that the offenders were
disbarred and banished, not to come within twelve miles of Edinburgh,
unless they made submission.

The episode is in every way remarkable as an index of the temper of the
time, although the *outed advocates' were perhaps scarcely so persistent and
heroic in their resistance as the outed ministers. Constitutionally the affair
is of the first interest, inasmuch as the very expedient which Charles II.
condemned as a factious and treasonable practice was destined to become in
the following century the foundation of the House of Lords' jurisdiction in
Scottish appeals, notwithstanding the terms of the Act of Union. It was
in 1675 probably a phase of the very question which at the time was dis-
turbing the peace of the English Parliament too. A House of Lords' case
directed against a member of the House of Commons was appealed to the
latter, and was voted a breach of privilege. This feature, however, was not
a factor in the Scottish case, which was rested on the broadest ground of
the superiority of Parliament to the Lords of Session. There is a ring of
fine constitutional vigour in the plea that * the Parliament consisting of the
King and three estates of Parliament are unto the Lords absolute and (absit
verbis blaiphemite] in a manner omnipotent, whose breath may dissolve and
annihilat the Session and whose statutes are indispensible lawes and rules
for the Lords to walk be in the administration of justice.' Our constitu-
tional historians have before them in the incident and the arguments as now
appearing in plenary report, a body of first-class matter for a chapter yet
unwritten. Hitherto it seems to have mainly found its interest with the
legal annalists. The action of the Crown on the occasion was expressly
condemned by the Convention Parliament in 1689.

As a chronicle, the Register, as usual, is stuffed with interesting social
facts. A ship is * expected in the western seas with knappell pot-ashes and
uther materialls' for the soapwork at Glasgow, as well as with white peas,
loaded apparently at Dantzic. A slander case at Kirkcudbright shews how
the minister was threatened that « he should be hanged ouer the steeple,'

Register of the Privy Council of Scotland 417

and was vilified by c placatts and paschalls most disgracefully' — the latter
an interesting continuation of a continental tradition of placards and pas-
quinades. Dutch recruiting in Scotland had to be checked. Vagabonds
continued to be deported to Virginia. There is oddly frequent mention of
charter-chests resorted to for evidence of title, with one still older variant in
the bodily carrying off to Ireland of a register of sasines for Ayrshire.

A romantic tale is told of one Andrew M'Cairter, who, in the year 1666,
' being a very young boy at the schooll of Damellingtoune in the shyre of
Air did rune away from the schooll and follow those who were risen in
armes and were defeat at Pentland and out of a chyldish fear and appre-
hension did rune away to Newcastle after the said defeat ' — whence he fled
to Holland, there learning to spin tobacco, and thence returning to * sett up
the said trade at Leith.' These are examples of the Scots historical mis-
cellany which this Register is. Literature is a negligible quantity, yet there
is a quaint taste of it in the strange wandering letters of J. Menzies, who
(albeit there is more than a trace of knavery about him which perhaps
accounts for his being exiled in the Barbadoes) was a maker of phrases, and
had some riming traffic with the muses.

He quotes one of his own pieces containing the line

' Time is my keeper and each place a jail.'

A gloss to the verse explains that * Time ' meant three years, and * each
place ' meant ' the whole island for none can goe out of it ' — a quite
adequate reason for styling it a gaol. In spite of his tribulations and the
deplored lack of the ' testificat ' (which he greatly needs and even considers
the expediency of forging) he overflows with friendship and literary
enthusiasm. He 'will not,' he tells us, 'forgett to dally with the Pinks of
Apollos Garden.' GEO. NEILSON.

ALCUIN CLUB COLLECTIONS, XIX. ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE LITURGY.
Being thirteen drawings of the celebration of the Holy Communion in
a parish church, by Clement O. Skilbeck. With notes descriptive and
explanatory, and an Introduction on 'The Present Opportunity,' by
Percy Dearmer, D.D. Pp. viii, 86, with frontispiece and plan. S.R.
8vo. London : A. R. Mowbray & Co. 1911. 45. 6d. net.

THIS is a book of much more interest to the liturgiologist than to the
historical student. It is primarily intended to guide the Anglican clergy,
whether English, American or Scottish, in certain practical matters
relating to the service of Holy Communion. There is a certain Scottish
interest in the fact that a large number of usages traditional among the old
Episcopalians of the north are here suggested for actual practice both with
the modern Scots Episcopal Liturgy, and also with the American rite
which is derived from it. It is scarcely within our province to criticise a
book of this kind, but we may perhaps be allowed to say that all the
historical and liturgical references appear to be scrupulously accurate, which
is more than can be said of the older type of book intended to help the
Anglican clergy.

Mr. Skilbeck's drawings are diagrammatic, but exceedingly clear. The

4i 8 Skilbeck : Alcuin Club Collections, XIX.

simplicity and restfulness of all that is represented seems very attractive,
and as far as we can judge there is a happy adaptation of ancient forms to
modern requirements. The combination of an essentially modern outlook
with deep historical knowledge and artistic insight in Dr. Dearmer's
introduction and notes are what we have learned to expect from him.
Architects who have to design Episcopal churches will find the elaborate
plan of a modern church, with all the necessary vestries and fittings, of
great practical use. F. C. EELES.

THE EARLY CHRONICLES RELATING TO SCOTLAND, BEING THE RHIND
LECTURES IN ARCHAELOGY FOR 1912. By the Right Hon. Sir Herbert
Maxwell, Bart. Pp. xiii, 261. 8vo. Glasgow : James MacLehose
& Sons. 1912. i os net.

To the Rhind lecturers in Archaeology we are indebted for some valuable
volumes which offer side-lights upon Scottish history. The present series
will take a high place, both because of the interest of the subject, and the
skill and grace with which it has been presented.

In looking over the table of contents one sees at once how much we
owe to monkish chroniclers. It is not surprising, seeing that we are dealing
with periods in which the art of writing was practically confined to the
ranks of the clergy ; while the ample leisure of the monastic life left time
not only for the illumination of missals, but for the recording of current
events, or the editing (not always in a satisfactory way), of the works of
an earlier race of scribes. These chronicles are, to quote Sir Herbert
Maxwell, ' fragmentary, they are often tedious, and they are never impar-
tial ; most of these monkish writers had their own axes to grind, theological
or political.' When they acted as editors they took liberties which are
much to be regretted, as when Abbot Ailred of Revaulx undertook the task,
in dealing with the biography of S. Ninian, * of rescuing from a rustic style,
as from darkness, and of bringing forth into the clear light of Latin diction
the life of this most illustrious man, a life which has been told by my
predecessors faithfully indeed, but in too barbarous a style.' ' What price,'
says the lecturer, * would we not now willingly pay for the privilege of
perusing the original before Abbot Ailred had purged it of its precious local
colour and turned it into a mere farrago of myth and miracle.'

But the earliest historians who touch upon Scotland, and give us glimpses
of the land, were neither monks nor Scots, but foreigners and pagans. The
first authentic chronicle is to be found in the Vita Agricolae of Tacitus,
and it is to his pen that we owe the famous account of the battle of Granpius
or Graupius fought between the Romans and Caledonians, and the site of
which has led to conflicts of another sort waged between enthusiastic
antiquaries. The battle itself is at least more authentic than the speeches
attributed to the commanders. But it is surprising to find that the Cale-
donians from the mountains made use of chariots, and one is tempted to
think that Tacitus has supplied these as well as the orations. The changed
attitude of the Romans to the people of this country, by whatever name
called, is well illustrated by the two walls which have still left their traces.
In Hadrian's time the idea seems to have been simply to keep Scotland out

Maxwell : The Early Chronicles 419

and rest content with what lay south of the Tweed. But Antoninus took
in practically the lowlands, and built his wall in the very face of the
northern highlands.

The earlier continental writers had curious notions both of the situation
and the character of Scotland. The chart of Ptolemy had given it such a
twist that it lay at right angles to England, the Mull of Galloway being
the most northern and Cape Wrath the most eastern part of the country.
Procopius clothed it with a mystery, suggesting lands in which it was the
fate of Sindbad to travel. The only fact this author had got hold of was
the Roman wall, on one side of which he placed all that man could desire,
and on the other (the Scottish), all that was deadly and to be avoided.
Even Samuel Johnson could not have had a worse impression of our
country. Where Procopius found the tradition, that the souls of the
departed are always conducted to this place, we know not, but as no living
man could stand it, it was only in this way that it could be peopled.

To its nearer neighbours Scotland was better known. It became the
landing ground of hordes of Saxons and Danes, and the local tribes had not
only to fight each other, but defend their shores against foreign invaders.
The story of our early history is one of constant conflicts, of the rise and
fall of the tide of civilisation, of the triumphs of barbarians. It is some-
what confused reading. One gets puzzled over the limits of the tribal
kingdoms, and amongst the Caledonians, Picts and Scots, the Brythonic
and Cymric divisions of Celts. As Sir Herbert Maxwell remarks, this
confusion and the overlapping of names occur whenever civilisation
encounters barbarism, and he takes an illustration from the South African
wars waged in succession against the Kaffre, the Zulu, and the Matabele,
practically the same or sections of the same race.

Amidst all this tumult, ever since the arrival of S. Ninian about 400 A.D.,
there was held up the banner of the Cross, and it is to the biographers of
the various missionary saints that we owe nearly all the information we
possess. Our author thinks highly of Bede, who l commands confidence at
once by singular impartiality, a quality most rare in the writings of clerics
of the early Church.' Bede was about the earliest of the chroniclers, as
distinguished from the biographers. Amongst these writers it would be
difficult to find one of Scottish birth, and by them Scotland is dealt with
not exclusively, but as part of a larger area. Bede was a monk of Jarrow,
Nennius and Gildas were Welsh, Adamnan an Irishman. Sir Herbert
Maxwell points out that prior to the latter half of the twelfth century
there is but one example of annals, the life of S. Columba, written in
Scotland. This fact he is inclined to attribute, not to any lack of industry
amongst Scottish monks, but to the disappearance of our records, taken by
Edward I. to England, and to the devastation of our monasteries both
before and at the time of the Reformation.

In the earlier centuries Scotland probably attracted more attention in
England than it came to do at a much later date. The very boundaries of
the two kingdoms were uncertain. English kings and archbishops made
claims over it, and Scottish kings had English titles. Thus the Chronicle
of S. Mary of Huntingdon is a < useful source of information as to Scottish

420 Maxwell : The Early Chronicles

affairs in the twelfth century owing to the earldom of Huntingdon being
an appanage of the Scottish royal family.' The Chronicle of Lanercost,
now appearing as a translation in this Review, affords a good illustration of
the interest shown in our affairs by English writers in the reign of the
Edwards. Scotland attracted attention then, just as Ireland does at present,
because of its political importance.

But we had also our Scottish chroniclers There is a fragment attributed
to a monk of Holyrood, and the Chronicle of Melrose ; there is John of
Fordun and Bower, abbot of Inchcolm. These are, it is true, late amongst
early writers. We owe a great deal to this body of laborious men of what-
ever nationality they may have been. Much which they give us as fact is
pure fiction, much rests upon very doubtful authority, but without their
chronicles centuries of our past history would remain an absolute blank.
These patient monks well deserve to have their names and works brought
before this generation by so competent a writer as Sir Herbert Maxwell.

W. G. SCOTT MONCRIEFF.

THE WARDLAWS IN SCOTLAND. A History of the Wardlaws of Wilton
and Torrie and their Cadets. By John C. Gibson. Pp. xxxvi, 318.
4to. Edinburgh : William Brown. 1912. 2is. net.
THE Wardlaw family is named by Boece and others as one of those which
came to Scotland from England in the time of Malcolm Canmore ; and
there is said to have been a family history composed in 1345 by Walter
Wardlaw, Rector of the University of Paris, afterwards Bishop of Glasgow
and Cardinal, which traced the pedigree from a Saxon who settled in England
in the sixth century. This document, if it ever existed,1 was doubtless
designed for foreign consumption. But the Cardinal, and his nephew
Bishop Henry, the founder of our oldest University, might well procure for
a less honourable race than the Wardlaws the right to rank as one of our
historical families. Mr. Gibson has not succeeded in tracing the surname
further back than the last years of the thirteenth century in England,
and in Scotland their annals begin with a charter of Robert I. Twenty
branches are dealt with, and a list of unaffiliated Wardlaws is given besides.
In every family record that aims at completeness the undistinguished must
necessarily be in an overwhelming majority. For the non-expert reader
the matter is excellently summed up in the twenty-one pages of introduc-
tion, and he who knows how can pick out many plums out of the solid
mass of information which forms the body of the book. To the genealogist
the volume is a mine of information, and a model of clearness and accuracy.
The specialities are, first the full account of the chief family of the name,
which is convincingly shown to have been seated at Wilton in Teviotdale
for the first century of its record history, and to have acquired its broad
acres in Fife by marriage with the heiress of the De Valoniis family early
in the fifteenth century. The other is the section which traces back the
ancestry of the Wardlaws of Pitreavie, baronets since 1631, who bear the
arms of Torrie by grant from the Lyon Office about 1672. Mr. Gibson

1 The Cardinal's taste for genealogy appears from Fordun, who received from
him the pedigree of the Scottish Kings.

Gibson : The Wardlaws in Scotland 421

argues very plausibly that the propinquity is real, and that the first baronet
was grandson of the third son of John Wardlaw of Torrie, who died 1557 ;
but he has to point out that Pitreavie could not be the representative of
Torrie in 1672, for descendants of the first baronet's elder brother subsisted
down to the last years of the eighteenth century, and may not impossibly
subsist still. In the Abden section there is a tale of a fine family quarrel j
and in the Killernie section a scandalous instance of abuse of position by a
Restoration judge — no { kinless loon ' was my Lord Harcarse !

In his genealogies it would be hard indeed to catch Mr. Gibson at fault.
But he has sometimes to deal with details outside that province, and there
he occasionally gives the carping critic a chance. At p. 3 King Robert's
charter to Henry de Wardlaw is dated ' about 1 306,' when the King was
hardly in a position to keep a chancery, and when the grantee, if the
tradition that he had been of the Comyn party is correct, is most unlikely
to have adhered to the Red Comyn's murderer. It was only the ' crowning
mercy ' of Bannockburn which prevailed with such as Wardlaw to accept
the Bruce as the national leader. And the Roll in which the grant is
preserved does not, I think, contain any charter earlier than 1315. At
p. 26 a set of Latin verses is described as * anagrammatic,' meaning acrostic.
At p. 32 witnesses are said to have signed charters of the fourteenth century.
At p. 15 the blunder of a papal chancery clerk, Frederesolk for Fetteresso,
is unnecessarily reproduced. At p. 41 it is correctly pointed out that there
is a mistake in the peerages about the marriage of the first Lord Home with
the heiress of Landells ; her surname was Lauder, and she was not daughter
but granddaughter of the last Landells. But Mr. Gibson has failed to see
that the husband of Marion Lauder was not the first Lord Home's father
but the first Lord himself. All our Peerage writers except Crawfurd go
wrong at this point in making two generations of one. Lastly, the state-
ment on p. 119 that Pitreavie was 'an old Wardlaw possession' will hardly
stand. Sir Henry Wardlaw's title flowed from the magistrates of Edin-
burgh, coming in place of the chaplainry of St. Nicholas in St Giles' church,
to which the lands were gifted by one Roger Hog not later than about
1360, when his grant was confirmed by David II. The name Pitreavie,
probably the same place, occurs also in the lists of the lands composing the
barony of Rosyth, far down into the eighteenth century at any rate ; but
the baron of Rosyth cannot have had possession, nor transferred possession
to Wardlaw, in 1435-36, when the chaplain was already drawing his stipend
from the lands : some right of superiority, or of redemption of a wadset,
may have been claimed, but from the record of a lawsuit in 1484 (pointed
out to me by Mr. Gibson himself) it appears that Rosyth had nothing to
produce in support of such claim. Possibly he founded upon the occurrence
of the name in his titles, which could not avail him against the chaplain's
immemorial possession following on a charter. But these minute errors,
were they much more numerous than they are, in no way detract from the
value of the work.

The illustrations, and the whole get up of the book, are admirable, and
serve to make it, apart from its intrinsic merits, a very desirable possession.

J. MAITLAND THOMSON.

422 A Tragedy of the Reformation

A TRAGEDY OF THE REFORMATION. By David Cuthbertson. With eight
facsimiles. Pp. 66. Demy 8vo. Edinburgh : Oliphant, Anderson &
Ferrier. 1912. 55. net.

THIS book consists mainly of a history of the three printed copies of
Servetus's Christianismi Restitutio which are known to be extant. One of
these copies is in the National Library at Paris ; another is in the Imperial
and Royal Library at Vienna ; while the third is one of the treasures of
Edinburgh University Library. The Edinburgh copy is imperfect, the
title-page, the index and the first sixteen pages of the text being awanting.
In room of the missing pages of printed matter, sixteen pages of manuscript
— apparently in a handwriting belonging to the sixteenth century — have
been inserted. It has been discovered that these manuscript pages are not
transcripts of the missing printed pages, but are in reality transcripts of the
corresponding pages in the original draft of the Christianismi Restitutio.

A copy of this draft which had been sent to Calvin by the author of the
book in 1 546, for * his judgment upon it,' was produced against Servetus
when he was tried at Geneva. Mr. Cuthbertson considers it probable that
the printed copy of the Christianismi Restitutio now in Edinburgh Univer-
sity Library is the one from which Calvin tore * half of the first quire . . .
containing the title, the index and the beginning of the said book,' when he
furnished the authorities of Vienne, through William Trie, with evidence
against Servetus ; and that the transcriptions in the Edinburgh copy were
taken from the manuscript possessed by Calvin.

Mr. Cuthbertson devotes some pages to a discussion of the relations
between Calvin and the author of the Christianismi Restitutio. Few will
agree with him that the Reformer * did not wish the death penalty inflicted '
on Servetus. As Principal T. M. Lindsay says in his History of the
Reformation, * Calvin certainly believed that the execution of the anti-
Trinitarian was right.' The truth is that Calvin recognised the great
danger of the undoing of his work by the propagation of anti-Trinitarian
opinions among the Protestants, and was determined at all hazards to check
that propagation. Most of the Reformers seem to have thought that he
deserved credit for bringing a dangerous heretic to justice. Luther, who had
affirmed that false doctors should not be put to death, was in his grave ;
but Melanchthon and Beza both expressed approval of the execution.

A Tragedy of the Reformation is worthy of the attention of all who
are interested in the life and writings of Servetus. Its value is enhanced
by some well-executed facsimiles of letters by Calvin and pages of the
Christianismi Restitutio. FRANK MILLER.

GUILELMUS NEUBRIGENSIS EIN PRAGMATISCHER GESCHICHTSSCHREIBER DBS
ZWOLFTEN JAHRHUNDERTS. Von Dr. Rudolf Jahncke. Pp. 160. 8vo.
A. Marcus and E. Webers Verlag in Bonn. 1912.

THIS is the first of a new series — Jenaer Historische Arbeiten, edited by
A. Cartellieri and W. Judeich — and is a critical examination of the sources
of William of Newburgh, and an attempt to define his special position
among early historians. His Historia appears to have been written in

Jahncke : Guilelmus Neubrigensis 423

1198-99. As is well known, this chronicler took a pronounced stand
against Geoffrey of Monmouth in regard to King Arthur, so that his
History possesses, in addition to its value for the late twelfth century,
the importance attaching to a very early deliverance impugning as
fable the Arthurian story of Geoffrey, which — William notwithstanding —
made such a conquest of the literary mind of its own and the succeeding
century that some scholars regard it as, all things considered, the most
powerful influence exerted upon English romance.

The Arthurian bearing does not elude Dr. Jahncke's attention, but he
scarcely lays full hold of the problem in such a manner as to settle the
qualms of some consciences over the unsolved puzzle, the political sense
and object of the pseudo-chronicle which William of Newburgh assailed
with such contempt and rancour. William's place amongst English
historians gains not a little by this industrious German study which
systematically treats of the design and spirit of the Historic, its date,
sources, and style, and its standpoints — secular, religious, patriotic, and
philosophical. The estimate, based on a painstaking analysis, places
William very high among those who developed critical method and the
rationalistic and almost modern attitude towards miracles and prodigies.
His general freedom from credulity is, however, less remarkable than his
steady effort to link the succession of events by historical causation — a bent
of mind to which much of his acuteness of observation and the pertinence
of his conclusions must assuredly be traced. While Dr. Jahncke is not the
discoverer of these virtues of William, he has greatly added to the body of
data and to the precision of inferences drawn by his predecessors in the
enquiry, such as Pauli, Miss Norgate, and others. Dr. James Gairdner's
approbation of William's* great judgment and commonsense ' l may be added
to the verdicts reviewed. Miss Norgate's chronology suffers in details from
the criticisms in Dr. Jahncke's appendix on the problem of the date when
the chronicle was written, while the positions taken up by Dr. Richard
Hewlett, the Rolls series editor of the Historia, are for the most part
confirmed.

Dr. Jahncke's work is a highly meritorious monograph, whether con-
sidered in itself or as the inauguration of a new and ambitious scheme of
historical publications. GEO. NEILSON.

THE FIRST AMERICAN CIVIL WAR. FIRST PERIOD, 1775-1778. With
Chapters on The Continental or Revolutionary Army and on The
Forces of the Crown. By Henry Belcher, Rector of S. Michael-in-
Lewes, Sussex. With Illustrations and Maps. 2 vols. Vol. I. pp.
xxiv, 350. Vol. II. pp. viii, 364. London : Macmillan & Co., Ltd.
1911. 2is. net.

THE American War of Independence, or, as Mr. Belcher prefers to call it,
The First American Civil War, lasted — from the skirmish at Lexington
on igth April, 1775, till Washington's proclamation of igth April, 1783,
—exactly eight years. Of these this history deals with only two and a

1 Early Chroniclers of Europe : England (S.P.C.K.), p. 194.

424 Belcher : First American Civil War

half, as it carries the story no farther than the British capitulation at
Saratoga on i6th October, 1777. The author's design, however, as he
states in his preface, was * to reproduce in outline the local and material
conditions of the time, and to depict the moral and social background of
the struggle,' and this he has essayed to do without carrying the story to
its close. Thus, about half of the first volume is devoted to ' Precedent
and Concomitant Conditions ' and ' The Storm Centre, Boston,' and
nearly one-third of the whole work to an account of the forces employed
on both sides. Mr. Belcher is deeply interested in the soldier, and indeed
dedicates his book to the memory of the men, British and American, who
perished 'amidst the neglect or obloquy of their fellow-citizens.' His
chapters on the Revolutionary army and the forces of the Crown are full
of interesting information, though much of it is ill-digested, unarranged
and redundant.

The author is quite frankly a partisan. For him, as for Squire Western,
a Whig is a rebel. In his eyes all respectable Americans, with one
exception, George Washington, were loyalists, and the colonial l patriot ' a
detestable, canting, hypocritical, law-breaking, smuggling, cruel ruffian.
He describes his book, which gives a lively picture of the times and people,
as * a very untraditional view of the troubles in the Atlantic colonies.' He
says that the traditional conceptions about the First American Civil War
are due to the inventions of Whig historians. Men 'like Byron and
Wordsworth cursed British victories,' while ' whitewash for all American
patriots, jet and japan for the Ministry, and especially for the portrait of
the King, constitute the simple elements of the Whig historical palette.'

From this criticism of rival historians it may be expected that Mr.
Belcher's history will be found not only untraditional but entertaining. It
certainly is so. It is written with vivacity, confidence and force, and with
no small ability and erudition. As exact history, however, it is not only
untraditional, it is unfortunately also unreliable ; and, besides being too
often inaccurate, it is sometimes even self-contradictory. It has many
needless repetitions, and the order of events is frequently in exasperating
confusion.

The author has been permitted to use some extracts from papers in the
possession of the representatives of General Thomas Gage, who was
Governor in Boston when the war began, including a letter from a spy in
the revolutionary camp at the time of the siege of that town. His other
sources are not exclusive. His book is plentifully sprinkled with passages
quoted from writers contemporary with the author himself. And the
author, with magnanimous, if unusual, partiality, does not disdain to
embody in his history, as authoritative, passages from the works of the
Whig historians whom he so heartily denounces. For his part, Mr.
Belcher ransacks, not only the chronicles of the period, but those of previous
generations, and even previous centuries, for his own 'jet and japan,'
wherewith to tinge the features of the colonists. Mr. Belcher's method
too often suggests the Man with the Muck Rake. He can believe no good
of the colonials. In the so-called 'massacre' of 1770, British soldiers shot
some civilians in a Boston street. Boston and all New England were

Belcher : First American Civil War 425

roused to fury. The soldiers were tried for murder, but they found the
two ablest of the colonial barristers to defend them, a colonial jury to acquit
them, and a colonial judge who, in the face of public opinion, declared the
verdict just. Mr. Belcher is * amazed ' to find English writers citing the
acquittal as a mark of the impartiality of the American bar and bench.
He suggests that the jury were bought, and offers an authority. But the
reader who turns to that authority will find that it directly contradicts Mr.
Belcher. A few pages later he professes to quote a handbill reproduced in
facsimile in Justin Winsor's collection. It contrasts the British service
unfavourably with the colonial, and he says it was distributed * all the time
the British troops were in Boston, to induce them to desert. He misdates
the document and garbles its words. The British troops were in Boston
five years before the war began, and the handbill's most prominent refer-
ence is to the battle of Bunker's Hill. Winsor rightly places it in October,

1775*

The author's prejudice is so vigorous, and his sense for accuracy so incon-
stant that no reader will do well to rely on his unsupported statements, and
even these must be received, as has been shown, with all the c caution '
which he recommends for Bancroft and Trevelyan. Many of his con-
fident assertions are based on evidence too slender to support them, and he
does not hesitate to hazard a convenient conjecture on one page and
unconsciously repeat it for fact on the next.

The leit-motiv of the piece is the black ingratitude of the colonies to the
mother-country. England, it would seem, had driven France from their
borders, and had conquered for them 'all America between the 3Oth and
46th parallels,' in a struggle in which it had been tacitly resolved to * let
Great Britain do the requisite fighting and supply the requisite funds.'
The ungrateful dogs refused to help the mother-country by submission to
taxation. The * traditional ' version is different, and Mr. Belcher has not
shaken its credit. It persists in presenting for consideration a colonial
point of view, from which many colonists — -exiles, quakers, presbyterians,
Irishmen, Germans, convicts, redemptioners and kidnapped servants,
regarded England as a stepmother rather than a mother. They saw her
driving out the French, not for her children, but for herself, that she might
have colonies from which she might be enriched ; not sons set up in
business, but servants working to supply her wants ; saw her laying selfish
restrictions on trade all in her own favour. In the war the colonies had
supplied half the men and paid them, for here, as elsewhere, Mr. Belcher's
accuracy is sacrificed to his prejudice. He would seem to prescribe a higher
standard of public virtue for the Americans than for their cousins at home.
The 'patriots' failed to honour King George. But the author himself
relates that at home His Majesty could rarely pass through the streets
without being insulted.

The Revolution in the reign of George III. was not confined to the
colonies. Men were contending in England too for liberty against pre-
rogative. The British were striving to regain the freedom they had lost
since the Restoration, as the Americans were striving to preserve the
freedom they had always possessed. There was much common feeling.

426 Belcher : First American Civil War

Mr. Belcher reviles the Whig officers who refused to fight against their
American cousins, with whose cause they sympathised. But he gives
away his case when he adds that men of lower rank who should have
followed their example would have been flogged or shot, and when he tells
how the Common Council of London hailed young Lord Effingham as a
true Englishman for throwing up his commission on his regiment being
ordered to America.

George III. was determined to ' be a king,' and to make his American
subjects obedient. Mr. Belcher says, c The King and his Ministry were
backed by the opinion of the whole country, so far as national opinion was
then represented in the House of Commons.' If this is not the suggestio
falsi, it is at least the suppressio veri, for he should, but does not, go on to
tell that the king owed his support in Parliament to the purchase with the
nation's money of a solid block of greedy placemen, high and low, and was
opposed by the really patriotic and the disinterested. The country was not
then articulate politically. Where it was not ignorant it was in opposition
or indifferent. Liberty on neither side of the Atlantic meant in the
eighteenth century that large toleration to which we have now grown
accustomed. It was not to set up freedom of conscience that the Puritan
went into exile ; it was to impose his own conscience. And a good pro-
portion of the signers of the Declaration of Independence were of that
Scoto-Irish breed, by no means extinct, who were lately and happily
described by Lord Rosebery J as, without exception, the toughest, the most
dominant, the most irrepressible race that exists in the universe at this
moment. Mr. Belcher finds them peculiarly obnoxious — in America.

Mr. Belcher, in spite of his fluent irresponsibility, is often an entertaining
narrator. His book is frequently diverting, and his sketches of character
are sometimes neat, pointed and felicitous. ANDREW MARSHALL.

THE ABBOT'S HOUSE AT WESTMINSTER. By J. Armitage Robinson, D.D.,
Dean of Wells. Pp. x, 84. With Plans and Illustrations. 8vo.
Cambridge: University Press. 1911. 5s.net.

IN this volume, being No. 4 of the series of Notes and Documents relating to
Westminster Abbey, the author continues his fruitful labours upon the
records of the Abbey and its builders. A collection of writs and notices
elucidating the history of the Abbot's house from its beginning as a
camera at the end of the eleventh century down to the middle of the
eighteenth century, forms the latter and larger part of the book. To
these illustrative documents and notes Dean Robinson has prefixed three
chapters dealing with (i) the Abbot's camera in the Norman Monastery,
(2) the work of Abbot Litlyngton, and (3) subsequent developments.
What the author modestly calls * a courageous attempt at a plan of those
portions of the buildings which adjoin the Abbot's house * adds much to
the value of the work. This useful plan is placed in a pocket at the end
of the book.

Abbot Nicholas Litlyngton in the latter half of the fourteenth century

1 At Edinburgh, 1st Nov., 1911.

The Abbot's House at Westminster 427

was the outstanding builder of what John Flete calls ' the abbot's place,*
and the Abbey is in the happy position of possessing a great part of these
ancient buildings, altered and adapted, it is true, but still with their main
features intact at this day. Besides being a great builder, this abbot was a
keen sportsman, and among several entries in his account-rolls relating to
his chapel, occurs the following: 1367-8, 'And for one falcon of wax
bought to be offered for a sick falcon . . . vjd' ! Dr. Robinson's indication
of this as the most remarkable entry in these rolls is probably just, but
possibly the abbot was unaware at the time of the purchase made in this
case by some superstitious falconer.

The Dean of Wells has given in this volume further proof of his learn-
ing as a record scholar, as also of his pious reverence and affection for the
venerable Abbey of Westminster. JOHN EDWARDS.

THE REAL CAPTAIN CLEVELAND. By Allan Fea. Pp. 256. With
Illustrations. Demy 8vo. London: Martin Seeker. 1911. 8s. 6d.
net.

MR. FEA has in this book revived the story of John Gow, the pirate,
whose career gave to Sir Walter Scott the idea of * Captain Cleveland'
in The Pirate, and as he has got together a considerable amount of
new and curious material, this must be considered worth doing. He
proves that Gow, though brought up in Orkney, was born on the other
side of the Pentland Firth in 1697. ^s earty career as a pirate, which
began in 1724, is gleaned from a rare tract by Daniel Defoe, and the
tale of his delinquencies on the high seas makes interesting reading. It
was in 1725 that he took his pirate ship to Orkney, was feted there,
had love adventures (the author trusts rather too much to hearsay about
this period), until the felonious habits of his crew and some robberies raised
suspicion against him, and he fell a victim to the trap laid for him by
James Fea, Younger of Clestrain (sometimes wrongly called by the writer
4 the Laird ' or c the Master of Carrick '), was taken prisoner by stratagem,
sent to London, and there duly hanged.

The author has gone into the subject with zeal (we wish we could
say with equal care), and has reproduced many objects of interest associated
with the life of the pirate or his captor for our instruction. He has
also given a considerable portion of the book to the little known history
of the family of Fea of Clestrain and its cadets, the accuracy of which
will have to be tested by later experts in Orcadian genealogy. Mr. Fea, in
our opinion, does not sift the traditions he collects with sufficient care.
He says a certain amount on the Jacobitism of the Feas, and this leads
him to a long 'side-light on the Stuarts,' narrating the claims of the
1 Counts d'Albanie ' for the vague reason that their father (whom they
alleged was a son of Prince Charlie) was brought over from Italy by
a lady who < is said to have been a Miss Fea, who for a time after her
arrival is said to have lived at "Wood Hall" in or near York.' With
this very interesting information, he couples the statement that ' Charles
acknowledged one at least of his natural children, Louisa, Countess of
Albany, who died in 1824,' confounding Charles's daughter Charlotte,

2 F

428 Fea : The Real Captain Cleveland

Duchess of Albany, with his titular queen. This ought surely to be
corrected in future editions. So should 4 Rendall ' for Kendall on p. 244,
* Finstorm ' for Finstown in the Preface, and above all the illiterate form
'The Rev. Wilson' for the Rev. John Wilson on page 226.

A. FRANCIS STEUART.

SOUTH LEITH RECORDS, COMPILED FROM THE PARISH REGISTERS FOR THE
YEARS 1588 TO 1700, AND FROM OTHER ORIGINAL SOURCES, by
D. Robertson, LL.B., S.S.C., Leith, Session Clerk. Pp. 222. With
six illustrations. 410. Edinburgh : Andrew Elliot. 1911. 3s.6d.net.

THE Parish Church of South Leith has occupied a prominent position in
the history of the ancient burgh of Leith. The church dates back to the
year 1 483, when it was erected, under the name of St. Mary's Chapel, as
a subordinate chapel to the Parish Church of Restalrig ; and, in 1609, it
was ordained to be the ' paroch Kirk of Leith,' to which all the inhabitants
of Restalrig were ordered to attend. This handsome volume, the result of
much patient labour and research, has been compiled by Mr. D. Robertson
as a memento of the tercentenary of its existence as a separate parish
church.

Mr. Robertson has divided his book into two parts. The first consists
of long and valuable extracts from the kirk-session records, dating from the
year 1588 down to December, 1700; and, secondly, of a compilation of
local events in the form of a t Chronicle,' from which the history of the
church itself may be adduced. As the editor remarks, these extracts from
the records * enable one to follow the deliberations of successive generations
of ministers and elders, bailies and incorporations, concerning the church
and churchyard, the schools, the poor, the errant men and women of the
parish, the religious and social evolution of the people. From the extracts
now published it may be possible to reconstruct, in outline at least, some
of the troubles which engaged the thoughts of former generations, and to
stir the dust upon controversies long forgotten.'

Of special importance are the minutes dealing with the Covenant, the
great plague of 1645, and the invasion of Cromwell. Much information
is detailed regarding the then treatment of the plague, which has not
hitherto been published. During the first six years of the Cromwellian
period the church was utilised by the Ironsides as a magazine for arms and
stores. At the Revolution the Episcopalian minister retained possession of
the church until August, 1692, when he was forcibly ejected by the bailies
of Leith.

The * Chronicle ' which Mr. Robertson has appended has been brought
down to the coronation service of George V. It contains a vast amount
of information relating to the church and its district ; but unfortunately
Mr. Robertson has omitted to quote the original sources whence his
extracts have been taken. It is to be regretted that, in view of the labour
bestowed upon his compilation, the editor has not seen his way to convert
his notes into a comprehensive story of such an interesting and historical
church- W. MOIR BRYCE.

Nightingale : The Ejected of 1662 429

THE EJECTED OF 1662 IN CUMBERLAND AND WESTMORLAND : THEIR
PREDECESSORS AND SUCCESSORS. By B. Nightingale, M.A. Two
volumes. Vol. I. pp. xxiv, 777 ; II. pp. 713. Demy 8vo. Manchester:
University Press. 1911. 28s.net.

THE rise of Nonconformity in Cumberland and Westmorland in the
middle of the seventeenth century has received sympathetic treatment in
the exhaustive survey of these excellent volumes. The author has brought
to his task an extensive acquaintance with the original sources, an intelli-
gent appreciation of ecclesiastical problems, and a wide grasp of the causes
which produced the civil upheaval known as the Commonwealth. Though
Nonconformity was not so vital or so prevalent in the north-western as in
the neighbouring counties of England, the same forces were at work, and
it was just as needful to narrate the story of its rise and early growth in
Cumberland and Westmorland as in other places where it attained to
greater religious influence. The impartial reader will have nothing but
commendation for Mr. Nightingale's treatment of this period : he is a
scholar of broad sympathies, desirous to be accurate, fair in holding the
balance between opposing theories, and prudent in drawing conclusions
when the evidences are ambiguous. No student can claim to know the
ecclesiastical history of the two counties till he has mastered these interest-
ing volumes.

One feature of Mr. Nightingale's work deserves special notice. He has
not been content to summarize his evidences in narrative form : he has
done much better by reproducing the documents in their entirety and
indicating the official sources where they can be consulted This happy
idiosyncrasy has given enduring merit to his work. But it was not to be
expected that the author should tap every source. Two incidents in the
period under review, overlooked by the author, may be mentioned as
symbolical of the movements which lay at the root of early Nonconformity,
one of which amply justifies its existence, while the other rather exhibits
the seamy side of the ecclesiastical system that preceded it.

Timothy Roberts, a Westmorland minister, of whose sufferings
Calamy has drawn a pathetic picture, was one of the saints of early Non-
conformity in that county. Several months before St. Bartholomew's Day
a warrant was issued for his arrest by the civil authorities, on the plea that
he had refused to read and make use of the Book of Common Prayer, and
to administer sacrament in Barton Church. The warrant, signed by two
justices of the peace, is dated I7th March, 1661-2. When the whirligig of
political fortune restored the Cavalier justices to the place of power, the
administration of law was of small consideration when dealing with a
representative of the old system. The unbending convictions of ministers
like Roberts, and their unlawful persecution, of which his case is a speci-
men, may be taken as the principal causes of early Nonconformity and
spread a halo over its cradle.

The other instance alluded to, though no reflection on Nonconformity,
for it had not yet risen, illustrates in some measure the undesirable side of
ecclesiastical administration under the Commonwealth. Thomas Warwick
was admitted to the vicarage of Aspatria before the fall of Episcopacy, but

430 Nightingale : The Ejected of 1662

he had difficulty in maintaining his position when things changed. A rival
had impleaded him at the assizes of Carlisle, but was nonsuited. It was
then that intrigue began. No less a personage than Sir Arthur Hesilrig
wrote (22nd August, 1656) to the judge on circuit that the case was coming
on again at the forthcoming assizes, and reminded him that his ' friend and
relation ' was the purchaser of the benefice from the State, adding that * if
ye title be not good, ye Commonwealth as well as he will haue ye losse.'
The sequel of this extraordinary attempt to corrupt the fountain of justice
awaits further exposition. JAMES WILSON.

CODE OF CANONS OF THE EPISCOPAL CHURCH IN SCOTLAND AS AMENDED,
ADOPTED, AND ENACTED BY A PROVINCIAL SYNOD HOLDEN AT EDIN-
BURGH IN THE YEAR OF OUR LORD, 1 9! I. Pp. XXVJ, 154. 8vO.
Edinburgh: R. Grant & Son. 1911. 35. 6d. net.

THIS newly revised code of canons of the Episcopal Church is the result
of some ten years of hard work. It is of great interest to the student of
ecclesiastical law and administration. While the groundwork of the code
is largely what may be called the common law of Christendom, this is
more often understood than stated, and the greater part of the book is
occupied by matter more or less peculiar to Scotland, some of it of recent
date, some dating back to the eighteenth century, when the germ of the
present collection first appeared in the form of six canons passed by a synod
at Edinburgh in 1724, and marking the first stage in the organisation of
Episcopalians in Scotland after they were disestablished and disorganised by
the Revolution. To the present code there has been prefixed an admirable
historical introduction, giving the details of its historical development since
the Revolution period, and including a good deal of matter not easily found
elsewhere.

THE SCOTTISH LITURGY FOR THE CELEBRATION OF THE HOLY EUCHARIST
AND ADMINISTRATION OF HOLY COMMUNION, COMMONLY CALLED THE
SCOTTISH COMMUNION OFFICE. Cambridge : at the University Press.
1912.

ALTHOUGH the Scottish Communion Office used by the Episcopal Church,
more especially in the north of Scotland, has been used with but little
variation in form since 1764, there has never been an edition of standard
authority as regards minutiae at all comparable to the English 'Book
Annexed ' or other liturgical standards. Such a text has now been
provided, and the opportunity has also been taken to make some slight
revision and a few additions, especially of variable parts. The Scottish
Communion Office has had a long and interesting history. Ever since
one of its most important features first appeared in the ill-fated book of
x^37> it nas been the chief representative of the various attempts made to
produce a liturgy in modern form based structurally upon primitive and
Eastern models, such as the early liturgy known by the name of St. James.
Laud's attempt to force the English book upon Scotland was frustrated,
and the 1637 book owes most of its characteristic features to the Scottish
bishops Maxwell and Wedderburn. Its fatuous introduction and its
immediate disuse are well known.

The Scottish Liturgy 431

But early in the eighteenth century the Scottish Episcopalians, en-
couraged by the learned liturgical scholars among the English non-jurors,
began to revive the Communion service from it, instead of going on with
the use of that in the English Prayer Book which some had introduced in
Queen Anne's time. In 1722, probably in Aberdeen, the first now known
of a series of reprints of the 1637 Communion Service appeared, and, under
the influence of Dr. Rattray, revisions and alterations were made to bring
it into nearer accord with the early Christian formularies and with the
liturgies of the East. Had the learned non-jurors a free hand they would
probably have abandoned it in favour of a more direct adaptation of
primitive forms. There is evidence for this in MSS. as yet unpublished.

What the late Dr. Dowden in his Annotated Scottish Communion Office
(1884) called the textus receptus of it, appeared in Edinburgh in 1764 under
the editorship of Bishops Falconer and Robert Forbes, and it was this form
of it which, through Bishop Seabury, became the parent of the communion
service in the American Book of Common Prayer. Dr. Abernethy
Drummond and the Rev. George Hay Forbes subsequently made attempts
at further revision, but these were abortive, and the old form of 1764,
associated as it was with the struggles of the days of the Penal Laws, held
its ground against them, and it is only now that we see an authorised
revision of it, — a revision which is, after all, extremely conservative. We
have refrained from anything in the way of more strictly liturgical criticism
as being beyond our province in this place, and have contented ourselves
with a few remarks on the historical place and connections of this new
edition of the Scottish Liturgy.

With this we must notice Permissible Additions to and Deviations from
the Service Books of the Scottish Church as canonically sanctioned. (Cam-
bridge University Press, 1912.) This contains variations from the Book
of Common Prayer for use in the Episcopal Church, some of which are
new, while others, such as part of the Confirmation Service, have long been
matter of Scottish custom and tradition. This and the Scottish Liturgy are
now published in more than one size, either separately or together, and we
understand that a complete edition of the Book of Common Prayer for
Scottish use is in preparation, in which both the Scots Communion Office
and the rest of the new matter will be included in their proper places.

The liturgical reader may be referred for more information to a tract
which appeared last year, Prayer Book Revision in Scotland : the proposed
additions to and deviations from the Book of Common Prayer and the revised
text of the Scottish Communion Office explained and discussed from the liturgical
standpoint. (Dumfries, Scottish Chronicle Office.) This contains a good
deal of historical information and a full liturgical discussion of the questions
involved. F. C. EELES.

THE ROYAL FISHERY COMPANIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. By
John R. Elder, M.A. Pp. vi, 136. Dy. 8vo. Glasgow: MacLehose.
1912. 5s. net.

THIS excellent little book treats of the rise, development and ultimate
failure of the Fishery Companies established under Royal patronage —

432 Elder : The Royal Fishery Companies

indeed on Royal initiative — in Britain during the seventeenth century as a
move in the struggle against the supremacy of the Dutch at sea. The
subject has recently been investigated by Mr. T. W. Fulton in his
Sovereignty of the Sea, published last year, but the present book is clearly
the result of independent research, though necessarily among the same
state papers. And it has the merit of greater accuracy in detail than was
perhaps possible in a large book covering the history of several centuries.
Mr. Elder has a distinct turn for narrative, and marshals his well-
documented facts with skill.

We have noted with interest one document of 1631 regarding the claim
to reserved waters in the Moray Firth, which might have been of use to
the law officers of the Crown in conducting the famous Moray Firth
trawling prosecution in 1906. It was contended in that case that there
was no historical evidence that the enormous tract of water in the Moray
Firth as defined by the Sea-Fisheries (Scotland) Amendment Act, 1889, had
ever before been claimed as territorial according to the law of Scotland, and
though this argument was met by pointing to the claim impliedly made in
the Act under construction, the Crown would doubtless have availed itself
gladly of the following evidence which Mr. Elder prints at pp. 42 et seq.

When Charles I. took active steps in 1631 to promote a Joint National
Fishery with headquarters in the Lewis, to be open to English and Scots
alike, he encountered the jealous opposition of the Scottish burghs as
regards the waters which they sought to have reserved to Scots fishermen.
Complete exclusion of foreign fishermen was at first claimed in a maritime
belt of fourteen miles in the open sea on all the coasts of Scotland and
within all lochs, bays and firths, but in the negotiations this was modified
to a claim to * the firths of Lothiane, Murrey and Dumbartane,' in which
Moray Firth was referred to as * betuix Buchannase in Buchan and
Dungisbieheid in Caithness.' A little earlier the Lords of the Privy
Council had suggested a reserved area in which a more particular descrip-
tion of the Moray Firth was made, viz.:

'From Buchannesse, north-west and be north to Dungisbieheid in
Caithnes. Comprehending therein the coast of Banff and Murrey, upon
the south side Murrey Firth, and the coast of Rosse, Sutherland and one
part of Caithnes upon the north and 14 myles without the course from the
said Buchannesse to the said Dungisbieheid'

The King, as it happened, refused to concede reserved waters in this
area, but it is of interest to know that in a quasi-international dispute
the Moray Firth was described by one of the parties in terms all
but identical with those used in the Imperial Statute of 1889, which
empowers the Fishery Board to prohibit by byelaw the methods of beam
and other trawling within an imaginary line drawn from Kinnaird Point
in Aberdeenshire to Duncansbyhead in Caithness. The legal value of this
evidence would have been greater had the claim been established. That it
was made at least tends to show what the Scots regarded as territorial
waters in 1 631. A> R CHARTERIS.

Wilson : Reign of Queen Anne 433

THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH
HISTORY. The Gladstone Memorial Essay for 1911. By Frederick
William Wilson. Pp. 104. Cr. 8vo. Oxford : B. H. Blackwell. 1911.
2s. 6d. net.

PROFESSOR C. W. C. OMAN, in an introduction to the Gladstone Memorial
Essay for 1911, guarantees its value as a piece of original work, and
the essayist's own bibliographical appendix of twenty pages, though not
analytic enough, would alone afford proof that the Professor's commenda-
tion was merited. Mr. Wilson traces in the triumph of the High Church
party in 1710 and their fall in 1714 the ultimate failure of an attempt to
make Church interests the primary canon of policy. Church political
opinion degenerated into Jacobitism, and the reaction was disastrous. At
the same time, Church theology was worsted on all hands by rationalism.
It was a time of anomalous changes in the public mind which made victims
of Whigs and Tories in turn. The part played by Convocation fitly takes
up a good deal of attention as a very significant force among the causes of
the Tory collapse at Queen Anne's death. Mr. Wilson's essay evinces
wide reading and high promise.

THE ABBEY OF ST. MARY, CROXDEN, STAFFORDSHIRE. A Monograph.
By Charles Lynam, F.S.A. Pp. vii, 19, plates 75, appx. xix. Large
4to. London: Sprague & Co. 1911.

CONSISTING primarily of plans and sketches, and secondarily of a short
history of the Cistercian abbey of Croxden, its foundation, and the Verdun
family who were the founders, this stately quarto, an admirable architectural
record of the beautiful ruin, offers a remarkable instance of vitality in the
author — *I having,' says he in the dedication, 'been familiar with the
Ruins since the year Eighteen hundred and fifty, and the Monograph is
now issued in the Eighty-second year of my age.' Besides the 75 full-page
plates there are two large facsimiles, one of Bertram of Verdun's foundation
charter circa 1179, the other of a page of the Chronicle by William of
Schepesheved, a monk of the house late in the fourteenth century. In the
letterpress we have first descriptive particulars elucidating the very clear and
beautiful plans, architectural drawings, pencil sketches and photographs of
the remains, which are considerable. The original ' place ' was dedicated
in 1181. The founder died at Acre in the crusade of Richard I. in 1192.
Of the abbey church, dating at latest very early in the thirteenth century,
only the south transept and north wall of the cloister still stand, and are
kept in countenance by late thirteenth-century walls of chapter house
and dormitories, besides other more fragmentary pieces of the monastic
buildings. The ruins, to which the towering south transept with its fine
lancet windows and its western door give special character, are considered
the most important of their class in Staffordshire.

The volume was undertaken by Mr. Lynam on the request of the Earl
of Macclesfield and the North Staffordshire Field Club — a congenial task
committed to a veteran architect-archaeologist of unique knowledge and
the first antiquarian standing.

Following the plates Mr. Lynam presents translations of the founding

434 Lynam : The Abbey of St. Mary

charter, of Schepesheved's chronicle so far as touching the abbey, and of the
ancient list of abbots and monks. He concludes with a sketch of the
Verduns from their origin in France till the time of their English repre-
sentative under Henry III. The chronicle records with evident twinges of
regret that in the fourteenth century the * name Verdun was translated to
Furnival ' through the marriage of the Verdun heiress.

The Cistercian movement, which was at its height of force in the time
of our David L, was illustrated by many noble foundations in Scotland,
such as Melrose, Morebattle and Dundrennan. It had not yet spent its
vigour when, in 1176, the beginnings of the foundation were made by
Bertram de Verdun, whose charter three or four years later declared it to
be for the soul-weal of his father and mother, of Richard de Humez, ' who
brought me up,' and of himself and his wife Rohais. Richard de Humez
was constable of Normandy, and was a witness to the treaty of Henry II. and
our William the Lion at Falaise in 1 174. To the Cistercian houses we owe
a good many chronicles : in Scotland that of Melrose holds the first place
both in honour and in time : that of John Smyth, a monk of Kinloss just
before the Reformation, was probably the last Cistercian chronicle, except
for the work of Ferrerius, continuator of Boece and historian of Kinloss
abbey. Smyth's and Schepesheved's chronicles may well be compared.

A marked economy of editorial apparatus in Mr. Lynam's volume doubt-
less indicates a desire, appropriate in a delegated work of a county society,
to avoid unnecessary critical detail as not the proper accessory of what is
in substance a portfolio, with only the indispensable accompaniment of notes
of architectural description and historical fact. As a portfolio it is well
fitted to serve its purpose of giving an actual record of the beautiful abbey ;
it also proves by a thoroughly satisfying example how good it is for
archaeology that there is no age of compulsory retirement for antiquaries.

A SHORT HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. By Andrew Lang. Pp. viii, 316. 8vo.

Edinburgh : William Blackwood & Sons. 1911. 55. net.
THE irrepressible qualities of Mr. Lang go with him when he is reduced
and distilled into a Short History. His deadly feuds with the Douglases and
George Buchanan, and the whole tribe of the Covenant, maintain themselves
in his abbreviation as they did when he was complete in four volumes. Party
never dies, and unless we had the royalist standpoints firmly upheld some-
times, it is probable that we should quickly forget how narrow was the
victory of Presbyterian ism, and how many heroes have fallen for the side
that did not please the gods.

That side oftenest pleases Mr. Lang, and his championship of lost causes
displays his unfailing readiness and resource, his mastery of fence, and his
gay turn for satire. Nothing he touches is ever left where he found it. He
is never negligible, even when he fails to convince ; but his points are all
worth making, and how many he has made ! No modern writer has con-
tributed such store of fresh things for Scots history, in novel facts, standpoints,
analogues and interpretations. Nobody has ever recruited so many ideas
which march. There is only one Mr. Lang, and we are glad he has
put so much of himself into his Short History, with its swift and vivid

Lang : A Short History of Scotland 435

narrative, its lore of unwonted citation and curious parallel, its unfailing
touch of style, wit, and sarcastic sally, and its occasional fine, if only too
rare, manifestations of imaginative sympathy with the actual event.

A CHRONICLE OF THE POPES, FROM ST. PETER TO Pius X. By A. E.

McKilliam, M.A. Post 8vo. Pp. xii, 487. London : G. Bell & Sons,

Ltd. 1912. ys. 6d. net.

THIS useful compilation consists of short biographical sketches of the Popes
from St. Peter to Pius X. The brief biographies are soberly written, and
contain sufficient information to satisfy the general reader, for whom they
are intended. The author expressly disclaims any intention of writing a
history of institutions, or of dealing with her subject from the point of view
of a specialist in ecclesiastical history. The reader cannot, accordingly,
complain of the somewhat summary manner in which, e.g. the reorganiza-
tion of the Curia by Sixtus V. is treated, and the work of Benedict
XIV. in connection with the Roman Breviary is omitted. Some of the
biographies might have been enlivened with a few concise quotations from
the pungent estimates of contemporaries, such as Platina and Vespasiano
da Bisticci. DAVID BAIRD SMITH.

EXCAVATION OF THE ROMAN FORTS AT CASTLESHAW. By Samuel

Andrew and Major William Lees. Second Interim Report by F. A.

Bruton, with Notes on the Pottery by James Curie, F.S.A. Pp. 93.

With forty-five Plates. Large 8vo. Manchester : University Press.

1911. 35. 6d. net.

THE zeal to which this Report bears eloquent testimony is worthy of all
praise. One can only regret that the explorers have not been rewarded by
a larger measure of good fortune in their finds. Castleshaw is an interest-
ing example of one Roman fort within another ; in some respects, as Mr.
Bruton long ago pointed out, it bears a striking resemblance to Raeburnfoot
in Dumfriesshire. It presents one very notable structural peculiarity :
there is a binding course of stone inserted in the rampart of sods that
surrounds it. Apart from that, the results of the excavation have been
valuable chiefly as supplying analogies, often sadly fragmentary, to what
has been made familiar by occurrence elsewhere. All such analogies have
been most carefully noted by Mr. Bruton, who also sketches out a plan for
future work which may possibly prove more remunerative. The pottery
is described by Mr. James Curie, and the Editor has two appendixes
dealing with general aspects of the Roman occupation of Britain. The
provision of illustrations is on the most generous scale, but the quality is not
invariably first-rate.

A SHORT HISTORY OF EUROPE FROM THE FALL OF THE EASTERN EMPIRE
TO THE DISSOLUTION OF THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE. By Charles
Sanford Terry. Pp. viii, 318. Cr. 8vo. London: Geo. Routledge &
Sons. 35. 6d. net.

THIS * modern ' section of European history, starting with the Renaissance
and closing with the abdication of the imperial title by Francis II. of

436 Terry : A Short History of Europe

Austria in 1806, maintains in spite of compression by its clearness and
accuracy through a wilderness of dates and names, the qualities which (as
indicated in S.H.R. viii. 314) did so much credit to his ' medieval ' section.
The body of knowledge it contains on times and matters so unconnected as
the maritime discoveries, the Reformation and reaction, the age of Louis
XIV. and the French Revolution is so surprisingly well digested that the
dense and serried facts lose all their terrors. As a class book it has all the
virtues of detail subordinated to perspicuous and interesting narrative of
events and statement of operative causes and tendencies. It challenges the
highest place as a short survey of European history down to the beginning
of last century.

THE CIVIL AND ECCLESIASTICAL PARISH IN SCOTLAND. ITS ORIGIN
AND DEVELOPMENT. By William George Black. Pp. 16. Glasgow:
Hodge & Co. 1911.

RECENT research has made little definite addition to previous knowledge
regarding the formation of parishes, and Mr. Black's studies in parochial
law have naturally interested him closely in the subject. When visiting
India in 1906 he was struck by the effect of missionary churches there,
tending to the formation of special village settlements by Christian converts.
By analogy he suggests that the same principle, or something like it, was
operative in Gaul, where Christianity followed the eagles as in India it
follows the Union Jack. Discussing the historical origins in Scotland, he
interprets the parish as a sequel of the bishopric, and chiefly manorial in its
direct sources, but reminiscent of remoter civil divisions.

FIFTH REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ARCHIVES FOR THE PROVINCE OF
ONTARIO. By Alexander Fraser, Provincial Archivist. 1908.
Printed by order of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario. Royal
8vo. Pp. xxxii, 505. With plans, maps, photographs, and coloured
drawings. Toronto : L. K. Cameron, Printer to the King's Most
Excellent Majesty. 1909.

THIS extensive and well-appointed report sufficiently vouches the historic
spirit in modern Canada. Mr. Fraser only appears in the foreground to
introduce the Rev. A. E. Jones, a Jesuit father, who writes a many-sided
account of * Old Huronia' — in the region lying between Lake Huron and
Lake Simcoe, Ontario — with special reference to the identification of the
sites of villages and forts mentioned in the Jesuit Relations during the early
seventeenth century. Our brief notice of a bulky book is written without
the local knowledge necessary to do justice to so thoroughgoing, patient,
and able a collection of studies by a man on the spot who has devoted
thirty years to the subject. It is a great monograph on the historical
geography, the place-names, the Jesuit and other records, and the general
history of Huronia, and especially of the series of missions, from that of
Joseph le Caron under the auspices of the famous French explorer
Champlain in 1615 until 1650. In the latter year the Hurons, massacred
and oppressed by the Iroquois, yielded up their ancient homeland to their

Life in Shakespeare's England 437

inveterate enemy, and carrying the long-suffering and persecuted but
courageous and devoted fathers with them, abandoned their native territory
for ever. To such a book justice cannot be done here. Its archaeological
industry, in searching out the scenes of exploits which were almost as much
those of pioneer frontier settlement as of pioneer Christian martyrdom,
would by itself alone call for the warmest welcome. But in addition its
elaborate investigation into the Jesuit muniments and correspondence, into
the Huron language, and into the Huron-Iroquois annals so far as these
can be pieced together from Indian and other sources, must make it — after
every allowance for frequent probabilities of error — an invaluable service,
timely rendered, to a history which only such strenuous journeying and
research could now have so far recovered. The report is of good augury
for the achievement of the archivist-historians of Canada.

HITTITE PROBLEMS AND THE EXCAVATION OF CARCHEMISH. By D. G.
Hogarth, Fellow of the Academy (Proceedings of the British Academy,
vol. v. pp. 15). London : Henry Frowde. is. net.

THE excavations carried out by the British Museum from 1876 to 1880
showed conclusively that the Biblical Carchemish or Assyrian Gargamis
was not to be identified with the later Circesium at the mouth of the
Chabor River, but lay much nearer the head-waters of the Euphrates at a
point, some sixty miles N.E. of Aleppo, which now bears the Greek name
of Jerablus. Work was resumed here last spring in the hope of finding a
Hittite monument in cuneiform script or even a bilingual inscription.
This hope was not realised, and the Hittite riddle still remains unread, but
ninety new inscriptions were recovered.

These and other results of the expedition, such as the relation of the
Hittite colony in Carchemish to the parent stock in Cappadocia, are
described in Mr. Hogarth's paper which was read before the British
Academy last December.

LIFE IN SHAKESPEARE'S ENGLAND : A BOOK. OF ELIZABETHAN PROSE.
Compiled by John Dover Wilson, M.A. Pp. xvi, 292. With
Illustrations. Crown 8vo. Cambridge: University Press. 1911.
35. 6d. net.

THE * general reader' for whom this delightful book is intended
may think himself very fortunate. He can, from contemporary prose
quoted here, recreate the life led in the time of Shakespeare which the
great writer described. No trouble has been spared and no research
neglected. We can here trace the progress of a Tudor youth, first in the
country, then at school and college, in London, the theatrical career,
the home, and the court. Nor are the sides of literature and superstition
(the latter of which played a large part) neglected. All this * first hand '
illustrative matter is from Tudor writers whose prose alone would be
worth study, but whose unconscious glosses upon Shakespeare make
their slightest words valuable.

438 Mackenzie : War-Pictures from Clarendon

WAR-PICTURES FROM CLARENDON. Edited by Robert Jameson Mac-
kenzie. 8vo. Pp. 276 with 12 Portraits. Oxford : Clarendon Press.
1912. 2s. 6d. net.

THE tercentenary in 1909 of Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, suggested
this stout volume of representative selections from his History of the Great
Rebellion. It presents attractively the essence of the great royalist his-
torian, especially on the military fortunes, or rather misfortunes, of the
cause. But the spirit of the whole is well sampled, and the chapter
estimating the * brave bad man ' Cromwell was well worthy of its inclusion.
Unfortunately the introduction is for student purposes defective in biblio-
graphical particulars, neither telling the date of writing the History nor its
date of publication, nor even that of the edition from which the reprinting
has been done, nor giving any hint that the text may need fresh scrutiny.
But there are useful footnotes throughout, the index is sensible, and the
portraits are capital.

How TO TRACE A PEDIGREE. By H. A. Crofton. Sm. 8vo. Pp. v, 67.
London: Elliot Stock. 1911. 2s. net.

BEGINNERS, and not a few whose beginning was long ago, will find this
small manual helpful. In the few pages given to Scotland we notice some
erroneous statements, e.g. that the Exchequer Records only date from 1474,
and that till 1874 Scotsmen could not devise land by will. But withal the
little book is of good counsel.

THE STORY OF ENGLAND. By Muriel O. Davis. Cr. 8vo. Pp. 320,
with 1 6 Maps. Oxford : Clarendon Press. 35.

THIS is a spirited school history, in which some apt citations of the
* ballads of the people ' are cleverly utilised to lighten and brighten the
narrative. Miss Davis ends her first part with Elizabeth and her second
with Victoria, and focusses much attention on these two feminine reigns.
International problems are fairly presented, and a patriotic glow suffuses
the early regal as well as the later imperial tale. A novel and attractive
idea is a map pointing out the sites of the chief Anglo-Scottish battles. A
special chart shows the routes of the Jacobite marches in the '45.

THE FULL RECOGNITION OF JAPAN : BEING A DETAILED ACCOUNT OF THE
ECONOMIC PROGRESS OF THE JAPANESE EMPIRE TO 1911. By Robert
P. Porter. Pp. xii, 789. With seven coloured maps. Med. 8vo.
London: Henry Frowde. 1911. ios.6d.net.

THIS volume gives a sketch of the early history of Japan, and then proceeds
to treat, with great detail, of its recent developments under various heads,
such as population, education, occupations, with notes on industrial progress,
labour, and wages ; the navy, the army, finance, trade, commerce and
shipping, agriculture, forestry, fishing, and mines. It also gives an account
of each of the larger cities, and has chapters on literature, art, the drama,
sports, and philanthropic work. The future historian of Japan will find it
a mine of information. The student who wishes to refer to the state

Elias : In Stuart Times 439

of Japan within the last generation will find carefully collected statistics,
and a detailed account of almost all aspects of Japanese life and activity.

IN STUART TIMES. By Edith L. Elias. 260 pp. With 16 illustrations.
Fcap. 8vo. London : Harrap & Co. 1911. is. 6d.

THIS book is a series of character studies of various prominent figures in the
Stuart period. The paper on James VI., if rather severe in its judgment
of the king, serves to throw into bold relief the difficulties which James
created for his successor in ofHce. In dealing with the latter, Miss Elias is
far less able ; for she declares that Charles I. * had no sense of his personal
responsibility towards the nation' — a statement which even Macaulay
would have contradicted — while she undoubtedly exaggerates the extent to
which tyranny was the vogue during Charles's reign. As Mr. G. M.
Trevelyan has well pointed out in England under the Stuarts, the Civil War
hardly represented a brave nation struggling for its liberty, but was, in
reality, a combat between two political parties, and a combat, moreover, in
which the great bulk of the people took comparatively slight interest. At
the battle of Naseby, for example, Fairfax mustered only 14,000 men, yet
at this period the population of London alone was fully 400,000.

THE ENGLISH PURITANS. By John Brown, D.D. Pp. vi, 160. Royal
l6mo. Cambridge: University Press. 1910. is.net.

THIS volume is interesting and useful as a review of English Puritanism
from the middle of the sixteenth century to the middle of the seventeenth,
but it is not up to the level of the rest of the series. Although the writer
is on the whole eminently fair, the book is written rather from the Puritan
than from the neutral standpoint, and there are one or two mistakes, e.g. the
statement about the Elizabethan Injunctions 2 and 1 8 on p. 1 8 is inaccurate
and misleading. So is the statement that the 1549 Prayer Book 'took the
place of the Mass' (p. 7), which is not in accordance with the contents
of the book itself. The reference to Scotland on p. 80 is also inaccurate.

ENGLISH FAIRY POETRY. FROM THE ORIGINS TO THE SEVENTEENTH
CENTURY. By Floris Delattra. 8vo. Pp. 235. London : Henry
Frowde. 1912. 45. net.

SOMETHING of fairy winsomeness attaches to this slender study of the little
folk whose tradition Spenser, Shakespeare, Ben Jonson, Milton, and
Herrick inherited from romance, ballad, and folklore. We suspect the
wayward crew would object to a more ponderous bibliography, and for
a popular literary survey, well- furnished with quotations of dainty verse and
a hand-list of texts and some leading critical studies, Mr. Delattre's essay,
printed in Bruges, is excellent in style and quality.

A trifle disturbing is the problem of the relation between Herrick's
gossamer pieces about fairies and R. S.'s Description of the King and £)ueene of
FayrieSy printed in 1635, and W. Browne's Britannia's Pastorals. A
reprint of R. S.'s Description forms welcome appendix, c beeing very
delightfull to the sense and full of mirth,' as well as helpful to source-
criticism — whether of Herrick or of R. S. is the point for consideration.

440 Current Literature

Dr. P. J. Anderson has issued for the University of Aberdeen a Subject
Catalogue of the Phillips Library of Pharmacology and Therapeutics '615
(8vo. Pp. 240. Aberdeen: University Press. 1911), which is not only
an excellent practical and well-printed guide to the contents of the library
founded in Marischal College by the late Dr. C. D. F. Phillips, but is also
a good illustration of the Dewey catalogue system modified to particular
requirements. The works are arranged according to general subdivisions ;
a short index sets out all subjects, general and special ; and there is a full
author index.

The Home University of Modern Knowledge vigorously justifies its
bold title, and continues to produce shilling volumes of the first quality
in information, grasp, and freshness,

The History of England, by Professor A. F. Pollard, shines with formulae,
e.g. about custom giving way to competition as the history of trade, about a
peer being * equal to anything,' about the superabundance of lawyers in
the American States at the revolution, about the politics of anarchy, about
the restriction of dukes, about the real English conquest as the submission
of the minority, about the Reformation as a double revolt by the nation
against Rome and the laity against priesthood. They sometimes smack of a
political opinion, but even so are admirable mnemonics.

Rome, by Professor W. Warde Fowler, equally wins its place by a point
of view consistently maintained towards the struggle, first for existence,
then for unity, and at last for consolidation, till his story pauses on the
great reign of Hadrian. It is perhaps not ours to challenge so eminent an
exponent of the Roman spirit, but we cannot accept his central denial of
imagination to the race. Indeed, we think his own learned and eloquent
little book fully refutes the charge.

In English Literature, Medieval, by Prof. W. P. Ker, we are in the
hands of a master whose sympathy is as keen and profound as his know-
ledge. To appreciate the middle ages there is needed a sense of affinity
with barbarism and of revolt against the classic supremacy. Shall we
hesitate to say that Prof. Ker deliberately prefers barbarism and hankers
after the winds that blow over the North Sea ? Romance, however, did
not come so, and he has oftener to trace an evolution by the French route.
Away from the romances he almost seems to enjoy himself as much by the
wayside among the political ballads about Wallace and Bruce as on the
high road that led to Chaucer. The alliterative group is prominent, and
everywhere there are echoes of pleasant lines of earlier study — among them
once more the emphatic tribute to the rounded greatness of Troilus, as
Chaucer's sum of achievement, the poetic testament of the middle ages.

The Emeritus-Professor (8vo, pp. vi, 92. Glasgow : Published for the
author by James MacLehose & Sons, 1912) is a mystification by an
alleged * George ' in reminiscence of an alleged * Professor Dennistoun,'
holder of Natural Philosophy chair in 'St. Duncan's,' retired circa 1880,
died aetat 76 in 1894. It is a study of a sunset, a memoir of personal
intimacies with Professor William Swan of St. Andrews in his closing
years. The touch of an old-world grace and something of an old-world

Current Literature 441

hero-worship, plus an old-world theology, and tempered with playful but
sober-sided humour, animates this tribute. It has its sanctities as well as its
zeal of affectionate memory, winning the reader's regard for the Emeritus-
Professor and in hardly less degree for the loyalty of the friend and kins-
man who, after eighteen years, writes him so uncommon an epitaph.
Who that concealed friend is — his Christian name not George — may
perhaps be gleaned from the title-page of an analogous booklet (reviewed
S.H.R. vii. 199) in honour of Professor W. P. Dickson.

Midlothian. By Alex. M'Callum. With map, diagrams and illus-
trations. (Cambridge County Geographies. Pp. 208. Cambridge Uni-
versity Press. 1912. is. 6d.) We begin by challenging Mr. M'Callum's
statement that a Scottish county is a * district which was at one time under
the jurisdiction of a Count.' We invite him to give his proofs that * the
sheriffdom of " Lothian " is known to have been one of the first to be con-
stituted.' Also to give his proofs for the extraordinary proposition that
the powers of the Provost of Edinburgh * within the territory of the Sheriff
of Lothian ' — and therefore within the burgh itself — were abolished in 1747.
We also seek his warrant for saying that since 1870 'the Sheriff of Edin-
burgh ' exercises jurisdiction over Peebles. We fear there is some looseness
of statement in these propositions, which perhaps begin by mistaking
Lothian for Edinburgh, and end by mistaking Edinburgh for Lothian.
Certainly there is a failure to deal fitly with the place of Lothian in insti-
tutional and national history.

We are puzzled by the declaration that in 'Scotland, as elsewhere, the
earliest form of fortification was probably the earthen mound, surrounded
by a wooden palisade or a turf wall.' If, as one must suppose, mound here
means motte, we shall have to suspect that grave misconceptions lurk in
archaeological chronology. A later proposition about peel-towers betrays
some further unfamiliarity with an evolutionary type greatly used in the
War of Independence. We are startled to learn that Mons Meg is * the
oldest cannon in Europe ' : there are examples more than half a century
earlier.

Disburdened of this handful of protests, we are free, guardedly, to welcome
Mr. M'Callum's mingling of geography and topography, of natural, marine,
architectural, political, and industrial history, and above all of Edinburgh
literary biography, as a remarkably handy compendium. Profuse illustrations,
including much landscape and architecture 'old in story,' as well as many por-
traits of Midlothian's celebrities equip the little book with special pictorial
attractions. Mr. M'Callum writes in a clear and interesting style, his area
of information is wide and varied, and his geographico-historical hand-book
of ' Midlothian ' will, not only by the virtues and graces of its subject, but
also by its general execution, take honourable rank in the County Series.

The Knox Club has published, with a prefatory note by Dr. Hay
Fleming, Illustrations of Antichrist's Rejoicing over the Massacre of St.
Bartholomew. Second Edition (pp. 1 6, price 3d.). The title is, perhaps,
unnecessarily provocative, but the plates, which are reproductions of Vasari's
paintings in the Vatican, are argument lurid enough, while a medal of

442 Current Literature

Gregory XIII., inscribed VGONOTTORVM STRAGES 1572, betrays equally
savage triumph. A contemporary order for a procession on the occasion is
represented, giving a painful ritual of thanksgiving. A fourth edition,
enlarged (pp. 32, price 6d.), has additional evidences both in letterpress and
illustration.

Dr. Hay Fleming has sent us an offprint of his article contributed to
Mr. Moir Bryce's History of the Old Greyfriars* Churchy Edinburgh, on
'The Subscribing of the National Covenant in 1638.' It disproves the
current story that the signing took place on a tombstone in the churchyard
and that it was the work of a single day.

The sermons entitled Sunday Evenings in the College Chapel (by Francis
Greenwood Peabody. 8vo. Pp. xi, 300. London: Constable & Co.
1911. 55. net) only warrant notice here in virtue of the last, which was
preached at the 25Oth anniversary of the founding of Harvard College, and
essays an appreciation of the Puritan spirit of the College and the ideal
which rose above all limitations and under constantly expanding auspices
has remained an inspiration. Another discourse is Unity, Peace, and
Charity, a tercentenary lecture on Archbishop Leighton, by Rev. D.
Butler, D.D. (8vo. Pp. 60. Edinburgh : Oliphant, Anderson & Ferrier.
1911. is. net). It is an eloge of a much-abused man who tried a
middle course between bishop and covenant and failed. Coming from his
biographer and the editor of his letters, it is a sermonette of history breath-
ing the pious graces of its title.

The Oxford University Press has added to its series of Scott's novels
Anne of Geier stein (Cr. 8vo. Pp. xvi, 524. Price 2s.), seldom thought of
as being a sort of complement to ^uentin Durward in that it continues to
the end the story of Charles the Bold. There are 24 standard illustrations
and the type is clear.

Canada and the Most Favored Nation Treaties, by Professor O. D.
Skelton. (Pp. 24. Jackson Press, Kingston, Ontario), is No. 2 Historical
Bulletin from Queen's University, Kingston. It traces the gradual
acquisition by Canada and other colonies of power to negotiate direct with
non-British powers treaties on tariffs, and it discusses varieties of mode in
reciprocity. The little paper has double value : first, as a study of a phase
of sovereignty under colonial conditions ; and second, as a chapter on
reciprocal tariffs.

The Map of the Greekless Areas of Scotland, with notes by Professor
Harrower (Pp. 7. Aberdeen: University Press. 1912. 4d.) protests,
perhaps a trifle overmuch, that Greek is doomed in Scotland, ' and doomed
by the action of the Scotch Education Department.'

Aberdeen University Library Bulletin, No. 2, Jan. 1912, makes a useful
specialty of a classified list of current serials.

The April number contains an essay by Mr. J. M. Bulloch on his ideal
of a University Library : it will make some University librarians shiver.
Dr. P. Giles and Dr. P. J. Anderson deal with the life and psalm-book

Current Literature 443

collecting of the late Mr. W. L. Taylor, the catalogue of whose collection
of psalmody, especially in metrical versions, now in the Aberdeen University
Library, is begun in this part.

A brochure entitled Una Stuart a Milano nel Settecento? by Alessandro
Guilini, (Milan, L. F. Cogliati, 1911), contains an account of some
documents which Sig. Guilini has discovered in the Ambrosian Library
there, as well as in Venice and in the library of Count Gilbert Borromeo,
about a James Stuart who posed as being the grandson of Charles II. He
stated that he was the son of James Stuart, a natural son of Charles II.,
and Teresa Corona, a person of ordinary condition of life, whom he had
married in Naples in 1669. This pamphlet gives an account of the
adventures of his son in Vienna and various parts of Italy, and the treat-
ment he received from the authorities. The documents are printed as an
appendix, and the author leaves it to the reader to decide whether this
James Stuart was really a scion of the royal house or only an adventurer.

To the recent rather startling energy of popular publishing under the
auspices of the centres of learning we owe, among other things, the shilling
series of very instructive Cambridge Manuals of Science and Literature
issued by the Cambridge University Press. Mr. R. S. Rait on Life in the
Medieval University (i6mo, pp. viii, 164) gives a lively and learned sketch
condensing in brisk description the substance of much recent erudition
garnered by Dr. Rochdall and others on the confraternities of scholarship in
the middle ages.

Dr. H. B. Workman on Methodism (pp. v, 133), narrates the life of
Wesley, traces the struggles, schisms, theology and polity of the revival
system he organised, and offers an interpretation of its modern as well as
historic spirit.

Mr. T. F. Henderson on The Ballad in Literature (pp. ix, 128) produces
an essay overflowing with interest and with invitations to literary disputa-
tion. He holds the balance very fairly between Mr. Lang and Col.
Elliot about the Otterburn, Auld Maitland, Kinmont Will and Jamie
Telfer ballads, and Sir Walter's editorial finger in the pie. On the con-
stitutional problems of origin and definition, Professors Child, Kitteredge
and Gummere are reviewed : we could gladly have had more of Mr. Hen-
derson himself. What was ballad ? A typical literary form and early
convention ? Or a form in conjunction with a restricted type of narrative ?
Form more than subject ? Art, frequently third class, more than tradition ?

The Clarendon Press has published at is. net a Teacher's Companion
(pp. 64), by Mr. C. R. L. Fletcher, to the School History of England by
him and Mr. Kipling, reviewed in S.H.R. ix. 324. It consists of authorities
and notes.

Worthy in design and promise is the scheme of Bell's English History
Source Books, edited by Mr. S. E. Wimbolt and Mr. Kenneth Bell. It is
well begun by Mr. Wimbolt's compilation on American Independence and
the French Revolution, 1760-1801 (or. 8vo, pp. viii, I2O, is. net), which
extracts short representative pieces from contemporary materials, and thus

2G

444 Current Literature

gives in brief outline the state of things political in England and abroad as
reflected in current letters, speeches, journals and state papers. Passages
selected include Pitt's letters accepting the peerage, descriptions of the tea-
riots in Boston harbour, and of the Gordon * No Popery ' disturbances in
London, as well as accounts of the Nore mutiny and the Battle of the Nile.
The French Revolution, it is true, is rather elbowed out by home affairs.
This British focus improves the collection, which has much of the effect of
a diary. Events seen as they pass * in their habit as they lived ' have a
vivid touch which the ablest retrospect can seldom attain.

A revised translation of Bede's Ecclesiastical History of England, with
Introduction, Life, and Notes by A. M. Sellar, has been issued by Messrs.
George Bell & Sons in their Bohn's Library. Miss Sellar admirably
presents, in a short and convenient form, the substance of the views held by
trustworthy authorities. She has written in a simple, direct, and interesting
manner. There is an excellent map with the place names of England
current in the eighth century, and there is also a copious index. The
notes are full and up to date, although Miss Sellar seems unaware of the
recent volume by Dr. George MacDonald on the Scottish Roman Wall, if
we judge from her remark at page 24. There can hardly be a doubt that
Peanfahel is Kinneil ; at page 141 Wigton should be Wigtown. Altogether
the volume forms a valuable handbook to the study of Bede, whose
writings are of perennial interest as one of the springs or sources of the early
history of England.

Bibliotheca Celtica, a Register of publications relating to Wales and
the Celtic peoples and languages for the year 1910, has been issued by the
National Library of Wales (Aberystwyth, 1912). This is a useful record.
The number of publications in the Welsh language is surprising.

The Appendices dealing with the Eisteddfodau, and with the Welsh and
Celtic Periodical Literature indicate that the Welsh language is vital to a
degree very different from that of Gaelic in Scotland.

Queen's University (Kingston, Canada) History Bulletin No. 3, by Mr.
James Douglas, on The Status of Women in New England and New France,
essays to prove a higher achievement in public spirit and benevolent enter-
prise among seventeenth-century Frenchwomen settling in Canada than
among Englishwomen of the same time in New England. The cause
suggested is the Puritan revolt against chivalry, with a consequent deprecia-
tion of woman in Puritan society.

The English Historical Review (April) has one paper tracing William
the Conqueror's itinerary from Hastings to London in 1066. Another
explains a remarkable legal evolution in the powers of justices of peace
due to an unwarranted not in the interpretation of an act of parliament
34 Edward III. Mr. A. G. Little records the discovery of the lost part
of Roger Bacon's Opus Tertium. A striking diplomatic adventure is
narrated, showing how the designs of France on the Balearic Islands in
1840 were frustrated by the promptitude of Mr. Newton S. Scott, then
an attache at the British Embassy at Madrid.

Current Literature • 445

The Home Counties Magazine (March), besides well-illustrated local
studies on Kent, Essex, and the capital, discusses origins of fairs in England.

Notes and Queries for Somerset and Dorset (March) continues printing a
curious register of village tenancies and tenures in Sherborne in 1377. It
also gives a reproduction, much reduced, of a remarkably informing map
of the coast of Dorset, cent, xvi., showing ships, beacons, and pirates'
gallows.

Somersetshire Archaeological and Natural History Society : Proceedings during
the year 1911. (8vo. Part I. pp. xii, 132 ; Part II. pp. 169. Taunton:
The Wessex Press. 1912.) This society's miscellaneous activities yield a
solid annual record of local archaeology. Further progress is registered on
the excavations at Glastonbury Abbey, of which there are plans and capital
photographs and drawings. There is a paper by Miss H. C. Foxcroft,
with interesting detail on Monmouth's half-victorious skirmish at Philip's
Norton in 1685.

Berks, Bucks and Oxon Archaeological Journal (Jan.), besides church notes
and brasses well reproduced, has a curious memorandum about ' blacking '
(deer poaching by men with blackened faces) in Windsor Forest in 1722-23.

The Holborn Review (April) has a popular article on stone-worship and a
report on recent studies in anthropology and comparative religion.

The Viking Club goes on and prospers in its variety of enterprises. Its
Old-lore Miscellany (April) deals with the old Orkney township and with
Shetland wrecks and Shetland music. Its Caithness and Sutherland Records,
printing all sorts of deeds and writs of dates 1342-1370, in the April instal-
ment, must ere long rank as a veritable historic cartulary of the two
northern shires, alike for secular and ecclesiastical documents.

The Celtic Annual, 1912, being the Year-book of the Dundee Highland
Society, is profuse in portraits, with biographies attached, including those
of Dr. Douglas Hyde, Mr. W. M. Mackenzie, and ' the Tournaig bard,'
Mr. Alexander Cameron.

The Scottish Standard-Bearer has an article on the Priory Church of St.
Clement at Rodel, or Rowadill, in Harris, by Miss L. Copland, making
praiseworthy appeal for the preservation of the beautiful but neglected
fabric, with its fine sixteenth century Macleod monument of 1528.

In the Juridical Review (Jan.) Mr. A. H. Charteris discusses the 'defence
of alien enemy' in view of the Hague Convention. Mr. G. D.Valentine
supports sovereignty, not freedom, as the law of the air invaded by the
flying machine. Mr. G. Stronach searches abortively for light on Lord
Campbell's story of Wedderburn, Lord Loughborough's flinging his gown
in the face of the Court of Session.

The American Historical Review (April) has an article by Mr. Wallace
Notestein on the * Committee of both Kingdoms,' which was formed in
1644, and brought a Scottish element into the evolution of the English

446 Current Literature

constitution by its developed resultant in the cabinet system. The
Historical Association's conference in 1911 is well reported. Quit-Rents
in American colonial tenure are reviewed. Discussing the famous affair
of the * Trent,' which so nearly involved a war between Britain and the
United States, Prof. Charles F. Adams is severe on the diplomacy of
both sides.

But perhaps of more importance than any of these is the presentment of
two manuscript reports of parliamentary debates of 1766 on the American
crisis. Previously published reports are meagre and quite inadequate,
especially for the Lords' debate, about which the Parliamentary History
categorically states that * the speeches have not been any where preserved.'
These deficiencies are now handsomely made good. Grey Cooper, M.P.
for Rochester, took a full note of the Declaratory Act debate in the Com-
mons, and the Earl of Hardwicke a still fuller note of the later and still more
vital closed-doors discussion in the Lords on the Repeal of the Stamp Act.
These reports now edited in full, the former by Prof. Hull of Cornell, and
the latter by Mr. Harold Temperley of Cambridge, contain much new and
striking material for the parliamentary story of the Revolution.

Missouri Historical Society Collections, vol. iii. No. 4, published by the
Society at St. Louis, edits a journal of the founding of St. Louis, 1762-4,
by Auguste Chouteau (1750-1829), who as a boy took part in the ascent
of the river from New Orleans.

The January number of the Iowa Journal of History and Politics consists
of Mr. Clifford Powell's history of the Iowa Code of 1851, and of Notes
by the late Dr. William Jones on the Fox Indians. The Code was a
constitution, and dealt with government education and law. Folklorists
will find much to attract them in the story of the cosmogony, the ' four
great manitous ' beyond the clouds, the beliefs and practices, and the clan
system and totemism of the 'Foxes, who once lived on the eastern border
of Iowa.

In the Revue Historique (March-April) a remarkable study by M. Paul
Fredericq on the recent Catholic historians of the Inquisition in France
shows how the overwhelming body of facts marshalled by the late Dr.
Henry C. Lea has, perhaps not the less quickly because of the studious
avoidance of passion or denunciation, carried conviction and won approba-
tion even among most orthodox recent historians. At first scouted and
mistrusted, the masterly and impartial collection of evidence first presented
by Lea in 1888 steadily made itself irresistible. Facts disarm prejudices,
even of creed. M. Fredericq regards the change effected since 1888 as 'a
visible scientific evolution deserving to be signalized as a precious indication
of the growing triumph of historical truth.' Another notable contribution,
by M. Lionel Bataillon, traces the competitive struggle between various
classes of notaries from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century in France,
especially in Burgundy. It was a strife of royal notaries, ducal notaries,
and church notaries, in which the conjunction of judicial jurisdiction and
the power of notarial appointment proved to be a combination fatal to the

Current Literature 447

clerical notarial system. The church notaries were already practically
driven out of the field, when the death of Charles the Bold made the ducal
notaries royal and completed the anticlerical conquest.

We note that the author is to publish a book on these Luttes notariales
which, illustrating the laicizing of the notary, cannot fail to be an important
chapter of legal history for Europe at large, to say nothing of its significance
for Scotland.

The Revue Historique (Mai-Juin) has its cover in black borders for the
death of its founder and co-editor, M. Gabriel Monod, whose busy, brilliant
and influential career is sketched by M. Ch. Bemont and Ch. Pfister with
affectionate yet critical appreciation. M. Bemont in this number also edits
from the contemporary MS. of Hugues Cousin le Vieux extensive extracts
descriptive of the troubles in England in 1553-4, following the accession of
Queen Mary. Cousin, who was a quartermaster (fourrier) at the court of
the Emperor Charles V., made considerable use of Sleidan, modified to the
Catholic view, but has matter of his own of independent though minor
value on the Catholic restoration and the suppressed insurrections.

In drchivum Franciscanum Historicum for July, Father Michael Bihl
settles, from a document in the public archives of Ghent, the disputed date
of the General Chapter of the Franciscans held at Metz. The original
agreement, now published for the first time, has attached to it a fine
impression of the seal of the Minister-General, John of Parma, and is
dated in General Chapter at Metz, June 1254. This discovery cor-
roborates Professor A. G. Little's conclusion in favour of 1254 as the real
date arrived at from other considerations. (See Little's De Adventu
Fratrum Minorum in Anglia^ p. 127.) Photographs of the document and
of the seal are appended to the article.

In the July, October, and January numbers we have from the pen of
Fr. Erhard Schlund a thoroughgoing study of an early scientist and fore-
runner of Roger Bacon — Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt in Picardy — whose
Epistola de Magnete is known to have been written in 1269. He seems
to have been a knight, and was present, probably as a military engineer, at
the siege of Luceria (now Lucera in Apulia) by Charles of Anjou in the
year 1269. Among documents relating to the Claresses of Bordeaux,
edited by Father F. M. Delorme, in the January issue there appears a Bull
of Gregory IX. commending the nuns to the special protection of the
King of England, Henry III. Its date is July 28, 1239.

The Analecta Bollandiana (May 1911) opens with a short memoir of
the late Father Charles De Smedt, president of the Society of the
Bollandists, who died upon March 5, 1911. Born in 1831 at Ghent,
Father De Smedt, after having been professor at Namur, returned in 1870
from Paris to Belgium and joined the editorial staff of the Acta Sanctorum,
becoming director-in-chief in 1882. He was a pioneer in the work of intro-
ducing critical methods into the handling of the hagiographic manuscripts
dealt with by the Bollandist fathers. He retired from the active direction
of the great work of his life in 1902. His memory among his colleagues
and students of ecclesiastical history and biography will long be green.

Communications and Replies

JOHN HOME'S EPIGRAM (S.H.R. ix. 346). I cannot refer Dr*
Mackay to the original reference for Home's famous epigram, occasioned
by the increased duty upon French wines, whereby the wines of the Peninsula
received a substantial preference.

While John Home the playwright exalted claret above every other wine,
David Hume the philosopher swore by port. So vigorously did each defend
his several taste that David, dying in 1776, left a codicil to his will whereby
he bequeathed to John 'ten dozen of my old claret at his choice, and a
single bottle of that other liquor called port. I also leave to him six dozen
of port, provided that he attests under his hand, signed John Home, that he
has himself alone finished that bottle at two sittings. By this concession he
will at once terminate the only two differences that ever arose between us
concerning temporal matters.'

Monreith. HERBERT MAXWELL.

THE CLAN MACPHERSON ABROAD (S.H.R. ix. 268). The
MacPhersons, like the Campbells, Gordons, Hamiltons, and Douglases
have wandered far afield. Prominent amongst the Scoto-Swedish families
were the Fersens, the Swedish form of MacPherson.

The present representative of the family is Count Gfersen Gyldenstolpe,
Major-General and Master of the Horse to H.M. the King of Sweden.
The General's mother was the last member of the Fersen family in
Sweden. The General supplies the following interesting account of this
branch of the Clan MacPherson : * The family is descended from the old
Scottish MacPherson Clan ; is, though extinct here, still existing in
Prussia under the name of Versen, as well as in Russia (Baltic provinces),
where they call themselves Fersens, as they did in Sweden.

' Joachim MacPherson left Scotland and went to Poland, and received
afterwards for his services a land property, called Burtzlaff, situated in
Pomerania (Hinter-Pommern). According to German pronunciation he
took the name of Versen. One of his descendants, Conrad Versen, was
already in 1604 living there, and charged with a high official appointment.
Later the family separated ; one branch went to Livonia (at this time a
Swedish province) under the name of Fersen.

'Simon Von Fersen, of the House of BurtzlafF, and his wife, called Rolich,
of the House Crolow, lived in 1650. They had two sons, Joachim, who
is considered to be the ancestor of the Swedish line, and Henning, who
stayed in possession of BurtzlafF.

The Clan MacPherson Abroad 449

* Joachim Volthers "gennant von Fersen " was in 1670 Governor
(Heermeister) of Livonia and a knight of the "Order of the Sword."
When that country came to belong to Russia, the family was introduced
in the House of Nobles in the town of Riga, while another part had gone
over to Sweden, where they were made counts for their gallant behaviour
in the different wars during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The
most remarkable members were Fabian Von Fersen, Otto Vilhelm, and
Hans Von Fersen (died in 1736), all distinguished general officers. The
son of the latter, Axel Von Fersen, was a field marshal and a great
politician. His son, Axel H. von Fersen, was distinguished for his daring
attempt during the French Revolution to save the Royal family, but who
were captured at Varennes. Count Axel was assassinated in 1810 during
a popular tumult in the streets of Stockholm. A nephew, Count Hans
von Fersen, son of his brother, was the last male member of the family,
and he died in 1839. The latter's sister was married to Count Glyden-
stolpe, and with her the family became extinct in Sweden.'

The Count adds : ' I am in possession of a seal, which is said to have
been the Scottish crest. The cat above seems similar to the crest in your
letter, and the English motto is, " Touch not the cat bot a glove." ' The
impression of the seal is a correct representation of the MacPherson crest,
armorial bearings, and motto.

The Russian branch has still a representative in the person of Colonel
Count Fersen, who was aide-de-camp to the Grand Duke Vladimir during
the revolutionary events in 1905. Count Fersen's armorial bearings are
stated to be similar to those of Cluny.

The Prussian branch is still represented by the Count Versens.

In Holland the MacPhersons have had distinguished representatives,
although their advent there was at a more recent date. After the '45 two
brothers who had been out with Prince Charlie fled to that country, and
settled there. Their descendants have risen to distinction in the service of
Holland and Belgium, becoming barons and governors of provinces and
colonies. At Bois le Due there is a home for old gentlemen called ' Huis
MacPherson,' founded by a descendant of one of the brothers, who was a
governor of Limburg, and married the Baroness Von Meuwen. In the
dining-room there is a large oil painting of Baron MacPherson, and the
correct clan crest and motto is carved on a black marble slab over
the mantelpiece. The present representative is Capt. MacPherson of the
Nederlands Artillery.

A distinguished scion of the clan was General John MacPherson, who
is known in Venezuelan history as the * Illustrious procurer of the
independence of Venezuela.' He was Bolivar's right-hand man, and rose
to be Commander-in-Chief of the Venezuelan Army. MacPherson with
a number of other Scots officers stationed in the West Indies in 1819
apparently left the British service and joined the patriots in the revolted
Spanish provinces. Shortly afterwards he married Donna Mercedes Jugo,
daughter of Don Diego de Jugo Y Pulgar, one of the leading and
outstanding figures in the fight for independence. He died in 1854,
leaving a son and daughter. The son, also named John, adopted a

450 The Clan MacPherson Abroad

military life, ultimately becoming Commander-in-Chief of the Venezuelan
forces. Some years ago he was in command on the frontier during the
period when there were strained relations with this country. However,
he remembered his Scots ancestry, and invited the British officers to his
camp and hospitably entertained them. During one of the numerous
insurrectionary movements against Castro he was killed, leaving five
daughters, two of them bearing such typical Scots names as Anna and
Mary. The daughter of General John the first married Ramon Her-
nandez, whose son (the Marquis de Hernandez) was President Castro's
leading opponent and rival. D. MACPHERSON.

A RECIPE FOR MAKING RED WAX IN SIXTEENTH
CENTURY SCOTS. The following recipe for making red wax is
written in a hand of the first part of the sixteenth century upon a blank
leaf at the end of a copy of Boetius de consolatione philosophic necnon de
disciplina scholarium cum commento sancti Thome. So runs the title page ;
there is no colophon, but the book may have been printed at Lyons about
1510, to judge from the character of the Gothic letter and ornaments. It
is now in the possession of Mr. John Orr, 74 George Street, Edinburgh.

To mak ryd wax

Tak quhit wax wl terpatyne and quhyt creish yl ye terpatyne be bot
thryd part als mekill as ye quhit wax as ye quarter of ane pund of quhit
wax tak ye thrid part of a quarter of a pund of terpataine and leist of all of
ye creiche ane litill pece of ellis vie doly ane litill suip failzeand y' ye
creche can nothe be gottin bot ye olydolye is best

Tak ye wax wl ye terpatyne and ye crethe or olye and put yame in
a puder diche and set ye puder diche apon ane byrnand peit or gleid and
lat it bot melt suberlye And quhen it is meltit tak vermeleon and put in
amang it in ye diche and steir it weill about wl ane stik and syne lat
it cwill and mak it in litill pecis and gif it be our hart put in mair
terpatyne ye nixt tyme and braye vermeleon weill

The book also bears the following autographs in sixteenth century
hands :

Codex archibaldi vilkey et amicorum
Codex Mr Roberti Wilkie

F. C. EELES.

Index

Abbott, William C., Colonel Thomas

Blood,

Aberdeen University Library Bulle-
tin, - - 213,
Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer

of Scotland, by Sir J. Balfour

Paul, -
Aktstykker til de Norske Staender-

moders Historie,
Alcuin Club Collections,
American Historical Association,

Annual Report for year 1908,

333; Report for year 1909, -
American Historical Review,

103, 216, 341,
Anakcta Bollandiana,
Anderson, Dr. P. J., Aberdeen

University Library Bulletin,
Anderson, J. Maitland, Handbook

to St. Andrews,

Anderson, P. J., reviews by, 187,
Anderson, P. J., Subject Catalogue

of the Phillips Library, -
Andrew, Samuel, and Lees, Major

W., Excavation ojthe Roman Forts

at Castleshaw,
Anglo-Russian Literary Society's

Proceedings, -
Anson, Sir William R., The Law

and Custom of the Constitution, -
Antiqvarisk Tidskrift for Sverige, -
Archaeologia Aeliana, edited by R.

Blair, -
Archiv filr das Studium der neueren

Sprachen und Literaturen,
Archivum Franciscanum Historicum,
Arintrache, John of,
Armes, Traite des, Gaya's, edited

by C. Ffoulkes, -

PAGE PAGE

Army, A History of the British, by
97 Hon. J. W. Fortescue, 84

Arnamagnaenske Haandskrift, - 329
442 Atkinson, C. T., reviews by,

84, 1 88, 305

Atteridge, A. Hilliard, Joachim
319 Murat, - 206

Australian Commonwealth, The First
329 Decay of the, by H. G. Turner, 99

4J7

Ballad Illustrating the Bishops

Wars,- - 363

339 Ballad in Literature, The, by T. F.

Henderson, - - 443

445 Ballad on the Anticipated Birth
447 of an Heir to Queen Mary,

'554, - 361

2 1 3 Bannister, O. H. M., Two Manu-
scripts of the Abbey of Coupar-
204 Angus, by, - - 97

322 Barrington, Michael, Grahame of

Claver house, - - - 192

440 Barren, Rev. Douglas G., In

Defence of the Regalia, - - 323
Bartholomew, Illustrations of Anti-
435 chrisfs Rejoicing over the Massacre

of St., - - 441

215 Bedis Ecclesiastical History of Eng-
land, - - 444
4 1 3 Belcher, Rev. H., The First Ameri-
197 can Civil War, by, - 423

Bell, F. Elrington, Correspondence
209 of Jonathan Swift, edited by, - 205
Bell, Kenneth, Medieval Europe, - 204
218 Berks, Bucks, and Oxon Archteo-
447 logical Journal, 216, 445

346 Bethlehem, Order of the Star.

of, - 109

339 Beveridge, Erskine, North Uist, - 199

451

452

Index

Bibliotheca Celtica, 213,444

Bishops of Scotland, The, by the

late Right Rev. John Dowden, 411
Black Friars and the Scottish

Universities, by W. Moir

Bryce, I

Black, William George, review by, 1 86
Black, W. G., The Civil and

Ecclesiastical Parish in Scotland,- 436
Blair, R., Arcfueokgia Aeliana,

edited by, - - 209

Blomfield, Reginald, A History of

French Architecture, - 303

Blood, Colonel Thomas, by William

C. Abbott, - 97

Blundell, Fred Odo, review by, - 199
Books, Reviews of, 8 1, 172, 301, 41 1
Bosanquet, Professor R. C., - IOI
Brandl, Alois, On the Early

Northumbrian Poem, A Vision

of the Cross of Christ, - - 139
Bremner, Robert L., note by, - 107
Bretagne,V Administration financier e

de 1689 a 1715 des ttats de, by

F. Quesette, - 318

Brown, John, The English Puritans, 439
Brown, G. Baldwin, review by, - 303
Brown, Mary Croom, Mary

Tudor, Queen of France, - - 1 89
Brown, P. Hume, History of Scot-
land to the Present Time, - - 316
Brown, P. Hume, The Register of

the Privy Council of Scotland,

edited by, - -4*5

Brown, Rev. J. Wood, San Viano,

A Scottish Saint, - - 387

Browning, Oscar, Despatches from

Paris, edited by, - - 337

Broxap, Henry, Biography of

Thomas Deacon, - - 96

Bruce, John, Historiographer, by

W. Foster, - - 366

Bruce, Pageant of the, by Sir G.

Douglas, - 195

Bryce, Professor T. H., notes on

Prehistoric Section at Scottish

Exhibition, - 232

Bryce, W. Moir, Black Friars and

the Scottish Universities, i ;

note on Bishop Wardlaw and

the Grey Friars, 219 ; review

by, 428 ; History of the Old
Greyfriars Church, Edinburgh,
by, - - 442

Bulletins de la Seriate des Antiquaires
de I* Quest, - - 342

Bull of Grand Master Philibert
de Naillac, text and translation
of, - - 65

Bulls of Pope John XXIL, - 160

Butler, George G., Colonel St. Paul
ofEtvart, - - 325

Butler, H. B., and Fletcher, C. R.

L., Historical Portraits, - 3 3 2

Butler, Rev. D., Unity, Peace, and
Charity, - - 442

Caithness and Sutherland Records, - 445
Caithness, The Monuments of,

by George Neilson, - - 241
Cambridge Manuals of Science and

Literature, - - 443

Cambridge Medieval History, - 301
Cambridge Modern History, - - 204
Cambridge under Queen Anne, by

J. E. B. Mayor, prefaced by

M. R. James, - - 317

Camden Miscellany, - - 335

Campbell, Niall D., notes by, 343, 346
Carnarvon, Catherine Marchioness

of, . - - 343

Carnegie Trust, Tenth Annual

Report, - 338

Cassillis, Earl of, The Rulers of

Strathspey, by, - 92

Castleshaw, Excavation of the

Roman Forts at, - - 435

Caw, James L., notes on Portraits

at Scottish Exhibition, - - 228
Cecilia's Hall, Saint, in the Niddry

Wynd, by D. Fraser Harris, - 202
Celtic Annual, - "445

Charteris, A. H., reviews by, 1 74, 43 1
Chronicles relating to Scotland, The

Early, by Sir H. Maxwell, - 418
Claverhouse, Grahame of, Viscount

Dundee, by M. Barrington, - 192
Clephan, R. Coltman, Ordnance

of the XIV. and XV. Centuries, 339
Clerck, family of, - - 268

Cleveland, The Real Captain, by

Allan Fea, - 427

Index

453

Cele Manuscripts in the British
Museum, Index to the Contents
of the, by G. J. Gray, - - 334

Communications and Replies,

1 06, 219, 448

Communion Office, The Scottish, - 430

Consistorial Jurisdiction. See
Reformers, The, and Divorce.

Gorstopitum, Report on the Excava-
tions in ityio, - 209

Coupar-Angus, Specimen Pages of
Two Manuscripts of the Abbey of,
by O. H. M. Bannister, - 97

Conthorpe, Professor, The Con-
nexion between Ancient and
Modern Romance, - 212

Craster, H. H. E., - - 101

Crofton, H. A., How to trace a
Pedigree, - - 43 8

Croxden, Staffordshire, The Abbey

of St. Mary, by Charles Lynam, 433

Cumberland and Westmorland, The
Ejected of 1662, in; by B.
Nightingale, - 429

Cunningham, A., reviews by,

92, 191, 321

Curie, A. O., Superstition in Scotland

of To-day, - - 263

Curie, James, review by, - - 197

Current Literature,

100, 210, 338,440

Cust, Lionel, Notes on Pictures in

the Royal Collections, - 192

Cuthbertson, David, A Tragedy

of the Reformation, - - 422

Davis, Muriel O., The Story of

England, - - 438

Deacon, Thomas, the Manchester

Nonjuror, by H. Broxap, - - 96
Dearmer, Rev. P., Alcuin Club

Collections, xix., - - 417

Delattra, Floris, English Fairy

Poetry, - 439

Divorce, The Reformers and, by

D. Baird Smith, - 10

Dixon, W. Macneile, Thomas the

Rhymer, - - 195

Documents, Historical, at Scottish

Exhibition,- - 230

Douglas, James, The Status of

Women in New England and

New France, - 444

Douglas, Sir George, Pageant of

the Bruce, - - 195

Douglas, Sir George, review by, 190
Dowden, Right Rev. John, The

Bishops of Scotland, - -411

Dundalk, Battle of, - - 108

Dundee, Grahame of Claverhouse,

Viscount, by M. Barrington, - 192

Ecclesiastical Exhibits at the

Scottish Exhibition, - 226

Eddas, The. See Ragna-r6k and
Orkney.

Edinburgh Club, The Book of the
Old, - - 332

Edinburgh Royal High School, by

James E. Trotter, - - - 99

Edler, Friedrich, The Dutch
Republic and the American
Revolution, - - 211

Edmundson, Rev. G., Anglo-
Dutch Rivalry during the first
half of the Seventeenth Century, - 321

Edwards, John, reviews by, 317, 426

Edwards, John, The Hospitallers

in Scotland in XV. Century, by, - 52

Eeles, F. C., note on Ecclesiastical
Exhibits at Scottish Exhibition,
by, 226 ; reviews by, 323,
417, 430; Recipe for making
Red Wax, - 450

Egerton, Hugh E., Federations
and Unions within the British
Empire, - 191

Elder, John R., The Royal Fishery
Companies of the Seventeenth
Century, - - 431

Elder, The Post-Reformation, by

Sir J. Balfour Paul, - - 253

Elias, Edith L., In Stuart Times, 439

Elliot, Col. the Hon. F., The

Battle ofFlodden, - - 190

Emeritus-Professor, The, - - 440

English Historical Review,

102, 214, 339, 341, 444

English Literature, Medieval, by

Professor W. P. Ker, - - 440

Episcopal Church in Scotland, Code

of Canons, - - 430

454

Index

Etzel, Eric E., Notes on Swedo-

Scottish Families, - 268

Europe, a Short History of, by C. S.
Terry, - 435

Europe, Medieval, by Kenneth

Bell, - - 204

Exhibition, Scottish, Notes on, - 226

Eyre-Todd, George, review by, - 195

Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries, The,

by W. Y. Evans Wentz, - 186

Fairy Poetry, English, by Floris

Delattra, - 439

Fea, Allan, The Real Captain
Cleveland, - - 427

Ffoulkes, C., Traite des Armes,

edited by, - - 339

Finn-Men, The, - - 223

Firth, C. H., Ballads, - - 361

Fisher, H. A. L., Papers of F. W.
Maitland, edited by, - - 8 1

Fisher, H. A. L., Political Unions, 212

Fishery Companies of the Seventeenth

Century, by John R. Elder, - 431

Fleming, D. Hay, note on John

S. Gibb, - - 299

Fleming, Dr. Hay, The Subscribing
of the National Covenant in 1638, 442

Flenley, Ralph, Six Town-Chroni-
cles of England, - - 196

Fletcher, C. R. L., and Butler,

H. B., Historical Portraits, - 332

Fletcher, C. R. L., and Rudyard

Kipling, A History of England, 324

Fletcher, C. R. L., Teacher's Com-
panion to the History of England, 443

Flodden, The Battle of, by F.
Elliot, - 1 90

Foord, Edward, The Byzantine
Empire, - - 205

Fortescue, Hon. J. W., A

History of the British Army, - 84

Fortescue, Hon. J. W., British
Statesmen of the Great War, - 305

Fortunate Shepherdess, Helenore
or the, by J. S. Gibb, - - 291

Foster, W., John Bruce, Historio-
grapher, by,- - 336
Foster, William, The English

Factories in India, - - 94

Fowler, W. Warde, Rome, by, - 440

Fox, Charles, George HI. and, by

Sir G. O. Trevelyan, - 313

Fraser, Alexander, Fifth Report
of the Bureau of Archives for
the Province of Ontario, - - 436

Friars, Black, and the Scottish Uni-
versities, by W. Moir Bryce, - i

Friars, Grey, Bishop Wardlaw

and the, - - 221

Friars, Grey, Petition to Pope,

of the St. Andrews, - 221

Fulton, Thomas Wemyss, The
Sovereignty of the Sea, by, - 174

Gallovidian, The, - - 216

Gaya, Louis de, Traite des drmes,

by, edited by C. Ffoulkes, - 339

Gemmell, William, review by,
202 ; notes on Scottish Ex-
hibition, - - 231

Gibb, John S., Helenore, or the
Fortunate Shepherdess, - 291

Gibbs, Vicary S., - ~ 343

Gibson, J. P., Henry Wardlaw,
Founder of St. Andrews Uni-
versity, by, - - 208

Gibson, J. C., review by, - - 180

Gibson, J. P., and Simpson, F.
Gerald, Milecastle on Wall of
Hadrian, by, i o i ; The. Builder
of the Roman Wall, - 209

Gibson, John C., The Wardlaws

in Scotland, - - 420

Gothic Architecture in England and
France, by G. H. West,- - 203

Goudie, G., reviews by, - 329, 330

Grant, Lairds of, - - 92

Grant, Professor W. L., The

Colonial Policy of Chatham, - 218

Gray, Alexander, The Old Schools
and Universities in Scotland, - 113

Gray, George J., Index to the Cole

Manuscripts, - 334

Greenwood, Alice D., Lives of the
Hanoverian Queens of England, - 331

Gregg, W. H., Controversial Issues
in Scottish History, - - 98

Guilini, Alessandro, Uno Stuart a
Milano nel Settecento, - - 443

Haddington Deed, -

345

Index

455

Hadrian, Milecastle on the Wall of,

at Poltross Burn, - - 101

Haij. See Hay.

Hardy, E. G., Six Roman Laws, - 319
Harlaw, Battle of, - - j 1 1

Har rower, Prof., Map of the

Greekless Areas of Scotland, - 442
Harris, D. Fraser, St. Cecilia's Hall

in the Niddry Wynd, - - 202
Hay, Family of, in Sweden, - 269
Helenore, or The Fortunate Shep-
herdess, by J. S. Gibb, - - 291
Henderson, T. F., The Ballad in

Literature, by, - - 443

Highlanders, Home Life of the, - 92
Highlander, The Scottish, by J. L.

Morison, - - 214

Hill, David Jayne, World Organi-
zation, - - 213
Historical Atlas for Students, by

R. Muir, - - 1 88

Hogarth, D. G., Hittite Problems

and the Excavation ofCarchemish, 437
H alburn Review, The, - 445

Holland, Francis, Constitutional

History of England, - 413

Holmes, T. Rice, Caesars Con-
quest of Gaul, - 202
Home Counties Magazine, - 216, 445
Home, Epigram of John, - 346, 448
Hospitallers, The, in Scotland in the
Fifteenth Century, by John
Edwards, - 52

Innes, A. D., Kenilworth, edited by, 212.
Iowa Journal of History and Politics,

104, 217, 446

Jahncke, Dr. Rudolf, Guilelmus

Neubrigensis, - 422

James I., Note on Portrait of, by

J. H. Wylie, - 106

James IV., Scotland under, by E.

Stair-Kerr, - - - 334

James VI., A Secret Agent of, by

J. D. Mackie, - - 376

Japan, The Full Recognition of, by

R. P. Porter, - 438

Jarvis, F. R. A., Synopsis of Leading

Movements in Scottish History, by, 9 g
Jesse, M. de la, - 376

Johnston, Alfred W., Ragna-r5k

and Orkney, - 148

Johnstone, Hilda, A Hundred
Tears of History, - - 333

Juridical Review, - 103,215,445

Keith, Theodora, review by, - 178

Ker, W. P., Medieval English

Literature, by, - 440

Kimball, Everett, Public Life of
Joseph Dudley, by, - 207

Kingsford, C. L., The First English

Life of King Henry V. , edited by, 328

Kipling, Rudyard, C. R. L.
Fletcher and, A History of
England, by, - 324

Knox Club, - - 441

Knox, Robert, An Historical Rela-
tion of Ceylon, - 95

Lanercost, Chronicle of, trans-
lated by Sir H. Maxwell,

69, 159, 278, 390

Lang, Andrew, A Short History of
Scotland, - - 434

Lannoy, C. de, and Linden, H.
Vander, ffistoire de P Expansion
colonial des Peuples Europeans, - 90

Law, Ernest, Some Supposed Shake-
speare Forgeries, by, 88

Law, G., note, - 108

Lee, Sir Sidney, Principles of
biography, - 97

Lees, Major W., and Andrew, S.,
Excavation of the Roman Forts at
Castles haw, - "435

Leith Records, South, by D. Robert-
son, - - 428

Linden, H. Vander, and Lannoy,
C. de, Histoire de ^Expansion
colonial, - 90

Lindsay Society, Publications of the

Clan, - - 213

Liturgy for the Celebration of the

Holy Eucharist, Scottish, - - 430

Love, Mary, review by, - - 328

Lynam, Charles, The Abbey of St.

Mary, Croxden, - - 433

Macdonald, George, review by,

183, 202, 319

456

Index

PAGE

Mackay, George, query from, - 346
Mackie, Alex., Aberdeenshire, - 208
Mackie, J. D., A Secret Agent of

James VL, - - 376

Mackenzie, R. J., War-Pictures

from Clarendon, - - 438

Mackenzie, W. M., review by, - 192
MacPherson, D., The Clan Mac-

Pkerson Abroad, - - 448

MacRitchie, David, notes by, 108, 223
Maitland, Professor F. W., Col-
lected Papers of, - 8 1
Marshall, Andrew, review by, 326, 423
Maryland Historical Magazine, 103, 217
Mathieson, William Law, The

Awakening of Scotland, by, - 185
Maull, family of, in Sweden, - 270
Maule, family of, in Sweden, - 270
Maxwell, Sir Herbert, Chronicle
of Lanercost, translated by, 69,
159, 278, 390; The Early
Chronicles relating to Scotland,
418; on John Home's Epi-
gram, - - 448
May, Sir T. Erskine, The Con-
stitutional History of England, - 413
Mayor, J. E. B., Cambridge under

Queen Anne, - 317

M'Callum, Alexander, Midlothian, 441
M'Kechnie, William S., reviews

by, - - 182,315,413

M'Killiam, A. E., A Chronicle of

the Popes, - - 435

Medieval University, Life in the,

by R. S. Rait, - 443

Medieval Europe, by Kenneth Bell, 204
Mesterton, family of, in Sweden, 271
Mills, J. Travis, The Great 'Days

ofNorthumbria, - - 180

Miller, Frank, review by, - - 422
Missouri Historical Society Col-
lections, - 217, 446
Modern Language Review, - 215, 341
Modern History, Synopsis of Leading
Movements in, by F. R. A.
Jarvis,- - 98
Moncrieff, W. G. Scott, reviews

by, - 189, 313, 418

Montgomery, Family of, in Sweden, 271
Morison, Prof. J. L., The Scottish

Highlander, - - 214

PAGE

Morven, - - 212

Mounier, A., Silhouettes des Quatre

Dernier s Chevaliers Dauphinois, 337
Muir, Ramsay, New Historical

Atlas for Students, - 1 88

Murat, Joachim, by A. Hilliard

Atteridge, - - 206

Murdoch, W. G. Blaikie, review

by, - - 192

Murray, Family of, in Sweden, - 273

Neilson, George, reviews by, 1 96,
319, 41 5, 422 ; The Monuments
of Caithness, - 241

Nield, Jonathan, Guide to Histori-
cal Novels, - 99
Nightingale, B., The Ejected of
1662 in Cumberland and West-
morland, - 429
Nisbeth, Family of, in Sweden, - 274
Nonjuror, the Manchester, - - 96
Normans, Ireland under the, by

G. H. Orpen, - - 182

Norske Sprogminder, ^Eldre, - 330
Notes and Queries, - - 343

Notes and Queries for Somerset and

Dorset, - 214,445

Old Lore Miscellany, 215, 341, 445

Ontario, Fifth Report of the Bureau
of Archives, - - 436

Ordnance of the Fourteenth and Fif-
teenth Centuries, by R. C.
Clephan, - 339

Orkney, Ragna-rOk and, by Alfred

W. Johnson, - - 148

Orpen, Goddard H., Ireland
under the Normans, - 182

Oxford and Cambridge Review, - 341

Paterson, Alexander N., review
by, - 203

Paris, Despatches from, edited by

O. Browning, - - 337

Parliament, A Roll of the Scot-
tish, by J. Maitland Thomson, 235

Paul, Sir J. Balfour, The Scots
Peerage, 172 ; The Post- Refor-
mation Elder, 253 ; Accounts of
the Lord High Treasurer of
Scotland, reviewed, - 319

Index

457

PWUB

Peabody, F. G., College Chapel, - 442
Pedigree, How to trace a, by H. A.

Crofton, - - 438

Peerage, The Scots, by Sir J. Balfour

Paul, - - 172

Pollard, A. F., History of England, 440
Poltross Burn, Milecastle on Wall

of Hadrian at, - - 101

Porter, R. P., The Full Recognition

of Japan, - - 438

Powicke, F. M., review by, - 301

Queen Margaret College Reading

Union Tear Book, 1911,- - 214
Queries, Notes and, - - 343

Quesette, F., U Administration
financiere des etats de Bretagne, - 318

Ragna-rok and Orkney, by Alfred

W. Johnston, - 148

Rait, Robert S., review by, 185 ;
The Making of the Nations :
Scotland, 308 ; Life in the Medi-
eval University, - 443

Recipe for making Red Wax, by
F. C. Eeles, - 450

Reformers, The, and Divorce, by

D. Baird Smith, - 10

Register of the Privy Council of
Scotland, The, edited by P.
Hume Brown, - - 415

Replies, Communications and,

1 06, 219, 448

Reviews of books, 81, 172, 301, 411

Revue cf Historic EccUsiastique, - 218

Revue des Etudes Historiques, - 105

Revue Historique,

104, 218, 342, 446, 447

Rhys, Sir John H., The Celtic
Inscriptions of Gaul, - 276

Robb, James, Student Life in St.

Andrews before 1450 A.D., - 347

Robertson, C. Grant, England
under the Hanoverians, - - 326

Robertson, D., South Leith Records, 428

Robertson, Stewart A., Two

Voices, - 2 1 o

Robinson, Rev. J. Armitage, The
Abbofs House at Westminster, - 426

Roll of the Scottish Parliament,
A, by J. Maitland Thomson, - 235

Roll, Scottish Parliament, Text of, 237
Roman Forts at Castleshatv,

Excavation of the, - - 435

Roman Laws, Six, by E. S. Hardy, 319
Roman Wall, The Builder of the,

by J. P. Gibson and F. G.

Simpson, - - 209

Romano-British Buildings and

Earthworks, by John Ward, - 183
Rutland Magazine, - - 103, 215

Savage, Ernest A., Old English
Libraries, - - 187

Scandinavian Literature, - 329, 330

Scotia, - - 216

Scotland, The Hospitallers in
XV. Century in, by John
Edwards, - - 52

Scotland, The Old Schools and
Universities in, by Alexander
Gray, - 113

Scotland of To-day, Superstition
in, by A. O. Curie, - - 263

Scotland under James IV., by Eric
Stair-Kerr, - - 334

Scots Peerage, The, by Sir J. Balfour

Paul, - - 172

Scotsmen Serving the Swede, by

George A. Sinclair, 37

Scott, W. R., Constitution and
Finance of Early Joint-Stock Com-
panies, 178 ; reviews by, 90, 94

Scottish Communion Office, - - 430

Scottish History, Controversial Issues
in, by W. H. Gregg, - - 98

Scottish Parliament, A Roll of
the, by J. Maitland Thomson, 235

Scottish Standard-Bearer, The, - 445

Sea, The Sovereignty of the, by T.

W. Fulton,- - 174

Sellar, A. M., Bede's Ecclesiastical

History of England, - 444

Seton, Family of, in Sweden, - 274

Seton- Watson, R. W., The Southern
Slav Question, - - 315

Shakespeare's England, Life in, - 437

Shakespeare Forgeries, Some Supposed,

by Ernest Law, - - 88

Shearer, Handbook to Stirling, 2 1 1 ;
Story of Bannockburn, 211; The
'Battle of Dunblane, - 211

458

Index

Silhouettes des Quatre Derniers
Chevaliers Dauphinois, by A.
Mounier, - - 337

Simpson, F. Gerald, and Gibson,
J. P., Milecastle on Wall of
Hadrian, 101 ; The Builder of
the Roman Wall, - - 209

Sinclair, Family of, in Sweden, - 275

Sinclair, George A., Scotsmen
serving the Swede, by, 37 ;
review by, - 308

Skelton, Professor O. D., Canada
and the Most Favoured Nation
Treaties, - - 442

Skeat, W. W., The Past at Our
Doors, - 96

Smith, D. Baird, The Reformers
and Divorce, 10 ; reviews by,

201, 318, 435

Smith, D. Nichol, review by, - 88

Sodor, Scottish Islands in Diocese
of, - - 107

Somersetshire Archaeological and
Natural History Society, - - 445

Spiller, G., Papers on Inter-Racial
Problems, edited by, - -213

Spens, Family of, in Sweden, - 276

Stair-Kerr, Eric, Scotland under
James IV., by, 334 ; review
by, - - 324

St. Andrews, Handbook to City and
University of, by J. M. Ander-
son, - - 204

St. Andrews, Student Life before

1450 A.D. in, by James Robb, 347

St. Andrews, Text of Petition to

Pope of the Grey Friars of, - 221

Star of Bethlehem, Order of the, 109

Steiner, Bernard C., Maryland
under the Commonwealth, by, - 337

Steuart, A. Francis, reviews by,

92, 95, 326, 427

Stjerna, Dr. Knut, - - 197

Strathspey, The Rulers of, by Earl

of Cassillis, - 92

Superstition in Scotland of To-
day, by A. O. Curie, - - 263

Swede, Scotsmen serving the, by

G. A. Sinclair, 37

Swedo-Scottish Families, Notes

on, by Eric E. Etzel, - - 268

Swedish Archaeological Periodicals, 197
Swift, Correspondence of Jonathan,

edited by F. E. Bell, - - 205

Terry, C. S., Short History of
Europe, - 435

Thomas the Rhymer, by W. Mac-

neile Dixon, - 195

Thomson, J. Maitland, Bishop
Wardlaw and the Grey Friars,
222 ; A Roll of the Scottish
Parliament, 235 ; review by, - 420

Tout, F., Flintshire, Its History

and Records, 334; review by, - 81

Trevelyan, George Macaulay,
Garibaldi and the Making of
Italy, - - 20 1

Trevelyan, Sir G. O., George III.
and Charles Fox, - -3*3

Tiree Rental of the year 1662, - 343

Trotter, J. E., Royal High School,

Edinburgh, - ~ 99

Turner, George, The Ancient Iron
Industry of Stirlingshire, - - 2 1 3

Turner, Henry Gyles, First Decade
of the Australian Commonwealth, 99

Uist, North, by Erskine Beveridge, 1 99
Universities, Black Friars and the

Scottish, by W. Moir Bryce, - I
Universities in Scotland, The Old

Schools and, by Alexander

Gray, - - 1 1 3

Uno Stuart a Milano nel Settecento,

by A. Guilini, - - 443

Viking Club Publications, 215, 341, 445

Wales, National Library of, Cata-
logue of Tracts of the Civil War
and Commonwealth Period, - 322

Wallace-James, J. G., - 109, 345

Ward, John, Romano- British Build-
ings and Roman Era in Britain, 183

Wardlaw, Bishop, and the Grey

Friars, - 219

Wardlaw, Henry, Founder of St.
Andrews University, by J. C.
Gibson, - - 208

Wardlaws in Scotland, The, by John

C. Gibson, - - 420

Index 459

Wentz, W. Y. Evans, The Fairy- Wilson, John Dover, Life in Shake-
Faith in Celtic Countries, - 186 speare's England, - - 437

West, George Herbert, Gothic Wilson, Rev. James, review by,

Architecture in England and 411,429

France, - 203 Wimbolt, S. E., American Inde-

Westminster, The Abbot's House at, pendence and the French Revolu-

by J. Armitage Robinson, - 426 tion, by, - - 443

Williams, A. M., review by, - 316 Workman, H. B., Methodism, - 443

Wilson, F. W., Reign of Queen Wylie, J. Hamilton, note by, - 106

Anne and English Church History , 433

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