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AND ALLUSION (1357-1900) 











Swonb Smea, No. 55. 



THE collection of this body of Chaucer references and 
allusions was begun nearly twenty-three years ago. For 
various reasons it has taken a long time to get the whole 
completed and printed (a six-years' interval, for example, 
during and after the war), and in any case it is clearly not, 
as Sir Thomas Browne would say, a work which a man, or 
a woman either, can do ' standing upon one legge.' 

The idea of collecting a body of opinion on Chaucer was 
Dr. Furnivall's, and as early as 1888 he appealed in the Academy 
for a volunteer to -undertake it. It was not, however, until 
1901, when he met me, then an unwary as well as an eager 
student, that he succeeded in persuading anyone to undertake 
a task which was far heavier than either he or I then suspected. 

It has now been done very much more fully than Dr. Furni- 
vall at first suggested, and up to 1800 the references, as far as I 
have found them, are given fairly completely; from 1800 to 
1867 the most important or interesting ones are selected, while 
from 1868, the date of the foundation of the Chaucer Society, 
to 1900, only the chief editions of the poet and a few notable 
or typical criticisms are included. This gradual thinning out 
was found necessary for reasons of sheer bulk of material. 

An Appendix (A) contains additional English and Latin 
references, and two Appendices (B and C) give French and 
German ones. Further, a few copies of a " Supplement," 
containing some 900 additional allusions between 1868 and 
1900, have been printed and placed in the chief public libraries. 

The greatest care has been taken to guard against in- 
accuracies or misprints, as a compilation of this kind only 
justifies its existence in so far as it can approach to accuracy. 
But no large collection of detail is ever free from errors, and I 


vi Foreword. 

can hardly hope that this is an exception. I shall be most 
grateful, therefore, if readers who discover mistakes will kindly 
tell me of them, and if those who know of important allusions 
to Chaucer not here included, will be so good as to send me 
the references. 

No one can be more conscious than I am of how much better 
this work could be done, or indeed of how much better even 
I myself could do it were I to begin all over again. But faulty 
and incomplete as it is, I hope that in various ways it may 
be of use to students, and that it may perhaps serve as a 
humble but solid brick in the future building of a history of 
English poetics and poetical taste. 

It only remains for me to thank all those who, throughout 
these years, have so generously helped me in sending me 
references, in searching for references and in copying and collat- 
ing. To name them all individually would be too lengthy, 
but I must specially refer to Professor Churton Collins, who, 
during one fruitful evening, first started me on various lines 
of investigation, to Dr. Paget Toynbee, who has sent me many 
references, to Professor Hyder E. Rollins, who most generously 
handed over to me a valuable collection of Troilus allusions, 
and to M. J. J. Jusserand, who gave me several suggestions 
in connection with French criticism. 

Among others who have helped in various ways, I desire 
to record, with much gratitude, the names of Miss Evelyn Fox, 
Major J. J. Munro, Mrs. H. C. Tait, and, above all, Mr. Arundell 
Esdaile of the British Museum, who is responsible for the 
Index, and without whose expert and invaluable help in recent 
years these volumes would, I fear, still be unfinished. 

There is, however, one name and personality above all 
others to whom I owe, not only the suggestion of the work, 
but also for nine years constant stimulus, help and inspiration. 
All Chaucer students know Dr. Furnivall I speak of him in 
the present, for his spirit still lives in the work which is being 
done and they all owe him a debt. But no one of them owes 
him more than I do for encouragement, inspiration and generous 
and unsparing aid of every kind. 

I cannot help wishing that in the Elysian Fields, or wherever 

Foreword. vii 

he may be, he could just have a look at the finished work which 
he initiated and so greatly desired to see accomplished ; for, if 
he at all resembles what he was on earth, I know that these 
volumes, even with their many imperfections, would give him 

New York, 

December, 1923. 



THIS record of the changing attitude of Englishmen during 
five centuries towards one of their greatest poets furnishes food 
for thought of many kinds ; literary, artistic and philosophical. 

The aim of this Introduction is first to sum up, briefly and 
in a concise form, the actual results which the following 
documents furnish, and secondly to suggest, very tentatively, 
a few of the problems which these collected facts raise, and 
upon which they may help to throw some light. 

Viewing the matter first of all from what is here our chief 
concern, namely, as a contribution towards the history of 
literary criticism, it will be discussed under the following 
headings : 

1. An outline of the fluctuations of the literary reputation 
of Chaucer during the last five hundred years. 

2. An examination of the criticisms and allusions them- 
selves, roughly grouped and sorted. 

3. The various classes of qualities ascribed to Chaucer. 

4. The evolution of Chaucer biography. 

5. A note on some Chaucer lovers and workers of whom 
we get glimpses throughout the centuries. 

A few notes will then be made on more abstract or philo- 
sophical questions, and we shall consider our material to some 
extent as a contribution towards the history of poetics in 
England, more especially in connection with the following 
points : 

6. The change or curve of literary taste and fashion. 
7. The birth and growth of criticism itself as an art. 
8. The gradual evolution of new senses in the race. 
9. The evolution of scholarship and accuracy in literary 


x 1. The Six Stages in Chaucer Criticism. 


Broadly speaking, from 1400 to the present day, Chaucer's 
reputation may be said to pass through six fairly well marked 
stages : 

(1) Enthusiastic and reverential praise by his contem- 
poraries and immediate successors, which lasts to the end of 
the fifteenth century. 

(2) The universal acknowledgment of his genius by the 
Scottish poets of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, 
this admiration noticeably taking the form of imitation; 
whereas in England at this period Chaucer is admired rather 
more as a social reformer and as an exposer of vice and folly, 
than as a literary artist. 

(3) The critical attitude, which begins towards the end of 
the sixteenth century with the Elizabethans. Chaucer still 
holds his place as prince of English poets ; Sidney praises him, 
Spenser looks to him as master. Now, however, begins to 
creep in that general belief which clung so persistently to the 
minds of all writers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries ; 
that Chaucer was obsolete, that his language was very difficult 
to understand, his style rough and unpolished, and his versifi- 
cation imperfect. 

(4) During the seventeenth century this belief gains so 
much ground that Chaucer's language is said to be an unknown 
tongue ; the knowledge of his versification entirely disappears ; 
for eighty-five years (1602-87) no edition of his works is pub- 
lished, and his reputation altogether touches its lowest point. 

(5) Dry den's Fables in 1700 inaugurate what may be called 
the period of ' modernizations.' This is a time of ever-increasing 
interest in and admiration for Chaucer, combined with the 
fixed belief that in order to make him intelligible or possible 
to modern readers his writings must be ' refined ' ; that is, 
diluted and translated into current English. This phase may 
be said to have continued up to 1841, when the last ambitious 
' modernization ' was published, but it was co-existent with 
and largely overlapped the sixth and present period of 

1. Period I. Contemporary Praise Gower. xi 

(6) Scholarly study and appreciation, dating from the 
publication of Tyrwhitt's edition of the Canterbury Tales in 
1775. Tyrwhitt made possible to the general reader the rational 
study of Chaucer's own works by editing a careful and scholarly 
text of his Tales, and for the first time he definitely and clearly 
stated and proved the true theory of the poet's versification, 
thus disposing of one of the most serious obstacles to the proper 
recognition of Chaucer's greatness as a literary craftsman. 
This work was carried on and practically completed by the 
labours of the members of the Chaucer Society, founded in 
1868, which prepared the way for the final scholarly complete 
edition of the poet's works brought out by Professor Skeat in 

PERIOD I. The early praise of the poet, and the estimation 
in which he was held, are more generally known than the 
tributes of later years, because portions of the eulogies by 
Gower, Lydgate, Hoccleve, Caxton, and others, are reprinted 
many times in various lives of Chaucer and editions of his 

When we remember that Chaucer could only be read and 
praise of him be recorded in manuscript by a very limited public, 
the appreciation which he received from his contemporaries 
and which has come down to us, is remarkable. If we take 
into account the printing facilities and the growth of the reading 
public in Shakespeare's time, and add to that the fact that the 
dramatist's work could be seen and judged by the unliterary 
public, there is no comparison between the contemporary 
appreciation shown of the two poets. That given to Chaucer 
is undoubtedly greater, and the unquestioned recognition of 
his position as a great poet is as hearty as it is universal. The 
earliest literary reference, and it is only a possible one, occurs 
in one of Gower 's French poems, the Mirour de Vomme (1376-9), 
but there is considerable doubt as to whether Gower is here 
referring to Chaucer's Troilus or not (see below, p. 4). The 
next reference is, curiously enough, also to Troilus, 1 but here 

1 For the early popularity of this poem, see pp. Ixxvi-lxxvii below. 

xii 1. Period I. Contemporary Praise. U sic, Lydgate, Hocdeve. 

there is no doubt that Chaucer's work is meant. It occurs in 
the Testament of Love by Thomas Usk (c. 1387, see below, p. 8) 
and refers to a special passage in the poem (Troilus, IV, 953- 
1085). The discourse between the author and the fair lady 
who is Love (in imitation of that between Boethius and Philo- 
sophy) has been on divine foreknowledge and human freewill, 
and Love refers to Chaucer in the warmest terms as her own 
true servant who in wit and clear writing surpasses all other 
poets. Next, in point of time, comes the well-known message 
sent to Chaucer by Venus, in Gower's Confessio Amantis, which 
bears upon the margin of the manuscript the date 1390. Venus, 
in taking leave of Gower, sends a greeting to Chaucer, who, 
she says, is her ' disciple ' and ' poete,' and to whom she is 
' above alle othre ' ' most holde,' and she bids him finish 
his work by making his ' testament of love ' (see below, p. 10). 
The next certain reference is by Lydgate, and it is from 
him and another contemporary and survivor, Hoccleve, that 
Chaucer receives the most constant and whole-hearted admira- 
tion in these earlier years. The praise and estimate of Chaucer 
left by these two comparatively obscure writers has a value for 
us which no other can have ; for they alone of all his critics 
save Gower knew the poet personally; and we can gather 
from them not only the admiration he excited as an artist, but 
the personal devotion he inspired as a man. In the poems of 
Lydgate, during some forty years (c. 1400-1439), we find 
repeated allusion to and unstinted praise of his * master 
Chaucer ' ; praise, which in spite of certain set phrases repeated 
more than once, we feel comes straight from the heart of the 
writer. Mingled with the praise are to be found little personal 
or characteristic descriptions, which are to many people the 
most precious things in Lydgate's voluminous writings; such, 
for instance, as that in the Troy Book (1412-1420), where he 
thus records his master's kindness, tolerance, and encourage- 
ment to younger writers, an amiable trait which from the 
literary point of view the hapless reader of Lydgate may often 
find occasion to deplore : 

1. Period I. Contemporary Praise. Lydgate and Hoccleve. xiii 

For he J?at was gronde of wel seying 

In al hys lyf hyndred no makyng 

My maister Chaucer ]?at founde ful many spot 

Hym liste not pinche nor gruche at euery blot 

Nor meue hym silf to perturbe his reste 

I haue herde telle but seide alweie ]?e best 

Sufficing goodly of his gentilnes 

Ful many ]?ing embracid with rudnes. 

It is in the translation of the Fall of Princes, written probably 
thirty years after Chaucer's death, that there are most references 
to him, including the well-known passage giving a list of his 
writings (pp. 37-42 below). However, in the case of Lydgate 
most garrulous of poets the supreme proof of his admiration 
for Chaucer, greater than praise or than imitation itself, is the 
fact that he refrains from telling several stories or only tells 
them in the shortest possible way, because they have already 
been treated by the older poet. Thus, in translating Deguile- 
ville's Pilgrimage of the Life of Man [1426], Lydgate gives 
Chaucer's version of the A.B.C. ; and again in the Fall of 
Princes he says : 

Myn Auctour here no lengere lyst soiourne, 

Off this Emperours the Fallys for to wryte, 
But in haste he doth his style tourne 
To Zenobia hire story for tendyte; 
But, for chaunceer so wel did hym quyte 
In this tragedyes hir pitous fal tentrete, 
I wyl passe ovir Kehersyng but the grete. 

Lydgate excels in frequency of reference to Chaucer, and 
Hoccleve perhaps in fervency. In his Regement of Princes, 
Hoccleve goes so far as to say that England can never again 
bring forth Chaucer's equal : ' Death myght have stayed her 
hand,' he cries, 

She myghte han taried hir vengeance awhile, 
Til that sum man had egal to the be. 
Nay, lat be J>at ! sche knew wel ]?at ]?is yle 
May neuer man forth brynge lyk to the. 

xiv 1. Period I. Caxton and the Book of Curtesye. 

He calls him 

The firste fyndere of our faire langage, 
and again : 

0, maister deere, and fadir reuerent ! 
Mi maister Chaucer, flour of eloquence, 
Mirour of fructuous entendement. 

And he goes on to liken him to Aristotle in philosophy, and to 
Virgil in poetry (below, pp. 21, 22). 

So great and whole-hearted was the admiration and devotion 
given to Chaucer by these two men, his friends and followers, 
that we cannot doubt they would have been the first to acknow- 
ledge it fitting that the principal value of their writings to us 
five centuries later lies in their references to their ' maister 

On the whole, amongst all Chaucer's contemporaries and 
successors during the fifteenth century, the most discriminating 
appreciations are those given him by Caxton, and by the 
unknown author of the Book of Curtesye. The remarks of 
both writers sound curiously modern as to the qualities they 
specially single out for approval. Chaucer's vivid powers of 
description, his felicitous use of words, his freedom from long- 
windedness in which he differed so markedly from his con- 
temporaries all are noted by Caxton : 

He comprehended hys maters in short, quyck and hye 
sentences, eschewyng prolyxyte, castyng away the chaf of 
superfluyte, and shewyng the pyked grayn of sentence 
uttered by crafty and sugred eloquence. . . . [Prohemye 
to Canterbury Tales, 2nd edn. c. 1483, below, p. 62.] 

He wrytteth no voyde wordes, but alle hys mater is ful 
of hye and quycke sentence. [Epilogue to the Book of 
Fame, below, p. 61.] 

And in the Book of Curtesye (a. 1477), Chaucer's works are 
recommended above all others : 

Redith his werkis / full of plesaunce 
Clere in sentence / in langage excellent 

Briefly to wryte / suche was his suflysance 
Whateuer to saye / he toke in his entente 

1. Period II. The Scottish Chawerians. xv 

His langage was so fayr and pertynente 
It seemeth vnto mannys heerynge 
Not only the worde / but verely the thynge. 

The imaginative power of the poet is here specially noted 
in a way which is not equalled until Sir Brian Tuke, fifty-five 
years later, wrote his introduction to Thynne's edition (1532). 

One early piece of indirect praise must not pass unnoticed, 
more especially as it cannot find a place under the ' allusions ' ; 
and this is the charming poem of the Flower and the Leaf, so long 
attributed to Chaucer, now generally thought to have been 
written by a woman, probably about 1475. The authoress was 
evidently well acquainted with and an admirer of Chaucer's 
writings, more particularly the Prologue to and the Legend of 
Good Women. (See Skeat's Chaucer, vol. vii, pp. Ixii-lxviii.) 

PERIOD II. Next we come to the enthusiastic and reverent 
devotion expressed for Chaucer by the Scottish poets of the 
latter end of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Henry- 
son, Gawain Douglas, Dunbar and Lyndsay, all speak of him 
in terms of fervent admiration. Henryson, in 1475, wrote a 
continuation of Troilus and Cressida, called the Testament of 
Cresseid for a long time included amongst Chaucer's works 
in the beginning of which he says he made up the fire, took a 
drink to comfort his spirits and cut short the winter night, and 
then leaving all other amusement, he took down a book written 
by ' worthie Chaucer glorious, of fair Cresseid and worthie 
Troylus.' Gawain Douglas speaks of Chaucer in the Palace of 
Honour (1501) as ' a per se, sans peir in his vulgare,' and later as 

Hevinlie trumpat, horleige and reguleir, 
In eloquence balmy, condit, and diall, 
Mylky fountane, cleir strand, and rose riall, 
Of fresch endite, throw Albion iland braid. 

When, later on, in this same Prologue (to the First Buik of 
Eneados, 1513), Douglas finds fault with Chaucer for not follow- 
ing Virgil accurately in his account of Dido (p. 72 below), he 
does so with great timidity, and a clear consciousness of his 
own inferiority : 

xvi 1. Period II. Dunbar and Lyndsay. 

My master Chaucer greitlie Virgile offendit 
All thocht I be to bald hyme to repreif. 

Dunbar, in his Lament, or the Makaris, speaks of ' The noble 
Chaucer, of makaris flouir ' ; and in the Golden Targe he sur- 
passes all Chaucer's other Scottish followers in his enthusiasm : 

reverend Chaucere, rose of rethoris all, 

As in oure tong ane flour imperiall 

That raise in Britane ewir, quho redis rycht, 

Thou beris of makaris the tryumph riall; 

Thy fresch anamalit termes celicall 

This mater coud illumynit haue full brycht : 

Was thou noucht of oure Inglisch all the lycht, 

Surmounting ewiry tong terrestriall 

Alls fer as Mayes morow dois mydnycht? 

Lyndsay, in the Testament of the Papyngo, also refers to 
Chaucer in the usual way. But a more remarkable testimony 
to the admiration felt, is the wholesale imitation of Chaucer 
by these Scottish writers. The ideas of their poems, the forms 
they assumed, whole passages, single lines, turns of phrase and 
words are borrowed from Chaucer, and suggested by him. 
James I, if he was the author of the King's Quair, was in 1423 
the first Scottish imitator, and of all this group, this is perhaps 
the poem the most completely saturated with the master's 

The Scottish view, then, was one of unstinted admiration, 
complete comprehension of Chaucer's writings, and hearty 
acknowledgment of his superiority as artist to every other 
English or Scottish poet. 

In England, in the meantime, printing had been introduced, 
and we see by the books issued that Chaucer's popularity had 
not waned, for there was a continual demand for his works. 
Two editions of his Canterbury Tales were published by Caxton ; 
and before the end of the fifteenth century two more followed 
from the presses of Wynkyn de Worde and Pynson. 

In 1532 William Thynne, the first real editor of Chaucer, 
brought out his edition of the poet's works, which must indeed 
have been a labour of love. Francis Thynne tells us that his 

1. Period IL William Tkynne, Chaucer's first Editor. xvii 

father had a commission from Henry VIII * to serche all the 
liberaries of Englande for Chaucers workes, so that oute of all 
the Abbies of this Realme ... he was fully furnished with 
multitude of Bookes.' This ' multitude ' of copies, probably 
about twenty-five, Thynne collated to the best of his ability. 
The dedication to Henry VIII, though signed by Thynne, 
was written by Sir Brian Tuke, and the following quotation 
may presumably be taken therefore as expressing the appre- 
ciation of both men : 

I ... haue taken great delectacyon ... to rede and 
here the bokes of that noble & famous clerke Gefiray 
Chaucer, in whose workes is so manyfest ... suche 
frutefulnesse in wordes, wel accordynge to the mater and 
purpose, so swete and plesaunt sentences, suche perfectyon 
in metre, the composycion so adapted, suche fresshnesse 
of inuencion, compendyousnesse in narration, such sensible 

and open style that it is moche to be marueyled, 

howe in his tyme suche an excellent poete in 

our tonge, shulde . . . spryng and aryse. 

The literary influence of Chaucer in England in the sixteenth 
century can be clearly traced even before the publication of 
Pynson's edition of the ' Works ' in 1526. John Hey wood owes 
a good deal to Chaucer in his Mery playe betwene the pardoner 
and thefrere (written probably before 1521), and he incorporates 
in it two long speeches out of the mouth of Chaucer's Pardoner. 
Later, in The Foure P's, and in a ballad written in 1554, he 
shows further Chaucerian influence (see pp. 80-81 below). 

The effect of Pynson's Chanter on the first English poet of 
the Renaissance was immediate, for Sir Thomas Wyatt's debt 
to it between 1528 and 1532 is undoubted, and later his study 
of Thynne's edition is equally clear (see below, App. A, a. 

The general criticism of Chaucer in England in the early 
sixteenth century is, from a literary point of view, not quite so 
satisfactory as in Scotland. There are two things in especial 
which detract from the value of the remarks we find about 
him : 


xviii 1. Period II. Chaucer classed with Gower and Lydgate. 

(1) That in the greater number of cases where he is praised, 
Chaucer is not, as he was by Hoccleve or Caxton, placed alone, 
but he is associated with Gower and Lydgate 1 sometimes 
with no apparent difference in the commendation bestowed 
whilst one writer at least actually places Lydgate above him. 
This is Stephen Hawes, who, in his Pastime of Pleasure (below, 
p. 67), begins thus with the usual praise of Gower, Chaucer, 
and Lydgate : 

As morall Gower, whose sentencious dewe 
Adowne reflareth with fayre golden beames, 
And after Chaucers, all abroade doth shewe, 
Our vyces to dense, his depared streames 
Kindlynge our hartes, wyth the fiery leames 
Of morall vertue, as is probable 
In all his bokes so swete and profitable. 

Hawes goes on to speak in warm terms of the Book of Fame, the 
Legend of Good Women, the Canterbury Tales and Troilus, and 
the reader is gratified with the discrimination shown, until he 
discovers that the writer is but leading up to a peroration on 
Lydgate, who receives a much larger share of praise, ending : 

mayster Lydgate, the most dulcet sprynge 
Of famous rethoryke, wyth balade ryall, 
The chefe original of my lernyng. 

This enthusiasm somewhat detracts from the value of his 
remarks on Chaucer. 

Hawes, it is true, is in a minority of one in placing Lydgate 
above Chaucer, 2 but the type of allusion which brackets the 
three early writers together on equal terms is very common, 

1 This habit began quite early, and he was first bracketed with Gower, 
Lydgate being later added to the list to make it complete, so that by the 
end of the 15th century it was a well-established formula. Such references 
are, for example, those by John Walton, 1410 (p. 20 below), James I, 1423 
(p. 34), Bokenham, 1443-7 (p. 46), George Ashby, c. 1470 (p. 54), Thomas 
Feylde, 1509 (p. 70), John Rastell, 1520 (p. 73), Skelton, 1523 (p. 74), etc. 

2 Until 1707, when an unknown writer in an essay on the old English 
poets and poetry, in the Muses Mercury, vol. i, No. 6, pp. 130-1, definitely 
states that Lydgate' s English and his ' numbers ' are more polished than 
his master's (see p. 295 below). This view reappears occasionally later, 
as in the article on Lydgate in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1780 (q. v. 
below), and in Sharon Turner's History of England, 1815 (q. v. below). 

1. Period II. Chaucer annexed by the Reformers. xix 

and shows a certain formalism and convention in the acknow- 
ledgment of the genius of the three ' primier poetes of this 
nation,' as Ashby calls them; and shows also, though not so 
markedly as in the case of Hawes, a lack of critical faculty. 
These shortcomings have to be borne in mind when we are 
estimating the early sixteenth century praise of Chaucer in 
England. We may compare, for instance, the difference in 
critical judgment shown by Douglas and Dunbar in their 
respective references to the three poets on pp. 65 and 66 
below, and the supremacy unhesitatingly awarded by them to 
Chaucer, and the allusion by Hawes following next on p. 66, 
which, unlike his later one, is quite representative of the 
ordinary English attitude. 

(2) The other point which lessens the value of Chaucer 
criticism at this time is also indicated in the verse quoted above, 
from Hawes's Pastime of Pleasure, and that is that Chaucer is 
valued primarily as a reformer, as a moralist and satirist who 
exposes and rebukes vices and follies. This view is continually 
emphasised all through the sixteenth century, and for this 
characteristic Chaucer receives praise consistently from a 
curious assortment of critics. 

He was annexed by the Keformers, not without reason, as a 
kind of forerunner and a sharer of their opinions with regard to 
Home, as evidenced by his keen satirical exposure of the religious 
orders of his time. There is support for this view in the 
Canterbury Tales alone, and more especially in the Prologue, but 
when in addition Chaucer was credited with the authorship of 
Jack Upland, the Pilgrim's Tale, and the Plowman's Tale (all of 
them diatribes against the Church of Rome) one is not surprised 
to find him cited as a great religious reformer. 

Foxe, writing in 1570, in his enlarged second edition of his 
' Book of Martyrs/ expresses the views held on this point by a 
certain section of the serious thinkers of the sixteenth century, 
when he points out that the bishops, in condemning all English 
books that might lead the people to any light of knowledge, 
had yet allowed Chaucer to be read, takin his work * but for 
jests or toys,' and not seeing or understanding that he ' albeit . . . 

xx 1. Period II. Chaucer as theologian and reformer. 

in mirth and covertly ' was upholding the ends of true religion 
and was indeed a right Wicklifian. In this manner God for 
the sake of his people was pleased to blind the eyes of the 
adversary, that through the reading of the poet's books good 
might redound to the Church, which, says Foxe, has certainly 
been the case, for, ' I am partly informed of certain which 
knew the parties, which to them reported that by reading of 
Chaucer's works they were brought to the true knowledge of 
religion/ When we remember the popularity of Foxe's book, 
and the number of editions it went through, we realize he must 
have done a good deal to strengthen this conception of the poet. 
(See the whole passage, p. 106 below.) 

This quaint view of CJiaucer, as a theologian, reformer and 
moralist, is one which would, of all those here collected, perhaps 
have most surprised and amused the poet himself, yet it is held by 
certain writers with great persistence from the time that Leland 
(his first biographer, ante 1550) tells us that Chaucer ' left the 
University a devout theologian,' to the sketch of him prepared by 
Henry Wharton (c. 1687) as an addition to Cave's Ecclesiastical 
Writers, in which we are told that the poet was scarcely excelled 
by any theologian of his time in his zeal for a purer religion. 1 

In addition to this conception of him as a reforming divine, 
he is much admired for the energy with which he scourges vice 
of all kinds, and he is referred to continually as an unquestioned 
authority in such matters. Thus Ascham, in speaking of gaming, 

Whose horriblenes is so large that it passed the eloquence 
of our Englishe Homer to compasse it : yet because I euer 
thought hys sayinges to have as much authoritye as 
eyther Sophocles or Euripedes in Greke, therefore gladly do 
I reinembre these verses of hys [and he quotes from the 
Pardoner's Tale, see p. 85 below]. 

So also Thomas Lodge, in his Reply to Stephen Gosson (1579) 
says, ' Chaucer in pleasant vain can rebuke sin vncontrold, & 
though he be lauish in the letter, his sence is serious ' ; and 
Webbe notes that Chaucer, x 

1 See also below, 1834, R. A. Willmott, Lives of Sacred Poets. 

1. Period II. Chaucer condemned for 'flat scurrilitie.' xxi 

by his delightsome vayne, so gulled the eares of men with 
his deuises, that . . . without controllment might hee 
gyrde at the vices and abuses of all states . . . which he 
did so learnedly and pleasantly, that none therefore would 
call him into question. For such was his bold spyrit, that 
what enormities he saw in any, he would not spare to pay 
them home, eyther in playne words, or els in some prety 
and pleasant covert, that the simplest might espy him 
(p. 129, below). 

Episodes or sayings in his poems are repeatedly quoted by 
divines and moralists, or even later by seventeenth-century 
Puritans, to point their remarks and support them in the 
denunciation of special sins, 1 so that one easily sees how it 
came to be generally believed, both by those who looked only 
to his moral teaching, and also by those who admired him as 
poet, but wished to justify their admiration by grounding it 
on morality, that to quote Francis Beaumont his ' drift 
was to touch all sorts of men, and to discover all vices of that 

There were, however, a certain number of writers who held 
just the contrary opinion, and considered the poet's works to be 
anything but edifying literature. ' Canterbury Tale ' seems 
very early to have been used as a term of contempt, meaning 
either a story with no truth in it, or a vain and scurrilous tale. 
We get thrSe such references, curiously enough, in the same 
year, 1549, by Becke, Latimer and Cranmer; Wharton, in 
1575, refers to the ' stale tales of Chaucer,' and Proctor (1578), 
and Fulke (1579), make similar allusions, while Thomas Draht 
(1567), and Sir John Harington (1591), openly condemn 
Chaucer, the latter for * flat scurrilitie.' This is a view which, 
as we shall see later, gradually gained ground, although in the 
laxer days of the Restoration and earlier eighteenth century 
the poet was not condemned for it, and finally it completely 
ousted the aspect of Chaucer as a great moral reformer. 

1 See below Calf hill, 1565, p. 99, Hanmer, 1576, p. 112, Northbrook, 
1577, p. 115, Bp. Babington, 1583, Scot, 1584, p. 124,Stowe, 1598, p. 159, 
and a letter from a Parliament Officer, 1645-6, p. 224. 

xxii 1. Period III. Francis Beaumont and Francis Thynne. 

PERIOD III. At the end of the sixteenth century the 
references to Chaucer become very numerous, and as a whole 
they are very appreciative. Among the most interesting are 
those by Sir Philip Sidney (1581?), by Gabriel Harvey (MS. 
notes c. 1585 and 1598), by Webbe and Puttenham in their 
discourses on poetry, by the unknown writers of Greene's 
Vision (1592) and of the Returnefrom Parnassus (1597), and by 
Francis Beaumont and Francis Thynne in their respective 
letters called forth by Speght's edition of Chaucer in 1598. 

Francis Beaumont the judge (died 1598) was the father of 
the dramatist, and he prided himself on being one of those who 
first urged Speght to edit Chaucer. His letter (p. 145 below) 
is of particular interest, for in addition to his defence of the 
two faults of which Chaucer is most commonly accused 
obsolete language and coarseness he reminds Speght that when 
they were at Cambridge together (at Peterhouse, between 
1560 and 1570) there were a group of older scholars there who 
were well read in Chaucer, and who commended him to the 
younger men, and it was they who first brought Speght as well 
as Beaumont himself to be ' in love ' with the poet. 

Francis Thynne, the son of William Thynne, the first editor 
of Chaucer (see 1598, below), was another Chaucer enthusiast. 
He had rather a chequered career, but ended finally by holding 
a post in the Herald's Office; he was a born antiquary, and, 
judging from his ' Animadversions,' a somewhat querulous and 
pedantic but kindly old man, much concerned with small points 
of detail, intensely proud of his family, of his father's good name 
and literary work, and of his own office as Lancaster Herald. 

He evidently shared his father's love for Chaucer manu- 
scripts, some five and twenty of which he inherited : some of 
them, he says, were stolen out of his house at Poplar, and some 
he gave to the parson. In any case he had made preparations 
for a new edition of the poet, when, in 1598, his acquaintance, 
Thomas Speght, brought out his new edition of Chaucer's works, 
and in his preface insinuated that no editor before then had 
collated manuscripts for his text. This, combined with the fact 
that he, the hereditary editor of Chaucer, had not been con- 

1. Period III. Francis Thynne's 'Animadversions' xxiii 

suited, enraged Thynne, and he at once produced the ' Animad- 
versions,' in which he snubs Speght for his injustice to William 
Thynne, his lack of courtesy to himself, Francis Thynne, and 
his general ignorance, of which he gives detailed specimens. 

The most interesting part of Thynne's treatise is the account 
he gives of his father's cancelled edition (pp. 151, 152 below). 
But the critical value of Thynne's comments is also consider- 
able ; only in four instances out of fifty is he wrong, and some- 
times (as on the date of the Nonne Preestes Tale, ( Animadver- 
sions,' pp. 59-62) his notes are admirable, and always show 
great accuracy and scrupulous care in consulting authorities. 

Altogether it would seem as if Francis Thynne, of all the 
Chaucer scholars up to Tyrwhitt, had been the best equipped to 
bring out a really correct and critical edition of the poet's text, 
and we can only regret that he did not carry out his intention 
to re-edit Chaucer (see below, p. 155), and more especially to 
try to distinguish between his genuine and spurious works; 
for, with the help of those twenty-five, manuscript copies, 
especially the one inscribed * examinatur Chaucer,' some invalu- 
able evidence might have been supplied. 

Among criticisms and appreciations of a more literary kind 
there is one writer at the end of the sixteenth century whose 
praise is more emphatic than any other, who of all his readers 
during these five hundred years has been most influenced by 
Chaucer's language and literary methods, and who, in his turn, 
has exerted so much influence over others, that he has justly 
been called the * poet's poet.' Spenser's admiration for Chaucer 
began eady, and continued to increase up to the time when 
he made his dying request to be laid near the master he loved 
and honoured. In the first great poem of the Elizabethan 
age, Chaucer is mentioned repeatedly, both in the introductory 
letter, the notes by ' E. K.,' and in the poem itself where 
Spenser calls him * Tityrus ' : 

The God of shepheards, Tityrus is dead, 
Who taught me homely, as I can, to make. 
He, whilst he lived, was the soueraigne head 
Of shepheards all that bene with loue y-take : 

xxiv 1. Period III. Spenser's Appreciation. 

(0 ! why should death on hym such outrage showe ?) 
And all hys passing skil with him is fledde, 
The fame whereof doth dayly greater growe. 

This last line is interesting, and is probably quite true. 
Chaucer had as yet no rival in England. We know by Beau- 
mont's letter that at Cambridge twenty or twenty-five years 
earlier he was much read and discussed, and in the intellectual 
activity of the time, doubtless there was keen interest in the 
greatest and first English Poet. 

The strong Chaucerian influence shown in the Shepheardes 
Calender and Mother Hubberd's Tale is well known, but the close 
resemblance of Spenser's Daphnaida to the Book of the Duchess, 
has not, until recently, been worked out, showing that Spenser, 
not only early, but also comparatively late in his career, is 
indebted to Chaucer for general subject-matter, form, incidents, 
words and phrases. 1 

Spenser has said some very graceful and beautiful things 

Dan Chaucer, well of Englishe vndefyled 

On Fames eternall bead roll worthie to be fyled, 

but his famous apology to his master when he was about to 
add an ending to the Squires Tale, in the fourth book of the 
Faerie Queene, is perhaps the finest tribute ever paid by one 
great poet to another. 

Then pardon, most sacred happie spirit, 
That I thy labours lost may thus reuiue, 
And steale from thee the meede of thy due merit, 
That none durst euer whilest thou wast aliue, 
And being dead in vaine yet many striue : 
Ne dare I like, but through infusion sweete 
Of thine owne spirit, which doth in me surviue, 
I follow here the footing of thy feete, 

That with thy meaning so I may the rather meete. 

With Spenser as one of his strongest advocates and 
adherents, Chaucer now enters upon his period of storm and 

1 See note below, p. 119, and especially T. W. Nodal' s article on 
' Daphnaida and the Book of the Duchess,' in Publications of Modern 
Language Association of America, Dec. 1908. 


1. Period III. Chaucer' 's Versification is not understood, xxv 

stress; of misunderstanding, misinterpretation, bufferings of 
every description, and finally of obloquy and neglect. 

We can see from all the references by critics and others at 
this time that it was already a matter of common opinion that 
Chaucer's style was rough and unpolished, his language obsolete, 
and his metre halting. 1 As far as we can judge, his versification 
was not wholly understood by any one, the secret of it was lost 
when inflections were lost, no one seems to have been aware 
of the pronunciation of the final ' e ' ; with the result that there 
was a general agreement that the poet's verse was ' harsh ' and 
' irregular.' Spenser, his follower and admirer, himself most 
musical of poets when he thinks he is writing in Chaucer's 
manner produces this sort of verse : 

But this I wot withall, that we shall ronne 
Into great daunger, like to bee undone, 
Thus wildly to wander in the world's eye 
Withouten pasport or good warrantye. 


His breeches were made after the new cut, 
Al Portugese, loose like an emptie gut; 
And his hose broken high above the heeling, 
And his shooes beaten out with traveling, 

thus showing plainly in his imitations of Chaucer's versification 
in Mother Hubberd's Tale and Colin Clouts come home again 
that he considers his aim best achieved when he writes irregular 
lines without the proper number of syllables, distinguished by 
a lack of harmony and rhythm such as we find nowhere else in 
Spenser's work. 

This attitude both as to language and verse must have begun 
very early; for, little more than one hundred years after 
Chaucer's death, Skelton, in Philip Sparrow, feels it necessary 
to repudiate the idea that Chaucer is difficult to understand. 
His language, he says, was 

1 When we remember that Chaucer was known only through the 
blackletter texts which mangled his verse, this complete misconception 
of it is not extraordinary. See, Wyatt's system of versification built on 
his reading of Chaucer in Pynson's 1526 edition (below, App. A., a. 1542). 

xxvi 1. Period III. Various attitudes towards Chaucer's Verse. 

At those days moch commended, 
And now men wold haue amended 
His english, where-at they barke, 
And marre all they warke : 
Chaucer, that famous Clarke, 
His tearmes were not darcke, 
But pleasaunt, easy, and playne; 
No worde he wrote in vayne. 

The various attitudes assumed by critics in discussing 
Chaucer's limitations are curious and interesting. There were 
those, who, like Spenser, felt something in themselves respond 
to Chaucer's touch, who knew he was a true poet and a great 
one, and looked upon his antique diction, and occasional rugged- 
ness of versification a fact which had to be conceded as in 
themselves worthy of imitation, having proceeded from so 
great a master. 

So we find Spenser not only deliberately composes rough 
and halting lines in the older poet's honour, but also goes so far 
in copying Chaucer's words (or rather what he thought were his 
wordfe) in the Shepheardes Calender, that Ben Jonson was well 
justified in saying that in ' affecting the ancients, Spenser writ 
no language.' 

This is the slavish imitation so strongly condemned by 
Ascham in The Scholemaster, when he says : 

Some that make Chaucer in Englishe and Petrarch in 
Italian, their Gods in verses, and yet be not able to make 
true difference, what is a fault, and what a iust prayse, 
in those two worthie wittes, will moch mislike this my 
writyng. But such men be even like followers of Chaucer 
& Petrarke as one here in England did follow Syr Tho. 
More : who, being most vnlike vnto him in wit and learn- 
ing, neuertheles in wearing his gowne awrye vpon the one 
shoulder, as Syr Tho. More was wont to doe, would needes 
be counted like vnto hym. 

Next there was the apologetic party and this was largely 
in the majority who, whilst honouring and revering Chaucer, 
yet deliberately avowed these great faults in him, the while 
excusing him on the score of his antiquity, and the barbaric 
age in which he lived. Such were Sidney and Webbe. 

1. Period III. Sidney, Webbe and Gascoigne. xxvii 

Sidney, in his Apologie for Poetrie, says : 

Chaucer, vndoubtedly did excellently in hys Troylus and 
Cresseid, of whom truly I know not, whether to meruaile 
more, either that he in that mystie time could see so clearely , 
or that wee in this cleare age walke so stumblingly after 
him. Yet had he great wants, fitte to be forgiuen in so 
reuerent antiquitie. 

Webbe, in his Discourse of English Poetrie, says : 

Though the manner of hys stile may seem blunt and 
course to many fine English eares at these dayes, yet in 
trueth if it be equally pondered, and with good judgment 
aduised, and confirmed with the time wherein he wrote, a 
man shall perceiue thereby even a true picture or perfect 
shape of a right Poet. 

Again, there were those of the new classical school, the 
denouncers of ' rude and beggarly riming,' who actually praised 
Chaucer for the supposed irregularity of his metre, which they 
regarded as an approach to the classical method of quantitative 
verse. Gascoigne is one of these who gets curiously near the 
truth of Chaucerian versification without actually reaching it. 
For he maintains that some natural quality of the words, their 
sound, as he puts it, makes the short line right. They are not 
equal-syllabled and yet they scan. Thus, writing in 1575, 
he says : 

Our father Chaucer hath vsed the same libertie in feete 
and measures that the Latinists do vse : and who so euer 
do peruse and well consider his workes, he shall finde that 
although his lines are not alwayes of one selfe same number 
of Syllables, yet beyng redde by one that hath vnder- 
standing, the longest verse and that which hath most 
Syllables in it, will fall (to the eare) correspondent vnto 
that whiche hath fewest sillables in it : and like wise 
that whiche hath in it fewest syllables, shalbe founde yet 
to consist of woordes that haue suche naturall sounde, 
as may seeme equall in length to a verse which hath many 
moe sillables of lighter accentes. 

Lastly there were those but they were woefully few who 
would not allow these faults in Chaucer at all, and attributed 

xxviii 1. Period IV. Chaucer considered antiquated. 

them, when they did occur, either to lack of intelligence in 
the reader or to the negligence of the scribe. 

Foremost amongst these was Thomas Speght, who stoutly 
upholds syllabic versification, and in his prefatory address to 
his second edition of Chaucer, writes : 

And for his verses, although, in diuers places they may 
seeme to vs to stand of vnequall measures : yet a skilfull 
Reader, that can scan them in their nature, shall find it 
otherwise. And if a verse here and there fal out a sillable 
shorter or longer than another, I rather aret it to the 
negligence and rape of Adam Scriuener, that I may speake 
as Chaucer doth, than to any vnconning or ouersight in 
the Author. 

PERIOD IV. The edition of Chaucer's works in which the 
foregoing preface is to be found, was published in 1602, and 
there was no other edition brought out until 1687 an interval 
of eighty-five years. This speaks for itself. 

Even the more hardy spirits who admired Chaucer foresaw 
this neglect, and were reconciled to it. They genuinely believed 
that he had had his day, and that he was too antiquated to 
endure. Daniel, in his Musophilus, as early as 1599, expresses 
this sentiment, and consoles himself by reflecting how long 
Chaucer's fame had already lasted : 

For what hy races hath there come to fall, 
With low disgrace, quite vanished and past, 

Since Chaucer liu'd who yet Hues and yet shall, 
Though (which I grieue to say) but in his last. 

Yet what a time hath he wrested from time, 
And won vpon the mighty waste of daies, 

Vnto th' immortall honor of our clime, 

Vnto the sacred Relicks of whose rime 

We yet are bound in zeale to offer praise ? 

Even Chaucer's most ardent admirers at this time are forced 
to acknowledge that his language is obsolete, although they 
maintain that once that difficulty is surmounted, the reader is 
well rewarded. 

1. Period IV. Chaucer little read or understood, xxix 

So Henry Peacham, the schoolmaster at Wymondham, says 
to his Compleat Gentleman in 1622 : 

Of English poets of our owne Nation, esteeme Sir 
Geoffrey Chaucer the father; although the stile for the 
antiquitie, may distast you, yet as vnder a bitter and rough 
rinde, there lyeth a delicate kernell of conceit and sweet 
inuention. ... In briefe, account him among the best of 
your English bookes in your librarie. 

In spite of all the talk about Chaucer's barbarous style, 
there was one writer, at least, who, even in the seventeenth 
century, maintained that he ought to be read easily, and that 
if not, the fault lay with his readers. This is Sir Aston Cockayne, 
who in 1658 writes : 

Our good old Chaucer some despise : and why ? 
Because say they he writeth barbarously. 
Blame him not (Ignorants) but your selves, that do 
Not at these years your native language know. 

Notwithstanding the sound advice given by these two last- 
named writers, Chaucer was obviously little read and less under- 
stood, although his name continued to have great power. We 
find a curious illustration of this in John Earle's remark in his 
Microcosmographie (1628), a collection of * Characters ' such as 
was dear to seventeenth-century writers, in which he defines 
the character of a Vulgar Spirited Man, as one * that cries 
Chaucer for his Money aboue all our English Poets, because 
the voice ha's gone so, and he ha's read none ' ; thus indicating 
that Chaucer was still called the greatest of English poets by 
those only who preferred to follow convention and tradition, 
rather than to use their own judgment. 

By the end of the century Chaucer was frankly looked upon 
as antiquated and barbaric by the highest authorities in these 
matters. Waller, in his poem Of English Verse (first published 
1668), says : 

Poets that lasting Marble seek, 
Must carve in Latine or in Greek, 
We write in Sand, our Language grows 
And like the Tide, our work o're flows. 

xxx 1. Period IV. Addison's crushing estimate in 1694. 

Chaucer, his Sense can only boast, 
The glory of his numbers lost, 
Years have defac'd his matchless strain, 
And yet he did not sing in vain. 

Crushing though this estimate may appear, it is complimen- 
tary compared with Addison's judgment, delivered some 
twenty-six years later, to which, however, too much weight 
must not be given, as the critic was only twenty-one when he 
wrote it, and was obviously, as Pope remarked later (1728-30, 
see p. 370 below), ignorant of Chaucer. Still, taking it in con- 
junction with similar remarks by Waller, Howard (1689), 
Cobb (a. 1700), Wesley (1700), Bysshe (1702), Hughes (1707), 
and others, we may assume it to be the ordinary conventional 
view taken by most writers, though expressed with unusual 
force by Addison. These are his lines, in his Account of the 
Greatest English Poets (1694) : 

Long had our dull Fore-Fathers slept Supine, 
Nor felt the Raptures of the Tuneful Nine; 
Till Chaucer first, a merry Bar d, arose ; 
And many a Story told in Rhime and Prose. 
But Age has Rusted what the Poet writ, 
Worn out his Language and obscur'd his Wit : 
In vain he jests in his unpolish'd strain 
And tries to make his Readers laugh in vain. 1 

Other writers acknowledge Chaucer's position in former times, 
but it is taken as understood that he is now quite superseded : 
so Edward Phillips (Milton's nephew) in 1675 says : 

True it is that the style of Poetry till Henry the Sth's time, 
and partly also within his Reign, may very well appear 
uncouth, strange and unpleasant to those that are affected 
only with what is familiar and accustom'd to them, not 
but there were even before those times some that had their 
Poetical excellencies if well examin'd, and chiefly among the 

1 This is perhaps only equalled by the following judgment pronounced 
by Byron at the still more immature age of nineteen : 

* Chaucer, notwithstanding the praises bestowed upon him, I think 
obscene and contemptible ; he owes his celebrity merely to his antiquity, 
which he does not deserve so well as Pierce Plowman or Thomas of 
Ercildoune.' [Nov. 30, 1807.] Moore's Life of Byron, 1875, p. 80. 

1. Period IV. Chaucer wins respect for his antiquity, xxxi 

rest, CHAUCER, who through all the neglect of former 
ag'd Poets still keeps a name, being by some few admir'd 
for his real worth, to others not unpleasing for his facetious 
way, which joyn'd with his old English intertains them 
with a kind of Drollery. 

Later in the same work he speaks of him as ' the Prince and 
Coryphceus, generally so reputed, till this Age, of our English 
Poets, and as much as we triumph over his old fashion'd phrase 
and obsolete words, one of the first refiners of the English 

There are numerous other references of this description to 
Chaucer. Sir Thomas Pope Blount in his De Re Poetica (1694) 
says : 

' This is agreed upon by all hands, that he [Chaucer] was 
counted the chief of the English Poets, not only of his time, 
but continued to be so esteem'd till this Age/ and so on. It 
is generally agreed, except by Waller, Cowley and Addison, 
that with all his shortcomings, Chaucer refined our English, 
and deserves respect and mention because of his antiquity. 
So Rymer in the Short View of Tragedy tells us : 

They who attempted verse in English, down till Chaucers 
time, made an heavy pudder, and are always miserably put 

to't for a word to clink Chaucer found an Herculean 

labour on his Hands ; And did perform to Admiration. He 
seizes all Provencal, French or Latin that came in his 
way, gives them a new garb and livery, and mingles them 
amongst our English : turns out English, gowty, or super- 
annuated, to place in their room the foreigners, fit for 
service, train'd and accustomed to Poetical Discipline. 

This, as Professor Ker points out, 1 is ' the passage of literary 
history summed up in Rymer's Table of Contents in the following 
remarkable terms : Chaucer refin'd our English, Which in per- 
fection by. Waller.' 2 

In addition to the recognition of his work as ' refiner,' 
Chaucer, although no longer looked upon as the greatest, is 

1 Dryden's prose works, ed. W. P. Ker, vol. ii, Notes, p. 307. 

2 For a more detailed account of the attitude towards Chaucer as the 
refiner ' and remodeller of the English language, see pp. Ixxiii, Ixxiv below. 

xxxii. 1. Period IV. Dray ton, Denham, Strafford and Milton. 

the first or earliest English poet; priority in point of time is 
still granted him, and is by some considered his greatest title to 
fame. So Drayton, in his Epistle to Henry Reynolds (1627) 
alludes to him as : 

That noble Chaucer, in those former times, 
The first inrich'd our English with his rimes, 
And was the first of ours, that euer brake, 
Into the Muses treasure, and first spake 
In weighty numbers, 

And Sir John Denham begins his poem on the death of Cowley 
thus : 

Old Chaucer, like the Morning Star, 

To us discovers day from far, 

His light those Mists and Clouds dissolv'd, 

Which our dark Nation long involv'd; 

But he, descending to the shades, 

Darkness again the Age invades. 

There are, however, a few bright spots in this somewhat gloomy 

It is of interest to note that ' the great person ' Strafford 
clearly knew the Canterbury Tales well and quoted them 
readily, as may be seen in his two letters of 1635 and 1637 
(App. A. pp. 69, 70). Doubtless his liking for Chaucer was 
known to his friends, and so we find Lord Conway, when 
writing to Strafford, also referring to the poet (ibid., p. 70). 

There is no doubt that Milton was well acquainted with 
Chaucer's writings, although he cannot be said to have left 
any record in praise of them, except the well-known invocation 
to Melancholy in II Penseroso, to 

. . . call up him that left half told 
The story of Cambuscan bold, 

and he couples him in this connection with Musaeus and 

At the beginning of the poem, when he banishes the 
' fancies fond ' 

' as thick and numberless 
As the gay motes that people the Sun Beam ' 

1. Period IV. Kynastorfs Latin Translation of Troilus. xxxiii 

there is a clear reminiscence of the twelfth line of the Wife of 
Bath's Tale, and he refers to that Tale no less than three 
times in his Common-place Book, where he also quotes with 
special approval from the PTiysiciens Tale the condemnation 
of feasts and dances for the young (see below, a 1674). 

About the same time that Milton was writing II Penseroso, 
another great admirer of Chaucer was preparing a somewhat 
curious composition in his honour. This was Sir Francis 
Kynaston, who, in 1635, brought out the first two books of 
Troilus and Cressida, translated into Latin rimed verse. It is 
a quaint little volume, with the English on one side and the 
translation on the opposite page. In the preface, which is also 
in Latin, Kynaston tells us how he daily saw Chaucer coming to 
be more despised and less known, while clothed in the ancient 
English tongue ; and so he determined to rescue him from this 
oblivion, and to secure his fame for all ages by turning him 
into Latin. Fifteen prefatory poems by various writers, ten 
of which are also in Latin, nearly all agree in saying that 
Chaucer's fame is almost dead, because few people can under- 
stand what he wrote; but that will now be changed, and he 
will live for ever, and be known throughout the world in the 
Latin of Kynaston. 

This desire to translate Chaucer into Latin was one of the 
curious outcomes of the belief which was so general in the 
seventeenth century, and lasted on in many minds during the 
eighteenth century, that the English language being in a con- 
tinual state of change had no stability, and that the writings 
of one age would be quite unintelligible to succeeding genera- 
tions. (See Pope in his Essay on Criticism, pp. 310-11, below.) 
This was the belief which led Bacon to have his English works 
translated into Latin in order to secure their permanence, 
' for,' as he writes in 1623, ' these modern languages will at 
one time or other play bankrupt with books.' We have seen 
Waller, in his lines on English verse (1668), expressing the same 
opinion (see also Edward Phillips, 1675), and one writer at any 
rate went so far as to wish that all our poets, including Shake- 
speare, had written in Latin instead of in their mother tongue. 


xxxiv 1. Period IV. Sir John Minnes ( doats ' on Chaucer. 

This was Dr. William King (1663-1712), best known perhaps 
as the author of A Journey to London in the Year 1698, who 
remarks in his Adversaria : 

It is pity, that the finest of our English poets, especially 
the divine Shakespeare, had not communicated their 
beauties to the world so as to be understood in Latin, 
whereby Foreigners have sustained so great a loss to this 
day ; when [sic] all of them were inexcusable but the most 
inimitable Shakespeare. I am so far from being envious, 
and desirous to keep those treasures to ourselves, that I 
could wish all our most excellent Poets translated into 
Latin that are not so already. 

1 This hint of the Doctor's,' continues his editor, John 
Nichols (writing in 1776), ' was not lost. Among other things, 
we have seen since not only a Latin translation of Prior's Solo- 
mon but even of Milton's Paradise Lost excellently performed 
in verse by Mr. Dobson, Fellow of New College, Oxford/ and 
he goes on to detail other essays of the same nature. (See 
Adversaria, in Original Works of ... Dr. William King, 1776, 
vol. i, p. 241, also p. xxix.) 

To return to other admirers of Chaucer in the seventeenth 
century. One of these is mentioned by Pepys in his Diary, 
when on the 14th of June, 1663, he notes an assembly at Sir 
William Penn's. ' Among the rest,' he writes, ' Sir John Minnes 
brought many fine expressions of Chaucer, which he doats on 
mightily, and without doubt he is a fine poet.' 

Sir John Minnes was a retired vice-admiral and a controller 
of the navy, who in business matters was a continual thorn in 
the side of his subordinate, the Clerk of the Acts, who refers 
to him more than once as a ' doating fool,' and says he ' would 
do the king more hurt by his dotage and folly than all the rest 
can do by their knavery ' (Diary, March 2, 1667-8). Although 
apparently quite inefficient and tactless in his office, Minnes 
had an undoubted reputation as a lover of the fine arts and a wit, 
for we find Sir William Coventry swearing to Pepys that Minnes 
was so bad at his work, that he (Coventry) would henceforth be 
against a wit being employed in business. Minnes published 

1. Period IV. Samuel Pepys buys Chaucer's Works, xxxv 

several books (e. g. Wit and Drollery, 1656) ; Pepys quotes 
many of his stories with evident gusto (e. g. Oct. 30, 1662), he 
alludes to his judgment in pictures (Sept. 28, 1663), and he 
records another pleasant evening (Sept. 18, 1665), when having 
had news of the defeat of the Dutch, they made merry together, 
and Minnes and John Evelyn vied with one another in bouts 
of wit, Evelyn on this occasion surpassing Minnes in the latter's 
' own manner of genius.' 

Thus Minnes may be assumed to have had certain qualifica- 
tions for judging of Chaucer, and he is an interesting example 
of the genuine admiration of and enthusiasm for the poet to 
be found in unexpected places, even when his fame was at its 

Pepys himself had a fondness for Chaucer. In an entry of 
Dec. 10, 1663, he tells us he went to his booksellers, and names a 
number of books which he looked through before making his 
final choice. A Chaucer was among the number, and he was 
evidently sorely tempted ; but he did not buy it on that occa- 
sion, although he must have done so later, for in July of the 
following year (1664) we find him going to the binder's about 
' the doing of my Chaucer, though they were not full neat 
enough for me, but pretty well it is ; and thence to the clasp- 
maker's to have it clasped and bossed.' The next day he 
takes the copy home, well pleased with it, and a month later he 
quotes Chaucer : so in addition to having the poet's works 
bound and ' clasped and bossed,' he must also have read them. 
It was thirty-four years later, when Dryden one day was dining 
with him, that Pepys recommended to him the character of 
Chaucer's * Good Parson,' which led Dryden to put it into ' his 
English.' (See Dryden's letter to Pepys, July 14, 1699, p. 270 

Richard Brathwait, a north-country squire of literary tastes, 
who published in 1665 a comment upon two of Chaucer's 
Tales, is forced to take a very curious position in order to defend 
his favourite. He contends that the substance of what Chaucer 
says is so good that the manner of saying it matters com- 
paratively little. In a quaint little Appendix at the end of 

xxxvi 1. Period IV. Praise by Richard Brathwait. 

his volume, a carping critic is represented as coming forward 
and saying 

that he could allow well of Chaucer, if his Language were 
Better. Whereto the Author of these Commentaries 
return'd him this Answer : " Sir, it appears, you prefer 
Speech before the Head piece ; Language before Invention ; 
whereas Weight of Judgment has ever given Invention 
Priority before Language. And not to leave you dis- 
satisfied, As the Time wherein these Tales were writ, ren- 
dered him incapable of the one; so his Pregnancy of 
Fancy approv'd him incomparable for the other." Which 
Answer still'd this Censor, and justified the Author. 

Brathwait is interesting as a survival far into the seven- 
teenth century of the Elizabethan attitude towards Chaucer. 
As a matter of fact he had written his Comment in 1617, and, 
for some unknown reason, waited forty-eight years to publish 
it, by which time he was an old man of nearly eighty. In the 
Appendix, however, written at the time of publication, Brath- 
wait shows that in spite of the change in public opinion as to 
Chaucer's merits, he clings faithfully to the tradition of his 
youth. He knew the poet's works well and loved them 
genuinely ; could his life be renewed he tells us ' his Youthful 
genius could not bestow his Endeavour on any Author with 
more Pleasure nor Complacency to Fancy, than the Illustrations 
of Chaucer.' For him Chaucer is still * the Ancient, Renowned 
and Ever Living Poet ' ; his teaching is sound and moral and 
his imagination and wit incomparable, although owing to the 
dark age in which he lived his style is often rude and rough. 
This view in the early years of the seventeenth century was 
common enough; but when Brathwait in 1665 published his 
little volume, containing a few whole-hearted words of praise 
of him who, so he never doubted, was the greatest of English 
Poets, the old man's opinions and literary tastes were quite 
behind the times, thoroughly old-fashioned and obsolete. They 
differed widely from those held by Waller and Cowley (see 
Dryden, Preface to Fables, 1700, below), and later by Addison; 
but they dated back to the days when Edmund Spenser counted 

1. Period V. Dry den compares Chaucer to Ovid, xxxvii 

it his greatest honour to call ' Dan Chaucer ' master, and his 
highest aspiration to follow in the * footing ' of his feet. 

With Brathwait's little book we may end our account of the 
very few bright places of Chaucer criticism during the time of 
gloom and neglect encountered by the old poet in the seven- 
teenth century, and Brathwait himself seems to help to bridge 
over this dreary interval, by reaching out a hand on the one side 
to Spenser, and on the other to Dryden, forming thus a link 
between one of the greatest of English poets and one of the 
greatest of English critics, who were each distinguished by 
their appreciation of Geoffrey Chaucer. 

PERIOD V. In 1700 appeared Dryden's volume of Fables, 
which contained the modernized version of several Chaucerian 
poems, prefixed by Dryden's celebrated dissertation, which 
is the first detailed and careful criticism of Chaucer, as 
well as one of the most interesting literary discussions ever 

He compares Chaucer to Ovid, and actually prefers the 
English poet, for which, he says, the vulgar judges ' will think 
me little less than mad.' He notes Chaucer's power of vivid 
description, ' I see,' he says, ' all the Pilgrims in the Canter- 
bury Tales, their Humours, their Features, and the very Dress 
as distinctly as if I had supp'd with them at the Tabard in 
Southward ; ' his good sense : ' He is a perpetual Fountain 
of good Sense ; ' his feeling of proportion : 'He ... speaks 
properly on all Subjects : As he knew what to say, so he knows 
also when to leave off ; a continence which is practised by few 
Writers, and scarcely by any of the Ancients, excepting Virgil 
and Horace ; ' his truth to Nature : ' Chaucer follow'd Nature 
everywhere, but was never so bold to go beyond her ; ' his 
power of characterization : ' He must have been a Man of a 
most wonderful comprehensive Nature, because, as it has been 
truly observ'd of him, he has taken into the Compass of his 
Canterbury Tales, the various Manners and Humours of the 
whole English Nation, in his age. Not a single Character has 
escap'd him. All his Pilgrims are severally distinguish'd from 

xxxviii 1. Period V. Dryden's appreciation and its influence. 

each other; and not only in their Inclinations, but in their 
very Phisiognomies and Persons.' 

Such a discerning criticism as this, coming from such a 
writer as Dryden, carried with it great weight, and all through 
the eighteenth century we can trace its influence. Those who 
knew something of Chaucer, and liked what they knew, had 
the authority of the great Mr. Dryden to support them in a 
judgment they might otherwise have hesitated to express. 
Thus one can feel Elizabeth Elstob l (1715) is emboldened by 
her knowledge of Dryden; and Dart, and later Gibber, are 
strengthened in their apology for Chaucer's language by the 
argument that even Dryden did not in some places attempt 
to alter it (pp. 361, 406 below); while George Sewell (1720), 
who writes the most sensible and enlightened criticism of 
Chaucer between Dryden and Warton, is obviously well pleased 
that he has the greatest modern poet and critic on his side. 
Some of those who would be naturally inclined to depreciate 
Chaucer, are a little restrained and often not a little puzzled 
by Dryden's attitude in the affair. In a curious dialogue in a 
coffee-house in hell between Dryden and Chaucer, written by 
Thomas Brown (a. 1704) Chaucer is represented as thanking 
his successor for the honour he has done him in furbishing up 
some of his ' old musty Tales,' but he remonstrates strongly 
with him for his exaggeration in likening him to Ovid. To 
this Mr. Dryden, anticipating the methods of Dr. Johnson, thus 
makes reply : ' Why, sir, I maintain it, and who then dares be 
so saucy as to oppose me ? ' One feels in truth that the adverse, 
often contemptuous criticism of the earlier eighteenth century 
is very greatly weakened by the firm stand taken by Dryden. 

With regard to Chaucer's verse, Dryden is not so happy. 
* It is,' he says, I confess, ' not Harmonious to us ; . . . They 
who liv'd with him, and some time after him, thought it 
Musical. . . . There is the rude Sweetness of a Scotch Tune in 
it, which is natural and pleasing, though not perfect.' Then 

1 ' It will not be taken amiss,' she says apologetically, ' by those who 
value the Judgment of Sir Philip Sydney and Mr. Dryden if I begin with 
Father Chaucer ' (see p. 338 below). 

1. Period V. Dryden explains the general attitude, xxxix 

follows Dryden's famous denunciation of Speght's theory, that 
the fault might possibly lie with the readers : 

'Tis true, I cannot go so far as he who publish'd the last 
Edition of him ; for he would make us believe the Fault 
is in our Ears, and that there were really Ten Syllables 
in a Verse where we could find but Nine : but this Opinion 
is not worth confuting; 'tis so gross and obvious an 
Errour, that common Sense . . . must convince the 
Reader, that Equality of Numbers, in every Verse which 
we call Heroick, was either not known, or not always 
practis'd, in Chaucer's Age. 

In addition to giving his own estimate, Dryden also shows 
in this preface the general attitude of the age towards Chaucer. 
There were two objections, he says, raised to this work of 
modernization, and raised by two parties or classes of people 
who took entirely opposed views of Chaucer. The first class 
objected that the subject was unworthy of his pains, because, 
says Dryden, ' they look on Chaucer as a dry old-fashioned wit 
not worth reviving.' Doubtless Waller, had he still been 
alive, .would have endorsed this view. Addison certainly did. 
Dryden himself cites Cowley : 

I have often heard the late Earl of Leicester say, that 
Mr. Cowley himself was of that opinion ; who, having 
read him over at my Lord's Request, declared he had no 
Taste of him. I dare not advance my Opinion against 
the Judgment of so great an Author : But I think it fair, 
however, to leave the Decision to the Publick. Mr. 
Cowley was too modest to set up for a Dictatour; and 
being shock'd perhaps with his old Style, never examin'd 
into the depth of his good Sense. 

The other party considered Chaucer should not be modern- 
ized ' out of a quite contrary Notion,' says Dryden. ' They 
suppose there is a certain Veneration due to his old Language ; 
and that it is little else than Profanation and Sacrilege to alter 
it.' Foremost amongst these, Dryden mentions the Earl of 
Leicester (who had persuaded Cowley to read Chaucer) ' who 
valued Chaucer as much as Mr. Cowley despis'd him.' He had 
indeed dissuaded Dryden from his intention to modernize the 

xl 1. Period V. The first 'Modernizations. 9 

poet; and Dryden had refrained from doing so until after 
Lord Leicester's death. 

Between these two extreme views Dryden himself takes up 
an intermediate one, of admiration and veneration for Chaucer, 
combined with a conviction, that in order to perpetuate his 
memory, he must be translated. ' Chaucer, I confess, is a 
rough Diamond, and must first be polish'd e'er he shines.' 

This work of ' polishing ' continued for nearly one hundred 
and fifty years; all sorts and conditions of writers, from the 
greatest poets down to the most obscure scribblers from 
Dryden, Pope and Wordsworth, to Ogle, Betterton and Lips- 
comb- tried their hands in turn at it; and when we see the 
consensus of opinion in England, headed by Dryden himself, 
as to the complete obsoleteness of Chaucer's language, we are 
not surprised that so many attempts were made to ' improve ' 
and modernize it. 

There is no question but that the men of the eighteenth 
century were as firmly convinced as their forefathers that the 
continual change in the English language was destined to 
render unintelligible, within a comparatively short period, all 
writers who chose that medium. 1 Their suggested remedy, 
however, was not to write in Latin as urged by Bacon or Waller, 
but the introduction of a mysterious process, reminiscent of the 
photographic ' dark room/ which they called ' fixing the 

Swift's well-known letter to Lord Oxford in 1712 best 
expresses the views generally held at this time on the subject; 
he there says that every man can hope to be read with pleasure 
for a few years only. After that he will need an interpreter; 
and he urges on the Earl in his function as Lord High Treasurer 
of Great Britain to lose no time in establishing an academy to 
fix a standard of speech. 2 

This argument is based on the assumption that the further 

1 See, for instance, the last paragraph in the quotation from Gibber's 
Lives of the Poets, 1753, p. 407 below. 

2 A Proposal for correcting, improving and ascertaining the English 
tongue . . . London, 1712, pp. 38, 40-3. 

1. Period V. Ignorance of Earlier English. xli 

removed we are from a period in time, the less intelligible 
will become its words and grammar. In one sense this is true, 
particularly of uncultivated speech. But the formation of a 
great literature, and the spread of a general knowledge of read- 
ing, at once checks this tendency. The great authors are 
increasingly read and studied, until their words and turns of 
phrase become familiar, so that language, and more especially 
the cultured written language, instead of moving on in a straight 
line, away from its source, tends to revolve about its literature. 1 

One's natural inclination would be to think that Shake- 
speare, Spenser and Chaucer would have been more intelligible 
to the men of Queen Anne's time than they are to us, two 
hundred years later. But this was not the case. What 
collector of an English anthology would to-day think of exclud- 
ing Shakespeare's poems on the ground that his language was 
obsolete ? Yet in 1702, we find Bysshe, in his Preface to The 
Art of English Poetry, saying that the reason * the Good Shake- 
speare ' is not so frequently quoted in his book as he otherwise 
deserves to be, is because, like Chaucer and Spenser, the garb 
in which he is clothed is so out of fashion that readers of that 
age have no ear for him (see pp. 290-91 below). This is probably 
one of the works indignantly referred to by Charles Gildon in 
1718 (Advertisement to Shakesperiana in The Complete Art of 
Poetry, p. 303) when he writes : ' Finding the inimitable 
Shakespear rejected by some Modern Collectors for his Obsolete 
Language, and having lately run over this great Poet, I could not 
but present the Reader with a Specimen of his Descriptions and 
Moral Reflections, to shew the Injustice of such an Obloquy.' 2 

What poet of to-day would append a glossary to his verses to 
explain the following ' obsolete words ' : ' to appal,' ' to carol,' 
'certes/ 'deftly,' 'fays,' 'glee,' 'lea/ 'lithe,' 'loathly/ 

1 See Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, iii, p. 145-50. 

2 Shakespeare's language being looked upon as obsolete, or at any rate 
difficult, naturally was a bar to his being read, and probably at no period 
was he so little known as in the first quarter of the 18th century. Thus 
we find the Duke of Buckingham, who refers to Falstaff in his poem called 
' An Essay on Poetry ' in 1721, adding the following doubtless necessary 
footnote : ' An admirable Character in a Play of Shakespeare's.' 

xlii 1. Period V. Chaucer's language considered unintelligible. 

1 sooth ' and ' thrall ' ? Yet these words are all carefully 
expounded by Thomson in the glossary to his Castle of Indolence 
published in 1748; and Gay, in his notes to The Shepherd's 
Week, in 1714, explains such words as ' doff,' ' don/ ' token,' 
' scant,' * deft,' ' glen ' and ' dumps.' 

At this time (when imitations of Spenser were so much in 
vogue) one finds continually glossaries appended to poems 
explaining what to all readers to-day are perfectly familiar 
terms. Thus, in notes to ' The Salisbury Ballad ' (see below, 
p. 329), published in 1714, we find ' lore,' ' bouncing,' ' twang,' 
' bard,' and ' lyre ' all carefully annotated and interpreted, 
and in a contemporary hand in a copy of this same book (in 
the British Museum), extra notes are made on some of the 
words not explained by the editor, among which is ' blithe, 
an old word for cheerfull.' These details are cited to prove 
what really was -the case, that the ignorance of our earlier 
literature was at this time so great, that words and phrases 
which are to us to-day perfectly familiar and in ordinary use, 
were then practically unknown. 

No wonder, then, that the English of Chaucer was looked 
upon as to all intents and purposes a dead language, for the 
comprehension of which a special and an arduous course of study 
was necessary. Thus, in an essay on the old English poets, 
written in 1707, we are told that in order to understand 
Chaucer, his readers will need a knowledge of French and also 
of Dutch, because ' there is so much of the Saxon or German 
Tongue in his language ' (below, p. 295). 

On almost every page which deals in any way with English 
poetry at this time are to be found remarks of the nature of the 
following lines addressed by Elijah Fenton to Mr. Southerne, in 
which he says : 

Chaucer had all that Beauty cou'd inspire, 
And Surry's Numbers glow'd with warm Desire : 
Both now are priz'd by few, unknown to most, 
Because the Thoughts are in the Language lost ; 
Ev'n Spencer's Pearls in muddy Waters lye, 
Rarely discover'd by the Diver's Eye : 
Rich was their Imag'ry, till Time defac'd 
The curious Works, but Waller came at last. . . . 

1. Period V. Chaucer's name synonymous with decay, xliii 

Then follows the usual glowing panegyric which the name of 
Waller invariably aroused. This extract is of interest, as show- 
ing that not only Chaucer, and, as we have already seen, 
Shakespeare, but Surrey and Spenser are looked upon as 
obsolete in the year 1711. 

Thus we find Chaucer's language, and by degrees his very 
name becoming synonymous with decay. In some, verses 
written on the great actress, Mrs. Oldfield (died 1730), the writer 
moralizes on the transitoriness of human fame and says : 

In vain secure of deathless praise, 

There poets' ashes come, 
Since obsolete grows Chaucer's phrase, 

And moulders with his tomb. 

Pope, in his Essay on Criticism, is but carrying this gloomy 
belief to its melancholy but logical conclusion, when he asserts 
that the writers of his day would in their turn be as unintelli- 
gible to succeeding generations as Chaucer was to his. 

Short is the date, alas ! of modern rhymes, 
And 'tis but just to let them live betimes. 
No longer now that golden age appears, 
When patriarch wits survived a thousand years. 
Now length of fame (our second life) is lost, 
And bare threescore is all ev'n that can boast ; 
Our sons their fathers' failing language see, 
And such as Chaucer is shall Dry den be. 

It is small wonder then, in view of this state of affairs, that 
those who cared for Chaucer should have done their utmost 
to translate him into intelligible language whilst yet there was 
time, and whilst they themselves had still some glimmering 
of his meaning. Dryden and Pope set the fashion, 1 each in his 
turn clothing the poet anew, and it was in the dress provided 
by them that Chaucer was principally known to readers of the 
eighteenth century. 

There is no need to say anything here about these modern- 
izations ; they are well known, and they have their own merits. 

1 There was one earlier attempt at a modernization, but it was never 
published; this was Sidnam's version of the first three books of Troilus 
and Cressida, c. 1630. (See p. 203 below.) 

xliv 1. Period V. Appreciation of the Modernizations. 

They were hailed with delight, were universally praised, and 
for many years were held unquestioningly to be far superior 
to Chaucer's own poems; most of their admirers appear to 
think that the more they belittled the originals the greater was 
the honour which redounded to the modernizers. This is the 
kind of verse one meets with continually on the subject : 

Revolving Time had injur'd Chaucer's Name, 
And dimm'd the brilliant Lustre of his Fame; 
Deform'd his Language, and his Wit depress'd, 
His serious Sense oft sinking to a Jest; 
Almost a Stranger ev'n to British Eyes, 
We scarcely knew him in the rude Disguise : 
But cloath'd by Thee, the banish'd Bard appears 
In all his Glory, and new Honours wears. 
Thus Ennius was by Virgil chang'd of old; 
He found him Rubbish, and he left him Gold. 

( Verses occasioned by reading Mr. Dryden's Fables, 
by Jabez Hughes, c. 1707.) 

These sentiments are expressed over and over again all 
through the eighteenth century. In the Gentleman's Magazine 
for January 1740 there is a little poem by ' Astrophil,' In 
Praise of Chaucer, which, though giving to Chaucer every recog- 
nition, yet ends in the usual way : 

So true with life his characters agree, 
What e'er is read we almost think we see. 
Such Chaucer was, bright mirror of his age 
Tho' length of years has quite obscur'd his page ; 
His stile grown obsolete, his numbers rude, 
Scarce read, and but with labour understood. 
Yet by fam'd modern bards new minted o'er, 
His standard wit has oft enrich 'd their store ; 
Whose Canterbury Tales could task impart 
For Pope's and Dryden's choice refining art; 
And in their graceful polish let us view 
What wealth enrich'd the mind where first they grew. 

Later still, in 1781, we find Walpole in a letter to Mason 
refusing the offer to procure a first edition of Chaucer for a 
guinea, saying, ' I am too, though a Goth, so modern a Goth 

1. Period V. Chaucer in the Original is scarcely read, xlv 

that I hate the black letter, and I love Chaucer better in Dryden 
and Baskerville than in his own language and dress.' 

The tendency of the modernizations was to divert people 
from reading the originals. Chaucer's name became better 
known, but his actual works less and less known : only a kind 
of tradition about them was kept up. 

The attitude of the great dictator of letters himself was not 
favourable to Chaucer, although he at one time contemplated 
bringing out a new edition of the poet; he rarely mentions 
him, and when he does, the utterance is not sympathetic, so 
that we cannot help suspecting him of the fault he imputes to 
Dryden, who, he says, ' in confidence of his abilities, ventured 
to write of what he had not examined, and ascribes to Chaucer 
the first refinement of our numbers.' But Johnson goes on to 
show that Gower's numbers are quite as smooth, and his rimes 
as easy as those of Chaucer. The works of Chaucer, he says, 
which Dryden has modernized, 

require little criticism. The tale of The Cock seems hardly 
worth revival ; and the story of Palamon and Arcite, con- 
taining an action unsuitable to the times in which it is 
placed, can hardly be suffered to pass without censure of 
the hyperbolical commendation which Dryden has given 
it in the general Preface. 

For Johnson, in short and he well represents the dominant 
eighteenth-century critical attitude English poetry began 
with Waller, and earlier writers (with a very qualified exception 
of Shakespeare) were not worthy serious attention; Chaucer 
was a Goth, and the greatest praise to which he was entitled 
was that he might perhaps, with great justice, be styled ' the 
first of our versifiers who wrote poetically.' 

Those who wrote the modernizations at any rate were forced 
to read the originals, and from them occasionally we get a 
sensible criticism. We have heard Dryden; and Pope is 
reported by Spence to have said 

I read Chaucer still with as much pleasure as almost any 
of our poets. He is a master of manners, of description, and 
the first tale-teller in the true and enlivened natural way. 

xlvi 1. Period V. The Modernizers appreciate Chaucer. 

And again he writes 

Good sense shows itself in every line of the Prologue to 
the Canterbury Tales. . . . Addison's character of Chaucer 
is diametrically opposed to the truth, he blames him for 
want of humour. 

In 1739, George Ogle, in his Letter to a Friend (p. 384 below), 
prefixed to his modernization of the Clerk of Oxford's tale, which 
he calls Gualtherus and Griselda, shows that he too, having read 
Chaucer, can appreciate his merit. He quotes Dryden's 
criticism with approval, and adds, ' As to the Point of Character- 
izing, at which CHAUCER was most singularly happy : You can 
name no Author even of Antiquity, whether in the Comic or 
in the Satirio Way, equal, at least superior, to Him.' Then he 
' throws together ' a few touches taken from his Descriptions 
of the Pilgrims. ' The Knight, an old soldier, who, though he 
was worthy (meaning a man of excessive Bravery) yet was 
wise . . . and the Serjeant at Law ; Who seemed much busier 
than he was.' So he goes through twenty more of them, show- 
ing thorough sympathy and understanding. Yet it was this 
same Mr. Ogle, a sincere admirer of Chaucer's, who, when he 
brought out the whole of the Canterbury Tales ' modernized by 
several hands,' thus rendered the Prologue fit for modern 
ears : 

When April, soft'ning sheds refreshing Show'rs 

And frees, from droughty March the springing Flow'rs, 

April, That bathes the teeming womb of Earth 

And gives to Vegetation, kindly Birth ! 

When Zephyr breathes the Gale that favours Love, 

And Cherishes the Growth of ev'ry Grove ; 

Zephyr ! That ministers with genial Breeze, 

Bloom to the Shrubs and Verdure to the Trees. 

When youthful Phoebus half his course compleats 

Divides the Ram, and glows with temp'rate Heats ; 

Phoebus ! Our equal Good, the live-long year 

Or should he take or should he quit the Sphere ; 

When Philomel injoys the Coming Spring, 

And feeling her approach, delights to sing. 

Sweet Philomel ! Of all the Birds that fly, 

The Sole, to pass the Night with sleepless Eye. 

1. Period V. Chaucerian Imitations. xlvii 

One is tempted to linger over these modernizations ' by several 
hands.' They are very fascinating, though not in the way their 
authors intended ; for they seem more curious to us than even 
the ' barbaric ' relics of Chaucer himself, and their language is far 
stranger than his. 

There is a beautiful and high-sounding poem by Henry 
Brooke, Constantia, or The Man of Law's Tale, the opening of 
which is especially worthy of note. In the original, Chaucer 
writes thirty-five lines descriptive of the ills of poverty, but 
Henry Brooke transmutes these into one hundred and sixty- 
eight lines on the same topic. 

We must, however, leave Chaucer in the hands of his merci- 
less interpreters, of whom there were many more (notably 
Lipscomb, 1792-5, and the last great attempt to modernize 
him in 1841, to which reference will be made later), and consider 
very briefly another form of appreciation which was rather 
popular in the eighteenth century. This consisted of imitation 
of Chaucer, that is poems or verses written in what was supposed 
to be his manner. 

This ' imitation ' of the older poets Chaucer, Spenser and 
Milton was one of the many ways in which eighteenth-century 
writers gave expression to their growing interest in the earlier 
literature of their country, and the number of Spenserian 
imitations published; good, bad, and worse than indifferent, 
from the Castle of Indolence to Mickle's Sir Martyn, is almost 
incredible until one collects a list of them. 1 

The imitations of Chaucer were comparatively few in 
quantity, but they make up for this by being fearful and wonder- 
ful in quality. The earliest instance of this kind of imitation 
is in William Bullein's Dialogue . . against the fever Pestilence, 
1564. Chaucer is here introduced in person, and commends 
' his deare Brigham ' for the monument he has erected to him, at 
the same time he laments the rifling of tombs and spoiling of 
epitaphs which is so common, and he concludes these remarks 
in a stanza of what is apparently intended to be Chaucerian verse 

1 See the list from 1700 to 1775 in The Beginnings of the English 
Romantic Movement, by William Lyon Phelps, 1893, Appendix I. 

xlviii 1. Period V. Interest in Chawer by Prior, Gay and others. 

(see below, p. 99). In the seventeenth century we find several 
imitations. There are some verses in Chaucer's style among 
the dedicatory poems to Kynaston's Troilus in 1635, and a 
similar poem by the same author, Francis James, in 1638. 
These, combined with the jargon Cartwright puts into the mouth 
of the antiquary, Moth, in his play of The Ordinary (c. 1634, see 
below, p. 206), are interesting as showing the strange conception 
of Chaucer's language which was current among seventeenth- 
century scholars. 

Two satiric pieces in Chaucer's style, one of them probably 
by Sir John Minnes, were published in the Musarum Deliciae 
in 1655, and in the next year an imitation of the tale of Sir, 
Thopas appeared in a collection called Choyce Drollery. 

In the eighteenth century the recipe for this class of com- 
position was, as Professor Lounsbury points out, 1 quite simple, 
and consisted of three main ingredients ; the story must be 
obscene, the language ungrammatical, and the verse rugged. 
The first was not always insisted on though it made it 
more complete but the last two were absolutely indis- 

There is no doubt that Dryden's modernizations and his 
praise of Chaucer gave a great impetus to this kind of poetic 
exercise, of which Prior's two imitations are typical examples, 
published in 1712 ; about which time there seems to have been 
a curious outburst of interest in Chaucer. In 1711, Pope 
brought out his Temple of Fame, largely based on the elder 
poet's work; in 1712, in addition to Prior's imitations, Better- 
ton and Cobb both published their modernizations, and a tract 
called the Parliament of Birds appeared ; in 1713 Gay produced 
his comedy called The Wife of Bath, with Chaucer as the 
principal character; while all this time at Oxford, as we can 
tell from Hearne's diaries, there was among scholars much 
interest in and talk about Chaucer, for Urry was working hard 
at his edition of the poet, and collecting all the manuscripts and 
printed copies on which he could lay hands. 

The greater number of the ' imitations ' are to be found in 

1 Studies in Chaucer, vol. iii, p. 121. 

1. Period V. Revival of genuine Chaucer appreciation. idix) 

the first half of the eighteenth century ; 1 we may note Gay's 
Answer to the Sompner's Prologue, Fenton's Tale devised in the 
plesaunt manere of gentil Maister Jeoffrey Chaucer, both pub- 
lished in Lintott's Miscellany in 1717, and William Thompson's 
In Chaucer's Boure (c. 1745). 

The Rev. Thomas Warton, at one time Professor of Poetry at 
Oxford, but best known as the father of two eminent sons, 
published in 1747 a less crude caricature of Chaucer's style than 
any of the above, in his paraphrase of some verses in Leviticus 
in the manner of the Parlement of Foules ; and in the same 
year Mason, the friend of Gray, shows best perhaps all the 
peculiarities of bad grammar, unknown words, and halting 
verse which to the eighteenth century represented Chaucer's 
' homely rhyme.' Here are some of the lines he puts into 
Chaucer's mouth when mourning the death of Pope, in the 
MUSCBUS (for the whole extract see p. 393 below) : 

For syn the daies whereas my lyre ben strongen, 
And deftly many a mery laie I songen, 
Old Time, which alle things don maliciously, 
Gnawen with rusty tooth continually, 
Gnattrid my lines, that they all cancrid ben, 
Till at the last thou smoothen 'hem hast again ; 
Sithence full semely gliden my rymes rude. 

Comment here seems needless, unless it be to remark that, 
if Chaucer's lines resembled these, they certainly required 

Now we may turn to the more grateful task of tracing the 
gradual revival in the eighteenth century of genuine appreciation 
of Chaucer, based on knowledge of his work. This change 
naturally was brought about by scholars, not by poets and men 
of letters, for the study and understanding of Chaucer in the 
original was in the eighteenth century confined to scholars, and 
to extremely few of these. We can see the interest he aroused 
in Hearne, and we may regret that Dean Atterbury did not 

1 Whether the imitations which were called out by the Chatterton- 
Rowley discussion at the end of the century were supposed to be in 
Chaucer's or in Rowley's language is not quite clear. See, for instance, 
pp. 465, 466 below, 1782, John Baynes and E. B. Greene. 


1 1. Period V. Two Women Scholars appreciate Chaucer. 

fix on him instead of on Urry to edit the poet's works. Morell, 
in 1737, as a result of really reading and studying Chaucer, 
came to the conclusion that he had * been wretchedly abused, 
mis wrote and mismetred by all his editors,' and he shows that 
he had a glimmering, partly suggested to him by Urry, that to 
sound the final ' e ' might make a great difference to the alleged 
roughness of his verse. Morell also incidentally gives us a clue 
to the reason why the rational study of Chaucer was so long 
delayed : which was that it was not thought quite a dignified or 
weighty subj ect worthy of the whole attention of scholars. It was 
suitable enough for an amusement or hobby, but not for a serious 
occupation. ' This then has been my amusement for some 
time,' he says at the end of the preface to his unfinished edition 
of the Canterbury Tales, ' and I hope with no great detriment to 
the more severe and decent studies required by my place and 
character. I believe many a leisure hour might have been spent 

There are two writers, both scholars, and curiously enough, 
both women, who must be noted in the early eighteenth century 
as showing some real knowledge, and consequently genuine 
appreciation of Chaucer. Elizabeth Elstob, the earlier of these, 
was a born scholar and linguist, whose love for learning helped 
her to overcome incredible difficulties in the days when it was 
considered almost indecent for a woman to occupy her mind 
with such studies as Anglo-Saxon; in 1715 she published the 
first attempt at an Old English grammar, written in English, 1 
with the following significant title : 

The Rudiments of Grammar for the English-Saxon Tongue, first 
given in English : with an Apology for the study of Northern 
Antiquities. Being very useful toward the understanding our 
ancient English Poets, and other Writers. 

In her preface she takes occasion to point out more fully 
that a knowledge of the Saxon Tongue, by which she means Old 

1 The first Old English grammar was in Latin by George Hickes, 
Oxford, 1689, republished and enlarged later under the title Thesaurus 
Grammaticocriticus, 1705. Elizabeth Elstob was Hickes' s niece. 

1. Period V. Thomas Warton's enlightened view. li 

and Middle English, is necessary or at least useful to the right 
understanding of the older English Poets, such as Chaucer. 

Elizabeth Cooper was the second of these writers, and was 
one of the very earliest people to try to revive a knowledge of 
the older English poets, of whose work she in 1737 published 
Specimens, ' from the Saxons to the Keign of King Charles II,' 
so runs the title page. As a matter of fact the complete project 
of the ' Muses Library ' was from lack of support not carried out, 
but the first volume, the only one published, has a number of 
well-chosen poetical extracts ranging from Piers Plowman to 

Her preface is very interesting, showing on the subject of 
the older literature a combination of accurate and first-hand 
knowledge with critical independence and judgment not to be 
met elsewhere at that time. ' Very Few,' she says, ' of these 
great Men [Chaucer, Barclay, Skelton, Surrey, Sackville, Spenser, 
Lord Brook, Donne, Corbet, Carew, etc.] are generally known to 
the present Age : And tho' Chaucer and Spencer are ever nam'd 
with much Respect, not many are intimately acquainted with 
their Beauties ' (below, p. 379) ; and then, after praising Chaucer 
in terms which show that she, at any rate, has read him, she 
selects as a specimen of his work the unhackneyed and yet 
highly characteristic Prologue to the Pardoner's Tale. 

The first writer, however, who really attacked the question 
with authority combined with knowledge and insight, was 
Thomas Warton. As early as 1754 he held a brief for Chaucer, 
and in his Observations on the Faerie Queene, wrote a most acute 
and discriminating account of him, in which he pointed out that 
it was the modernizations which had stood in the way of Chaucer 
himself being read, and had brought about a general ignorance 
of the original (see p. 409 below). ' Chaucer,' he says, ' seems 
to be regarded rather as an old poet, than as a good one, and 
that he wrote English verses four hundred years ago seems more 
frequently to be urged in his commendation, than that he wrote 
four hundred years ago with taste and judgment. 1 . . . When I 

1 Compare Sewell's remarks in 1720 : ' they who speak of him rather 
pay a blind Veneration to his Antiquity than his intrinsic Worth.' 

Hi 1. Period V. Gray's Notes on Chaucer's Metre. 

sate down to read Chaucer with the curiosity of knowing how 
the first English poet wrote, I left him with the satisfaction of 
having found what later and more refin'd ages could hardly 
equal in true humour, pathos, or sublimity.' 

Warton's enlightened view of Chaucer is displayed very 
much more fully in his History of English Poetry in 1774, but 
by that time the tide of opinion was beginning to turn. Gray, 
in his notes on metre (c. 1760), repudiates the idea that Chaucer 
had no ear, and definitely asserts, what had been suggested 
first by Speght, and later by Urry and Morell, that if the poet's 
verse appeared irregular, the fault lay not with the writer but the 
reader. He instances the sounding of initial and final syllables, 
especially the genitive singular, and nominative plural of nouns, 
and he is the first, we believe, clearly to point out how much the 
change in the accentuation of words must affect our reading of 
the older poets : ' we undoubtedly destroy,' he says, ' a great 
part of the music of their versification by laying the accent of 
words where nobody then laid it.' 

Gray's notes were not published till 1814, otherwise we 
might think that Tyrwhitt owed something to them. 

Bishop Hurd, in his Letters on Chivalry and Romance (1762), 
again shows that Chaucer himself is being read, when he calls 
attention to what is evidently to him a surprising fact, that in 
so early an age when chivalry still flourished, Chaucer in Sir 
Thopas actually detected the absurdity of the old romances, 
and was making fun of them. In the same year (1762) Warton 
issued a second edition of his Observations, in which he Slightly 
alters his remarks on Chaucer. In 1754 he had emphasized the 
fact that it was Chaucer who ' first gave the English nation in 
its own language an idea of Humour,' he now points out that the 
poet ' abounds not only in strokes of humour, which is commonly 
supposed to be his sole talent, but of pathos and sublimity.' 
This remark, perhaps more than anything else, shows that a 
new era is dawning for Chaucer. 

That which is most surprising in looking back over the great 
mass of Chaucer criticism, up to this date, is that even his most 
ardent admirers do not seem to have had a complete conception 

1. Period V. Chaucer regarded chiefly as a Comic Poet, liii 

of what Chaucer really was, nor wherein lay his great strength 
as a poet. 

The characteristics which most attract us to him to-day, in 
addition to his delightful humour, are his simplicity, his tender- 
nes=!, his wisdom, toleration and broad-mindedness, his close 
knowledge of human nature, and his almost constant felicity of 
expression. Yet, with curiously few exceptions, from the middle 
of the sixteenth to the end of the eighteenth century, not one of 
these qualities seems to be remarked in Chaucer. All his 
early admirers understood and praised his verse, but, as we 
have seen, in later years that found no supporter. Spenser, 
Dryden and Pope, as well as Caxton, the author of the Book of 
Curtesye, and William Thynne, note Chaucer's true poetical 
strength, his imagination and power of expression. Otherwise, 
he is looked upon for the most part as a comic poet chiefly 
remarkable for the scurrility of his verses. This is a view which, 
as we have seen, began to creep in at the end of the sixteenth 
century; it was for this that men like Drant or Harrington 
openly condemned him, while others, less stern, merely laughed 
at his ' merie tales,' and looked on his outspokenness as suffi- 
cient reason that they should outvie him in this respect ; so we 
find the unknown author of Greene's Vision making Chaucer 
cite his own practice in order to reassure Greene, who is 
reproaching himself for the wanton writings of his youth (see 
pp. 137-38 below). This attitude of tolerant amusement rapidly 
gained ground in the seventeenth and earlier eighteenth 
centuries, 1 and if his coarseness is not insisted on, he is at best 
a good, jolly story teller; as Warton says, ' strokes of humour ' 
are ' commonly supposd to be his sole talent.' 

Old Chaucer shall, for his facetious style, 

Be read, and prais'd by warlike Britains, while 

The Sea enriches, and defends their Isle, 

writes John Evelyn in 1685. Chaucer was a merry wit, but a 
rough one, for even his humour, the only quality granted him, 
was not recognized to be the most light and delicate ever 

1 See, for instance, Rowlands 1602, Smith 1656, Philips 1675, Evelyn 
1685, Addison 1694, Cobb a. 1700, Gay 1712, Draper 1713 and Harte 1727. 

liv 1. Period VI. Tyrwhitt' s edition of the ' Canterbury Tales.' 

possessed by an Englishman, but rather quaint and coarse, fit 
only for a barbarous age. This point is emphasized here, for 
it must be remembered that it was the general and common 
attitude existing side by side with the new and intellectual 
interest which we have seen scholars were beginning to take 
in his work. Moreover it is one which, with a certain class of 
writers men who did not read Chaucer, but yet thought it 
correct to refer to him increases all through the first three 
quarters of the eighteenth century. It is well summed up in 
the following lines in an Elegy called Woodstock Park, published 
anonymously in 1761 : 

Old Chaucer, who in rough unequal verse, 
Sung quaint allusion and facetious tale ; 
And ever as his jests he would rehearse, 
Loud peals of laughter echoed through the vale. 

What though succeeding poets, as they [their ?] sire, 
Revere his memory and approve his wit ; 
Though Spenser's elegance and Dryden's fire 
His name to ages far remote transmit ; 
His tuneless numbers hardly now survive 
As ruins of a dark and Gothic age ; 
And all his blithesome tales their praise derive 
From Pope's immortal song and Prior's page. 

This poem, which was published the year before the second 
edition of Warton's Observations, illustrates better perhaps than 
could anything else the startling change in Chaucer criticism 
which was inaugurated immediately afterwards by the work 
of scholars like Warton and Tyrwhitt. 

PERIOD VI. It is with the publication of Tyrwhitt's edition 
of the Canterbury Tales in 1775, that we enter upon the sixth 
and present period of Chaucer criticism; it is entirely owing 
to the work of this great, but little known, scholar that the sane 
and rational study of the poet's work was, for the first time 
since the early sixteenth century, made possible for Englishmen. 
Not only did Tyrwhitt edit the first good text of the Canterbury 
Tales, but in his prefatory essay he definitely and clearly dis- 
posed for ever of the persistently erroneous view which was held 

1. Period VI. Gradual disappearance of misconceptions . Iv 

of Chaucer's versification (see pp. 442-45 below). His text of 
the ' Tales ' was almost immediately pirated by Bell for his 
edition of the English poets (1782) ; it was also used by Anderson 
in his English poets (1795), and other reprints of it in the 
nineteenth century were numerous, so it thus became easily 
accessible to every would-be reader. 

With Tyrwhitt's monumental work as a starting-point and 
basis, we can trace in this period very clearly the history, first 
of the gradual disappearance of certain persistent and long- 
cherished beliefs about Chaucer founded upon ignorance either 
of his language, or his work, or of both ; and the substitution 
for these of sane^ sound and scholarly appreciation, not only 
of the wisdom, the humour and the imagination of the poet, 
but also of his supreme technical and artistic skill. 1 

The distinctly eighteenth-century ideas which gradually 
dispersed like mist before the sunlight, may for convenience be 
summarized as follows : 

As regards manner : 

(1) That Chaucer's language was barbarous and difficult. 

(2) That he had no ear for metre, and wrote rough and 
irregular lines. 

(3) That these shortcomings were not wholly his fault, but a 
necessary result of the rude age in which he wrote, when 
poetry was in its infancy. 

(4) That therefore the only possible way to read him was 
in a ' modernization.' 

As regards matter : 

(5) That he was principally a ' facetious ' or roughly comic 
poet, chiefly delighting in coarse tales, and lacking 
seriousness and dignity. 

These beliefs were not by any means swept away at one 
breath, as they might have been by a careful reading of Tyr- 
whitt's text and preface. Convictions so firmly rooted in men's 
minds cannot be disposed of in a moment. For example, we 

1 For an early example of the effect of Tyrwhitt's work on the ordinary 
reviewer or hack writer, see below, p. 488, Philip Neve, 1789. 

Ivi 1. Period VI. Belief in Chaucer's 'hobbling cadences' 

find the idea that Chaucer's verse is rough and that he is difficult 
to read and understand is one that lasts on with curious per- 
sistence. In the article on Lydgate in the second edition of 
the Encyclopedia Britannica (1778-83) it is stated that Lyd- 
gate's versification is much more harmonious than Chaucer's. 
This assertion is repeated in subsequent editions of the 
Encyclopaedia up to 1842, and we hear echoes of this view from 
time to time in the nineteenth century, as in Sharon Turner's 
History of England (1815), or in Burrowes's Modern Encyclo- 
pedia (1837). 

Anna Seward, who in 1792 writes of Chaucer's ' obsolete, 
coarse and inharmonious diction,' maintains this attitude in her 
letters to Scott and others later on. She comments, in 1806, on 
the ' insane partiality ' of Godwin for the poetic powers of 
Chaucer, whose compositions, she says, 'have so little good 
which is not translation, and so much that is tedious, unnatural, 
conceited and obscure.' Richard Wharton, in 1804, speaks of 
his * hobbling cadences and obsolete phrases ' ; in 1807 ' Peter 
Pindar ' (Dr. John Wolcot) writes just as did Hughes and Cobb 
a century earlier. 

Though obsolete, alas ! thy line, 
And doomed in cold neglect to shine, 

and Byron, in Hints from Horace (1811), takes the usual 
eighteenth century view when he says that our forefathers, 
who did not trouble about the classics, 

Were satisfied with Chaucer and old Ben ; 
The jokes and numbers suited to their taste 
Were quaint and careless, anything but chaste. 

Lord Thurlow, who, unlike Byron, much admired Chaucer, yet 
speaks of his ' homely rhyme ' (1813) ; ' quaint and rough,' a 
writer in the Gentleman's Magazine (May 1818) calls it; ' anti- 
quated ' and ' outworn ' says Horace Smith in 1825, and in 
the following year, Hazlitt, in reporting the conversation which 
took place at one of Lamb's Wednesdays on 'Persons one would 
wish to have seen,' says that all the company were in favour of 
Chaucer, except William Ayrton, the musician, ' who said 
something about the ruggedness of the metre.' 

1. Period VI. Opinions of Nott and D' Israeli. Ivii 

Consequently, the idea tends to be developed about this 
time which is baldly stated by Berington in 1814 (below, 
Part II, p. 61), that the chief merit and interest of Chaucer is 
not as a poet but as a historian of manners, and that his works 
are not merely ' effusions of a poetical imagination ' but ' they 
are pregnant with instruction of a higher order. They are an 
essential portion of the authentic history of his country ' (see 
end of article in The Retrospective Review, 1824 below, Part II, 
p. 155). 

Nott's views, in 1815, on Chaucer's versification are worth 
noting, for they are not careless remarks made on insufficient 
knowledge, but are the result of close study of the text. He 
examines Tyrwhitt's ' system respecting Chaucer's versifi- 
cation,' and objects to it. He does not believe in the sounding 
of the final ' e ' feminine ; he maintains that Chaucer's lines 
are not intended for iambic decasyllabics, although uninten- 
tionally such lines occur, but that his principle of versification is 
rhythmical and not metrical, and that he ' designed his lines 
to be read with a caesura and rhythmical cadence.' Southey, 
in 1807, had partly anticipated this view, and later, in 1833, 
having been reinforced by the views of Farmer and Nott, he is 
more emphatic on the point and says he believes Chaucer to 
have written his verses on the same principle on which Coleridge 
wrote his Christabel. 

Isaac D'Israeli, as late as 1841, completely routs Tyrwhitt's 
theory of Chaucer's versification and asserts, that the poet 
makes his words long or short, dissyllabic or trisyllabic at his 
pleasure. ' It is evident,' he continues, ' that Chaucer trusted 
his cadences to his ear, and his verse is therefore usually rhyth- 
mical and accidentally metrical.' He also doubts if anything 
but the Canterbury Tales (made accessible by Tyrwhitt) will 
ever be read, for the difficulties are too great. Readers will be 
appalled by having to face ' a massive tome dark with the 
Gothic type, whose obsolete words and difficult phrases, and for 
us, uncadenced metre, are to be conned by a glossary as obsolete 
as the text, to be perpetually referred to, to the interruption of 
all poetry and all patience.' 

It was in this same year (1841), just one hundred years after 

Iviii 1. Period VI. The ' Modernizations ' of 1841. 

Ogle's venture, that the last important attempt was made to 
modernize Chaucer. This was a small volume called ' The 
Poems of Geoffrey Chaucer Modernized,' which is chiefly 
remarkable for the worthlessness of its contents and the" 
eminence of its contributors, many of whom, one is tempted to 
think, ought to have known better. 

It was edited by Richard Hengist Home, who says he thinks 
the project was set on foot by Wordsworth, who promised to 
contribute, assisted by Leigh Hunt, Miss Barrett, Robert Bell, 
Monckton Milnes, Leonhard Schmitz and Home himself. For 
the second volume (which, happily, never appeared), it was 
intended to ask for the help of Tennyson, Talfourd, Browning, 
Bulwer, Mr. and Mrs. Cowden Clarke, and Mary Howitt ; and 
we are told that every one who was invited to take part in the 
project agreed cordially, with the sole exception of Landor, who 
at once saw the folly of the attempt, and expressed his views 
on it with great decision. His first reply to Mr. Home's 
application was that he believed ' as many people read Chaucer 
(meaning in the original) as were fit to read him.' Home mis- 
understood this remark, and so Landor wrote again to explain 
his views more fully, expressing himself very characteristically 
as follows : ' Indeed, I do admire him, or rather love him/ 
adding, ' Pardon me if I say I would rather see Chaucer quite 
alone, in the dew of his sunny morning, than with twenty 
clever gentlefolks about him, arranging his shoe-strings and 
buttoning his doublet. I like even his language. I will have 
no hand in breaking his dun but rich painted glass to put in 
(if clearer) much thinner p'anes/ ' And thus/ commented Home, 
when he published part of this correspondence in 1877 ' with 
the true but narrow devotion of the best men on the black- 
letter side, and their resistance to all attempts to melt the 
obsolete language and form it into modern moulds . . . the 
Homer of English poetry continues unread except by very few/ 

The introduction to the ' Modernizations ' is interesting. 
We see that in 1841 the state of Chaucer's language was looked 
upon as being as hopelessly unintelligible as in the days of 
Pope; and that the reader must, among other qualifications, 

I. Period VI. Distaste for Chaucer persists in 19th century, lix 

be ' learned in the black letter ' (whatever that may be) in 
order to hope to understand him. We also learn that in 1841 
everything had been done for Chaucer's works in the collation 
of texts and the writing of notes and glossaries that could be 
wished for; which causes us to wonder what the Chaucer 
Society has since found to do. Home's criticisms of earlier 
translations, as well as some of his own renderings of Chaucer's 
text, are quite worth study, and indeed the whole book is a 
curiosity of literature. 1 Its chief interest from our point of 
view consists in the proof it gives of the growth during the 
past eighty years, not only of general knowledge of Chaucer 
and familiarity with his language, but of English scholarsliip 
generally. This is made clear at once when we reflect how 
impossible it would be for a group of writers of intelligence and 
even genius to-day, of the same standing as these contributors, 
to attempt a similar production. 

We find also the distaste for Chaucer experienced by Cowley, 
lasting far on into the nineteenth century, especially in some 
of the Reviews. A reviewer of Godwin's ' Life,' in 1804, asserts 
that the idea that Chaucer in the ' uncouth and antiquated 
style of the original ' could ever give the pleasure he does in 
the ' finely- turned versification ' of Dryden and Pope, is one 
' which could be entertained for a moment only by the blindest 

A writer in the Gentleman's Magazine for October 1818, 
while giving Chaucer some appreciation, yet at the same time 
denounces the poet in all the old familiar terms, speaks of 
his ' rough phraseology,' the ' harshness and lameness of his 
numbers,' his ribaldry and coarseness, and concludes by saying 

1 See Lounsbury's Studies in Chaucer, vol. iii, pp. 213-29, where an 
amusing account of this book is given, and some of the most flagrant 
mistakes and blunders in it are noted. Such are, for instance, the 
ascription to Wordsworth of a quotation from Dray ton which is printed 
on the title page ; or the entire misunderstanding of many of Chaucer's 
words; or such grotesque renderings as that of Chaucer's description of 
the poor Clerk of Oxford : 

' Full threadbare was his overest courtepy,' 
which in Home's version becomes 

' His uppermost short coat was a bare thread.' 

Ix 1. Period VI. Contrast in 19th-century views on Chaucer. 

that not ' all the hyperbolical praises of the illustrious Dryden 
[can] prove that he was gifted with one spark of the sublime 
spirit of the Grecian Bard.' 

The view of Chaucer as a coarse and comic poet unfit for 

study by serious people also persists, and a delightful example of 

it is the case of the Rev. Henry Richman, who, in his youth, 

had written a sequel to the Canterbury Tales, of which his 

friends could never obtain a sight ; for, says one of them, ' he 

always declined permitting . . . [them] to peruse it, upon this 

principle, that the levity of such compositions was inconsistent 

with the decorum of the clerical character ' (see below, c. 1810). 

The severely moral view of Chaucer's sins is also taken by an 

anonymous writer, who, in 1841, published an abridgment 

of Dryden's version of the character of the good parson, as well 

as the Parson's Prologue and Tale. In alluding to the ' ribaldry 

and pollution ' to be found in other parts of Chaucer's writings 

and to his [spurious ?] Retractation at the end of the Canterbury 

Tales, the editor of this pamphlet concludes, ' an author should 

never forget, that . . . his works, if calculated to corrupt, may 

still be doing their mischief, and ... his crimes may thus 

be extended . . . through centuries.' This forms a curious 

contrast to the estimate of Chaucer's outlook and influence as 

expressed later, for instance, by Ruskin and Alfred Austin. 

For what Ruskin says in Fors Clavigera, see p. Ixiv below ; and 

the then poet laureate, when speaking on the occasion of 

Chaucer's quincentenary, said that ' poets like Chaucer were 

themselves ministers of God,' and that ' he was an exponent 

of the purest and the most permanent elements of Christianity.' 

The latest expression of the older view we meet with is in 
1878, when in a History of English Humour, by A. G. K. 
L'Estrange, the surprising statement is made that although no 
doubt at the time he wrote he was thought witty, that ' scarcely 
any part of Chaucer's writings would raise a laugh at the present 
day, though they might a blush.' 

But it is not only among unknown reviewers and odd writers 
that we find a distaste for Chaucer in the first half of the 
nineteenth century. Byron's condemnation is well known : 

1 . Period VI. Early 19th-century distaste for Chaucer. Ixi 

' Chaucer, notwithstanding the praises heaped upon him, I 
think obscene and contemptible' (1807), and John Gait, the 
novelist, writes in 1812 : ' I have never been able to bring 
myself to entertain any feeling approximating to respect for 
Chaucer, Gower, Lydgate, and the other tribe of rhymers before 
Henry VIII,' for which remark we are glad to see he was severely 
chastised in the Quarterly of September of the same year. The 
poet Moore found Chaucer unreadable (1819), so did Lord 
Lansdowne, and Sir Kenelm Digby, in 1844, calls him ' impious 
and obscene.' 

Cardinal Wiseman, who showed some appreciation of him as 
a poet, nevertheless regrets (1855) that in his work, as well as 
in that of Spenser's, ' every rich description of natural beauty is 
connected with wantonness, voluptuousness, and debauchery.' 

It was this ' foul and false accusation ' (Leigh Hunt's 
Correspondence, 1862, vol. ii., p. 264) which roused Leigh Hunt 
to write in defence of these two poets one of his last articles 
published in Eraser's Magazine four months after his death 
(December 1859). 

A remnant of the survival of the predominating eighteenth 
century idea that Chaucer was a ' comic ' poet, and thus un- 
dignified, may have affected Matthew Arnold's criticism of him 
in 1880. 1 He classes Chaucer, quite rightly, below Homer, 
Dante and Shakespeare, but he does so not because he did not 
equal them in genius, but because he lacked seriousness. 

The uncritical attitude towards Chaucer, and real ignorance 
about him, his life and work, is to be found in unexpected places 
long after ample materials were published which would have 
made, one would have thought, such mis-statements impossible. 
Emerson, who read Chaucer with delight in early youth (c. 1820), 
and continually refers to him with appreciation, yet reveals the 
vague knowledge of facts and dates which is reminiscent of 
sixteenth century writers. In his essay on Shakespeare (1848) 
he says, ' Chaucer is a huge borrower : [He] . . . drew con- 

1 Introduction to The English Poets, edited by T. H. Ward, London, 
1880, reprinted in Essays in Criticism, 2nd series. 

Ixii 1. Period VI. 19th-century appreciation. Scott and Blake. 

tinually, through Lydgate and Caxton, from Guido di Colonna.' 
Professor Minto, in his article (1876) on the poet in the ninth 
edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, says that Chaucer's 
father was in the expedition of 1359 instead of that of 1338; 
he declares the Court of Love to be genuine, dating it about 100 
years before it was written, and invents a statement that 
James I in the Kingis Quhair attributes it to Chaucer. 

And in the Cornhill for March 1877, we find no less a critic 
than Leslie Stephen attributing to Chaucer a large number of 
spurious poems, and saying in a note on the Court of Love : 
' The Chaucer critics reject this poem, but as we are not writing 
a critical paper, we cannot afford to forgo so much good 

The main trend, however, of nineteenth-century opinion 
and knowledge has been very markedly in the contrary direction 
to these cases we have cited, which are really survivals. We 
find (with the exception of Byron) all the greatest men of letters 
of the early nineteenth century reading Chaucer and delighting 
in him. 

Scott is very appreciative; he points out that Chaucer is 
sometimes much better than his modernizer Dryden ; he has a 
charming reference to him in Woodstock ; his mind is clearly 
stored with reminiscences of him, he quotes him in several of his 
novels, and (in 1817) he urges the intending reader not to be 
put off by apparent difficulties of obsolete spelling and the like. 

Blake has left us a wonderful and luminous criticism of the 
Canterbury Tales (1809), in some ways anticipating Carlyle in 
thought. He points out that Chaucer has, in his pilgrims, 
pictured for all time the eternal classes of men, eternal principles, 
changing in outward details, but in essentials remaining the 
same, the Hero, the Knave, the Apostle, and so on, for ' every 
age is a Canterbury Pilgrimage, we all pass on, each sustaining 
one or other of these characters ; nor can a child be born, who 
is not one of these characters of Chaucer.' 

He was one of the few authors Wordsworth read constantly, 
and one of the still fewer to whom he felt and admitted himself 
inferior; that fine critic, Dorothy, read him with 'exquisite 

1. Period VI. Appreciation by Coleridge, Lamb and Landor. Ixiii 

delight ' ; Southey repeatedly praises him, and speaks enthusi- 
astically of * his versatility of talents,' ' in which only Ariosto 
has approached, and only Shakespeare equalled him ' ; Thomas 
Campbell, in 1819, appreciates the ' pathetic beauty ' of Troilus, 
' a story of vast length and almost desolate simplicity,' and the 
vivid characterization of the Canterbury Tales, and Coleridge, 
as early as 1804, planned an Essay on his genius and writings, 
while thirty years later he says,, ' I take increasing delight in 
Chaucer. His manly cheerfulness is especially delicious to 
me in my old age. How exquisitely tender he is, and yet how 
perfectly free from the least touch of sickly melancholy or 
morbid drooping.' 

Lamb's references (13 in all, from 1797 to 1827) are slight, 
but sufficient to show his knowledge and love. He compares 
Coleridge's poem of ' The Raven ' to Chaucer, and he points 
out the radiance of the ' almost Chaucer-like painting ' in 
Keats's Eve of St. Agnes. He clearly revels and delights in his 
' foolish stories,' the ' darling things . . . old Chaucer sings,' 
he treasures his ' black letter ' Speght, he marvels at the 
' comprehensiveness of genius ' in the Pilgrims' portraits, and 
compares the thought underlying the poet's comedy with 
Hogarth's handling of his themes. 

He suggests to Hay don for a picture the subject of Chaucer 
beating a Franciscan friar in Fleet Street, and we are not sur- 
prised that it was Lamb, sooner than any one else apparently, 
who appreciated to the full Blake's brilliant description of the 
Pilgrims, ' the finest criticism he had ever read of Chaucer's 
poem,' ' mystical and full of vision.' How entirely we can 
sympathise with his trouble over the review of Godwin's ill- 
proportioned and pompous 'Life' (1803); little wonder that 
although he sat down to it ' for three or four days successively ' 
he could not produce anything which would satisfy both 
Godwin and himself. 

Landor, as we have seen, thoroughly appreciated Chaucer, 
and in an unpublished prose fragment, written probably about 
1861, he says : ' There is no poet excepting Homer whom I 
have studied so attentively as Chaucer. They are the ablest 
of their respective countries.' In other writings he places 

Ixiv 1. Period VI. Ruskin places Chaucer High as a theologian. 

him next Shakespeare and Milton, and prefers him to Spenser. 
Shelley speaks of him with understanding and reverence, 
and Hazlitt, who writes on him the first appreciative literary 
criticism of any length since Dryden, ranks him with Spenser 
as one of the four greatest English poets. Miss Mitford, as 
early as 1815, writes : ' Two or three of Chaucer's Canterbury 
Tales, and some select passages from his other productions, are 
worth all the age of Queen Anne . . . ever produced ' ; De 
Quincey says he is 'a poet worth five hundred of Homer,' 
and Mrs. Browning (despite the modernizations) has written 
of him some of the most charmingly discriminating praise ever 
penned: Peacock, Edward Fitzgerald and George Meredith 
have all recorded their admiration ; we are told that Tennyson 
enjoyed reading Chaucer aloud more than any poet except 
Shakespeare and Milton; while the enthusiasm of the Pre- 
Raphaelite group for Chaucer was so great, that in addition 
to painting scenes from his life and poems, they saw a physical 
likeness to him in the people they admired. This resemblance 
they said was noticeable in Eossetti, Morris and R. W. Dixon. 

Ruskin was reading and quoting Chaucer with appreciation 
for forty years (1849-1889); and he refers one hundred and 
eight times to the poet or his works (Index to the Complete 
Works, ed. Cook and Wedderburn). A few of these references 
are printed here, and a larger selection (between 1869 and 1889) 
in the Supplement to Five Hundred Years of Chaucer Criticism 
(see Foreword, also footnote p. Ixix below). His remarks, as 
one would expect, are acute and unusual, as when in The 
Harbours of England (1856), he notes Chaucer's aversion to the 
sea and everything connected with it. 

Ruskin is among those who place Chaucer very high as a 
theologian and teacher; in Fors Clavigera (letter 61, January 
1876) he says he is ' one of the men who have taught the purest 
theological truth,' and he chooses him together with Moses, 
David, Hesiod, Virgil, Dante and St. John as one of the seven 
authors of ' standard theological writings ' whose lives and 
works are to be specially edited for the St. George's schools ; 
a scheme which was, however, not carried out. 

1. Period VI. Leigh Huntfs love for Chaucer. Ixv 

He is also one of the few people who express surprise or 
vexation at the pre-eminent position given to the Canterbury 
Tales (letter to Dr. Furnivall, December 15, 1873, unpublished), 
and he deliberately excludes them from his planned edition for 
St. George's library, while he includes, ' be they authentic or 
not, the Dream and the fragment of the translation of the 
Romance of the Rose.' (Fors, ut sup.) He was particularly 
attracted to the Dream (the Isle of Ladies), and, as he had told 
Dr. Furnivall (letter of Dec. 15, 1873), about the year 1869, 
he had prepared an edition of it for press * (not at all as a fine 
example of Chaucer, but as one about which I had much to say) 
with long notes, and hunting down of words and no doubt 
at all expressed of the genuineness.' ' Had this come out,' he 
adds, ' I should never have got over it in literary dis-reputation.' 

However, in spite of the demonstration that it was not 
Chaucer's, he remained constant in his predilection for the 
Dream as well as for the authentic minor poems, and he definitely 
set himself to work mainly on them and on the ethics and 
temper of them. 

Perhaps, however, the most constant and enthusiastic lover 
of Chaucer in the early nineteenth century was Leigh Hunt. 
He came to him comparatively late (' Chaucer, who has since 
been one of my best friends, I was not acquainted with at 
school, nor till long afterwards,' Autobiography, 1860, p. 79), 
but for nearly half a century (1812-59) Hunt shows increasing 
knowledge of and admiration for Chaucer. So numerous are 
his references to him both in prose and verse that a large 
bundle of them has been put aside, and only a small selection 
(43) are here printed, as otherwise they would have thrown 
out of proportion the mass of nineteenth -century criticism. 

Hunt genuinely loves Chaucer, he reads him constantly 
and carefully, and, in spite of Lockhart's scathing snub in 
Blackwood (see below, 1817, Z.) his praise is discriminating as 
well as enthusiastic. 

He is as daring and independent in his judgment of Chaucer's 
poetic powers as he is of those of Keats. As early as 1816, he 
classes him with Dryden, Spenser, Milton, Ariosto and Shake- 


Ixvi 1. Period VI. Leigh Hunt's discriminating praise. 

speare as one of the great masters of modern versification, and 
some years later (1820) he maintains that Chaucer's verse is 
' touched with a finer sense of music even than Dryden's.' 

He constantly recurs to this theme in his critical writings 
and points out that Chaucer is scarcely known at all, that he is 
considered ' a rude sort of poet,' that his versification has never 
had justice done it, and that the ' sweet and delicate gravity 
of its music ' is as ' unlike the crabbed and unintentional stuff 
it is supposed to be as possible.' 

He considers Chaucer has ' the strongest imagination of real 
life, beyond any writers but Homer, Dante and Shakespeare, 
and in comic painting inferior to none.' Hunt's appreciation 
of Chaucer's * comic genius ' is given in full in Wit and Humour 
(1846) and the three characteristic qualities of it which he 
selects reveal his close understanding of it. 

And through all these years, Hunt proves his admiration in 
the most practical way, by making every effort to get Chaucer 
better known, to bring his work to the notice of the ordinary 
reader and to induce him to go to the original for himself. He 
writes about him and quotes him constantly, he gives copious 
extracts from his poems in modern spelling in a series of numbers 
of the London Journal (1835), and he modernizes several of the 
Tales. His views on the function of modernizations are 
thoroughly sound (see specially the Preface to Death and the 
Ruffians, 1855). Modernizations, he says, should be little more 
than a change of spelling, ' for every alteration of Chaucer is 
an injury,' and their only excuse is that they 'may act as 
incitements towards acquaintance with the great original.' 

Hunt's love of Chaucer deserves emphasis, for it is especially 
interesting historically because of his influence on Keats. 

Hunt and Keats first met probably in the early summer of 
1816 ; they immediately became friends and read and talked 
together, leaving, as Hunt records, * no imaginative pleasure ' 
untouched or unenjoyed. It is practically certain that they 
talked about Chaucer, and that Keats was led to read far 
more than the non-Chaucerian Floure and Lefe which so took 
his fancy and from which he chose the motto for Sleep and 

1. Period VI. Hunt, Keats and the Pre-Raphaelites. Ixvii 

Poetry, written probably during his first intimacy with Hunt 
in the autumn of 1816. It was in the following February 
that he wrote the sonnet in Cowden Clarke's Chaucer, and a 
few months later he began Endymion with the prayer that 
he ' might stammer where old Chaucer used to sing.' By 
the end of the next year (1818) he is the proud possessor of a 
'black letter Chaucer' of his own; all through 1819 it is 
obvious from his letters that he is reading it, and the result of 
his study is to be seen in the Eve of St. Mark at which he was 
working at intervals during that year. Its narrative method 
and metre are clearly suggested by Chaucer, as well as the 
pseudo old English which is surely an echo of him rather than 
of Chatterton as has generally been assumed. That this is 
so is even more clearly seen in the additional sixteen lines 
in the Woodhouse transcript (found in 1913) beginning 

Gif ye wol stonden hardie wight 
Amiddes of the blacke night 
Righte in the churche porch, pardie 
Ye wol behold a companie, 

in which Keats deliberately tries to reproduce the style and 
vocabulary of Chaucer. 

Thus we have a series of links which form one of the most 
interesting bits of literary history in the nineteenth century. 

Leigh Hunt's immense admiration for Chaucer undoubtedly 
stimulated, if it did not start, Keats's serious study of him ; 
this study profoundly affected the wonderful fragment of the 
Eve of St. Mark, which, with La Belle Dame, were the poems 
which kindled the enthusiasm of the Pre-Raphaelite group and 
gave to William Morris his immediate impulse in romantic 
story telling. As Sir Sidney Colvin points out (Life of Keats 
p. 438), the opening of the Eve of St. Mark, reminiscent of the 
movement of Chaucer's verse and anticipating the very 
cadences of Morris, forms a direct bridge or stepping stone 
between the two great poets. It was in 1855 that Morris with 
Burne-Jones at Oxford was for the first time reading and 
rejoicing in the older narrative poet whom later he definitely 
took as his master. For not since the days of Elizabeth had 

Ixviii 1. Period VI. The changed attitude of the Reviews. 

Chaucer so directly inspired a great English singer as he did 
him who prayed : 

Would that I 

Had but some portion of that mastery 
That from the rose-hung lanes of woody Kent 
Through these five hundred years such songs have sent 
To us, who, meshed within this smoky net 
Of unrejoicing labour, love them yet. 
And thou, Master 1 Yea, my Master still 
Whatever feet have scaled Parnassus' hill 
Since like thy measures, clear and sweet and strong, 
Thames' stream scarce fettered drave the dace along 
Unto the bastioned bridge, his only chain 
Master, pardon me if yet in vain 
Thou art my Master, and I fail to bring 
Before men's eyes the image of the thing 
My heart is filled with : thou whose dreamy eyes 
Beheld the flush to Cressid's cheek arise, 
As Troilus rode up the praising street, 
As clearly as they saw thy townsmen meet 
Those whom in vineyards of Poictou withstood 
The glistening horror of the steel-topped wood. 

The changed attitude of the important Eeviews towards 
Chaucer in the early nineteenth century is worthy of notice ; he is 
constantly put next to Shakespeare, and sometimes compared to 
Goethe ; the Quarterly is almost uniformly favourable to him, and 
often enthusiastic. Thus in the volume of May 1809, Chaucer is 
placed next below Shakespeare and Milton; in July 1814 he is 
called ' a star of the first magnitude,' and it is urged that it is 
a disgrace that the Canterbury Tales should be the only portion 
of his works edited with ability; while in the Edinburgh for 
July 1830 he is said to be in manner and expression the most 
Homeric of our poets. 

All this appreciation, however, though very enthusiastic, 
was largely uncritical, and based on an incomplete knowledge of 
Chaucer's real work, and it was not until the appearance in 
1862 (in the United States) of Professor Child's masterly and 
exhaustive essay on the use of the final * e ' in the Harleian 
manuscript 7334, followed in 1868 by the foundation of the 

1. Period VI. Foundation of the Chaucer Society. Ixix 

Chaucer Society by Dr. Furnivall, that the scholarly and 
critical work was inaugurated, which is one of the literary 
glories of the nineteenth century. 

Professor Child furnished the money which enabled the 
Chaucer Society to start work, and so it is to him that Dr. 
Furnivall dedicates its first great publication, the Six-Text 
print of the Canterbury Tales l (see 1868-77, below). 

The work of Chaucer scholars in England and America during 
the last fifty years has been so great that to write any detailed 
account of it would demand more space than can here be given. 
Some record of it will be found in the following pages, and a still 
fuller record in the Supplement. 2 These speak for themselves. 
Certain landmarks in the work can, however, be indicated. 

The Chaucer Society, which was established to do honour 
to Chaucer, and to let lovers and students of him see how far 
the best unprinted manuscripts of his works differed from the 
printed texts,' has achieved results of four kinds : 

(1) The printing of all the best Chaucer manuscripts. 

(2) The establishment of the chronology of Chaucer's works, 

including the arrangement of the Canterbury Tales. 

(3) The final settlement of the Chaucer Canon. 

(4) The discovery of many hitherto unknown facts about 

Chaucer's life and family. 

1 That is the six best and oldest MSS. of the Canterbury Tales, printed 
in parallel columns so as to make the different readings at once apparent. 

2 Five Hundred Years of Chaucer Criticism and Allusion: A Supple- 
ment, containing additional entries, 1868-1900 ; London, privately 
printed, 1920. 

As the work of collecting these Chaucer allusions proceeded, it became 
clear that it would be impossible, for reasons of mere bulk of matter, to 
deal so comprehensively with the last generation as with those up to 
1800, or even up to 1867. A break therefore is made at the latter date, 
and after the foundation of the Chaucer Society only the chief editions 
of the poet are included and a few important or typical criticisms. 

As, however, a considerable number of allusions for this period, about 
900 in all, had already been collected and were in type, a few copies of this 
matter were printed off and have been placed in the principal libraries. 

A complete list of the publications of the Chaucer Society down- to 1907 
is given in Chaucer, a bibliographical manual, by E. P. Hammond, 1908, 
pp. 523-41. 

Ixx 1. Period VI. 19th-century editions of Chaucer's Works. 

(1) The first attempt to print a single manuscript was made 
by Thomas Wright, who in 1848-51 edited for the Percy 
Society the Canterbury Tales from the Harleian 7334, with 
additions and collations from the Lansdowne MS. Later the 
printing of all the best Chaucer MSS. was carried through by 
the indefatigable energy of Dr. Furnivall ; this made possible 
the edition of the poems published at Boston in 1880 by 
Mr. Gilman, and finally resulted in the first complete, accurate, 
and critical edition of Chaucer's works, which was edited by 
Professor Skeat in 1894-7. 

All through the nineteenth century, from Southey onwards 
(see below, 1812), we find repeated desire expressed for a com- 
plete critical text of Chaucer's works, culminating with the 
statement in the long and well-informed article in the Edinburgh 
Review for July 1870, that it is a national reproach to be still 
without one. 

Skeat's great six-volume edition, based on the careful 
collation of the seven best manuscripts, was therefore received 
with enthusiasm, and widely reviewed. After its publication 
and of that of the smaller reprint of the text (Student's Edition) 
in 1895, there is a noticeable increase in the general knowledge 
and study of Chaucer. This tendency was quickened by the 
appearance, in 1896, of William Morris's Kelmscott Chaucer, 
illustrated by Burne- Jones, 1 which aroused considerable interest 
and comment. 

The impetus given to the reading of Chaucer by the work of 
the Chaucer Society is clearly seen in the increase of editions 
of his works published between 1851 and 1910. For various 
reasons it is difficult to be certain of getting these numbers 
absolutely complete, but the table below is approximately 
correct and shows the result of this impetus pictorially. 

Between 1801 and 1850 there appeared seven editions of 
Chaucer's complete works (in the original text). Between 1851 
and 1900 nine new editions came out, as well as one German 
translation. Only three editions of the Canterbury Tales were 

1 Or by drawings suggested by Burne-Jones. See The Nation, 1903, 1, 
pp. 313-14. 

1. Period VI. Impetus given to the reading of Chaucer. Ixxi 



(1851 1900) 


Complete Works (original text) 




(+1 German) 

Complete Works (modernised) 



Canterbury Tales (original text) 


[(+1 re-issue) 


(+2 re-issues : 

(+ 1 French and 

1 French and 

1 German) 

1 German) 

Canterbury Tales (modernised, 

paraphrased, or 'retold') 




(+1 unpub- 


Selected or single poems (ori- 

ginal text) .... 




(+ 1 French and 

(+1 French and 

(+1 re- issue 

1 German) 

1 German) 

and 1 Dutch) 

Selected or single poems (mod- 

ernised, paraphrased, or ' re- 





published in the first half of the nineteenth century, as compared 
with nine editions in the second half. Nine edition's of selected 
or single poems (in the original text) came out between 1801 
and 1850, whereas there were sixty-seven of these between 
1851 and 1900. And this increase of figures still continues, for 
between 1901 and 1910 there appeared two new editions of 
Chaucer's complete works, two editions of the Canterbury Tales 
as well as one French and one German translation, and thirty- 
two editions of selected or single poems. 1 

(2) The first serious attempt to fix the chronological order 
of Chaucer's works was largely due to a man who had never 
even seen a Chaucer manuscript, or heard of the Chaucer 
Society, Professor ten Brink, who, in 1870, astounded English 
scholars by the publication of his Chaucer Studien, in which he 
for the first time threw a real light on the distinction between 
genuine and spurious in the poet's works, and also on their true 
order of succession. Although some of these questions are in 

1 The Clarendon Press, Oxford, report that Chaucer's poetical works 
have a larger sale than those of either Pope or Dryden, so that he is now 
the most ' popular ' author of the three. 

Ixxii I. Period VI. Work accomplished by the Chaucer Society. 

dispute still, the chronology is for the most part now fairly well 

Mr. Bradshaw, at Cambridge, had been working at the same 
problem independently for some years previously, but had not 
printed any account of his results. To him, however, is due 
the solution of the puzzle as to the right order and structure 
of the ' Tales.' 

(3) To the final settlement of the genuine poems many 
scholars have contributed, notably ten Brink, Bradshaw, 
Furnivall, Koch, and Skeat, and these results have been summed 
up in such books as Koch's Chronology of Chaucer Writings, 
Chaucer Society, 1890 ; Pollard's Chaucer in ' Literature 
Primers,' 2nd edition, 1903 ; Skeat's Complete Works of Chaucer, 
1894, introductions to vols. i and vi; Skeat's Chaucer Canon, 
1900 ; and Tatlock's Development and Chronology of Chaucer's 
Works, Chaucer Society, 1907. 

(4) Of the life records of Chaucer, some few were printed by 
Godwin in 1803, and still more by Sir Harris Nicolas in 1843, 
but to Dr. Furnivall almost alone are due the discoveries along 
this line, not only on account of his own extensive researches, 
but because of the way he stimulated others, notably Mr. 
Selby, Mr. Bond and Mr. Kirk, to undertake the work; so 
that in 1900 it was possible to publish the completed volume of. 
the Life Records of Chaucer, a fitting commemoration of the 
poet's quincentenary. 

So the work goes on, and our poet has come to his own at 
last ; and the heart of Francis Thynne would rejoice to see how 
c Chawcer's Woorkes, by much conference and many judg- 
mentes ' have at length obtained * their true perfectione and 
glory ' ; for after long years of neglect and misinterpretations, 
we of to-day are fortunate enough to have the old poet's verses 
as he wrote them, and to be able to read them for ourselves, 
even without a knowledge of ' the black letter ' ; and we can 
picture Chaucer himself smiling on us benignly as he says, 

Be glad, thou reder, and thy sorwe of -caste, 
Al open am I ; passe in and hy the faste ! 

2. Classification of Chaucer references. Ixxiii 


The allusions to Chaucer, from his death up to 1800, fall for 
the most part fairly easily into certain definite types, which it 
may be useful very briefly to summarize. 

(1) A dedicatory notice to Chaucer of some one of the 
following kinds : 

(a) The acknowledgment of indebtedness to Chaucer as first 

and- greatest of English poets. 

This is the earliest and most common for the first 150 years 
after his death. It is specially found among Chaucer's con- 
temporaries and immediate successors, and among poets of the 
' Chaucerian school ' both in England and Scotland. Lydgate 
is the stock example of this sort of reference ; he writes at great 
length on the subject, bewailing his own inferiority and the 
irreparable loss he has sustained in the death of the master. 
With Lydgate we must class Hoccleve (1412), and the references 
by Scogan (c. 1407), Walton (1410), James I. (1423), Bokeman 
(1443-7), Shirley (c. 1450), Ashby (c. 1470), Dunbar (1503), 
Hawes (1503-4), and many others. Late examples are Gascoigne 
(1576), Spenser (1579 and 1590-6), and Drayton (1627), which 
latter acknowledges Chaucer as the earliest but no longer as 
the greatest of English poets. 

(b) A reference to Chaucer in company with Gower and 


These, with two or three exceptions, are formal from the 
first and soon crystallize into a kind of stock phrase. Such are 
Bokenam (1443-7), Unknown (c. 1450), Ashby (c. 1470), Un- 
known (c. 1500), Douglas (1501), Hawes (1503-4), Feylde (1509), 
Rastell (1520), Skelton (1523), Lindsay (1530), Forrest (c. 1545), 
Harvey (1577), Lawson (1581), Meres (1598), Bodenham (1600), 
and Freeman, who in 1614 is the last we have found mentioning 
these three poets and these alone. 

(c) A reference to Chaucer in company with other poets. 
These are so very common that it is unnecessary to enumer- 
ate them. The earliest here is that by Bradshaw (1513). who 

Ixxiv 2. Various Types of Chaucer references. 

classes Chaucer with Lydgate, Barkley and Skelton; while in 
some verses in 1561 he is classed with Homer, Virgil and Ovid. 
Churchyard (1568) puts him with ' Peers Plowman, Surrey and 
Lord Vaus,' and with Sir Thomas More, Surrey, Sidney, and 
later Spenser, Drayton, Shakespeare and Jonson he is often 
bracketed, while, in the eighteenth century Milton, Cowley 
and Dry den are added. 

(d) An apostrophe by a poet or writer expressing the desire to 
have the genius or ' muse ' of Chaucer, or to call up his 
spirit ; or an assertion that Chaucer's soul is revived in 
the later writer. 

This is not to be found among the very early references, 
for the respect and veneration of the poet's first admirers were 
so great that none of them would have dared even to suggest 
or hope that a portion of his power might descend to them. 
Lydgate compares himself deprecatingly with his master, but 
never dreams of aspiring to his ' muse,' so great is the distance 
between them ; compare also the humility of the last stanza of 
George Ashby's Active policy of a Prince (c. 1470) below. It is in 
the Elizabethan age, when Chaucer was still much admired, but 
not so deeply venerated, that we first find this class of allusion, 
and it is practically non-existent after 1650. Such are Stani- 
hurst (1582), Churchyard (1587), Spenser (1590-6), Harvey 
(1592), Davies (1594), Haxby (1636), E. G. (1646), while Milton's 
well-known reference in II Penseroso (1632), is of this nature. 

(2) A quotation from Chaucer's works (or what were taken 
to be his works), or a reference to one of his characters, or to 
incidents in his poems : 

(a) As a matter of literary interest. 

(b) To enforce some moral point, taking Chaucer either as 

standing for morality or against it. 

(c) As an authority or precedent for sundry things. 

In the first subdivision (a) Lydgate leads the way, for he 
quotes from Chaucer and refers to his stories continually. 1 
There are a fair number in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, 

1 There is a possibility that the earliest reference of this class is that to 
Troilus in the Gest hystoriale (a. 1400), but this is doubtful. 

2. Chaucer quoted as a matter of literary interest. Ixxv 

but this class of reference is far more numerous in the first half 
of the seventeenth century. Indeed, in the following references 
there are close on twice as many of this nature between 1600-50 
as there are during the whole of the eighteenth century. Men 
like Camden, Selden, Burton, Ben Jonson, Strafford, Milton and 
Joseph Hall, quote Chaucer (some of them repeatedly) in a way 
which shows they know him well, whereas in the eighteenth 
century not only is there no general writer (that is excepting 
language and Chaucer specialists such as Morrell or Tyrwhitt, 
or literary historians like Thomas Warton and Robert Henry), 
who cites him with this familiar knowledge, but even when 
referred to, he is misquoted by those who ought to know better. 
Thus Addison quotes with approval as being Chaucer's the 
sixteenth-century poem The Remedy of Love (printed by Thynne), 
and Horace Walpole in his first reference (1742) adds a note 
which looks as if he did not know Chaucer's Wife of Bath, 1 while 
in a letter in 1789 he quotes two well-known lines in the Pro- 
logue, as being Spenser's. In a note below is given a list of 
references up to 1800 where Chaucer is quoted as a matter of 
literary interest. 2 

1 Ten Brink (History of Eng. Lit., vol. ii, p. 126) possibly on the ground 
of this allusion and the New Wife of Bath 1785, &c., suggests that the 
name of ' Wife of Bath ' had been a sort of proverb before Chaucer 
immortalised it. 

2 Oest hystoriale (a. 1400)? Lydgate (1400-30), Ed. 2nd Duke of York 
(1406-13), Scogan (c. 1407), Hoceleve (1421), Unknown (1440?), Norton 
(c. 1477), John de Irlandia (1490), Hawes (1506), Skelton (1507), Feylde 
(1509), Margaret Roper (1535), Layton (1535), Unknown (1536), Wyatt 
(a. 1542), Lyndsay (1548), Unknown (1549), Baldwin (1561), Calf hill 
(1565), Drant (1567), B. G. (1569), Gascoigne (1575), Kirke (1579), Howell 
(1581), Feme (1586), Spenser (1590-6), Greene (1592), Nash (1592, 1599), 
Peele (a. 1596), Breton (1597), Hall (1598), Spenser (1599), Stowe, Thynne 
(1600), Unknown (c. 1600), Rowlands (1602), Scoloker (1604), Camden 
(1605, 1616), Walkington (1607), Thynne (a. 1608), Wybarne (1609), 
Beaumont (1610), 'AiroST^owi/T^iAo* (1611), Selden, William F. (1612) 
Peacham (1615), Fletcher (c. 1615), Burton (1621-52), B. Jonson (1625, 
1629, 1632, a. 1637, 1641), Drayton (1627), Nash (1633), Cartwright (c. 
1634), Fletcher (1634), Strafford (1635, 1637), Marmion (1641), Milton 
(1641, a. 1674), Hall, Kynaston (1642), Cavendish (1645), A Parliament 
Officer (1645-6), Selden (1646), Plume (1649), Cleveland (a. 1658), Jones 
(1659), a Wood (1661-6), Gayton (1663), Whitelock (a. 1675), Coles (1676), 
Aubrey (1683-4), Unknown (1696), Wanley (1701), Addison (1711), Pope 
(1711, 1712, 1725), Johnson (1712), Gay (1715), Oldys (1725), Unknown 
(1732), Walpole (1742, 1789), Carter (1753), Chatterton (a. 1770), Strutt 
(1775-6), Rogers (1782), Unknown (1785), Ritson (1796). 

Ixxvi 2. ' Troilus ' the favourite poem up to 1750. 

(a) Poems and characters which are most popular and most 
frequently quoted. 

An investigation of this point shows that up to 1700 Troilus 
and Cressida is by far the most popular, the most generally 
known and the most often quoted of Chaucer's poems. If at 
any time during the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries it had 
been proposed to translate Chaucer's representative work into 
French, as has recently been done, Troilus, and not the Canter- 
bury Tales, would assuredly have been chosen. It is the first 
poem to be mentioned by a contemporary writer ; and if the 
allusions by Gower (1376-9) and in the Gest hystoriale (a. 1400) 
are to Chaucer's poem, we have three very early references 
to it by name. Unquestionably up to 1700 it is on the whole 
looked upon as Chaucer's representative and greatest poem ; 1 
Henryson (1475) wrote a sequel to it, Berthelet (1532) refers to 
it as Chaucer's ' moste speciall warke,' it js obviously the poem 
Sidney knew best, and he singles it out as Chaucer's master- 
piece, it gave its name to the form of verse in which it is written, 
so that as we now speak of the ' Spenserian stanza,' the Eliza- 
bethan critics wrote of ' Troilus verse,' 2 and in the Returnefrom 
Parnassus (1597) where Chaucer and Skakespeare are parodied 
and imitated, it is the Troilus and Venus and Adonis which are 
chosen for the purpose, as being probably the best-known work 
of each writer. In Chapman's ( ? ) Sir Gyles Goosecappe (1606) 
we find direct imitation of the first three books of the poem, a 
little later (c. 1630) it is being modernized by an admirer, the 
first of Chaucer's poems to be subjected to this process, and in 
1634 another enthusiast turns it into Latin verse, presumably 
because he considered it the poem of Chaucer's best worth 
preserving. /, 

Up to 1700 the number of references to Troilus are more than 
double those made to the Canterbury Tales (as a whole), and 
they are over three times as many as those to the General 
Prologue. This marked preference for the love poem may be 

1 See Feylde (1509), Hawes (1516), Lyndsay (1548), Gascoigne (1575). 

2 See James VI (1584), below. 

2. After 1750, the ' Canterbury Tales ' come /rs. Ixxvii 

compared with the numerous references to Shakespeare's 
Venus and Adonis up to 1650. When we remember that the 
plays had the advantage of being known to the non-reading 
public, it is significant to find that with the exception of Hamlet 
and Henry I V there are, up to 1650, more allusions to the Venus 
and Adonis than to any other single work of Shakespeare's. 1 
preference for Troilus in the earlier centuries is not to be 
wondered at, the wonder rather is that during the last 'hundred 
and fifty years it has dropped so much out of the knowledge of 
the general reader. For it is the first great tragic novel, 2 rich 
in variety of character, and throbbing with humanity and 
passion, it stands out from among all the other poems of its 
author in dignity and beauty, and it brings out the strength of 
Chaucer's imagination more than even the dramatic monologues 
of the Wife of Bath and the Pardoner. 

''This priority of reference as regards Troilus continues up to 
1750, although during the latter fifty years the allusions are 
more perfunctory and show little direct knowledge (which is 
the case as regards all Chaucer's work), but there is at the same 
time an increase in the references to the General Prologue and 
the separate Tales, owing chiefly to Dryden, who gave a great 
* lift ' to the Canterbury Tales by devoting, as he did, practically 
all his criticism and eulogy to them, and only mentioning 
Troilus in passing as an amplified translation. After 1750, 
however, a marked change is shown, and from that time on 
the Canterbury Tales easily come first, while Troilus sinks to 
the fifth place. This must be largely owing to the fact that 
Troilus was not modernized, and that Chaucer himself in the 
original was not read. Still there is no question that from 1750 
onwards, aided naturally much by Tyrwhitt's edition, the 

1 As computed by Mr. Munro (editor of the Shakespere Allusion- Book, 
1909), Hamlet (the most popular of the plays) is alluded to 58 times, the 
much-loved Falstaff 32 times, and the play of Henry IV 38 times; as 
compared with 44 references to the Venus and Adonis. During the same 
years we find 2 references to As You Like It, 6 to Henry V, 5 to Lear, and 
4 to Antony and Cleopatra and Twelfth Night respectively. See ibid. 
vol. ii, pp. 540-1. 

2 See W. P. Ker in the Quarterly Review, April 1895, below. 

Ixxviii 2. Change in the popularity of ' Nun's Priest's Tale.' 

Canterbury Tales became the most popular and the recognized 
representative work of Chaucer, completely putting all the 
others in the shade. 

As regards the separate Tales, only one shows any marked 
change in favour, and this is the Nun's Priest's. Up to 1700, and 
more especially in the seventeenth century, it was very popular, 
being quoted nearly as often as the General Prologue, the 
Knight's" Tale and the Wife of Bath's Prologue, while between 
1700 and 1800 we find only four references to it, and two of 
these belittle it. Dr. Johnson (1779) remarks that it was not 
worth revival by Dryden, while an annotator of Dryden's 
Fables (c. 1785 ?) scratches it all out, saying that it is so foolish, 
if not worse, that it adds little to Chaucer's reputation that he 
was the author of it (below, p. 481). 

In the estimation of the proportionate number of references 
given in the tables below, there are included only references or 
quotations which are made as a matter of literary interest, or 
to illustrate a point, or where a poem is specially picked out 
for praise or blame. Hence the following are not counted : 
Prologues, epilogues or headlines to Chaucer's works, such as 
those by Shirley and Caxton, lists of Chaucer's works, as given 
by Leland, Bale or Hearne, or a detailed account of the whole 
of Chaucer's work, such as Francis Thynne's Animadversions 
(1598) or Dryden's preface; and, in the eighteenth century, 
general literary criticism or histories of literature, such as that 
by Hearne, the Wartons, Tyrwhitt, etc., where every poem is 
mentioned many times, or notes to Shakespeare's plays, as 
this latter would give an undue proportion to Troilus and 
Cressida and the Knight's Tale. The numerous references to 
spurious poems are naturally omitted, as also are quotations 
which are so incorrect as to make it doubtful from what poem 
they are taken. 

2. Table of the relative popularity of Chaucer's Poems. Ixxix 

Order up to 1700. 

Order from 1-750 to 1800. 

Cant. Tales ... 19 
General Prol. C. T. 11 


(i) Approximate 

No. of refs. 

Knight's T. . . 10 
Squieres T. . 8 

W. of Bath's Prol. 
Troilus . . . 
House of Fame 
Sir Thopas . . | 
Nonne Preestes T.J 
Pardoneres T. \ 

Rom. of Rose/ 

Order from 1700 to 1800 

Cant. Tales ... 24 

General Prol. C. T. 17 

Knight's T. . . . 16 

Troilus .... 13 

H. of Fame ... 11 

W. of Bath's Prol. . 10 

Squieres T. . . . 8 

Rom. of Rose . . 6 

Sir Thopas . . \ . 
Nonne Preestes T. J 

Pardoneres T. . . 2 


Order from the beginning 
up to 1800. 


No. of refs. 

Troilus . . ' . . 


Cant. Tales (as a 



General Prol. C. T. 


Nonne Preestes T. . 


Knight's T. . . . 


W. of Bath's Prol. . 


H. of Fame . 


Clerke'sT. . . . 


Sir Thopas . . . 


Marchant's T. \ 
W. of Bath's T.J ' 


Squieres T. . \ 

Rom. of Rose Y 


Legend . . J 

Pardoneres T. . 




Order up to 1750. 

Troilus .... 


Cant. Tales . . . 


Genl. Prol. C. T. . 


Knight's T. . . 


Nonne Preestes T. . 


W. of Bath's Prol. . 


House of Fame 


Clerke'sT. . . . 


Marchant's T.^j 

Rom. of Rose > . 


Sir Thopas . J 

Squieres T. . 


Pardoneres T. . 




Troilus .... 
Cant. Tales . . . 
Genl. Prol. C. T. . 
Knight's T. . . . 
W. of Bath's Prol. ) 
Nonne Preestes T. J 
House of Fame 
Sir Thopas \ . . 
Squieres T.J . . 
ClerkesT. . . . 
Rom. of Rose . 
Marchantes T. . 
Pardoneres T. . 




(b) Chaucer quoted to enforce some moral point, in which he 

is ranged either on the side of morality or against it. 
This type of reference becomes, as we have seen (see above, 
pp. xix-xxi), very common about the middle to the end of the 

Ixxx 2. Chaucer quoted as an authority or precedent. 

sixteenth century. Thus Sir John Elyot points out what a 
discord there is between Troilus and the New Testament (1533), 
while Ascham (1544), John Northbrooke (1577) and Bishop 
Babington (1583) quote the Par doneres Tale in condemnation of 
gaming and card-playing. Becke, Cranmer and Latimer refer 
to ' Canterbury tales ' as light and trifling reading upon which 
people waste much time, while, on the other hand, Foxe main- 
tains that Chaucer's works have been the means of bringing 
many to the true knowledge of religion. Some writers, like 
Sir John Harringto'n, condemn Chaucer for ' flat scurrilitie,' 
whilst others not only emphasise the value of his satire against 
Rome (see Foxe, Scot and Harsnet), but even maintain, as does 
Prynne (1633), who surely cannot have read the poet very 
exhaustively, that his subjects are all ' serious, sacred and 

Later, at the end of the seventeenth century, Milton and 
Aubrey both quote Chaucer with approval as to methods of 

(c) As an authority or precedent for sundry things. 

For instance John Bossewell, in his Workes of Armorie, 
(1572), quotes Chaucer as authority for a definition of generosity, 
for an allusion to gentle birth, for the name of the inventor of 
the game of chess, and the preciousness of the daisy; in the 
Returne from Parnassus (1597) he is quoted for his 'vayn' 
i.e. style; Hakluyt (1598) quotes him as authority for the 
voyages and exploits of our nobles and Knights in the fourteenth 
century; Milton (1641) cites him as a precedent for mis-spelling 
foreign names ; Hawkins (1776) and Burney (1782) for evidence 
as to the musical instruments and love of music in his time, and 
many later writers (e.g. Robert Henry 1781, Strutt 1799) for 
light thrown on contemporary customs, dress and habits. 

(3) Biographies, or short references to the Poet's life. 
These are examined under 4. 

(4) Notices of Chaucer in connection with language and 

These must be noted under a separate heading, although 

2. Notices of Chaucer in connection with language. Ixxxi 

they do not, as a rule, stand alone ; that is (with the exception 
of (e)) they more generally occur in the course of a life or account 
of the poet. 

They are mainly of the following kinds : 

(a) Those which state that he refined and improved the language. 

(b) Those which assert he corrupted it. 

(c) Those which say he is difficult to understand and obsolete, 

and that his versification is rough and irregular. 

(d) Those which refute this, or try to excuse it. 

(e) Remarks, prefaces or verses in connection with translations 

and modernizations of Chaucer. 

(a) As Tyrwhitt points out in his introductory essay (1775, 
below) the language of Chaucer has undergone two entirely 
opposite judgments : (a) and (b) above. His earlier admirers, 
Lydgate (' the ffyrste in any age that amended our language,') 
Hoccleve (' the firste fyndere of our faire language,') Caxton, 
Skelton, the Scotch poets, Sir Brian Tuke, and others at 
intervals up to Spenser (1590-6), who has immortalized him as 
' well of Englishe undefyled,' all agree that he first showed of 
what English was capable, and in the matter of style set up a 
high standard for his followers and imitators. 

An interesting early example of this view is in the jilted 
lovers' reply to the scorn or ' flyting ' letter of his mistress 
(MS. Bodl. Rawl. poet. 36, c. 1470), where he says satirically : 

To me ye haue sent a letter of derision 
Werfore I thanke you as I fynde cause, 
The ynglysch of Chaucere was nat in youre mynd, 
Ne tullyus termys wyth so gret elloquence, 
But ye as vncurtes and crabbed of leynde 
Rolled hem on a hepe it semyth by the sent ens. 

A little later, however, to this view is added the assertion or 
implication, that Chaucer definitely and deliberately set himself 
the task of refining and polishing our language. Indeed some 
writers would make out that to accomplish this was his dearest 
wish, and that he expressed himself in verse merely as a means 
to this end, to which he devoted himself with untiring patience. 


Ixxxii 2. Critics who state that Chaucer l refined ' the language. 

Leland, in his mythical account of the poet, as retold by 
Bale (published 1619), first fully emphasizes this point of view. 

Following in the footsteps of his master Gower, who took 
' wonderful pains to polish the English tongue,' Leland tells us 
that Chaucer had one distinct aim in his studies, which was to 
render the English speech as polished as possible in all respects,' 
and he thought ' that no stone should be left unturned by 
himself in order to reach the farthest goal of success.' To 
this end he chose to express himself in poetry, because of the 
scope it gives for ornaments of speech and grace of style, and 
he also translated from French and Latin into English. ' Nor 
did he cease from his labours until he had carried our language 
to that height of purity, of eloquence, of conciseness and 
beauty, that it can justly be reckoned among the thoroughly 
polished languages of the world.' This is the point of view, 
more or less exaggerated, which is repeated constantly by later 
writers, from many of whom it would be assumed that the 
' refining ' of the English tongue was the one thing for which 
Chaucer lived and worked. Speght (1598), for instance, says 
' Chaucer had alwaies an earnest desire to enrich and beautifie 
our English tongue, which in those days was verie rude and 
barren'; and the tenor of Kymer's remarks (1692) is to the 
effect that Chaucer found himself faced with the herculean task 
of remodelling the language, which he immediately and with 
great energy set himself to do, the process of which described 
in detail resembles nothing so much as the recipe for making 
a pudding. 1 

1 As late as 1879 we find Dr. Weisse (in Origin, progress and destiny 
of the English Language and Literature, New York, 1879), definitely 
stating that Chaucer, ' after rendering himself master of the situation 
as to Anglo-Saxon, French and Latin, resolved to bring some order out 
of this confusion,' so he immediately and as it were by a stroke of the 
pen, ' dropped the thirty-four senseless inflections of the Anglo-Saxon 
definite article,' replacing them by ' the,' and introducing ' a ' as an 
indefinite article, he swept away all inflections of adjectives, largely 
reduced the changes in the personal and possessive pronouns, reduced 
twenty-three inflections of the demonstrative pronoun to two, dropped 
all inflections in nouns, substituting the particles ' of,' ' from,' etc., to 
denote the various cases, and adopted the French rule of forming the 
plural of nouns by adding an ' s ' to the singular. This was a fair 
achievement for one man single-handed to accomplish. 

2. Those who assert that Chaucer corrupted the language. Ixxxiii 

(b) Next we come to the opposite statement, that Chaucer 
corrupted the language. 

The writer who appeared definitely to start this view 
(although it was indicated earlier, see e. g. Chapman 1598) was 
Richard Verstegan (or Rowlands), the antiquary and old 
English scholar. In his Restitution of Decayed Intelligence 
(1605) he says that he does not agree with those who call 
Chaucer the first illuminator of the English tongue, because 
* he was a great mingler of English with French, unto which 
language by lyke, for that he was descended of French or rather 
Wallon race, he caryed a great affection.' 

Verstegan was looked upon as a great authority in anti- 
quarian matters, and all through the seventeenth and eighteenth 
centuries his remark is quoted with respect, and its truth 
accepted as unquestioned, although there is a difference of 
opinion as to whether introducing French terms was a corruption 
of English or not. So, for instance, Tooke (1647), Fuller (1662), 
and Rymer (1692) defend Chaucer against this accusation, 
while Dr. Johnson (1755) points out that Gower uses the French 
words of which Chaucer is charged as being the importer. But 
more often it is assumed as true that the French words were a 
corruption, and it is repeated with approval, as by Phillips 
(1658), Lewis (1737), Oldys (1738) and Percy (1765); or, as 
in the case of Skinner, it is expanded and emphasized. In 
the Latin preface to his Etymological Dictionary (1671) Skinner 
writes : ' Chaucer having by the worst sort of example brought 
in whole cart-loads of words into our speech from . . . France, 
despoiled it, already too much adulterated by the victory of 
the Normans, of almost all its native grace and elegance.' This 
kind of assertion in an authoritative work of reference naturally 
increased the general belief in Chaucer's wickedness in this 

In addition to Chaucer having imported French words 
wholesale into the language, it was for nearly a century 
generally assumed that he had also borrowed largely from 
the Provencal; although this is generally held to be to his 
credit rather than the reverse. Rymer seems to have started 

Ixxxiv 2. Assertion that Chaucer borrowed from the Provencal. 

this belief in 1692, and Dryden quoted Eymer's remark with 
approval, which gave it general currency. In the sketches of 
a history of English poetry drawn up by both Pope 1 and 
Gray 2 it is laid down that Chaucer imitated the Provencal 
writers, and Warburton and Warton both endorse this, the 
latter stating that ' Chaucer formed a style by naturalizing 
words from the Provencial.' 3 Tyrwhitt (1775) finally put 
an end to this theory by asserting that- he could find no phrase 
or word in Chaucer which appeared to have been taken from 
south of the Loire, and he even doubted whether Chaucer had 
any acquaintance with the poets of Provence. 

(c) and (d) have been dealt with fully in the earlier part 
of this introduction. Of (c) the assertion that Chaucer is 
obsolete and his versification rough the most noteworthy 
early references are Ashton (1546), Wilson (1553), Puttenham 
(1584), Covell (1595), Marston (1598), Daniel (1599 and 1646), 
Jonson (a. 1637), Waller (1668), Phillips (1675), Dryden (1679 
and 1700), Howard (1689), Addison (1694), and Blount (1694). 
Later on, right up to the third quarter of the eighteenth 
century, this class of reference becomes increasingly common. 
Of (d) the refutation of or excuse made for this assertion 
we may note Skelton (a. 1508), Webbe (1586), Sidney (1595), 
Gascoigne (1575), Beaumont (1597), Speght (1602), Peacham 
(1622), Cockayne (1658), and Brathwait (1665). 

(e) Verses and prose writing in connection with translations 
and modernizations are fairly well marked and easy to find, 
beginning with the preface and verses before Kynaston's Latin 
translation (1634) ; after the publication of Dryden's Fables 
there are a great number (see the years 1700, 1706, 1707); 
and again after Pope's and the many other modernizations all 
through the eighteenth century. 

(5) References to a ' Canterbury Tale,' meaning a fictitious 
and utterly improbable tale, or a scurrilous story. 

1 Ruffhead's Life of Pope, 1769, pp. 424-5 ; see also p. 377 below. 

2 Letter to Warton, April 15, 1770, see p. 436 below. 

3 History of English Poetry, by Thomas Warton, 1774, vol. i, p. 344. 

2. References to a { Canterbury Tale. 9 Ixxxv 

The earliest references we have found of this description 
are those in the year 1547, when Latimer, Cranmer and Becke 
all allude to ' Canterbury Tales ' in the sense either of profane 
histories or ' fables or trifles.' 

We do not meet it again (though doubtless it was an 
ordinary expression, and there are many examples of it) until 
1575, when Turberville uses it, and at the same time explains 
exactly what he means by it, viz. : ' a verie olde woman's 
fable,' and in the same year Wharton speaks of * olde babies, 
or stale tales of Chaucer.' 

The expression then becomes fairly common, and we find 
it under Proctor (1578), Fulke (1579), Lyly (1580), who alter- 
nates it with ' an ^Esop's Fable,' Stanihurst (1582), Dekker 
(1605), who in 1625 uses a ' Kentish Tale ' in the same sense, 
Chapman ( ?) (1606), Wither (1621), Unknown (1630), and in 
A Fraction in the Assembly (1648) the same meaning is implied, 
though the actual expression is not used. The Elizabethan 
meaning evidently took root in America, for Dean Stanley, 
writing in 1855 (see below), says that Americans have been 
accustomed from their earliest years to hear a marvellous 
story followed by the exclamation, " What a Canterbury ! " 
It was still in use in England in the eighteenth century, mean- 
ing a long-winded tale, for Steele (1709) twice uses it in this 
connection ; also unknown writers in 1737, 1753 and 1795, 
the last in the sense of a ' cock and bull ' story. 

(6) References relating to Westminster and Chaucer's Tomb. 
These are to be found in three connections; of which (a) 
and (b) are very common. 

(a) In speaking of poets or others buried near Chaucer, as 

for instance, Spenser, Drayton, Cowley, Dryden, 
Kobert Hall (see below Vallans, 1615). 

(b) In any general account of the tombs at Westminster. 

(c) In connection with the curious custom of using Chaucer's 

tomb as a meeting place for the payment of money. 

See below 1566, 1585 and 1596, Order by the Court of 

Ixxxvi 2. Chaucerian Titles of Books or Plays. 

Bequests to pay money at Chaucer's tomb, and c. 1833, Hasle- 

(7) Titles of pamphlets or books or plays taken from or 
connected with Chaucer, such as : 
1566. Palamon and Arcite (a play, now lost), by Kichard 


1590. The Cobler of Canterburie. 
1597. The Northern Mothers Blessing. The way of Thrift, 

written nine years before the death of G. Chaucer. 

By S. J. 
1603. The Pleasant Comodie of Patient Grissil, by Thomas 

1617. Chaucer's incensed Ghost (a poem), by Kichard 


1623. Chaucer new painted, by William Painter. 
1630. The Tincker of Turvey [running title is ' Canter- 
burie Tales ']. 
1641. A Canterbury Tale, Translated out of Chaucer's 

old English Into our now vsuall Language. . . . 

by Alexander Brome. 

1672. Chaucer's Ghoast, Or a Piece of Antiquity. 
1700 and 1778. The New Wife of Beath (a poem). 
1701. Chaucer's Whims. 
1709. The Court of Love. A Tale from Chaucer [a poem], 

by Arthur May n waring. 

1711. The Temple of Fame : A Vision, by Alexander 


1712. Parliament of Birds. 

1713. The Wife of Bath, a comedy, by John Gay. 

1716. Brown Bread and Honour, A Tale moderniz'd from 

an Ancient Manuscript of Chaucer. 

1717. The Court of Love. A Vision from Chaucer (a 

poem), by Alexander S. Catcott. 

1717. A Tale Devised in the plesaunt manere of gentil 
Maister Jeoffrey Chaucer, by Elijah Fenton. 

1727. A Tale of Chaucer. Lately found in an old Manu- 
script, by Alexander Pope. 

2. Chaucer's Works mentioned in Wills and Catalogues. Ixxxvii 

1747. Hereafter in English Metre ensueth a Paraphrase on 
the Holie Book entitled Leviticus, Chap, xi, vers. 
13, etc. Fashioned after the Maniere of Maister 
Geoffery Chaucer in his Assemblie of Foules (a 
poem), by Thomas Wart on. 
a. 1758. A Fragment of Chaucer, by J. H., Esq. 

1797-8. Canterbury Tales, by Harriet and Sophia Lee. 

1802. Canterbury Tales, by Nathan Drake. 

(8) Notes to books. 

Such, for instance, as to works of Spenser, Shakespeare, 
Dryden, or the Scottish poets; or illustrative passages in 
dictionaries, grammars, etc. 

(9) A vision of poets, in which Chaucer appears. 

There are a fair number of these, both in prose and verse, 
such as Douglas (1501), Skelton (1523), Bullein (1564), Greene's 
Vision (1592), Foulface (1593), Dekker (1607), Webster (1624), 
Holland (1656), Unknown (1656), Unknown (c. 1669), Phillips 
(1673), Unknown (1700), Brown (a. 1704), Croxall (1715), 
Unknown (1730 and 1738), Clarke (c. 1740), Mason (1747), 
Warton (1749), Lloyd (1751), Craven (1778), Hayley ,(1782). 

(10) Prefatory matter in verse and prose, prologues to plays, 
epigrams and epitaphs. 

(11) References to Chaucer's Works in Wills, and in 
catalogues of libraries or sales. 

These are interesting, and throw incidentally some light 
on how much Chaucer was read and valued at certain times. 
The earliest bequest of any of his works to be found in a will 
is in that of John Brinchele, 1420, who leaves to John Broune 
the book in English called Boecius de Consolacione Philosophic, 
and to William Holgrave one of his executors, 6s. 8d., his best 
bow, and his book called the Tales of Canterbury. 

In 1450 Sir Thomas Cumberworth leaves to his niece Anne 
his ' boke of the talys of Cantyrbury ' and in 1471 Dame Eliza- 

Ixxxviii 2. Textual Comments and MS. additions. 

beth Brune bequeaths to one fortunate legatee her copy of 
the Canterbury Tales, together with a gilt cup, a sparver (balda- 
chin) of silk, a diall of gold, two horses in her stable, and one 
double harp. 

In 1509 the Countess of Richmond details among her 
legacies ' a booke of velom of Canterbury Tales in Englische,' 
and in 1568 Henry Payne leaves, in one bequest, his Chaucer 
' written in vellum and illumyned in gold ' together with his 
best gelding. 

The earliest library catalogue among the following refer- 
ences, in which a work of Chaucer's appears, is John Paston's 
(c. 1482), in which a ' Boke of Troylus ' is entered as having 
been lent to a friend and apparently not returned. 

Among other early private library catalogues in which 
Chaucer's works are mentioned is that of William Cavendish, 
1540; of Sir William More, 1556; of Henry Fairfax, a. 1665, 
and of Prince Rupert, 1677. 

(12) Textual Comments on Chaucer. 

These often take the form of copying out portions of his 
works and annotating them. Among the most interesting of 
these are Walter Stevin's emendations to Chaucer's Astrolabe 
(c. 1555), Gabriel Harvey's notes on Chaucer's learning and 
nature descriptions (c. 1585), Bryan Twyne's extracts (1608- 
44), Samuel Butler's use of Chaucer's characters to illustrate 
his points (c. 1667), Elias Ashmole's marginal notes in his 
Chaucer MS. (a. 1692); while Brathwait's Comments in 1665 
are a printed example of the same kind of exercise. 

(13) MS. additions to Chaucer's text in the MS. copies. 

These are generally merely headings or end lines to the 
poems, they are nearly all early, and a great number will be 
found from about 1420-1500, practically all by unknown 
scribes, except in the case of John Shirley, who contributes a 
good many (principally placed c. 1445-50), of which the most 
important are his metrical prologue to Boethius and his prose 
introduction to the Knight's Tale (a. 1456). 

2. References of peculiar interest. Ixxxix 

(14) Eeferences in connection with certain places and 
certain people. 

These are to be found in histories, guide books, etc., in 
connection with places like Woodstock or Oxfordshire, and 
people such as Wicklif and John of Gaunt. 

(15) Bibliographical references. 

These are comparatively rare until we come to the nine- 
teenth century, but among earlier ones may be noted part of 
Thynne's Animadversions 1598, some of Stow's notes 1600, 
the letters of Hearne and Bagford 1708-9, the diaries of Hearne 
1709-15, and the Typographical Antiquities by Ames and 
Herbert 1749 and 1785. 

(16) References that stand alone, because of some peculiar 

These often come under one or other of the above headings, 
but they deserve to be picked out because of some special 
light they throw on Chaucer's reputation. Such, for instance, 
is the statute of 1542-3 for the abolishing of forbidden books, 
Chaucer's being among those excepted; or Wilson's remark 
in his Arte of Ehetorique (1553), that ' the fine Courtier will 
talke nothing but Chaucer.' John Earle's interesting remark 
in 1628, the letter of the Parliament Officer in .1645-6, Brath- 
wait's ' Comments ' (1665), Addison's criticism (1694), the 
references by Pepys (1663-4), Gay's comedy (1713), Mr. Brome's 
letter (1733), and others, are referred to in the earlier part of 
this introduction. The references by Miss Carter (1774), Miss 
Seward (1792), Miss Mitford (1815), and Byron (1807), also 
deserve special notice. 

(17) Eeferences that are really literary criticism. 

By this is meant references that are not merely textual 
annotations or general repetition of common opinion (such 
as Sir T. Pope Blount 1694, Giles Jacob 1720, John Dart 
1721, John Entick 1736, William Thompson 1745, Biographica 
Britannica 1747, or Theophilus Cibber 1753), but original 
criticism, showing first-hand knowledge, and contributing 
something fresh to the body of critical work on Chaucer. 
Of these we will merely give a list (up to 1800), as this question 
as already been dealt with. 


2. References of real critical worth. 

Early appreciation by 
English and Scottish 

a. 1477 

c. 1483 
1501 and 

Elizabethan criticism, 
which, with the excep- 
tion of Spenser, Beau- 
mont and Speght, con-( 
sists chiefly of investi- 
gation of metre and 

17th-century criticism. 
With the very great 
exception of Dry den, 
who writes the first 
literary criticism in the 
modern sense of the 
term, there is otherwise 
little of original worth, 
for Brathwait, whose 
' Comment ' was written 
in 1617 (see p. xxxvi 
above), is really a sur- 
vival from the Eliza- 

John Lydgate. 
Thomas Hoccleve. 
Robert Henryson. 
Book of Curtesye, 

stanza 49. 
William Caxton. 

f Gavin Douglas. 

William Dunbar. 
John Skelton. 
Sir Brian Tuke. 

1544, 1552, 





1579, 1 

1590-6 J 






/ 1622 

i Roger Ascham. 

Thomas Wilson. 
Robert Braham. 
George Gascoigne. 

Edmund Spenser. 

Sir Philip Sidney. 
George Puttenham. 
William Webbe. 
Francis Beaumont. 
Thomas Speght. 

Henry Peacham. 
Richard Brathwait. 
Edward Phillips. 
Thomas Rymer. 
John Dry den. 

2. Chaucer is not included in Poetical ' Selections.' xci 

Eighteenth-century criti- 

/ 1720 
1754, 1762 


George Sewell. 
Alexander Pope. 
Thomas Morell. 
Elizabeth Cooper. 
George Ogle. 
John Upton. 

5 1 Thomas Warton. 

Samuel Johnson (very 
Thomas Gray. 
Richard Hurd. 
Thomas Tyrwhitt. 

The above seventeen types will be found roughly to account 
for all the references up to 1800. Allusions in letters are not 
separately classed, because they are of so many various kinds, 
bibliographical (as Hearne and Bagford), a quotation as a 
matter of literary interest (as Margaret Roper (1535) or Horace 
Walpole (1789)), or critical. Records of Chaucer in his life- 
time also are not separately specified, as they all fall between 
1357-99, and therefore are very easily found. 

There is one class of reference that one would have expected 
to be fairly common, and that is the inclusion of passages from 
Chaucer in books of poetical selections or extracts. Such, 
however, is not the case, for upon examination of these up to 
1800, there seems, with one exception, to have been a curious 
shyness about including Chaucer in any of them. The single 
exception is, however, rather interesting. Tottell's Songes and 
Sonnettes, published in 1557, is the first poetical miscellany in 
English, 1 and among the poems by ' Uncertain Authours' is 
included Chaucer's ' Truth ' (' Flee fro the prees '). The editor 
of Tottell heads it ' To leade a vertuous and honest life,' and 
prints it with some curious variations from the usual text. 

1 Though this title ought, strictly speaking, to be given to Thynne's 
edition of ' Chaucer ? in 1532, q. v. below, p. 78. 

xcii 2. Apologies for the non-inclusion of Chaucer. 

In the later collections, such as the Paradise of Dainty Devices 
(1578), the Gorgeous Gallery of Gallant "Inventions (1578), or 
England's Helicon (1600), there was no question of including 
any but practically contemporary poets. But John Boden- 
ham, the editor of Belvedere (1600), seems to have had a desire 
to include extracts from Chaucer and the older poets, which 
was not carried out. Belvedere is a collection of single ten- 
syllable lines or couplets from a number of poets arranged 
under various subject headings, such as Life, Death, Hope, 
Learning, etc., a method very popular later on, especially in 
the eighteenth century. The reasons for the non-inclusion 
of Chaucer, Gower and Lydgate were apparently two; first, 
because of the irregularity of their verse, ' it was not knowne 
how their forme would agree with these of ten syllables only,' 
and secondly, because ' the Gentleman who was the cause of 
this collection ' absolutely refused to include them. Notwith- 
standing this, Bodenham had hopes that in the next edition 
(which never appeared) they might be added. 

Naturally, in the seventeenth century, there would be no 
question of including Chaucer in a poetical miscellany, and 
therefore no excuse was needed for the omission, but in 1702 
we find Edward Bysshe apologizing for the non-inclusion of 
Chaucer and Spenser in his Art of English Poetry, which is a 
collection of a similar nature to Bodenham's, though not 
limited to single or ten-syllable lines. The reason he gives 
for the omission is that ' the garb in which they are cloath'd 
. . , is now become so out of fashion, that the readers of our 
age have no ear for them.' 

In another book of the same sort which he published twelve 
years later (The British Parnassus ; or, a compleat Common- 
place-Book of English Poetry, 1714), which consists of fresh 
extracts gathered from 83 instead of from 43 different poets, 
as in the earlier collection, although there are long quotations 
from Dryden's modernizations of Chaucer, and some from 
Pope's, and Spenser is added to the list of poets, there are no 
quotations from Chaucer in the original. 

Charles Gildon, who in 1718 published the Complete Art of 

3. Qualities attributed to Chaucer. xciii 

Poetry, shows a great advance on Bysshe in the matter of 
appreciation of the older poets, for he makes a point of quoting 
much from both Spenser and Shakespeare (see his Preface), 
but all his extracts from Chaucer are from Dryden's versions. 

Elizabeth Cooper (1737) is the first editor after Tottell 
who includes an extract from Chaucer in the original in a 
Poetical Miscellany, but her good example is not followed. 

Although there was evidently at one time an intention to 
include Chaucer among Dr. Johnson's poets (see letter from 
Edward Dilly to Boswell, 1777, below), this was not carried 
out. In 1781 a book of extracts was published, stating in 
the title that they were selected from ' Chaucer to Churchill,' 
but this must have been merely for the sake of alliteration, 
for there are no Chaucer extracts in the book; and in 1787, 
when Henry Headley published "Select Beauties of Ancient 
English Poetry, he deliberately omitted Chaucer, as well as 
Shakespeare, Jonson and Milton, because, as he says, though 
they are ' familiar to us in conversation,' they are nevertheless 
' not universally either read or understood.' 


In examining the qualities ascribed to Chaucer as a poet, 
one is struck by a rather curious fact which applies more 
especially to the first three hundred and fifty years of criticism, 
and this is that certain epithets have a distinct and well- 
marked vogue ; during a definite time they are used repeatedly, 
and evidently represent the leading characteristic of the poet 
in the minds of his critics; they then completely fall out of 
fashion, to be replaced by some other leading and quite 
different quality. 

Thus, for instance, to note in their chronological order the 
most salient of these : 

(1) Chaucer is golden tonged,' eloquent, 'ornate,' for about 
the first 150 years after his death (1400-1550). This view was 
started by Lydgate, who again and again dwells on the rhetorical 
powers of his master ' the noble rethor Poete of breteine ' who 

xciv 3. Chaucer is eloquent, moral and learned. 

' made firste to distille and reyne the golde dewe droppis of 
speeche and eloquence into our tounge.' This quality is 
emphasized by Walton (1410), Hoccleve (1412), 'flour of 
eloquence,' James I (1423), ' Shirley ' (c. 1450), the author of 
the Book of Curtesye (a. 1477), Caxton (a. 1479 and c. 1483), 
John de Irlandia (1490), Dunbar (1503), Hawes (1503-4), 
Feylde (1509), Douglas (1513), Skelton (1523), Unknown (1525 
and 1561), B. G. (1569). By the middle of the sixteenth 
century Chaucer's verse and language were becoming difficult 
to understand, so that he was no longer thought of as ' golden 
tongued ' ; and this class of praise drops with such complete- 
ness, that it is something of the nature of a shock to find as 
late as 1602 and 1609 the expression 'golden pen' (1602, 
Nixon, below, and 1609, Heale). The first one is accounted 
for when one finds that the Christian Navy is merely a reprint 
(with title and a few words altered) of a poem published in 
1569, which is itself, with these two last exceptions, the very 
latest reference we have found to the ' golden eloquence ' of 

When his most ardent admirer can no longer assert that 
he has a flowing and melodious style, the quality which comes 
in to replace this is that 

(2) He is a moral poet. This is a view held by a certain 
class of critic almost exclusively in the sixteenth century, 
although there are isolated examples earlier and later. Lyd- 
gate, who ascribes most qualities to Chaucer except imagination 
and humour, of neither of which he was very well qualified to 
judge, notes that ' in vertu he set al his entent ydelnesse and 
vices for to flee ' ; but the first definite allusion to Chaucer's 
use of satire with a clear moral purpose is that made by Hawes 
in 1506; and he is followed by Foxe (1570), Lodge (1579), 
Webbe (1586), and Prynne (1633). This quality is also implied 
in many other references where sayings and stories of Chaucer's 
are quoted which condemn some particular sin. Such are 
Ascham (1544), Northbrooke (1577), Babington (1583), Scot 
(1584), and Harsnet (1603). 

Side by side with this view, and often coupled with it, 

3. The learning of Chaucer is emphasized. xcv 

there goes another attribute which is very general, and peculiarly 
Elizabethan. This is that 

(3) He is a learned poet, prevalent from about 1530 to 1660. 
Sir Brian Tuke first draws attention to it in his preface to 
Thynne's edition of the poet in 1532, but it is not till the third 
quarter of the century that it becomes the favourite attribute. 
G. B. in 1569 speaks of ' learned Chaucer ' ; Foxe, in 1570, 
couples Chaucer with Linacre and Pace in commendation of 
his ' studie and lernyng ' ; Holinshed, in 1577, lays special 
stress on his exquisite learning ' in all sciences ' ; Spenser 
(1579) prays that on him ' some little drops ' might flow ' of 
that spring was in his learned hedde,' and Puttenham (1584-88) 
singles out Chaucer to be commended above Gower, Lydgate 
and Harding ' for the much learning appeareth to be in him 
above any of the rest.' This view is strongly emphasized 
by Gabriel Harvey in his curious and hitherto unpublished 
MS. notes (c. 1585), where he says that Chaucer and Lydgate 
were ' much better learned than oure moderne poets,' and 
sums up his remarks on them in the following characteristic 
sentence : ' Other commend Chawcer and Lidgate for their 
witt, pleasant veine, varietie of poetical discourse, and all 
humanitie. I specially note their Astronomic, philosophic, and 
other parts of profound or cunning art. Wherein few of their 
time were more exactly learned. It is not sufficient for poets 
to be superficial humanists : but they must be exquisite 
artists, and curious uniuersal schollers.' Churchyard (1587) 
speaks of Chaucer's ' learned tales,' the author of the Cobler 
of Caunterburie (1590) praises his ' conceited learning,' the 
first epithet used by Hakluyt (1598) is ' learned,' and Francis 
Thynne (1598) refers to the love his father had for Chaucer's 
' lernynge,' Harsnet (1603) and Stowe (1603) allude to him as 
a learned writer rather than as a poet, and it is significant 
that Speght calls his edition of 1598, the ' Workes of our 
Antient and lerned English Poet.' That Speght does this of 
set purpose, is evident from his preface of 1602, where he 
says that it would be a good piece of work for some industrious 
scholar to look up and note all Chaucer's classical authorities, 

xcvi 3. Chaucer is a jovial facetious poet. 

' which would,' he adds, ' so grace this auncient Poet, that 
whereas divers have thought him vnlearned, and his writings 
meere trifles, it should appeare, that besides the knowledge of 
sundrie tongues, he was a man of great reading, and deep 

Selden also (1612) specially notes Chaucer's learning and 
wit, asking how many of the poet's readers suspect his know- 
ledge ' transcending the common Kode ' in his use, for instance, 
of ' Dulcarnon ' in Troilus and Cressida. 

Freeman (1614) again dwells on the same point, coupling 
Chaucer in this respect with Lydgate and Gower, who, he 
affirms, ' equal'd all the Sages of these, their owne, of former 
Ages.' Webster (1624) classes Chaucer, Gower, Lydgate, More 
and Sidney together as ' five famous scholars and poets of 
this our kingdom,' and ' five learn'd poets ' ; and ' learned ' 
is the adjective selected for Chaucer by Basse in his well- 
known epitaph on Shakespeare (c. 1622). Other similar refer- 
ences are Unknown (1622), E. G. (1646), Leigh (1656), Howard 
(1689), Hatton (1708). 

But on the whole (in the following extracts, with the sole 
exception of Robert Henry 1781), to the men of the later 
seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries, Chaucer was no 
longer a learned poet, and on the very rare occasions when 
that adjective is used it is more in the sense of repeating a 
commonplace which was at one time, but is no longer, generally 
believed; see, for instance, Grainger's account in the Bio- 
graphical History of England, 1769, below. The quality to 
which ' learned ' gave place, and which may fairly be called 
the dominant characteristic from about 1670 to 1760, is that 

(4) He is a jovial, facetious, merry poet. 

These qualities of ' merry ' or ' jovial ' are applied to 
Chaucer with two rather different meanings 

(a) really pleasant, lively, amusing; 

(6) one who delights in a broad jest, and tells coarse stories. 

The first meaning (with the exception of the discriminating 
criticism in the Boke of Curtesye 1477) is found mostly from 
about 1570 to 1600, as in Robinson (1574) and Spenser (1579), 

3. Change of meaning in the term f Witty.* xcvii 

who both speak of Chaucer's ' merry tales ' ; Puttenham (1584) 
speaks of his ' pleasant wit/ Webbe (1586) of his * delightsome 
vayne,' in which he wrote ' learnedly and pleasantly,' un- 
folding ' pleasant and delightsome matters of mirth ' ; in the 
Cobler of Caunterburie his wit and pleasantness are dwelt on, 
and Beaumont (1597) says Chaucer is * the verie life itself of 
all mirth and pleasant writing.' 

We occasionally find the term ' witty ' applied to Chaucer, 
and his ' wit ' is often alluded to. It is, however, difficult to 
know exactly what was meant by ' wit ' and ' witty,' par- 
ticularly at the end of the sixteenth and in the early seven- 
teenth centuries. We know that ' wit,' which originally meant 
simply the intellect or understanding, first acquired its secondary 
and more restricted meaning somewhere about this time, and 
that a little later the adjective ' witty ' passed from the 
signification of ' skilful ' or ' wise ' to that of ingenious and quick 
in a certain imaginative quality of seizing resemblances between 
two apparently different things. Early in the seventeenth 
century ' wit ' appears often x as an equivalent for the Italian 
' ingegno,' and indeed is used by Jonson as synonymous with 
' ingenuity.' 2 Hobbes tells us in the Leviathan (1651) that 
wit had become a synonym for * fancy,' and in his Answer to 
Davenant's Discourse upon Gondibert (1650), he defines the 
function of ' fancy ' to be the furnishing of the ornaments of 
poetry, whereas * judgment ' supplies the ' strength and struc- 
ture.' His distinction between the two was adopted by later 
seventeenth and eighteenth century critics, and wit came to 
mean a quickness of mind in seeing unexpected resemblances. 3 
Dryden and Addison both say that to the resemblance of ideas 

1 But not always; thus in Glapthorne's Wit in a Constable, 1639, 
' witty ' appears to be used in the sense of ' knowing,' * clever,* the 
reverse of stupid. 

2 Every Man out of His Humour, in, iii. For the whole question of 
the change of meaning in ' wit ' at this time, see Critical Essays of the 
llth Century, Oxford, 1908; Introduction by Prof. Spingarn, pp. xxvii- 

3 Locke, Human Understanding, 1690, book ii, chap, xi, 2. Temple, 
Miscellanea, 2nd part, p. 318; and Addison, Spectator, No. 62. 


xcviii 3. Chaucer considered an incorrigible Jester. 

should be added the sensation of surprise and delight, and so 
we can see how the particular meaning now attached to the 
adjective ' witty ' gradually crept in. 1 

So that when Stevins (c. 1555) and Bullein (1564) speak of 
' wittie Chaucer ' we have to remember that they mean ' pos- 
sessed of wisdom or understanding,' 2 in which sense it falls in 
under ' learned,' the characteristic epithet of the time, and 
when Puttenham (1584) and Thynne (1600) speak of his 
* pleasant ' and ' flowing wit,' they mean intellect or under- 
standing. But when William Barker, in his prefatory verses 
to Kynaston (1635), alludes to ' up start verse- wrights ' first 
stealing Chaucer's ' wit ' and then pronouncing him dull, 
something of the new meaning of ' ingenium ' is included, 3 
and Gayton (1654) in saying Chaucer writes ' wittily ' certainly 
means with ingenuity, while Addison (in 1694) probably 
interprets the word much as he did in the Spectator (No. 62). 
Sewell (1718), in describing Chaucer's satire, says it is severe, 
but it is ' the Severity of a Court Poet ; much wit and more 
good manners.' Here we have completely reached the modern 
meaning, and it is the only time in the following references 
(up to 1800) that we can be certain it is applied to Chaucer; 
for Walpole, in writing to George Montagu in 1768, though he 
probably had Chaucer's wit in his mind, is not speaking directly 
of him. 

Adjectives such as ' merry ' or ' jovial,' in their second 

1 There was, however, a good deal of variation in the meaning attached 
to ' wit ' by different 17th and 18th century writers. Thus, in addition 
to the meanings given it by Jon son and Hobbes, Dryden uses it at one 
time as a synonym for ' imagination ' (Letter to Sir Robt. Howard, 
prefaced to Annus Mirdbilus, 1666), and at another he defines it as 
' a propriety of words and thoughts adapted to the subject ' (Essays, 
ed. Ker, vol. i, p. 190) ; whereas Dennis uses it almost to mean ' reason ' 
(Miscellanies in Verse and Prose, 1693, preface). 

2 Cf. Spenser's use of ' wittily ' in the F. Q., ii, c. 9 

' All artes, all science, all Philosophy, 

And all that in the world was ay thought wittily ' 

and Marlowe in Tamb., Pt. I, Act ii, sc. 4 : ' Are you the witty King 
of Persia ? ? Also Shakespeare in Richard III, iv, ii, 42. 

3 Note Walkington in The Optick Glasse of Humours, below, 1607, 
translates ' wit ' by ' ingenium.' 

3. Even Spenser is considered ' ludicrous.' xcix 

meaning of delighting in a broad jest or coarse story, begin 
to be used about 1575, and for the following hundred years we 
find this signification occasionally. Towards the end of the 
seventeenth century it becomes more common, and for the first 
sixty years of the eighteenth century something of this nature 
is the characteristic epithet. * Joking,' ' jocound,' ' sprightly,' 
' gleeful,' ' blithe,' ' merry,' ' gay,' ' frolic,' ' facetious,' are 
among the adjectives used quite constantly in speaking of 
Chaucer or his work at this time ; and one annotator (towards 
the end of the eighteenth century) goes so far as to compare 
Chaucer, as regards this tendency to jocoseness, with Charles II 
' who could hardly sustain his gravity long enough to make a 
speech from the throne ' (see c. 1785, below). 

The fact is that in spite of the growing admiration for the 
antique and ' Gothic ' in the eighteenth century, there was at 
the same time a tendency to think what was old very ludicrous. 
That this was so is clearly shown in the attitude towards the 
other great poet whose language was generally considered 
obsolete. We can see that Chaucer's love of a jest and his 
sense of fun might give reason to superficial readers to think 
there was little else than the comic in him, but when we find 
that the ' ludicrous element ' in Spenser is what most strikes 
many of his admirers at this time, we realize that the older 
turns of phrase and so-called ' simplicity of diction ' were to 
the eighteenth-century reader really funny in themselves. 
Shenstone, whose School- Mistress (1742) is, next to the Castle 
of Indolence, one of the best of the many Spenserian imitations, 
writes to Mr. Graves, in June 1742, that he could not at first 
read Spenser, but that later ' Pope's Alley made me consider 
him ludicrously ; and in that light, I think, one may read him 
with pleasure. I am now . . . from trifling and laughing at 
him, really in love with him.' l Thomson, in the Advertisement 
to the Castle of Indolence (1748) says that as the poem is written 
in the manner of Spenser, ' the obsolete words and a simplicity 
of diction in some of the lines, which borders on the ludicrous,' 

1 Shenstone's Works, 1769, vol. iii, p. 66. 

c 3. The critics find in Chaucer the qualities they seek. 

are necessary in order to make the imitation more perfect. 
And William Mickle, another imitator, writes, in his preface 
to Sir Martyn (1778), that ' some reasons perhaps may be 
expected for having adopted the manner of Spenser,' and he 
will only say that the ' fulness and wantonness of description, 
the quaint simplicity, and above all, the ludicrous, of which 
the antique phraseology and manner of Spenser are so happily 
and peculiarly susceptible ' are what attracted him to it. 

In the light of these remarks, it is not surprising that 
Chaucer was thought of chiefly as a very godd joke, and that 
Joseph Warton, in his essay on Pope (1782) found it necessary 
to draw attention to the common though mistaken notion 
that Chaucer's excellence and ' vein of poetry ' lay chiefly in 
his manner of treating light and ridiculous subjects; Warton 
attributes the mistake to the accidental fact that Dryden and 
Pope had modernized principally the gay and ludicrous poems ; 
and he assures those who look into Chaucer that they will 
soon be convinced of this prevailing prejudice, and will find his 
comic vein ... to be only like one of mercury, imperceptibly 
mingled with a mine of gold.' 

This attitude towards the poet did in fact gradually change 
at the end of the century, and after the publication of 
Tyrwhitt's work, which brought about a gradually increasing 
knowledge of Chaucer, we can find no special quality ascribed 
to the poet at any particular period. 

Such general adjectives as ' venerable,' ' ancient,' or ' cele- 
brated,' have not been noted. These are particularly common 
in the eighteenth century when he was least known, as they 
were safe and non-committal terms. 

It will be noticed that the characteristic qualities attributed 
to Chaucer from 1400 to 1800, are those in which the critics 
or men of letters of the time were themselves more specially 

In the fifteenth and earlier sixteenth centuries, when the 
language was still crude and unsettled, and good writing 
was very scarce, the desire for ease of expression was strong 
and the appreciation of it great. Later, the closely allied 

4. The Evolution of Chaucer Biography. 


Reformation and Renaissance brought with them an overmaster- 
ing interest in ethics, morality, and learning, and so ' moral ' 
and ' learned ' go side by side throughout the Elizabethan age. 
Then, when the overladen exuberance of the Renaissance 
literature had brought about a reaction in favour of ' clear- 
ness ' and ' wit,' as Chaucer was certainly not ' clear ' to the 
readers of the seventeenth century, they searched for his 
' wit ' ; and to men who delighted in the Restoration drama, 
this seems mostly to be found in his broadest stories. 

So it is, that here as elsewhere, what men seek for, that 
generally do they find. 


List of the Chief Lives or Biographical Accounts of Chaucer up 

to 1900. 


[c. 1545] John Leland 

1548 John Bale 


1598 Thomas Speght 
(aided by John 

1602 Thomas Speght 
(aided by Fran- 
cis Thynne) 


[in] Commentarii de Scriptoribus 
Britannicis, [first printed by] 
A. Hall, Oxford, 1709, pp. 
419-26 [in Latin]. 

[in] Illustrium Maioris Britanniae 
Scriptorum . . . Summarium 
[1st edn.] fol. 198 and b [in 

[in] Scriptorum Illustrium maioris 
Brytanniae . . . Summarium 
Basilse , . . [2nd edn.] vol. i, 
pp. 525-7 [in Latin]. 

[prefixed to] The Workes of our 
Antient and lerned English 
Poet Geffrey Chaucer, newly 
printed. Londini, Impensis 
Geo. Bishop, anno 1598. 

[in 2nd edn. of] The Workes of 
. . . Geffrey Chaucer. 


4. List of the chief ' Lives ' of CJiaucer. 


[a. 1616] 



John Pits 

Thomas Fuller 

)) 3 J 


William Winstan- 

Edward Phillips 

[c. 1687] [Henry Wharton] 

1687 William Winstan- 


1694 Sir Thomas Pope 


1700 John Dryden 

1701 Jeremy Collier 

1709 Thomas Hearne 


[in] Relationes Historicse de 
Rebus Anglicis, Parisiis, 1619, 
pp. 572-5 [in Latin]. 

[in] The Church-History of 
Britain, book iv, pp. 151-2. 

[in] The History of the Worthies 
of England, pp. 337-8. 

[in] England's Worthies . . . 
1600, pp. 91-8. 

[in] Theatrum Poetarum, or a 
Compleat Collection of the 
Poets ... pp. 50-1. 

[printed in Appendix to vol. ii 
of] Scriptorum Ecclesiasti- 
corum Historia Literaria, by 
William Cave, 1740-3, Notse 
MSS. & Accessiones Anonymi, 
&c., pp. 13-15; [in Latin]. 

[in] The Lives of the most Famous 
English Poets, pp. 23-32 
[altered and enlarged from the 
earlier ' Life ' in 1660]. 

[in] De Re Poetica . . . [Part 2.] 
Characters and Censures, pp. 

[slight account in] Preface to 
Fables Ancient and Modern . . . 

[in] The Great Historical, Geo- 
graphical, Genealogical and 
Poetical Dictionary . ., vol. i, 
sign Bbb 2. 

A Letter to Mr. Bagford, con- 
taining some Remarks upon 
GefTry Chaucer . . [in] Robert 
of Gloucester's Chronicle, 
Transcrib'd . . by Thomas 
Hearne, 1724, vol. ii, App. iv, 
pp. 596-606. 

4. List of the chief ( Lives ' of Chaucer. 





Giles Jacob 








John Dart (cor- 
rected by Wil- 
liam Thomas) 


[in] An Historical Account of the 
Lives and Writings of our 
most Considerable English 
Poets [being the 2nd vol. of 
the Poetical Register, 1719], 
pp. 26-30. 

[prefixed to] The Works of 
Geoffrey Chaucer. ... By 
John Urry, . . London, 
Printed for Bernard Lintot . . 
sign a 1 f 2. 

in] Biographia Britannica : or, 
the Lives of the most eminent 
Persons who have flourished 
in Great Britain and Ireland 
. . 6 vols., 1747-63; vol. ii, 
1748, pp. 1293-1308. 

[in] Bibliotheca Britannico- 
Hibernica, pp. 166-70; [in 

[in] The Lives of the Poets of 
Great Britain and Ireland . . 
vol. i, pp. 1-17. 

[a very slight account in] The 
History of English Poetry, 
vol. i, pp. 341-2. 

1775 Thomas Tyrwhitt [a short .abstract of historical 

passages in life, prefixed to] 
The Canterbury Tales of 
Chaucer, vol. i, pp. xxiv- 
xxx vi. 

The Life of Geoffrey Chaucer . . 
2 vols. 

Thomas Tanner 

Theophilus Cibber 

[or Robert 

Shiels 1 ] 
Thomas Warton 

William Godwin 

1 See Life of Johnson, by James Boswell, April 10, 1776, ed. G. Birk- 
heck Hill, 1887, vol. iii, pp. 29-30; also Six Essays on Johnson by Walter 
Raleigh, Oxford, 1910, p. 120, note. 


4. List of the chief ' Lives ' of Chaucer. 


1810 Henry J. Todd 

1844 Sir Nicholas Har- 

ris Nicolas 

1876 W. Minto 

1880 A. W. Ward 

1880 Arthur Gilman 

1887 John W. Hales 

1887 Henry Morley 

1892 Thomas R. Louns 


1893 Alfred W. Pollard 

1894 Walter W. Skeat 

1900 [edited by] 

W. D. Selby 
F. J. Furnivall 
E. A. Bond 
R. E. G. Kirk 


Illustrations of the Lives and 
Writings of Gower and 
Chaucer, collected from 
authentic documents. 

The Life of Chaucer [prefixed to] 
Chaucer's poetical works, 
Aldine edn. of British poets, 
vol. 47. 

[Article ' Chaucer ' in] Encyclo- 
paedia Britannica [ninth 

Chaucer [in the English Men of 
Letters Series]. 

[prefixed to] The Poetical Works 
of Geffrey Chaucer . . ed. by 
Arthur Gilman . . Boston, 
1880, vol. i, pp. xix-lvi. 

[Article in] The Dictionary of 
National Biography. 

[in] English Writers, vol. v, pp. 


- The Life of Chaucer [in] Studies 
in Chaucer, vol. i, chap. i. 

Chaucer [in Literature Primers]. 

[in] The Complete Works of 
Geoffrey Chaucer, ed. . . by 
the Rev. Walter W. Skeat . . 
Oxford, 1894, vol. i, pp. ix-lxi. 

Life Records of Chaucer . . . 
comprising all known records 
relating to Geoffrey Chaucer. 
(Chaucer Society.) 

The first life of the poet, the first attempt made to record 
any facts about him, is the sketch written in Latin by Leland 

4. The first ' Life ' of Chaucer. cv 

the antiquary. Leland, as we know, was armed with a com- 
mission from Henry VIII to search all likely places throughout 
the land castles, monasteries, colleges, etc. for records of 
the past; and after spending six years in this search, and 
another six in endeavouring to put his materials in order, his 
mind gave way early in 1547, and he died in 1552. Some of 
his information, doubtless, was correct and of great value, 
but if his other biographies resemble that of Chaucer they 
must be more remarkable for fertility of imagination than for 
accuracy of fact. 

These biographies were never printed till 1709, but Leland's 
manuscript collections were freely used by later writers, and 
in the case of Chaucer, all the information was incorporated 
by Bale in his life in 1557-9, and again by Pits in the life pub- 
lished in 1619; and it formed the starting-point of the follow- 
ing legends about Chaucer, some of which have survived until 
quite recent years. 

(i) That Chaucer was born of a noble family. 

(ii) That he studied at Oxford. 

(iii) That he was taught there by John Some and the friar 

(iv) That he left the University ' an acute logican, a delight- 
ful orator, an elegant poet, a profound philosopher, 
an able mathematician . . . [and] a devout theo- 

(v) That he admired and imitated Gower, looking up to 
him as master. 

(vi) That he had a sister married to William Pole, Duke of 
Suffolk, who ' passed her life in great splendour at 

(vii) That he had a house at Woodstock, adjoining the 

palace of the King. 

(viii) That he lived in France during the last years of 
Eichard II. 

(ix) That he was highly esteemed by (and personally 
known to) Henry IV and Henry V. 

cvi 4. Chaucer Legends started by Leland and Bale. 

Leland also gives a list of Chaucer's works, ' which,' he 
says, ' at the present day are read everywhere.' In this all 
his principal writings are included, as well as the ten following 
spurious works : Piers Plowman's Tale, The Testament of 
Cresseid, The Flower of Courtesy (which he notes is rejected 
by many as spurious), The Assembly of Ladies, The Complaint 
of the Black Knight, A Praise of Women, The Testament of 
Love, Lamentation of Mary Magdalen, The Remedy of Love, 
and The Letter of Cupid. 

John Bale (1495-1563), the violent reformer, writer of 
morality plays, and later Bishop of Ossory, who for many years 
was a friend of Leland, and, like him, was desirous of saving 
old chronicles and ' noble antiquities,' was about the same 
time collecting material for his Lives of Illustrious British 
Writers, the first edition of which appeared in 1548. His 
account of Chaucer is very short and vague; he evidently 
knew little about him, and that little was largely incorrect. 
Thus he states that he was a knight (' eques auratus '), and 
that it is said that he lived until the year 1450, under Henry VI. 
For the rest, he was chiefly remarkable for his good manners 
and for the graceful eloquence of his English, and was con- 
sidered to have been the renovator of the English tongue. 
Before the appearance of the second edition of his work in 
1557-9, however, Bale had come across Leland's MSS., and 
incorporated in his enlarged account of the poet most of 
Leland's mistakes, reproducing them largely word for word, 
and adding a few more on his own account. Thus, although 
he does not in this edition give 1450 as the date of Chaucer's 
death, he says he was living in 1402, because of the last verse 
of the (spurious) Letter of Cupid. 

The next biography is that prefixed by Speght to his edition 
of the poet's works in 1598. This is the first life written in 
English, and it is much the most careful and the fullest bio- 
graphy that had so far appeared. It represented a good deal 
of search among public records, and some real facts were 
contributed to what was known of the poet's life; such as 
Chaucer's titles of ' armiger,' ' scutifer ' and ' vale tt us,' the 

4. The Fictions added by Spegkt. cvii 

grant to him of the custody of the lands and body of Edmund 
Staplegate of Kent, his controllership of the port of London, 
his employment abroad, and the gifts and pensions received 
by him from Richard II and Henry IV. These researches 
were, as we know from himself, the work of the antiquary 
Stow, who handed over his materials to Speght (see Survey of 
London, 1598, below). In addition, however, to Stow's contri- 
butions, Speght relies much on Leland and Bale, and quotes 
from them, adding also the following fictions of his own : 

(i) Chaucer was born in London, because of his words in 

the (spurious) Testament of Love. 
(ii) He went to Cambridge, as well as to Oxford, because 

of his remarks in the (spurious) Court of Love. 
(iii) He suggests that Chaucer got into political trouble in 

Richard II's reign, and ' kept himselfe much out of 

the way in Holland, Zeland and France, where he 

wrote most of his bookes ' (also founded on the 

Testament of Love). 
(iv) He suggests Chaucer's journey to Italy in 1368, when 

he may have met Petrarch. 

Speght also printed a family pedigree of the poet, made 
out by Glover, the Somerset Herald, in which, for the first time 
Chaucer is represented as marrying a daughter of Sir Payne 
Roet (sister of John of Gaunt's third wife) and having Thomas 
Chaucer as his son. Some further records about ' Chaucers,' 
possibly forbears of the poet, were contributed by Francis 
Thynne in his criticism of Speght 's edition : a ' John ' and an 
' Elias ' Chaucer, as well as a Ralph le Chaucer living in King 
John's time, had been found. ' But,' says Thynne, in closing 
this section of his remarks, ' what shall wee stande uppon the 
Antiquyte and gentry of Chaucer, when the rolle of Battle 
Abbaye afnrmeth hym to come in with the Conqueror ' x 
(Animadversions, 1598, pub. Chaucer Soc., 1875, p. 14 and 

1 This, which at first was thought to be incorrect, is true, and the 
reference is to be found in Harl. MS. 53 and Lambeth MS. 6. 

cviii 4. The ' Life ' by John Pits. 

note 2). This additional information, which was very popular 
with succeeding biographers, was embodied by Speght in his 
second edition of 1602. 

In 1619 was published the Relationes Historicce de Rebus 
Anglicis, by John Pits, whose life of Chaucer (in Latin) is, like 
that of Bale, founded upon Leland, with some amplifications 
and additional inaccuracies. He expanded Leland and Bale's 
remarks about the poet's noble birth to the assertion that both 
he and his father were Knights ; ' patrem habuit Equestris 
ordinis virum, & ipse tandem auratus factus est Eques.' 

The belief in Chaucer's knighthood, probably started by 
Bale's statement in 1548, was evidently quite general through- 
out the latter half of the sixteenth century, for we find him 
constantly called ' Sir ' (cf. Unknown, c. 1560, Legh 1562, 
Whetstone 1576 and 1578, A poore knight his Pallace of private 
pleasures 1579, in which Chaucer is referred to as * The cheefest 
of all Englishmen, and yet hee was a knight,' Greene 1590, 
The Cobler of Caunterburie 1590, Greene's Vision 1592). Pits 
also positively states that Chaucer was born at Woodstock, 
here again merely crystallizing what was by this time a 
recognized tradition; see Camden in his Britannia (1586, 

Leland's life, as reproduced and embellished by Bale and 
Pits in Latin, and Speght's life in English, to which Stow and 
Francis Thynne contributed, were the only authorities on the 
facts connected with Chaucer all through the seventeenth 
century. Dryden, in the few remarks he makes on Chaucer's 
life in his Preface to the Fables (1700), simply repeats the 
mistakes of these earlier biographers. Other lives of him 
which appeared during this time (see list, p. cii above) were 
also repetitions of the facts and inaccuracies recorded by 
these writers, with occasionally some added fictions. Thus 
Edward Phillips asserts that Chaucer ' flourished ' during the 
reigns of Henry IV, Henry V and part of Henry VI (i. e. 1399- 
c. 1440), and that, as well as being knight, he was Poet Laureate. 

This is naturally all repeated by subsequent biographers 
(e. g. Sir Thomas Pope Blount, 1694), and it was doubtless on 

4. The Eighteenth-Century Biographers. cix 

the strength of Phillips's information that Jeremy Collier 
positively asserted in his Dictionary (1701) that 1440 was the 
date of the poet's death. 

Early in the eighteenth century, the antiquary Thomas 
Hearne was making notes and collecting information about 
Chaucer's life, as may be seen from his diary of 1709, and the 
results which are not great are summed up in his letter to 
Bagford of the same year, where he points out that Leland 
is probably mistaken in saying Chaucer was of noble birth, 
whereas in all likelihood, his father, though wealthy, was only 
a merchant (which was suggested by Speght), and he adds 
that he is sure much information relating to the poet would 
be found by a careful inspection of the recerds, which task 
he has not himself time to undertake. Failing these, how- 
ever, many of Hearne's other conjectures are based on the 
Testament of Love and the Plowman's Tale. The spurious 
poems, especially these two and the Court of Love, have been 
an unfailing quarry up to quite recent years for deductions 
about the poet's life, and they were made full use of by the 
writers (John Dart, corrected by William Thomas) of the 
account of Chaucer prefixed to Urry's edition of 1721. 

This was the most elaborate life of the poet which had 
yet appeared, and was not merely a re-statement of Leland 
and Speght, but it contained many fresh assertions mostly 
founded on the above poems ; such, for instance, as that 
Chaucer composed the Court of Love when he was a student 
at Cambridge, aged eighteen; and a very definite account 
was given of his collision with the court party in his later 
years, his forced exile in Zealand, and his imprisonment in 
the Tower, all founded on remarks in the Testament of Love. 
Dart, however, on the other hand, suggested that John Chaucer 
was the poet's father, first mentioned the Scrope and Grosvenor 
dispute, and Chaucer's testimony there (see 1386, below), 
doubted Chaucer ever having been poet laureate, and rejected 
his authorship of the Plowman's Tale and Jack Upland. 

The life in the Biographia Britannica, 1748, is very detailed 
and careful, in that it is based on all the old authorities, Leland, 

ex 4. Tyrwhittfs biographical notes. 

Bale, Pits, Speght, Hearne and Urry, but there is no original 
work in it, and the same mistakes are repeated. 

Tyrwhitt, in his introductory matter to the Canterbury 
Tales (1775), wisely refrained from writing any life of Chaucer 
at all, for he says after searching for materials, he found he 
could add few facts to those already published, and ' he was 
not disposed, either to repeat the comments and inventions, 
by which former biographers have endeavoured to supply the 
deficiency of facts, or to substitute any of his own for the 
same laudable purpose.' He contented himself, therefore, 
with pointing out the untrustworthiness of Leland's informa- 
tion, as well as the lack of proof for other commonly accepted 
facts (such as Chaucer's connection with Donnington Castle), 
and with printing a short abstract of the historical passages in 
the life of the poet, consisting of the few records published by 
Speght and Eymer. He also notes one or two points which 
may possibly be inferred from the Testament of Love (that he 
was a Londoner) and the Court of Love (that he was at Cam- 
bridge). He is careful, however, to deduce nothing further 
from the poems, 1 and gives a warning against ' supposing 
allusions which Chaucer never intended, or arguing from pieces 
which he never wrote, as if they were his.' 

This warning was, unhappily, not taken to heart by the 
poet's next biographer, William Godwin, Shelley's father-in-law, 
who, in 1803, brought out Chaucer's life in two large volumes. 

His method was the exact antithesis of the procedure of 
the scholarly and cautious Tyrwhitt, and, except for the fact 
that he found and printed some fresh official records about 
Chaucer, his Life, though entertaining, is absolutely worthless. 

Godwin snubs Tyrwhitt for casting so much doubt on 
Leland, and for not having made any exertions to discover 
facts as to the history of the poet, and compares his own inde- 
fatigable search of the records. The fresh information thus 
acquired did not, however, enable him to write a life any more 

1 The possible political troubles at the end of Chaucer's life are 
referred to only in a note. 

4. The system on ivhich Godwin wrote Biography, cxi 

correct than those which had preceded his; on the contrary 
it forced him to evolve theories whereby the newly discovered 
and rather troublesome dates might be made to fit in with 
preconceived facts, largely derived from the Testament of 
Love. For instance, it was in the beginning of 1384 that the 
political disturbances in London took place which were sup- 
posed to have caused Chaucer's flight abroad. But Godwin 
found by the records that in November 1384 Chaucer was still 
at his post as Controller of the Customs, for he then applied 
for leave of absence for one month. This was very awkward, 
and all Godwin could do was to transport him abroad in 
November (nine months after the riots which were the 
supposed cause of his flight) and to extend his month's holiday 
into an exile of two years. The exile is described in great 
detail; Chaucer, we are told, doubtless took his wife with 
him, that is if she were still living, for ' although prudence 
would have dictated their separation, yet Chaucer was too 
deeply pervaded with the human and domestic affections to 
be able to consent to such a measure.' The whole book is 
written in this style, and as regards Chaucer, it is a tissue of 
baseless conjecture from beginning to end. In addition to 
this, it contains a mass of entirely irrelevant information, for 
Godwin held that ' the full and complete life of a poet, would 
include an extensive survey of the manners, the opinions, 
the arts and the literature of the age in which the poet 

Acting on this principle, the chapters are built up something 
as follows : It is not improbable that Chaucer was brought 
up in the Roman Catholic faith, so thirteen pages are devoted 
to the Church in England in the fourteenth century ; he possibly 
studied in the Inner Temple, therefore twelve pages are given 
to an account of civil and canon and feudal law of the English 
constitution, the early writers on English law, modes of pleading 
and so on. 1 

1 The following paragraph, with which this section on law closes, 
sufficiently indicates the style of the whole book : ' It may be amusing 
to the fancy of a reader of Chaucer's works, to represent to himself the 

cxii 4. Memoir by Sir Nicholas Harris Nicolas. 

No wonder Mrs. Godwin confidentially asked Charles Lamb 
whether he did not think there was rather too much fancy in 
the work. 1 

In 1844 Sir Nicholas Harris Nicolas published his memoir, 
prefixed to the Aldine edition of Chaucer's works, which really 
is the first life of Chaucer produced on modern methods of 
research and accuracy. Nicolas uses Godwin's documents, but 
prints many more records which finally demonstrated that the 
story in the Testament of Love could not be regarded as auto- 

They showed that during the time Chaucer was supposed 
to be in exile, he was living in London and personally receiving 
his pension half-yearly, that he was holding his offices in the 
Customs from 1382 to 1386, and that in August 1386, instead 
of being imprisoned in the Tower, he was a member of parlia- 
ment as Knight of the shire for the County of Kent. 

Although in soundness and accuracy this work is a great 
advance, yet Nicolas makes a few mistakes, such as the ' eleven 
months ' of Chaucer's stay in Italy, his disbelief in Chaucer's 
knowledge of Italian, and his acceptation as genuine of The 
Cuckoo and the Nightingale, The Flower and the Leaf and the 
Testament of Love. For in spite of the evidence of the newly 
discovered records, which proved it could not be autobio- 
graphical, the faith of critics in Chaucer's authorship of the 

young poet, accoutred in the robes of a lawyer, examining a witness, 
fixing upon him the keenness of his eye, addressing himself with anxiety 
and expectation to a jury, or exercising the subtlety of his wit and 
judgment in the development of one of those quirks by which a client 
was to be rescued from the rigour of strict and unfavouring justice. 
Perhaps Chaucer, in the course of his legal life, saved a thief from the 
gallows, and gave him a new chance of becoming a decent and useful 
member of society : perhaps by his penetration he discerned and demon- 
strated that innocence, which to a less able pleader would never have 
been evident, and which a less able pleader would never have succeeded 
in restoring triumphant to its place in the community and its fair fame.' 
(Godwin's Life of Chaucer, vol. i, chap, xviii, pp. 369-70.) 

1 See Lamb's letter to Godwin, Nov. 10, 1803, below. The book 
was, on the whole, condemned by the reviewers. See below, Gentle- 
man's Magazine, Dec. 1803; Scott, in the Edinburgh Review, Jan. 1804, 
is very severe, and BlackwocxTs reviewer in 1821 dismisses it as being 
' contemptible in criticism.' 

4. Discoveries in the Records. cxiii 

Testament of Love remained unshaken until William Hertzberg, 
who translated the Canterbury Tales into German in 1866, 
pointed out the proofs against its being by Chaucer at all, 1 
while in 1867, John Payne Collier in England independently 
came to the same conclusion. But this did not prevent later 
writers of Chaucer's life detailing his flight, exile and imprison- 
ment as actual occurrences, 2 sometimes shifting the date of 
these to between the years 1386-88 so as not to clash quite so 
much with the records. 

After the foundation of the Chaucer Society, however, in 
1868, Dr. Furnivall and others set to work at the records, 
whence a number of interesting facts have been extracted, 
enabling us now at any rate to say very definitely what is not 
true in earlier Chaucer biographies. 

Mr. Bond's discovery in 1873, of a page of the household 
accounts of Lionel, third son of Edward III, from which it is 
certain that between 1356-59 Chaucer was attached to the 
household of that prince, and most probably (judging from the 
value of the articles recorded as given him) in the position 
of a page, makes the hitherto generally stated date of 1328 
for the poet's birth an impossible one; and 1340, for which 
there is supporting evidence, is now the generally accepted 

In 1894 Professor Skeat published his life of the poet, 
prefixed to his edition of Chaucer's collected works, which 
embodies all discoveries made up to then, more especially 
Dr. Furnivall's important finds in the public record office, 
published in the Athenceum during the years 1873, 1874 ; and 
in 1900 the complete Life Records of Chaucer appeared, con- 
taining some fresh information, and comprising all known 
records relating to the poet. 

1 Geoffrey Chaucer's Canterbury -Geschichten, uebersetzt von Wilhelm 
Hertzberg, Hildburghausen, 1866. Einleitung, pp. 34-37. 

2 See, for instance, Origin . . . of the English Language and Litera- 
ture, by John Weisse, N. York, 1879, pp. 269-70. 


cxiv 5. Glimpses at some Chaucer lovers and workers. 


In the following pages we get many peeps at students of 
Chaucer ; men who during these five hundred years have 
loved him and have been content to spend much time in the 
generally unremunerative labour of studying and editing his 
works, and in collecting information about him. Sometimes 
we actually see them at work Caxton in his Westminster 
printing office, Brian Tuke ' tarying for the tyde at Green- 
wich,' Urry in his college rooms at Oxford, or Tyrwhitt in the 
British Museum, sometimes only the result of their labours 
is visible. 

Foremost among this gallant band comes 

(1) John Shirley (1366 ?-l 456), translator and transcriber, 
who possibly knew Chaucer personally, and most certainly 
loved and admired him, for he busied himself in writing out 
copies of the poems, 1 to which he added various pieces of 
information, 2 and sometimes of exhortation to the reader (see 
c. 1450, a. 1456, below). 

We know little about Shirley, beyond the lines recorded as 
being on his monument in the Church of S. Bartholomew the 
Less, 3 among which are the following : 

' His Pen reporteth 
His Lives Occupation,' 

to which Stowe adds that he was ' a great Traveller in divers 
Countries, and amongst other his Labours painfully collected 

1 The MSS. we owe to Shirley are the Sion College MS. (contains of 
Chaucer only an inserted copy of the ABC), Trin. Coll. Cam. R. 3. 20, 
Addit. 16165, Ashmole 59, Harl. 78 (4 leaves only). The Harl. 7333 
and 2251 are not in Shirley's hand. For full details on Shirley's MSS. 
see E. P. Hammond in Chaucer, a bibliographical manual, N. York, 
1908, pp. 515-17. 

2 It is on Shirley's authority that the following works are ascribed 
to Chaucer : the ABC, the Complaint to Pity, Complaint of Mars, 
Anelida, Lines to Adam, Fortune, Truth, Gentilnesse, Lak of Stedfast- 
iiesse, Complaint of Venus, and Complaint to his Empty Purse. 

3 Stowe's Survey of London, ed. S^rype, 1720, bk. iii, pp. 232-3. 

5. Caxton' s care in printing the ' Canterbury Tales.' cxv 

the Works of Geffrey Chaucer, John Lidgate, and other learned 
Writers, which works he wrote in sundry volumes to remain 
for Posterity.' 

Next we encounter 

(2) William Caxton (1422 ?-1491), whose love and admira- 
tion are expressed with so much warmth and charm in his Pro- 
hemye to the Canterbury Tales ; where we catch a glimpse of 
him with care and pride printing the Tales from his own MS. 
copy (1st ed. 1477-8), which had been brought to him, and 
which he supposed to be very true and correct. But soon after 
one of the purchasers of a copy of this first edition pays him a 
visit, and points out that the printed version differs consider- 
ably from the book as Geoffrey Chaucer had written it. To 
this Caxton mildly answers that he had set up the type according 
to his own MS. copy, which he had followed faithfully. His 
visitor replies that his father possesses a copy of the Canterbury 
Tales which he much loves, and which is true to Chaucer's 
original, and that if Caxton would print it again, he would 
get him this actual book for a copy, although he knew that 
his father would be loth to part with it. To this suggestion 
Caxton gladly agrees, and sets to work at once to print the 
whole book over again (2nd ed. 1484?), humbly apologizing 
the while to the shade of Chaucer for the mistake he in his 
ignorance had made of printing his book other than he 
wrote it. 

Caxton was not content with printing Chaucer, but he 
further tried to perpetuate his memory by erecting a pillar 
near his tomb to support a tablet on which was written Surigo's 
Latin epitaph (see a. 1479, below), at the end of which there 
were four lines, possibly by Caxton himself. 1 

The next worker is 

(3) William Thynne (d. 1546), Chief Clerk of the Kitchen 
to Henry VIII, and the holder of many other offices, who 
combined the faithful and apparently successful discharge of 

1 See Caxton's Epilogue to Boethius, a. 1479, below, also Blade's 
Life and Typography of Caxton, 1861, vol. ii, p. 67. 

cxvi 5. William Thynne's Chaucer Work. 

many duties in the King's household with an enthusiastic 
devotion to Chaucer and study of his works. In 1532 he 
published his edition of the poet, and sixty-six years later, 
his son Francis Thynne, in the course of his rather querulous 
letter of criticism to Speght on his edition of 1598 (see 1598, 
below), affords us a delightful glimpse of his father at work 
on Chaucer. The elder Thynne was commissioned by Henry 
VIII, with whom he was a great favourite, to search all the 
libraries and monasteries of England for Chaucer's works; 
which he did with such success that he was ' fully furnished 
with multitude of Bookes, amongst which was one copy which 
was marked " Examinatur Chaucer." All these copies he 
carefully collated, so that although four of Chaucer's pieces 
had been issued together by Pynson in 1526, yet Thynne's 
may fairly claim to be the first attempt at a collected edition 
of the ' Works,' and Thynne himself is the first real editor of 
Chaucer, for he produced a better text of the Canterbury Tales 
than had been given before, as well as printing for the first 
time Chaucer's part of the Romaunt of the Rose, his Legende of 
Good Women, Boece, Book of the Duchess, Pity, Astrolabe, and 
Lack of Stedfastness. 

His son further tells us that he included (or perhaps in- 
tended to include?) the (spurious) Pilgrim's Tale, which gave 
such offence to Wolsey and the Bishops, that they brought 
pressure on the King to insist that Chaucer must be newly 
printed, and the Pilgrim's Tale omitted. This was done, but 
in the second edition of 1542 Thynne managed to get the 
(spurious) Plowman's Tale (an equally strong invective against 
the clergy) inserted; although it was sanctioned with great 
difficulty. 1 

William Thynne must have been a good hater of Romanism 
and the priests, and Wolsey, his ' old enymye,' owed him a 

1 This story of Francis Thynne's about the cancelled edition has 
been discredited, as the Pilgrim's Tale is not to be found in any edition 
of Thynne's Chaucer, nor has any one-columned edition of Thynne's 
come down to us. See on the whole question, Thynne's Animadversions, 
ed. F. J. Furnivall, Chaucer Soc., 1875, pp. xli, xlii, and 75, 76. 

5. John Stowe's Chaucer Work. cxvii 

grudge for many reasons, so Francis Thynne tells us, but mostly 
because Thynne had protected Skelton, and helped him to 
publish Colin Clout, most of which was written at Thynne's 
house at Erith in Kent. 

Thynne dedicates his edition in his name to Henry VIII, 
but it is practically certain that this preface was written by 
Sir Brian Tuke, then Postmaster, and so a colleague of Thynne's 
in the Royal Household. Leland refers to a preface by Tuke, 
and in a copy of Thynne's Chaucer (1532) in Clare College, 
Cambridge, Sir Brian Tuke has written in his own hand : 
' This preface I sir Bryan Tuke knight wrot at the request of 
Mr. Clarke of the Kechyn then being tarying for the tyde at 
Grenewich.' 1 

(4) John Stowe (1525 ?-1605), chronicler and antiquarian 
by choice, and tailor by profession, is entitled to a place among 
Chaucer students and editors, although the service he rendered 
the poet is a doubtful one. His own account of his claim to 
the position is that Chaucer's works were ' corrected and twice 
increased through mine owne painefull labours, in the raigne 
of Queene Elizabeth, to wit in the yeare 1561, and again beauti- 
fied with noates, by me collected out of diuers Recordes and 
Monumentes, which I deliuered to my loving friende Thomas 
Speight ' for his edition of 1597. 

The modern view of Stowe's work does not quite agree with 
this. He is principally famed for having assigned more spurious 
poems to Chaucer than any one else has ever successfully 
done, and it has been indeed as Tyrwhitt prophesied in 1775 
' a work of time to sift accurately the heap of rubbish which 
was added ' by him to the edition of 1561. Not only did he 
for the first time in 1561 publish a number of poems as Chaucer's 
which are not his (see list 1532, below), but by reprinting all 
that was in Thynne's edition of 1532 (which was really a 
miscellany, see note to 1532, Thynne, below), and altering the 
title to ' The workes of Geffrey Chaucer, newlie printed, with 

1 See Mr. Bradshaw in Thynne's Animadversions, Chaucer Soc., 
p. xxvi. 

cxviii 5. John Stowe and Thomas Speght. 

diuers addicions, whiche were neuer in print before/ he prac- 
tically claimed for Chaucer the whole of Thynne's volume. 

On the other hand, we owe to him the first print of Chaucer's 
words to Adam, and three other short pieces, and there is no 
doubt that he furnished a good deal of matter to Speght for 
use in his life of the poet. He seems to have been a cheery, 
lively man, a hard worker, and a great favourite with men of 
letters. He was a member of the old Society of Antiquaries, 
founded about 1559, and among his colleagues and friends were 
Walter Cope, Joseph Holland, Francis Tate, and Francis Thynne. 
He was always desperately poor, and consequently carried on 
his researches with great difficulty; for his was not then, any 
more than it is now, the kind of work which brings in money. 
In 1598 he writes of his Summarie of Englyshe Chronicles, 
' It hath cost me many a weary mile's travel, many a hard- 
earned penny and pound, and many a cold winter night's 
study.' He could not afford to ride in order to make his 
enquiries, but was forced to go on foot. We realize how sharp 
was the pressure of poverty, when as an old man, probably 
upwards of seventy-seven, after years of hard work at the 
chronicles of London and other records of value, we find that 
in acknowledgment of his services a grateful government 
granted him a license to beg and collect voluntary contributions 
in the streets. 


(5) Thomas Speght (fl. 1600), the next editor of Chaucer, 
we know very little, except that he was possibly a Yorkshire- 
man, and certainly a graduate of Cambridge, a schoolmaster, 
and a lover of Chaucer. It was at college that he first came to 
know and love Chaucer (see above, p. xxii, and Beaumont's 
letter to Speght, 1597, below). Speght had evidently long 
studied Chaucer's works and annotated them (see his preface, 
1598, below), and in 1598, when his first edition of the poet 
appeared, he added a good deal of extra -matter, and wrote the 
fullest and most correct life of the poet which had yet appeared 
(see p. cvi above). 

Francis Thynne was preparing notes for a full commentary 

5. Kynaston and John Urry. cxix 

on Chaucer's works when Speght anticipated him, and so Thynne 
contented himself with writing his long letter, minutely criticizing 
Speght's production, and correcting many of his mistakes. 
All these remarks Speght took in good part, and embodied them, 
with grateful acknowledgment, in his next edition of 1602. 
He also had much help from Stowe, who put his notes at Speght's 

We must pass over Sir Francis Kynaston (1587-1642), the 
seventeenth-century litterateur, poet and scholar, who was 
called more Geoffreyan than Chaucer himself; * the founder of 
the Musseum Minervae, that curious academy of learning, designed 
to give a lengthy course of instruction to intending travellers ; 
whose fervent admiration of Chaucer took the unusual form 
of translating his Troilus into Latin verse, and copiously 
annotating it, both in English and Latin. 

(6) John Urry (1666-1715) is the next editor of Chaucer, 
and also the worst. As a man he seems to have been a sturdy, 
honest scholar with a sense of humour, and a certain charm of 
style (see his sketch of a preface, 1714 below), of staunch loyalist 
principles, unlike his uncle Sir John Urry the soldier, who 
seemed unable to make up his mind on which side to fight. 
Our Urry bore arms against Monmouth in the Rebellion, and 
refused to take the oath of supremacy to William III, though 
this cost him his studentship at Christ Church. Dr. Atterbury, 
the Dean of Christ Church, persuaded him, much against his 
inclination, to prepare a new edition of Chaucer, his sole qualifi- 
cation apparently being that he came of a Scottish family, so 
that his familiarity with the northern tongue enabled him to 
read Chaucer more easily than an Englishman. 2 He carried 
through the task with a will, and collected together from many 
sources a good number of MSS. and printed copies of Chaucer 
for the purpose. We catch glimpses of him in Hearne's diary 
from the year 1711 to February 17-fJ- , working in the Bodleian, 
examining the Junius MSS., collecting Chaucer editions and 

1 See Strode' s verses, 1635, below. 

2 See Timothy Thomas's Preface to Urry's Chaucer, 1721, below. 

cxx 5. Urry's Edition of Chaucer, 1721. 

MSS., over which the two friends often pored together in the 
evenings. In an interesting letter to Lord Harley (1712, see 
below), Urry describes his method of work, and expresses the 
belief, after close study of the Canterbury Tales, that * Chaucer 
made them exact metre, but the transcribers have much injured 
them.' He adds that he hopes, by collating many MSS. and 
printed editions, to be able to ' restore him to his feet again.' 

In March 17-J-f-, however, Urry died very suddenly of a fever, 
leaving his Chaucer unfinished. He appears to have completely 
prepared the text after a curious fashion of his own, which was 
to lengthen or shorten Chaucer's words, or to add an extra word, 
whenever he thought the verse would be improved by it, with- 
out giving to the reader any indication whatever of his altera- 
tions (see below 1721 Thomas). It seems that he originally 
had the intention of enclosing these additions within hooks [ ] 
(the reverse process from that of ' slashing Bentley '), but this 
' just, useful and necessary ' design, as Timothy Thomas calls 
it, was for some unknown reason not carried out. Consequently 
the edition, as regards text, is quite the worst ever issued. It 
was taken in hand, after Urry's death, by the authorities of 
Christ Church and Urry's executor, William Brome, and 
Bernard Lintot the bookseller, and, after many vicissitudes, it 
was published in two enormous folios in 1721 ; the preface and 
glossary being added by Timothy Thomas, and the life of 
Chaucer by John Dart. 

The edition was divided between the College, Brome and 
Lintot, in equal shares, the proceeds for the College being devoted 
to the building of Peckwater Quadrangle. It does not, however, 
appear to have been in great demand, for twelve years later we 
find poor Mr. Brome complaining that he cannot sell his copies, 
' which lie upon hand, so that I am like to be a great sufferer ' 
(p. 375 below). Lintot, being in the way of business, was better 
able to sell his, and the College authorities had adopted a simple 
and effective method of disposing of theirs, which was to oblige 
all scholars upon entrance to buy a copy. The picture of the 
young fox-hunting squires of Christ Church being forced willy- 
nilly to carry off their Chaucer folios is a delightful one; and 

5. Some account of Thomas Tyrwhitt. cxxi 

it may perhaps account for the number of copies of Urry's 
Chaucer to be found in the old country houses of England. 

(7) Thomas Tyrwhitt (1730-86) is the next, and up to this 
date by far the greatest Chaucer scholar and editor. Con- 
sidering the importance of Tyrwhitt's work, there is curiously 
little known about him. He was a man of good family and 
ample means, educated at Eton and Oxford, where he was 
elected to a fellowship at Merton College in 1755; he was ap- 
pointed Deputy Secretary at War in 1756, and he was Clerk 
of the House of Commons from 1762 to 1768, in which latter 
year he resigned the position, preferring to that ' post of honour 
a private station devoted to learned ease.' Later he did 
good work for a year or two as a trustee of the British Museum. 

He was a well-known classical scholar, editor and annotator, 
a Shakespeare critic, and the only eighteenth-century writer 
who on sound linguistic grounds was able to expose the Chatter- 
ton forgeries; he was indeed reputed to have a knowledge of 
nearly every European tongue. He seems to have been quiet 
and reserved, not strong in health, a born student; from his 
earliest years he loved books, ' for,' as one writes who knew 
him, ' he never was a boy.' He was quietly benevolent and 
generous to those less well off than himself, 1 and is reported to 
have given away as much as 2,000 in one year. He worked 
for sheer love of the work, indifferent to fame or recognition. 
The letter he writes on the occasion of the pirating of his Chaucer 
text by Bell (June 12, 1783) is indicative of his character. It 
is dignified and restrained, and not without a dry sense of 
humour. A friend had told him that in Bell's edition of the 
English poets (1782-3) his text of the Canterbury Tales and his 
notes had just been annexed and printed. Tyrwhitt replies 
that it is true, but he finds he can do nothing, for as his book 
has not been entered at Stationers' Hall he has no legal right 
over it. ' But even if I had,' he continues, ' would you advise 
me to go to law for a property unattended by any profit? 

1 See the letter from the Bishop of St. Davids in Nichol's Literary 
Anecdotes, vol. ix, pp. 756-7. 

cxxii 5. TyrwTiitt at work in the British Museum. 

A certain philosopher, when his gouty shoes were stolen, only 
wished that they might fit the thief as well as they fitted him- 
self ; and for my own part I shall be contented, if my book 
shall prove just as lucrative to Mr. Bell as it has been to me.' 

Tyrwhitt got nothing for his work in money, and, until long 
after his death, very little in fame or recognition. What led 
him to undertake the editing of the Canterbury Tales we do not 
know, but he was admirably fitted for the task; he possessed 
what was at that time a probably unique knowledge of the 
literature of the Middle Ages and of the English language of 
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and he had the finest 
literary taste combined with sound independent judgment and 
critical insight. Probably it was the desire to do this special 
piece of work which made him anxious to give up the Clerkship 
of the House of Commons, so that he might have all his time for 
literary research. 

In 1771 and the following year we get a glimpse of him col- 
lating Chaucer texts at the British Museum. The Rev. Thomas 
Morell, the friend of Hogarth and Handel, a cheerful, musical 
and an improvident scholar, had himself designed an edition 
of the Canterbury Tales, and had, in 1737, actually published a 
modernization of the Prologue and Knight's Tale. Morell, 
like Tyrwhitt, found that editing Chaucer was not remunerative, 
but, on the contrary, rather expensive, and so he was obliged 
to put the remainder of his Chaucer work on one side. One 
day, however, in the summer of 1771, he writes to Mr. West, 
that he had happened to see in the Museum a 'gentleman 
collating Chaucer.' This reminded him of his work which had 
lain by him unfinished for forty years, ' which,' he adds rather 
pathetically, ' being unwilling to lose, I intend to continue ere 
long, some way to reassume the work, and hope to get the start 
of him, as there is one volume already printed.' The ' gentle- 
man ' was undoubtedly Tyrwhitt, for Richard Gough, in writing 
to Mr. Tyson in the following January (1772), says that ' Mr. 
Tyrwhitt (late Clerk of the House of Commons) applies himself 
totis viribus to Chaucer in the Museum, where is a copy of Urry's 
edition, with infinite collations by Bishop Tanner. Mr. 

5. Great Chaucer Scholars at Home and Abroad, cxxiii 

Tyrwhitt conceals his design from his most intimate friends; 
but much is suspected and expected from his leisure and 

Morell did not ' get the start ' of the worker in the Museum, 
and the first four volumes of Tyrwhitt's fine edition appeared 
a little more than three years later. There is no need to describe 
it here, it is generally acknowledged to be not only one of the 
best editions of a great English classic, but also the first to be 
done in the scholarly and conscientious way which is now thought 

In the light of the immense advance in the knowledge of 
our own language during the last fifty years, it is easy now to 
point out where Tyrwhitt makes mistakes; but when we 
remember that in the eighteenth century practically nothing 
was known about Middle English, and that Tyrwhitt had to 
discover it all for himself, his book stands out as a monument 
of learning and critical acumen, and to it all subsequent editors 
of Chaucer owe an incalculable debt. 

It would be impossible here to mention all the Chaucer 
scholars of the nineteenth century, for the study of our first 
great poet has been taken up with enthusiasm, not only in 
England, but also in Germany and America, where such excellent 
work has been done by Lounsbury, Kittridge, Koch, Lowes, 
Tatlock, and many others. In France, also, of late years, 
interest has awakened in Chaucer, and a great impetus was given 
to the French study and appreciation of our first and most 
Gallic poet, by the admirable translation of the Canterbury Tales 
in 1908, to which all the best-known English scholars in France 
contributed, under the editorship of % M. Emile Legouis. So 
much has been done, and so many and able have been the workers, 
that a book itself might be written on them and their labours. 
F. J. Child, ten Brink and Skeat are names that will be remem- 
bered as long as Chaucer is read ; but there is one figure which 
stands out above the rest, one name and personality which 
older Chaucer students of to-day will not easily forget. Dr. 
F. J. Furnivall, in 1868, from a sheer love of our early literature, 
founded the Chaucer Society, and, since then, not only carried 

cxxiv 6. The change in literary taste and fashion. 

through herculean tasks himself, but stimulated, helped, advised 
and encouraged two whole generations of workers in this field. 
Somehow, one cannot help thinking that, of all the great 
and distinguished men who have so freely given of their time 
and labour to our old poet, no one of them would have been 
more congenial to Chaucer himself, with no one would he have 
talked more readily dr laughed more heartily than with this 
latter-day ' Clerk of Cauntebrigge ' ' that unto rowing hadde 
longe y-go,' l this happy octogenarian who almost to the end 
was young and vigorous, who loved the river and the green 
fields, and youth and good fellowship, and who 

. . . not for place or pay, 

But all for the fame of the English wrought in the 
English way. 2 


In the foregoing notes we have pointed out how the mass 
of critical material here printed illustrates and throws light on 
the change of attitude towards Chaucer himself throughout 
these five hundred years, the change to be discerned in an ever- 
shifting multitude of separate minds turned towards one fixed 
central point. It is, however, impossible to survey a great 
body of critical opinion such as is to be found in the following 
pages, without certain problems connected with the philosophy 
of taste, and the doctrine of evolution generally, rising to one's 
mind. It is not proposed seriously to investigate the prob- 
lems, or to attempt any solution of them here, but it may 
be of interest perhaps just to indicate a few of them, such as 
those discussed in this and the three following sections. 

As we watch this vast company of writers passing before 
Chaucer, and leaving on record their opinion of him, it is curious 
to reflect that the criticism Chaucer has received throughout 

1 See Skeat's poem, * In Honorem F. J. F.* (A.D. 1900), in An English 
Miscellany, Oxford, 1901, a quotation from which fitly closes our main 
series of allusions. 

2 G[eorge] S[aintsbury] to F. J, F., p. 1, ibid, 

6. Change of taste in a nation. cxxv 

these five centuries in reality forms a measurement of judgment 
not of him but of his critics. Just as we trace the develop- 
ment of the mind of an individual by studying his opinions and 
works at different periods of his life, so it would seem that in 
looking at this ever-shifting procession of critics we can trace 
the development of the mind and spirit of the nation to which 
they belong. We know that as individuals our taste changes 
and fluctuates from youth to age ; the favourite authors of our 
youth are not, as a rule, the favourites of middle age, or, if 
they are, we like them for other qualities, they make another 
appeal to us. Similarly, we can here watch the taste of a nation 
changing and fluctuating ; Chaucer is now liked for one quality, 
now for another, while at times different ideals and interests 
so predominate that he makes no appeal to it at all. 

Chaucer undoubtedly suffered from change in language quite 
as much as from change in taste, but even making due allowance 
for this, there is no question that had the average men of letters 
and critics of the later seventeenth and earlier eighteenth cen- 
turies been able to read and scan his work with perfect ease, 
they would yet not have seen in him what is seen by the average 
literary reader of to-day. Cowley would probably still have 
had ' no taste of him/ and Addison would have thought his 
' wit ' out of date. They had different ideals before them, with 
which Chaucer did not fit in. It is for precisely this reason 
that we no longer have ' a taste of ' Waller, who, to the later 
seventeenth century, was the most important figure in English 

We are so accustomed to this change of taste that we accept 
as a natural condition of evolution, as a necessary sign of 
growth, in nations as in individuals, this continual fluctuation, 
of which not the least curious quality is that, although we are 
intellectually conscious of its existence, we are as incapable of 
realizing it as we are of realizing that our physical bodies are 
composed of whirling and ever-changing atoms. 

We all of us, individually and collectively, at any given 
time, trained and guided as we are by the best thought of our 
age, are inclined to feel that the way we regard an author, a 

cxxvi 6. Critical opinion on Shakespeare and Chaucer. 

classic, for instance, like Chaucer, is the truest and only possible 
way he can be regarded. We of to-day are sure that we appreci- 
ate to the full all his special qualities, and that his position in 
the history of our literature has been once and for all established. 
It may be so, but the experience of the past does not confirm it. 
Cowley, Addison, Dr. Johnson, and a host of minor critics, 
all probably felt exactly as we do ; they never doubted that their 
taste was true, their attitude the only sane one, and that 
Chaucer's position, in spite of Dryden's curious fancy for him, 
was quite certainly and definitely settled. 

To-day, with the record of the opinion of five centuries 
before us, we can see that the verdict of the most competent 
critic cannot be wholly trusted until Time has set his seal on 
it, and that much allowance must always be made, as Hazlitt 
would have said, ' for the wind,' that is, for the prevailing bias 
of the age, the standards, ideals and fashions, change in which 
constitutes change in taste. 

Some further light may be thrown on the evolution of 
critical taste and method when we are able to compare over an 
appreciable space of time the critical attitude of a nation towards 
more than one great poet of its own race. This is only to-day 
beginning to be possible. If, for instance, we compare the 
movement of critical opinion and research on Shakespeare 
with that on Chaucer, it is clear that there is a certain similarity, 
which would appear to indicate the existence of a definite 
rhythm in the evolution of taste and critical method, as there 
is a rhythm in all life. The investigation in the future will be 
complicated by the fact that there will be two rhythms to 
follow, (1) that of the development of the nation itself and of its 
critical powers, and (2) that of the evolution of its attitude 
towards any one given poet. Owing, however, to the literary 
barrenness of the fifteenth century in England, the development 
of the first was not at the outset sufficiently rapid to make any 
great difference in the treatment of Chaucer and Shakespeare. 

Thus, in the case of each of these poets there is a period of 
early praise and" personal appreciation, love for the man, with 
an unquestioned recognition of his position as a great artist. 

6. Shakespeare & Chaucer. Similarity in critical attitude, cxxvii 

This is followed by a more critical attitude, which, in Shake- 
speare's case, for various fairly obvious reasons, comes^ about 
much sooner after his death than it does with Chaucer. Then 
follows, for both poets, a time of effort to make their rough and 
unpolished works more acceptable to modern taste; Shake- 
sperian revision and 'improvement' began as early as 1662 
(when Davenant produced his blend of Measure for Measure and 
Much Ado), though it did not continue so late into the nineteenth 
century as is the case with Chaucer. 

At the same time it is in the eighteenth century that the 
gradual revival of real first-hand knowledge and appreciation 
of both poets began, critical and scholarly investigation was 
started, stupendous work on Shakespeare's text was done by 
the great succession of eighteenth-century editors, and Tyrwhitt 
brought out his monumental edition of the Canterbury Tales. 

In the later period of ' romantic ' criticism for both poets, 
which began at the end of the eighteenth century and went on 
all through the nineteenth century, we find in the case of 
Chaucer that this romantic, psychological and often ethical 
appreciation is followed and accompanied from the eighteen 
sixties onwards with very close textual work and specialised 
investigation of his language and versification. This closer and 
specialised investigation of Shakespeare has yet to come ; it is, 
possibly, just beginning. It is in fact probable that investi- 
gators to-day, three hundred years after Shakespeare's death, 
may be about to do for his text something analogous to what 
Tyrwhitt, three hundred and seventy-five years after Chaucer's 
death, did for him when he disposed of the persistently erroneous 
view of his versification and proved that he was a far greater 
artist and a far more finished literary craftsman than had up 
to that time been suspected. 

It is not suggested that Shakespeare's supreme technical 
skill has in modern times ever been in doubt, but he has been 
believed to be very careless, and the text of his plays to be 
very corrupt, and it has been taken for granted that the quarto 
editions were very carelessly printed and not to be trusted. 
Mr. Pollard, Mr. Dover Wilson and other workers are to-day 

cxxviii 6. Shakespeare and Chaucer. Parallels in qualities. 

taking us back, not only to close investigation of Elizabethan 
book-production and of the Quartos in particular, but also in 
part to the reconstruction of Shakespeare's manuscript, and as 
a result they show us that passages which to modern eyes 
appear corrupt and ungrammatical in punctuation are in reality 
most delicately and sensitively pointed as an indication of 
how they are to be said, and that lines written by some one 
apparently devoid of the most elementary sense of rhythm, 
can, in the light of the study of contemporary manuscripts, be 
easily accounted for and reconstructed. 

In addition to this dawning likeness in what might be called 
critical approach, there are other parallels in the works and 
qualities of both poets most appreciated at certain times. 
Such, for instance, is the early preference for the love poems, 
Chaucer's Troilus, and in Shakespeare's case the Venus and 
Adonis and Romeo and Juliet (see The Shakespere Allusion 
book, vol. i, p. xxiii, vol. ii, p. 540). It is clear that the works 
of a poet most prized by contemporaries or immediate successors 
are by no means those which later generations will put first. 

A striking illustration of this is the lack of contemporary 
appreciation of Antony and Cleopatra, which to-day most lovers 
of Shakespeare would place among the very greatest and most 
poetical of his plays. There is a noticeable absence of the 
borrowing of phrases from it by other authors, and up to 1700 
only fifteen references to it have been found compared with 
ninety-five to Hamlet, eighty to Falstaff and sixty-one each to 
Romeo and Juliet and Venus and Adonis. 

Indeed, as Mr. Munro suggests (Shakespere Allusions, vol. i, 
p. xxiv), the cause of the neglect of Antony may be the secret 
of the Elizabethan attitude towards Shakespeare the dramatist, 
and may show us better than anything else the qualities they 
most prized and those they ignored. In the same way, as we 
have seen (p. Ixxvii above), it is not until after 1750 that the 
Canterbury Tales takes the first place among Chaucer's works. 
It is clear then that taste does change, but if we ask what 
it is that causes it to change, there is no satisfactory answer 
to be given. 

6. Possible increase in capacity to appreciate Chaucer, cxxix 

There are certain influences, foreign literatures, canons of 
criticism, indicated in every history of the subject, which we 
can plainly see do much to bring about this change. But all 
these ' causes ' only push the question one step further back. 
These influences, taken singly or together, do not explain why 
taste is in a state of continual flux and changes with each 
generation. This flux is as mysterious as life itself; it is in 
truth the fundamental characteristic of life, and it is because 
taste is a living thing, because it is the capacity for discernment 
of what is good, that it must inevitably change. 

Granting this, then, we see that in Chaucer's case the change 
in critical attitude accounts for much. We no longer have a 
definite body of poetic rules and ideals to which all poets, how- 
ever alien in kind, must conform or be condemned; and that 
class of criticism is extinct, which is so admirably exemplified 
in Miss Jenkyns's remark on the author of the Pickwick Papers, 
' Doubtless, a young man, who might do very well if he would 
take Dr. Johnson for a model.' 

Our demands are different and our tests are different. To- 
day we prize Chaucer above all because he is a great artist, 
we delight in his simplicity, his freshness, his humanity, his 
humour, but it is possible that these may not be the only or 
even the principal reasons why he is liked three hundred years 
hence. If, as would seem to be the case, the common conscious- 
ness of a people becomes enriched with time and experience, 
enabling them to see ever more and more in the work of a great 
poet, the lovers of Chaucer three centuries hence will be capable 
of seeing more in him and will be able to come actually nearer 
to him than can those who love him to-day. 

Three directions may be indicated in which this enrichment 
of consciousness is here seen. They are all exactly parallel 
with what takes place in the growth and development of the 
individual personality. The first is the development of self- 
consciousness, of the art of criticism itself; the second is the 
development of a new sense, and the third is intellectual 
development, as seen in accuracy and trained scholarship. 


cxxx 7. Gradual change in the conception of criticism. 


We know that in nations, as in individuals, the critical 
faculty develops late, for criticism is a self-conscious art, and 
cannot exist in the intellectual childhood of a race. England, 
as compared with France and Italy, was backward in this art, 
for the northern races mature less quickly, and it is only neces- 
sary to cast a glance over the tributes to Chaucer during the 
first 150 years after his death, to realize why England was late 
in producing criticism. Chaucer is praised mainly for two 
reasons, because he settled or established the language, and 
because he was our first, and by far our greatest poet. We 
lacked, until later than either France or Italy, a single form 
of standard speech, and, with one exception, we also lacked 
good writers. Thus no criticism was for us possible until 
the pre-eminence of Chaucer's work had helped to establish 
the dialect of London as the standard English speech, and 
until we possessed a certain body of literary work, both in 
prose and verse, which could be analyzed, commented on and 

We have here under our hand, and can easily trace as we 
turn over the pages, the gradual change in the conception of 
criticism. It begins with bare classification of the external and 
obvious, and the analysis of form, or, it is concerned only with 
the ethics of the matter : next it searches for the establishment 
of an outside fixed standard, by the degree of conformity to 
which it judges a work, and it delights in the manufacture of 
receipts for poetry. With Dryden comes the dawn of the 
conception of organic life and growth in matters literary ' for 
we have our Lineal Descents and Clans, as well as other 
Families ' in the eighteenth century the reaction to the judg- 
ment by fixed standard, and finally the gradual realization that 
aesthetic is not fixed, but relative, varying from age to age, and 
from country to country, and that criticism, even as poetry, 
is a creative art, whose true function lies in interpretation, in 
painting to the intellect what already ' lies painted to the heart 

7. The slow growth of critical power. . cxxxi 

and imagination.' 1 From this point of view the remarks on 
Chaucer by Ascham (1544), Gascoigne (1575), Nash (1592), 
Waller (1668), Dryden (1700), Johnson (1755), Warton (1774), 
Blake (1809), and Hazlitt (1817-18) would in themselves, if 
rightly read, form a short illustrated History of English 

Besides the new idea of the function of criticism and the 
change in the standard in critical judgment, we find here what 
is really a rather startling illustration of the curiously slow 
growth of any sort of critical power in the modern sense of the 

If we examine the comments on Chaucer which have any 
pretension to be called literary or aesthetic criticism (see list, 
p. xc above), we see that up to the middle of the sixteenth 
century they consist purely of praise of a very simple and vague 
kind, the vagueness and general nature of the remarks being 
their most striking feature. Elizabethan criticism is either 
a very elementary analysis of Chaucer's metre and language, 
or a tribute of admiration, or a defence of the poet against 
certain shortcomings with which he is charged. The sixteenth- 
century criticisms are good illustrations of how completely 
literature was treated as an external phenomenon; the work 
was tested * in vacuo,' 2 the critic was concerned with its unity, 
regularity, harmony and so on, but never with its relation to 
the mind that created it, or to the age in which it was written. 
Of the change in this respect which gradually took place in the 
seventeenth century, we cannot here judge, for of seventeenth- 
century Chaucerian criticism there is practically none, until 
in the last year of the century, quite suddenly, and as it were 
without any preparation, we find the first aesthetic criticism of 
his work, which is in many respects the finest, sanest and most 
illuminating essay ever written concerning Chaucer's merits 
and position as a poet. 

1 Carlyle, ' State of German Literature,' 1827, Miscellaneous Essays, 
1899, vol. i, p. 61. 

2 See Professor Spingarn in Introduction to Critical Essays of the 17 th 
Century, 1908, vol. i, pp. xxvii-viii. 

cxxxii 7. Introduction of comparative and historical criticism. 

Nothing more astonishingly brings out Dryden's greatness 
as a critic, his freedom, breadth, acuteness, courage, and 
extraordinary independence of view, than does his treatment 
of Chaucer. Not only is he the first writer to give us real 
criticism in the modern sense of the word, but in an age which 
despised Chaucer, and frankly looked upon him as barbarous 
and obsolete, 1 Dryden calmly compares him with Ovid, and 
maintains that the English poet is the more classical of the two. 
In this surprising and ever refreshing piece of criticism, Dryden 
makes use, for the first time as applied to Chaucer, of the com- 
parative and historical methods, both of which were new in 
English criticism. Before this time the mention of a date or of 
the fact that Chaucer is our first poet is the only evidence that a 
rudimentary historical sense existed. There is no attempt 
really to compare one writer with another, unless the simile 
' our English Homer ' is to be described as such. Dryden also 
shows the way to the study of poetry by definite illustration, 
quotation and comparison. This method was practically 
unknown in England until Rymer wrote his preface to Rapin 
in 1674, before which date, as has been pointed out, 2 ' scarcely 
a line of English verse had been quoted for the purpose of critical 
analysis or discussion.' Unfortunately, Rymer in discussing 
the heroic poets of England, passes Chaucer over, because in 
his time the English language was ' not capable of any Heroick 

After Dryden, criticism as an art stood still for more than a 
hundred years, or, indeed, it may more accurately be said to have 
gone back. This is well illustrated by the Chaucer criticism of 
the eighteenth century. George Sewell, in 1720, shows acute- 
ness in his remarks, putting his finger on the weak points in 
contemporary Chaucer criticism, and he gives two concrete 

1 The general and most lenient attitude towards Chaucer at this time 
is well represented by Edward Phillips (1675), who says that Chaucer 
' through all the neglect of former ag'd Poets still keeps a name, being 
by some few admir'd for his real worth, to others not unpleasing for his 
facetious way, which joyn'd with his old English intertains them with a 
kind of Drollery.' 

2 Introduction to Critical Essays of the llth Century, ed. Spingarn, 
vol. i, p. Ixv. 

7. Eighteenth-century criticism. cxxxiii 

illustrations of the statement he makes as to Dryden's debt to 
Chaucer. George Ogle (1739) also uses concrete illustrations, 
and attempts some comparison of qualities with the classical 
poets. Apart from these, which only stand out because other 
criticisms are so inadequate, there is nothing of real critical 
worth about Chaucer until we come to the revival in the third 
quarter of the century, which shows itself so strongly in the love 
for the literature of the past. Thomas Warton, first in his 
observations on Spenser (1754 and 1762), and later and more 
fully in his History of English Poetry (1774-78) ; Gray, in his 
notes on Chaucerian metre (1760-1), and Tyrwhitt, in his 
edition of the Canterbury Tales (1775), mark a new departure 
in interpretative, philological and metrical criticism. Warton 
is followed by Scott, Blake, Coleridge, Hazlitt, and the early 
nineteenth-century reviewers, but it was to be nearly ninety 
years before any worthy successor of Tyrwhitt again applied 
himself to the text of Chaucer. 

It is a fact worth noting, that the earliest literary critic, and the 
earliest philologist in England (in the modern sense of the terms), 
were alike in their love for Chaucer, and each of them has left 
as a monument to him, a work which was not even approached 
in merit for a century after its appearance. 


In addition to the evolution in taste, in critical standard, and 
critical faculty, we would seem also to have evolved new senses. 

An obvious instance of this is the feeling for nature, the 
development of which is so recent a feature of our literature. 
Why should this sense, more especially the appreciation of wild 
scenery, have lain practically dormant until the third quarter 
of the eighteenth century ? Why should mountains and moors 
until then have been found ' sad,' ' frightful ' and ' horrid ' ? 1 
1 Who can like the Highlands ? ' replied Dr. Johnson to an 
incautious inquiry from a Southerner as to how he had liked the 

1 See a letter from Mason to Walpole, 1773, Walpole's Letters, ed. 
Cunningham, vol. v, p. 501, note, or Life of John Buncle, by Thomas 
Amory, 1756, vol. i, p. 291 ; ii, p. 97, or Hutchinson's Excursion to the 
Lakes, 1773, pp. 11, 17. 

cxxxiv 8. The Evolution of new senses. 

North. An Englishman, describing in 1740 the beautiful road 
which runs along the south-eastern shore of Loch Ness, calls the 
rugged mountains ' those hideous productions of nature ' ; * the 
poet Gray, when crossing Perthshire early in September (1765), 
when the heather must have been a blaze of purple, describes 
it as ' a weird and dismal heath, fit for an assembly of witches ' ; 2 
and a little later (1775) we find the citizens of Edinburgh being 
urged to plant trees near the town so as to purify the air ' and 
dispel those putrid and noxious vapours which are frequently 
wafted from the Highlands.' 3 Twenty- three years later Words- 
worth and Coleridge were writing the Lyrical Ballads. 

A similar problem as regards the evolution of a sense meets 
us in respect of the subtle and well-nigh indefinable quality, 
which we now call humour. 

This faculty, which surely must be distinctively human, for 
the animals have it not, and the gods perchance transcend it, 4 
this consciousness of human life in relation to its eternal 
environment, this quick recognition of incongruity and contrast 
seen in the light of a larger wisdom ; this power of inverting the 
relative values of things both small and great, because of an 
instinct that from some point outside they would be seen to be 
neither small nor great, but only deeply significant this is a 
quality which, in its literary expression, is peculiarly English. 
Wit we cede to France, and philosophy to Germany, but in 
humour we stand supreme. 

It is an interesting, although an obviously natural fact that 
seriousness and humour constantly go together ; it is the most 
serious nations in Europe England and Spain who have on 
the whole been the most humorous. For humour implies 
belief, deep feeling, tenderness; and the dissonances of life 

1 Letters from a Gentleman in the North of Scotland, London, 1754, 
vol. ii, p. 339. 

2 Gray's Works, ed. Gosse, vol. iii, p. 214. 

3 Topham's Letters from Edinburgh, 1776, pp. 231, 233. 

4 ' A sense of humour is dependent on a condition of partial knowledge. 
Complete knowledge or complete ignorance are fatal to it. A Mrs. 
Gamp is not humorous to a Betsy Prig, for both are on the same level. 
Neither could be humorous to a Power, who knows everything and can be 
surprised at nothing and to whom no one thing is more incongruous than 
another.' W. H. Mallock. 

8. The earlier meaning of ' Humour.' cxxxv 

stand out more apparent to eyes which have been used ' to 
look on man's mortality.' x 

That the quality of humour existed in full measure in 
fourteenth-century England we know by reading Chaucer's 
Prologue, but we are forced to ask whether it was less common 
than now, only to be found here and there among men of 
genius. If it was as general and as well recognised as it is 
to-day, by what name was it called? The faculty, it would 
seem, is of late growth, in the race as in the individual, savages 
and children possess it very slightly and in a very elementary 
form. Possibly it is only yet in the germ. One thing is certain, 
that in Chaucer's time, and for long after, it was not called 
' humour/ for it is evident that no glimmering of .the modern 
meaning of that word was known until the very end of the 
seventeenth century. It is perhaps the most important of a 
number of words such as ' wit,' ' fancy,' ' taste ' which have 
so extended their meaning as to be new creations. These all 
came into being in their literary sense, as qualities of the mind, 
during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and brought 
about practically a new terminology in criticism. 

1 Humour,' which is literally ' moisture,' was first used in 
mediaeval physiology as a term for one of the chief fluids of the 
body (blood, phlegm, choler and melancholy), 2 and so by 
extension in the later sixteenth century in England it came .to 
mean the special singularity of disposition or character which 
distinguishes a man from his fellows. Shakespeare employs it 
in this sense, while Ben Jonson's use of it is characteristic. 3 

1 See The Evolution of Humour, by S. J. Butcher, in Harper's Magazine, 
May 1890, vol. 80, p. 906 : also The Humorous in Literature, by J. H. 
Shorthouse, in Literary Remains, 1905, vol. ii, pp. 248-280. 

2 So used by Chaucer, for example, in the Nonne Preestes Tale, 11. 

8 Thus, in the Induction to Every Man out of his Humour, Jonson, 
after explaining the medical notion of a humour, continues 
' It may by metaphor apply itself 
Unto the general disposition : 
As when some one peculiar quality 
Doth so possess a man, that it doth draw 
All his effects, his spirits, and his powers, 
In their confluctions, all to run one way 
This may be truly said to be a Humour.' 

cxxxvi 8. Humour a specially English Quality. 

Dryden, when expounding humour in his Essay of Dramatic 
Poesy (1668), does not seem conscious of any but the Jonsonian 
meaning, but there is no doubt that Shaftesbury, in his Essay 
on The Freedom of Wit and Humour (1709), gave it another inter- 
pretation, and looked upon it as an alternative to Wit. The 
fresh extension of meaning, from humours meaning singular 
traits of character, to humour a special and subtle quality of 
mind, seems to have taken place somewhere between these two 

Sir William Temple, in his Essay of Poetry (1692), certainly 
has something of the modern signification in his mind when he 
speaks of ' a vein, natural, perhaps to our country, and which 
with us is called humour a word peculiar to our language 
too, and hard to be expressed in another; nor is it, that I 
know of, found in any foreign writers, unless it be Moliere. 
Shakespeare was the first that opened this vein upon our 

Congreve, in his letter to Dennis (1695), 1 and the Swiss, 
Beat de Muralt, who visited England at the end of the 
seventeenth century, both speak of it as a universally 
recognized quality possessed by the English. * They have 
what they call Humour, and pretend 'tis all their own . . . 
it seems they mean by it a certain Fruitfulness of Imagina- 
tion, which for the most part tends to overthrow the Ideas 
of things, turning Virtue into Kidicule, and making Vice 
agreeable.' 2 

Whether Temple were responsible for the belief or no, it is 
certain that not only English but also French writers of the 
eighteenth century generally spoke of ' humour ' as something 
specially English, both as regards the quality and the word 

1 Letter from Congreve to Dennis, Concerning Humour in Comedy, 
July 10, 1695 [in] Letters upon several occasions, published by Mr. Dennis, 
London, 1696, pp. 80-96. Congreve gives the Jonsonian meaning to 
humour, with a slight indication of the wider extension in the use of the 
adjective ' humorously.' 

2 Letters describing the character and customs of the English and 
French, by Beat de Muralt (Eng. Trans., 1726), p. 28. 

8. The English claim to ' humour ' disputed, cxxxvii 

denoting it. 1 This claim was disputed by some writers; thus 
Swift, while agreeing with Temple that the word was peculiar 
to English, points out that the quality is to be found in other 
nations, and cites Cervantes in proof of this. 2 Voltaire goes a 
step further and maintains that neither the quality nor the word 
was the exclusive possession of English literature. 3 Addison, 
as early as 1711, points out very clearly 4 the difference between 
True and False Humour, and shows that a great deal was 
called ' humorous ' which did not deserve the name. Indeed there 
was much uncertainty in the use of the term throughout the 
eighteenth century, and even later. There is no question that 
although by some (e.g. Addison and Swift) the greatness of 
humour was recognized, yet in many minds the meaning of the 
word was degraded, and it was connected to some extent with 
* buffoonery ' or ' facetiousness,' and even with holding up 
something or some one as an object of ridicule. This was 

1 See Idee de la Poesie Anglaise, by Abbe Yart, Paris, 1749, i, pp. 195 
and 214; also Pensees et fragments inedits de Montesquieu, Bordeaux, 
1901, ii, pp. 8, 14-16; also Nouvelles Litteraires, &c., de France et 
d'Angleterre, Lettre xxii, 1752, pp. 2, 3; and as late as 1800, Madame de 
StaePs De la Litterature, chap, xiv, De la Plaisanterie Anglaise. For the 
whole subject of the development of humour, see an article by Benedetto 
Croce in the Journal of Comparative Literature, N. York, 1903, i, 222 ; 
also Etudes d'histoire litteraire, par F. Baldensperger, Paris, 1907, pp. 
176-227; Moliere et Shakespeare, par Paul Stapfer, Paris 1887, ch. vi 
and vii; and Critical Essays of the llth Century, ed. J. E. Spingarn, 
Oxford, 1908, Introduction, pp. ix-lxiii. 

2 The Intelligencer, 1698, No. 3. 

3 Letter to the Abbe d' Olivet, Aug. 20, 1761, (Euvres de Voltaire, ed. 
Moland, Paris, 1883, xli, 405. ' Us [les Anglais] ont un terme pour 
signifier cette plaisanterie, ce vrai comique, cette gaiete, cette urbanite, 
ces saillies qui echappent a un homme sans qu'il s'en doute ; et ils rendent 
cette id6e par le mot humeur, humour, qu'ils prononcent yumor; et ils 
croient qu'ils ont seuls cette humeur ; que les autres nations n'ont point 
de terme pour exprimer ce caractere d' esprit. Cependant c'est un ancien 
mot de notre langue, employe en ce sens dans plusieurs comedies de 
Corneille.' A passage illustrating Corneille's use of ' humeur * is quoted 
by Genin in Recreations Philologiques, i, p. 213-6, (Suite du Menteur 
(1643), III, i), but the meaning there seems to be ' original,' ' eccentric,* 
' something of a character,' rather than our modern sense of the term. 
See Corneille's Lexique ; ' humeur,* and note. Voltaire's definition of 
' esprit ' (wit) in his Dictionnaire philosophique is worth noting, as it seems 
to include certain qualities which we consider essentially characteristic of 
' humour.' 

4 The Spectator, No. 35, April 10, 1711. 

cxxxviii 8. Evolution of the meaning of ' Humour' 

obviously the meaning which Goldsmith had in his mind when 
he deliberately placed humour below wit; 1 while as late as 
1805, Sydney Smith evidently takes it to mean little more than 
' agreeable raillery and facetious remark.' 2 

It is not until nearly fifty years later (1851) that we find 
Thackeray giving a definition of the term that satisfies the 
modern mind. 3 

There can be no question, then, that although the quality 
itself is to be found as far back as Chaucer, the people as a 
whole possessed it only in an elementary and gross form, and 
were far less susceptible to it than they are to-day. ' Nothing/ 
says Goethe, * is more significant of men's character than what 
they find laughable.' George Eliot, in quoting this remark, 
observes that it would perhaps have been more accurate to say 
* culture ' instead of ' character.' 4 It is most certain that, as 
men evolve, as they grow in refinement, in quickness and delicacy 
of perception, in sensitiveness and in sympathy, their conception 
of what is humorous must grow proportionately. 

It is only necessary to stray a little in the by-paths, more 
especially of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century literature, to 
realize that in no one quality of mind is the growth of the race 
more marked and apparent than in this conception. We may 
briefly illustrate this point by the history of Chaucer criticism. 
In Chaucer we have a poet whose distinguishing quality of 
mind is a subtle, shifting, delicate and all-pervading humour, 
to which full justice has not perhaps even yet been done 5 ; yet 
through all these years of critical remark there" is until the 
eighteenth century no reference to the quality as we know it, 

1 ' Wit raises human nature above its level ; humour acts a contrary 
part and equally depresses it. To expect exalted humour is a contra- 
diction in terms . . when a thing is humorously described . . we compare 
the absurdity of the character represented with our own, and triumph 
in our own conscious superiority.*' An Enquiry into 'the Present State 
of Polite Learning in Europe, 1759, pp. 155, 156. 

2 Elementary Sketches of Moral Philosophy, by Sydney Smith, 1854, 
^Lecture xi, p. 144. 

3 In the opening paragraphs of The English Humourists of the 18th 

4 German Wit, Heinrich Heine, Westminster Review, 1856. 

5 See the excellent remarks on this by Prof. Saintsbury in the 
Cambridge History of English Literature, vol. ii, 1908, chap. vii. 

8. Chaucer's humour is unrecognized. cxxxix 

which he so amply possessed. There is a certain recognition 
among some earlier writers of his ' pleasant vayne and wit/ 
and his * delightsome mirth ' (see p. xcvii above), by which is 
probably meant his relish of a good story, his sly sense of fun, 
and the general atmosphere of good-humour which pervades 
his work, but there is no hint of appreciation of that deeper 
and more delicate quality alone deserving the name of 
1 humour,' which is insight, sympathy and tender seriousness, 
all brought into play upon the ever-present sense of the incon- 
gruous, and of the inconsistent in character and life. Of all 
this, as far as we can judge, they are unconscious. 

The first mention we find of the word ' humour ' as applied 
to Chaucer is in some verses by John Gay in 1712, where he 
speaks of Prior entertaining the admiring reader with ' Chaucer's 
Humour ' ; but we cannot be certain of the exact meaning here 
attached to the word, although if we may judge from the coarse 
and vulgar comedy which Gay in some sense founded on the 
Canterbury pilgrims, what he was most aware of in Chaucer 
was facetiousness, jokes and general jollity. In 1715 John 
Hughes clearly employs the word in the older Jonsonian sense 
of the predominating characteristic, but it would seem as if 
Pope, in 1728, when censuring Addison, was using the word 
with some approach to its modern meaning. So, surely, was 
Elizabeth Cooper (1737), when she says that Chaucer ' blended 
the acutest Kaillery, with the most insinuating Humour.' 

It is Thomas Warton who, in 1754, first uses the term in 
what we can be quite sure is something near the modern sense ; 
moreover he lays considerable emphasis on the fact that Chaucer 
was the first English writer to possess it. After Warton, the 
idea began very gradually to creep in that a sense of humour 
was one of the qualities of the poet. Bishop Percy (1765), in 
his remarks on Sir Thopas, and Charles Burney (1782), who 
speaks of Chaucer's ' wit and humour,' are cases in point. 1 It 
is not, however, until well on in the nineteenth century, not 
indeed until Leigh Hunt wrote on it in 1846, that Chaucer's 
humour seems to have met with any adequate recognition. 

1 It is worth noting that although Gray seems to use the word in its 
modern sense in speaking of Lydgate, he does not apply it at all to 
Chaucer (see 1760-1, Gray). 

cxl 9. Change in standard of accuracy and scholarship. 


The development along this line is here more conspicuous 
than perhaps anything else. It is so obvious that it is only 
necessary to give one or two illustrations in point. Consider, 
for instance, the history of Chaucer biography. The fertility 
of invention, the touching and unquestioning faith in the printed 
word, the unhesitating belief of later biographers in all the 
utterances of their predecessors, and the extraordinary blindness 
to contradiction and inaccuracy in statements of fact, these are 
characteristics which undergo little change up to the eighteenth 
century. Thus we know that Leland was as an antiquary 
quite justly much revered both by his contemporaries and 
succeeding generations, and the main body of his work was 
for full three hundred years accepted as authoritative. Much 
of his historical and topographical work was certainly most 
valuable, and proves him to have been painstaking and 
laborious, and he appears to have set before himself the 
very highest ideals as to research and accuracy; 1 indeed his 
name became almost synonymous with a passionate love of 
truth. 2 

Yet his life of Chaucer, which we have already examined, 
shows gross ignorance, carelessness and inaccuracy ; statements 
are* authoritatively made without any hesitation, which we 
know now could not have had any foundation in fact. 

We can understand that owing to scarcity of books and 
libraries, and difficulties of access to public records, it was not 

1 See Leland's ' New Year's Gift,' in The Itinerary of John Leland, ed. 
L. Toulmin Smith, 1907, vol. i, pp. xxxviii-xli. 

2 Bale refers to this in his ' Kynge Johan z (ed. J. P. Collier, Camden 
Society 1838, 11. 2163-4), written probably when Leland was insane, when 
he makes Verity say, opposing a supposed lie of the Romanist, Polydore 

' Yes ! therefore, Leylonde, out of thy slumbre awake, 
And wytnesse a trewthe for thyne owne contrayes sake. 1 

9. The inaccuracy of Leland and others. cxli 

easily within the power even of scholars to verify their facts, 
and it does not surprise us to find that so careful a critic as 
Dryden takes on trust all the assertions of earlier biographers, 
or accepts unquestioningly Chaucer's authorship of the Plow- 
man's Tale and even confuses it with the Vision of Piers Plow- 
man, until lately thought to be by Langland. What remains 
a puzzle is the apparent lack of perception of obvious errors and 
inconsistencies within these narratives themselves. For instance 
Leland represents Chaucer as highly esteemed by Henry IV 
and his son (Henry V), and yet, although the generally accepted 
date for Chaucer's death was 1400, Tyrwhitt is, so far as we 
know, the first writer to point out that Leland evidently con- 
sidered Chaucer as living at least 20 years later than he really 
did. Far from noticing this blunder, succeeding historians 
only made it more definite, and we find Giles Jacob in 1720, in 
his Lives of the English Poets, stating that Chaucer was Poet 
Laureate in the reigns of Henry IV and Henry V, and that he 
died in 1400. The fact that the reigns of these two kings 
extend from 1399-1422 seems to escape the notice, not only 
of the writer of these * Lives,' but also of his readers. 

Another point well illustrated here is the slender equipment 
thought necessary by the best authorities for the editing of a 
great classic. We know that as late as the eighteenth century 
men of letters, though as a rule possessed of wide general 
knowledge and interests, entirely lacked the training and 
specialization in any one branch of study which to-day seems so 
essential. They attempted, and carried through single-handed, 
tasks, such as Gibbon's History and Johnson's Dictionary, 
which to-day would afford life-long employment to a small 
army of specialists. 

Plenty of courage and a Scottish extraction, although good 
qualifications in their way, would not to a modern Dean of 
Christ Church seem sufficient grounds upon which to persuade 
a man to undertake a critical edition of Chaucer. Yet Dr. 
Atterbury appears to have urged this task on John Urry 
mainly for these two reasons. As we know, Dr. Johnson him- 
self seriously contemplated editing Chaucer with full critical 

cxlii 9. Lack of critical scholarship in the 18th century. 

apparatus of notes and linguistic remarks, and although better 
equipped than Urry, his qualifications for the task were. not 
striking. The fact is that critical scholarship and minute 
and searching investigation were at this time practically un- 
known, and therefore were not regarded as necessary. Gold- 
smith, in addition to his imaginative work, produced with 
equal ease and confidence histories of England, of Rome, of 
Greece, and of the Earth and Animated Nature ; and Johnson, 
when writing his ' Lives,' could not be troubled to make many 
researches or to do much reading for the purpose, 1 preferring to 
trust to his sound common-sense and wide general knowledge. 
This lack of thoroughness and scholarly accuracy may be 
forgiven in Johnson or Goldsmith, and the more easily when we 
realize the general lowness of standard in this respect which is 
so marked in the work of the smaller writers and commentators 
in connection with Chaucer criticism until the middle of the 
nineteenth century. A study of these brings home to us what 
strides ordinary scholarship has made during the last hundred 
years, and how changed are our ideals and requirements in 
this connection. The modernizations of Chaucer in 1841 have 
already been cited as a good illustration of this (see p. lix 
above) ; we will add only one more. In 1795 the Rev. William 
Lipscomb, a scholar of Corpus Christi, who had carried off a 
Chancellor's prize at Oxford, was private tutor and chaplain 
to the Duke of Cleveland, and a constant contributor to the 
Gentleman's Magazine, published a complete modernization of 
the Canterbury Tales ; in the preface he states that the Life of 
Chaucer he reprints is * taken from the valuable edition of his 
original works published by Mr. Tyrwhitt.' Not only is the ' Life ' 
which Lipscomb prints taken wholesale from the Biographia 
Britannica for 1747, but remarks in it are diametrically 
opposed in important particulars (as regards language, etc,) 

1 For instance, in writing of Congreve, Johnson says, ' Of his plays 
I cannot speak distinctly; for since I inspected them many years have 
passed, but what remains in my memory is . . .' and a critical account 
follows. A nineteenth-century writer, even of the same eminence as 
Johnson, would have re-read the plays. 

9. Dante and Chaucer through the centuries. cxliii 

to what Tyrwhitt says in his essay. 1 But this is not all. 
Lipscomb, who apparently much admired Chaucer, had under- 
taken to reprint all existing modernizations of the Tales, and 
to supply omissions by his own renderings. One would there- 
fore not unnaturally assume that before publication he would 
make himself familiar with the literature of the subject. He 
does not, however, thus trammel himself. He reprints the 
versions of Ogle, Betterton, Dryden, Pope, Brooke, Markland, 
Grosvenor and Boyse, which appear in Ogle's edition of 1741, 
but he supplies his own version of the Nun's Priest's Tale, 
for, as he tells us in a naive Postscript, 2 he did not know, 
until the book was finished, of the existence of a version 
by Dryden. Comment is superfluous, except to add that 
Lipscomb got some excellent reviews. 

Our material has been considered from various points of 
view, and these notes must now end. Each reader will, how- 
ever, find other aspects from which it may be regarded, and 
other problems upon which it may possibly throw a ray of 

The collection itself must in one sense remain unique. Of 
no other great ErTglish poet will it be possible, for a century and 
a half to come, to collect a continuous record of the critical 
opinion of his countrymen during five hundred years. Indeed 
there is only one other European poet, greater even than 
Chaucer the fluctuations of whose fame can be followed during 
these special centuries, which bridge over the time of transition 
from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance, and from the 
Renaissance to the modern world. 

Dante and Chaucer, seer and humanist could the body 
of opinion on these two poets throughout the centuries be 

1 Tyrwhitt wrote no ' life ? of Chaucer, only an ' abstract of historical 

2 ' I have barely time here, the Tales being already almost all printed 
off, to apologize to the Reader for having inserted my own translation 
of the Nun's Priest's Tale, instead of that of Dryden : but the fact was, 
I did not know that Dryden's version existed; . . . having never till 
very lately, strange as it may seem, seen the volume of Dryden's Fables, 
in which it may be found.' Postscript, vol. i, p. xi. 

cxliv 9. The Prophecy of Spenser is fulfilled. 

studied together, it would light up a good deal of literary 
history. In many ways, as is natural, there is resemblance 
between their fortunes, although the Englishman never en- 
countered anything like the discredit and even abuse which in 
the eighteenth century fell to Dante's lot. 1 Now, however, 
each poet rests secure in his appointed niche in the great ' Hous 
of Fame,' and the history of their reputation seems but a 
fulfilment of the half bitter, half triumphant words of Spenser : 

For deeds doe die, how ever noblie donne, 
And thoughts of men do as themselves decay ; 
But wise wordes, taught in numbers for to runne, 
Kecorded by the Muses, live for ay ; 
Ne may with storming showers be washt away, 
Ne bitter-breathing windes with harmfull blast, 
Nor age, nor envie, shall them ever wast. 

1 See the remarks on Dante by Lord Chesterfield, who writes to his 
son that the poet is not worth the pains necessary to understand him ; 
Goldsmith, who regards him as little better than a barbarian, who owed 
' most of his reputation to the obscurity of the times in which he lived * ; 
Horace Walpole, who characterizes him as ' extravagant, absurd, dis- 
gusting, in short, a Methodist parson in Bedlam ' ; Thomas Warton, who 
is shocked by his ' disgusting fooleries ' ; and above all Voltaire, who 
scarce can find words to express his contempt. Fer all these, and the 
whole question of Dante criticism in England, see Dante in English 
Literature from Chaucer to Gary, by Dr. Paget Toynbee, 1909. 




AND ALLUSION (1357-1900) 











1922 for the Issue of 1914. 











FOR many of the additional entries of the sixteenth and seven- 
teenth centuries we are indebted to Professor Hyder E. Rollins, 
of New York, who very kindly placed at our disposal a collection 
which he had made while working on the Elizabethan ballad- 
writers and on the influence of Henryson. 

In a prefatory note Professor Rollins says : 

" By far the majority of these allusions is to Troilus and 
Criseyde, and the number could be almost indefinitely increased. 
In her Chaucer devant la Critique en Angleterre et en France 
(1911) . . . Miss Spurgeon shows clearly enough that the Troilus 
up to 1700 (and later, for that matter) 'est de beaucoup le 
plus populaire, le plus gen^ralement connu et le plus frequem- 
ment cite de tous les poemes de Chaucer.' But in the Chaucer 
Allusions her treatment of Troilus and Criseyde is not wholly 
satisfactory. Wherever possible, she has rigidly excluded every 
line that savors, or seems to savor, of Henryson's Testament 
of Cresseid, although from 1535 to 1650 this poern was, by almost 
all readers and editors, thought to be Chaucer's own work, and 
it so completely changed the course of Chaucer's narrative that 
after about 1560 Henryson's Cresseid, not Chaucer's Criseyde, 
was the heroine always thought of, whether or not her leprosy 
was explicitly mentioned. Only a few allusions to Henryson's 
Cresseid have crept in here, but by excluding them one cannot 
hope justly to show the influence of Chaucer's own poem. 

There are, to be sure, a number of tests by which one can 
separate allusions to Chaucer's story from allusions to Henryson's 
if one is determined to adopt so modern and unjustifiable an 
attitude. When, for example, George Gascoigne wrote : 

I found naught else but trickes of Cressides kinde, 
Which playnly proud e that thou weart of hir bloud. 
I found that absent Troylus was forgot, 
When Dyomede had got both brooch and belt, 
Both gloue and hand, yea harte and all, God wot, 
When absent Troylus did in sorowes swelt, 


2 Appendix A. [A.D. 1391- 

he was certainly thinking of the Testament, from which he bor- 
rowed the 'belt' and its riming-mate 'swelt.' But these lines 
are closely followed by three others which imitate verses in 
Chaucer's Troilus (see No. 27). Again, in a passage quoted by 
Miss Spurgeon (p. 110), Gascoigne refers to Cressid's unchastity 
with mention of both Chaucer and 'Lollius,' only to continue (in 
lines not quoted in the Chaucer Allusions) with a brief summary 
of Henryson's story. Gascoigne evidently thought that his 
information came from Chaucer; and the two allusions which 
Miss Spurgeon gives from the Posies utterly fail to indicate the 
enormous fascination the Troilus-Cressida story, as told in every 
edition of Chaucer's works known to Gascoigne, had upon him. 
Miss Spurgeon remarks, to be sure, that ' there are several refer- 
ences to Cresside in Gascoigne' s poems; these are possibly to 
Chaucer's poem, but no special reference is made to him.' When, 
however, Gascoigne wrote even such an insignificant line as 

As Pandars niece (if she wer here) would quickly giue hir 
place, 1 

he was definitely referring to Chaucer. For Chaucer invented 
the niece-fiction, and Pandar is not once mentioned in the Testa- 
ment. So, too, when poets tell us that Troilus knew in love no 
law until he saw Cressid praying at the church (Nos. 16, 18, 22) 
or that Troilus ' by help of his friend Pandarus ' gained Cressid's 
love (No. 36), they are indisputably referring to Chaucer, however 
unimportant the allusion may be. 

Peculiarly enough, too, the Chaucer Allusions contains only one 
quotation from George Turbervile a bare reference in his Book of 
Falconry (1575) to 'a Canterbury tale'; whereas the Troilus- 
Cressida story influenced Turbervile even more than Gascoigne. 
He alluded to it constantly, though, like Gascoigne, he usually 
had the Cresseid of the Scotch poet in mind (see Nos. 19, 26, 40). 
Some distinction, of course, must be made between allusions to 
genuine and to uncanonical works, but in drawing a sharp dis- 
tinction between Troilus and Criseyde and the Testament of 
Cresseid, an allusion book might almost defeat its own purpose." 

It is, however, only partly true that we have drawn a distinc- 
tion between Chaucer's genuine and uncanonical works. It seemed 
to us that where a writer expressed an opinion about one of 
the latter, he was, if he attributed it to Chaucer, and not other- 
wise, expressing an opinion about Chaucer. And false and 
unfounded opinions about him may be as significant as true and 
well-founded ones. Thus it is surely of the greatest interest to 

1 Complete Poems of Gascoigne, ed. Hazlitt, I. 55. 

1420] Appendix A. 3 

note the rise and decay of the legend based on the acceptance as 
genuine of the Court of Love and Testament of Love ; and all such 
allusions are carefully collected here. Allusions to the story of 
Troilus which do not clearly point to Chaucer's story are really 
on the border-line ; they may be taken in the main as involving a 
tacit attribution of Henryson's poem to him, and so far Professor 
Rollins's criticism is just. Considerations of time and space, 
however, prevent us from making a special search for additions 
which would be numerous and of very minor importance. But 
with this reservation we have gratefully incorporated nearly all 
Professor Rollins's entries ; they are distinguished by their 
numbers in his series, to facilitate the references in his note 
quoted above. 

1391, June 17. Writ commanding Chaucer to deliver to John Gedney 
the office of Clerk of the Works. Exch. Q.R. Accounts, Works W. 
(Kirk 236.) 

1412-20. Lydgate, John. The hystorye, sege and dystrwcyon of Troy e. 
MS. Cott. AUK. 4, fol. 48 6. [See pt. i, pp. 23, 24 above. These 
are additional references.] 

quoted in In any wyse to adde more per-to 

above.] For wel I wot anoon as I haue do 

pat I in soth no panke disserue may 

Because pat he [Chaucer] in writyng was so gay 

And but I write I mote pe troupe leue 

Of troye boke and my mater breue 

And ouer-passe and nat go by and by 

[col. 2] As Guydo do]) in ordre ceryously 

And pus I most don offencioun 
poru^e necligence or presumpcioun 
So am I sette euene amyddes tweyne 
Gret cause haue I & mater to compleyne. 
[7 following lines are quoted in pt. i, p. 24 above, ending] 
To god I pray pat he his soule haue 
After whos help of nede I most crave 
And seke his boke [Troilus] pat is left be hynde 
Som goodly worde per in for to fynde 
To sette amonge pe crokid lynys rude 
Whiche I do write as by similitude 

4 Appendix A. [A.D. 1420- 

pe ruby stant so royal of renoun 

With Time a ryng of copur or latoun 

So stant ]>e makyng of hym doutles 

Among oure bokis of englische perles 

pei arn ethe to knowe )?ei ben so excellent 

per is no makyng to his equipolent 

We do but halt who so take)) hede 

pat medle of makyng with outen any drede 

Whan we wolde his stile comzterfet 

We may al day oure colour grynde & bete 

Tempre our a}our and vennyloun 

But al I holde but presumpciou^ 

[c. 1420 ?] Unknown. Inscription on MS. Cotton Galba E. 5 ix, fol. 1 b. 
[Quoted in J. Hall's Poems of Laurence Minot, 1914, p. vii.] 

[Rollins 1.] 
Chaucer, Exemplar emendate scriptum. 

1430. Lydgate, John. Fall of Princes. 

He wrot also / f ul many a day agone, 

Dante in ynglyssh / hym-sylff so doth expresse, 

The pitous story of Ceix and Alcyone . . . 

[See pt. i, p. 38. We believe that Professor Kittredge has pointed out, though not 
in print, that Lydgate here does not say that Chaucer wrote "Dante in English," 
but is merely calling Chaucer " our English Dante," and repeating Chaucer's own 
statement in Prol. L.O. W. that he had written Ceyx and Alcyone. In any case the 
Hous of Fame is far more French than Italian.] 

[c. 1444. Lydgate, John.] Poem on the truce of 1444. 
Comoun Astrologeer . . . 

[See pt. i, p. 46. Professor Tatlock points out that this phrase for the Cock is from 
Troilus, iii, 1415.] 

[c. 1445 ? De la Pole, William, Duke of Suffolk ?] How the loner ys sett 
to serve the floure, stanzas 3 and 4. MS. Fairfax 16, Bodleian 
Library, fol. 326. [Printed by Dr. H. N. MacCracken in Publica- 
tions of the Modern Language Association of America, vol. xxvi, 
No. 1, March 1911, p. 169.] 

So wolde god, that my symple connyng 

Ware sufficiaunt this goodly flour to prayse, 

For as to me ys non so ryche a thyng 

That able were this flour to countirpayse, 
O noble Chaucer, passyd ben thy dayse, 

Off poetrye ynamyd worthyest, 

And of makyng in alle othir days the best. 

1450] Appendix A, 5 

Now thou art gon, thyn helpe I may not haue ; 

Wherfor to god I pray, ryght specially, 
Syth thou art ded, and beryde in thy graue, 

That on thy soule hym lyst to haue mercy. 

And to the monke of bury now speke I, 
For thy cormyng, ys syche, and eke thy grace, 

After Chaucer to occupye his place. 

[For the question of authorship see the article by Dr. 
H. N. MacCracken referred to above, An English Friend 
of Charles of Orleans, in Publications of the Modern Lan- 
guage Association of America, vol. xxvi, pp. 142 et seq. Dr. 
MacCracken thinks Suffolk was the translator of Charles 
d'Orleans's poems (MS. Harleian 682). With regard to the 
Chaucer reference in these English poems in the Roxburghe 
edn., see above, pt. ii, sect, i, p. 167, 1827, Taylor.] 

[c. 1445.] Unknown. Headline to 'Lack of Stedfastness.' 

[In MS. Bodley Hatton 73 there is an older title to Lack 
of Stedfastness discovered by Dr. H. N. MacCracken by 
applying acid. The revived title reads :] 

Geffrey Chauncier sende these Balades to kyng Richard. 
[See Modern Language Notes, Nov. 1908, p. 214.] 

[a. 1450.] Unknown. The Tale of Beryn. The Prologue, or the 
mery adventure of the Pardonere and Tapstere at the Inn at Canter- 
bury. Duke of Northumberland's MS., fol. 188, verso. (Chaucer 
Society, ed. F. J. Furnivall and W. G. Stone, 1887, p. 22, II. 680-4. 
The transcript is taken from this edition, not from the MS.) 

Now, quod J?e hoost of Southwork [MS. Southword], 

& to ]?e feleshipp bent. 

Who sawe evir so feir, or [evir] so glad a day ? 
And how sote this seson is, entring in to may, 
*[When Chauceres daysyes sprynge. Herke eek the 

fowles syngyng,] 
The thrustelis & the thrusshis, in ]>is glad mornyng. 

[The Tale of Beryn is a supplement to the Canterbury 
Tales, and in the prologue Chaucer's characters (the Pardoner, 
Sompnour, Reve, the Clerk, of ' Oxinforth,' the Kny^t, the 
Miller, etc., and the Hoost of Southwork ') are depicted at 
Canterbury, and we see their adventures there. On the way 
back they decide not to draw lots as to who shall tell a tale, 
and the Merchant offers to tell the tale of Beryn. The 

* This line is not in Urry, and was apparently supplied by Dr. Furnivall. 

6 Appendix A. [A.D. 1450- 

Prologue is thus an indirect appreciation of Chaucer's work, 
in its sincerest form, imitation. It opens thus :] 

When aft this ffresshfe] feleship were com to Cauntirbury, 

As ye have herd to-fore, with talys glad & merry, 

(Som of sotift centence, of 1 vertu & of love, 

And som of 1 othir myrthis, for hem fat hold no store 

Of wisdom, ne of 1 holynes, ne of 1 chiualry, 

Nethir of 1 vertuouse matere, but [holich] to foly 

Leyd wit & lustis aft, to such [e nyce] lapis 

As Hurlewaynes meyne in every hegg that capes 

Thurgh unstabift mynde, . . .) 

They toke hir In, & loggit hem at mydmorowe, I trowe 

Atte " Cheker of the hope " pat many a man doith knowe. 

[c. 1450.] Burgh, Benedict. Translation of Gato's Disticha Moralia, 
stanza 41. [MS. Harl. 4733, fol. 9 1.] 

The lymytour fat vysiteth the wyfys 
Ys wyse y-nough of hym a man may lere 
To ^eue gnidelis [needles] pynnys and knyuys 
This craff is good thys doth the sely frere 
3euith thyngys smale for thyngys }>at bene dera 
3 if thu resceyue ^eue ay sum what agayne 
And that wull noryssh frendys dere sertayne. 

[According to Caxton's prologue to his own translation of Cato, 1483, Burgh made 
his for William, Viscount Bourchier ; the latter was probably not born much before 
1435, and was married in 1466. It is likely that this translation was made for him 
during his youth. The reference is to ProL, 11. 233-4.] 

1450[-51]. Cumberworth, Sir Thomas. Will, made 15 Feb. 1450-51. 
[In Bishop Marmaduke Lumley's Register at Lincoln ; printed 
in Lincoln Diocese Documents, 1450-1544, eel. Andrew Clark, 
E. E. T. Soc., 1914, p. 49.] 

And I will my nese Annes . . . haue ... my boke of 
the talys of cantyrbury. 

[c. 1450.] Shirley, John. Headline to Stanza in Lord Ellesrnere's 
Lydgate MS., fol. 3, foot. 

To yowe Chaucer. 

[This comes at the foot of the page, and the verso is blank. 
Possibly the stanza intended to follow it was the ' commend- 
acions of Chaucer' from Lydgate's Life of Our Lady. See 
above, 1409-11.] 

1470] Appendix A. 7 

[c. 1450.] Unknown. Headline to ' Truth. 1 

[In MS. Bodley Hatton 73, there is an older headline to 
Truth, discovered by Dr. H. N. MacCracken. It reads :] 

'Chauncier [his 1 ?] balade up on his deth bed.' 

[This is interesting, as the statement is thus placed on an 
earlier and firmer basis than John Shirley's word in MS. 
Tr. Coll. R. 3. 20 ; for Hatton is not derived from Shirley. 
See Modern Language Notes, Nov. 1908, p. 214.] 

[c. 1450.] Unknown. A Song between Palamon, Ersyte, and Emlyn. 
[Five stanzas, "copied from a MS. of the time of Henry VI. pre- 
served in the library of Trinity College, Dublin," and printed in 
Wright and Halliwell's Eeliquiae Antiquae, vol. ii, p. 11.] 

[Rollins 2.] 
[st. 4] O thou, Emlyne, thi fayrenes 

Brought Palamon and Ersyte in gret distresse ; 
In a garden whan thou didist syng 
So fresshely in a May mornyng. 

[c. 1470 ?] Unknown. Selections and alterations in the manuscript of 
Chaucer's Monkes Tale in Trinity College, Cambridge MS., B. 3, 19. 
[On folio 170 b a prohemium begins, 

Worshipfull 'and dyscrete that here present be 
I wyll yow tell a tale, two or thre, 

which continues in the terms of the monk's opening speech, 
Oxford Chaucer, B. 3158-3180. The first line as here given, 
and the alteration in the second line are the work of the 
person who made the extracts ; the rest are all Chaucer's. 
There follows the Monkes Tale, B. 3181-3196 (De Lucifero). 
Then, because Chaucer has not done justice to Adam in his 
one poor stanza, the scribe substitutes Lydgate's long 
account of Adam in the Fall of Princes, and certain envoys 
from the same source, in Bk. I, chaps. 1, 3, 4, 8 (in part). 
This takes up to folio 179, where the scribe goes back 
to Monkes Tale and completes it (with the exception of 
11. 3565-3588, and 1. 364 which are omitted) from Sampson 
to Cresus, B. 3205-3956. 

Having completed the Monkes Tale, and added his Explicit, 
the scribe goes on with the extracts and envoys from the 
Fall of Princes, in the following order : Books I, chapters 6, 
7, 9, 11, 12, 14, 18, 23 ; II, 2, 4, 6, 12, 13, 15, 21, 22, 25, 
27, 30; III, 5,9, 10, 14, 17, 20. 

This is notable as an indication of the taste which 

8 Appendix A. [A.D. 1474- 

could select this tale of all others for reading, and then 
substitute Lydgate for Chaucer. 

See note by Dr. H. N. MacCracken in Modern Language 
Notes, March 1908, p. 93, from which this is summarised.] 

[1474.] Caxton, William. The Eecuyell of the Historyes of Troye. 
(Ed. H. 0. Sommer, vol. ii, pp. 601, 604.) 

[Rollins 3.] 

[p. 60i] Calcas that by the comandement of Appolyn had lefte 
the troians / had a passing fayr doughter and wyse named 
breseyda / Chaucer in his booke that he made of Troylus 
named her creseyda. 

[p. 604] Ther was neuer seen so moche sorowe made betwene two 
louers at their departyng / who that lyste to here of alle 
theyr loue / late hym rede the booke of troyllus that chawcer 
made / wherin he shall fynde the storye hooll / whiche were 
to longe to wryte here. 

1476-7. Spirleng, Geoffrey and Thomas. Colophon to MS. Hunterian 
197. Omterbury Tales. (Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the 
. . . Hunterian Museum, 1908, p. 140.) 

[f. i02vo.] Orate pro salute animarum Galfridi Spirleng Ciuis Norwici 
Court holder Clerici maioratus et Comitatis dicte Comitatis 
ac Thome Spirleng filij sui qui scribendo hunc librum com- 
plenerunt mense Januarij anno domini Millesimo cccc mo 
Ixxvj que [quo?] tempore dictus Galfridus quasi quinqua- 
ginta et dictus Thomas quasi Sedecimo etatis extiterunt 

[c. 1490.] Colet, John. Study of Chaucer. See supra, pt. i, p. 73, 
Erasmus, 1619. 

[In pt. 5, p. 73, this is entered under 1519, the date of Erasmus' letter ; but it 
s' ould have been entered as c. 1490; for Erasmus distinctly refers to the period 
of Colet'a life prior to his journey to Italy in 1493.] 

[r. 1500.] Unknown. A ryght pleasaunt and merye Historie of the 
Mylner of Abyngdon, with his wife, and his fayre daughter: and 
of two poor scholers of Cambridge . . . Imprinted at London by 
JKycharde Ihones. 

[The unique copy of this edition is in the Bodleian ; that 
of Wynkyn de Worde's, also undated, was at Britvvell. The 
poem is probably much older than any printed edition. 

The plot is that of the fieves Tale, but it may be inde- 
pendently derived from a French fabliau. See the reprint 
in Thomas Wright's Anecdota Literaria, 1844.] 

1507] Appendix A. 9 

1501. Douglas, Gavin. The Palis of Honoure. (Poetical Works, 
ed. J. Small, 1874, vol. i, p. 22.) [1st ed. in B.M., Copland [1553], 
sig. C 4 b.] 

[Rollins 5.] 

Thair wes Arsyte, and Palemon alswa 
Accumpanyit with fare Emylya, 
The quene Dido with hir fals luf Enee, 
Trew Troylus, vnfaythfull Cressida. 

[Mr. Rollins says : " The context makes it almost 
certain that Douglas had in mind the Legend of Good 
Women (cf. Miss Spurgeon's quotation, p. 71, from Douglas) 
as well as the Troilus and the Knight's Tale. There are 
other allusions in Douglas similar to this." See also above, 
pt. i, p. 65.] 

[71.6. 1606.] Unknown. Verses, written on the flyleaf of a copy of 
Durandus, Rationale Divinorum Officiorum, Lyons, 1506, printed 
in Notes and Queries, ser. i, vol. vii, pp. 568-9, 11 June 1853, 
by W. H. G. 

[Stanza 4th and last begins :] 

O ye imps of Chynner [i. e. Chaucer], ye Lydgatys pene, 
With the spright of bookkas ye goodly inspirryd, 
Ye Ynglyshe poet [etc.]. 

[c. 1507.] Skelton, John. Phyllyp Sparowe. (Works, ed. A. Dyce, 
1855, I, 84-85), 11. 672 ff. [Earliest ed. in B.M., Kele [15451], 
sig. B 8 b -C l b .] [See also above, pt. i, p. 68.] 

[Rollins 6.] 

And though I can expounde 
Of Hector of Troye, . . . 
And of the loue so hote 
That made Troylus to dote 
Vpon fayre Cressyde, 
And what they wrote and sayd, 
And of theyr wanton wylles 
Pandaer [sic] bare the bylles 
From one to the other ; 
His maisters loue to further, 
Sometyme a presyous thyng, 
An ouche, or els a ryng ; 
From her to hym agayn 
Somtyme a prety chayn, 

10 Appendix A. [A.D. 1510- 

Or a bracelet of her here; 
Prayd Troy 1 us for to were 
That token for her sake ; 
How hartely he dyd it take, 
And moche therof dyd make 
And all that was in vayne, 
For she dyd but fa} 7 ne ; 
The story telleth playne . . . 
Disparaged is her fame ; 
And blemysshed is her name, 
In maner half with shame ; 
Troylus also hath lost 
On her moch loue and cost, 
And now must kys the post ; 
Pandara [sic], that went betwene, 
Hath won nothing, I wene, 
But lyght for somer grene ; 
Yet for a speciall laud 
He is named Troylus baud, 
Of that name he is sure, 
Whyles the world shall dure. 

[c. 1510.] Skelton, John. Skelton Lanriate Defender] Agenst M. 
Garnesche Challenger, et Cetera. (Works, ed. Dyce, 1843, 2 vols., 
vol. i, p. 117.) 

[Rollins 7.] 

. your semely snowte doth passe, 
Howkyd as a hawkys beke, lyke Syr Topyas. 

[Sir Thopas, 11. 17-18.] 

[Skelton possibly had these verses also in mind when he 
later wrote of Garnesche ( Works, vol. i, p. 130) : 

For thow hast a long snowte, 
A semely nose and a stowte.] 

1616. Cornish, William. The Story of Troylous and Pandor [sic]. 
[Unpublished. See C. W. Wallace, Evolution of the English 
Drama up to Shakespeare, Berlin, 1912, pp. 48, 60-2, 54.] 

[Rollins 8.] 

[This comedy was played by fifteen actors on Twelfth 
Night, 1515/16. Cornish took the rdle of Calchas. " The 

1528] Appendix A. 11 

children acted the roles of Troilus, Cressid, Diomed, Pandor 
[sic], Ulysses, and others not named. . . . The play was a 
free adaptation of the love-theme of Chaucer's Troilus and 
Criseyde. . . . Even Chaucer's ' Crisey da in widowes habite 
blak ' remained in the account of the furnishings as ' Kryssyd 
imparylled lyke a wedow of onour, in blake sarsenet and 
other abelements for seche mater.' " Other borrowings 
from Chaucer are also discussed by Professor Wallace.] 

[c. 1520.] Unknown. Here is the boke of mayd Emlyn that had .v. 
Husbandes and all kockoldes, John Skot, n.d. (Ud. E. F. Rhn- 
bault, Percy Society, 1842, vol. vi, pp. 13-29.) 

[Rollins 9.] 

[p. 15] mayde Emlynne, 

That had husbandes fyue, 
And all did neuer thryue. 

[p. 16] She coude byte and whyne. 

[Cf. " For as an hors I coude byte and whyne." 

Wife of Bath's Prologue, i, 386.] 

[Rimbault, p. viii, remarks that this poem " bears some 
slight resemblance " to the Wife of Bath's Prologue. The 
resemblance is far from slight. Chaucer's poem no doubt 
suggested this Mayd Emlyn. The whole tone of the two 
poems is the same, although the author has greatly debased 

1523. Skelton, John. Skelton, Laureate, &c. Howe the Douty Duke 
of Albany. Lyke a Cowarde Knyght, Ran Awaye Shamfully, with 
an Hundred Thousande Tratlande Scottes and Faint Harted 
Frenchmen, beside the Water of Tivede, & c. (Works, ed. A. Dyce, 
1855, ii, 330.) 

[Rollins 10.] 

But hyde the, sir Topias, 
Nowe into the castell of Bas, 
lurke there, like an as. 

1528. Tyndale, William. The Obedience of a Christen Man, To the 
Reader, f. xx, recto. (Ed. by R. Lovett [1888], Christian Classics 
Series, no. v, p. 67.) 

They [the ecclesiastical authorities] permitte & sofre you 
to reade Robyn hode & bevise of hampton, hercules, hector 
and troylus with a tousand histories & fables of love & 
wantones & of rybaudry . . . 

12 Appendix A. [A.D. 1531- 

1531-2. Gaunte, William. Will of 12 March 1531-2 (proved 16 
April 1532), [in] Lincolnshire Witts, 1500-1600, ed. A. K. 
Maddison, 1888, p. 8. 

[In this will William Gaunte, of Biddlethorpe, Lincoln- 
shire gives his son John] 

Certain inglysh bokes : Legenda aurea, Crownacles, 
Canterbury tales, and lyttylton teners. 

[This was perhaps a copy of one of Caxton's editions.] 

[n.a. 1534.] Unknown. The Payne and Sorowe of Euyll Maryage 
Wynkyn de Worke (Percy Societv reprint, 1840). 

[Rollins 12.] 

[Wynkyn de Worde died in 1534.] 

[st. 14] ... Salamon sayth there be thynges thre, 
Shrewde wyves, rayne, and smokes blake 
Make husbandes ofte theyr house to forsake. 

[Possibly a reference to Wife of Bath's Prologue, ii, 278 
81, but the passage in Proverbs was very often quoted.] 

[st. 16] They them re Joyce to se and to be sene, 
And for to seke sondrye pylgrymages, 
At greate gaderynges to walke on the grene, 
And on scaffoldes to sytte on hygh stages, 
If they be fayre to shewe theyr vysages. 

[Possibly a reference to Wife of Bath's Prologue, ii, 555- 

1538. Smyth, Walter. Will. (P. C. C. Wills, 8 Cromwell, 1538.) 
To John More, Chauscer of Talles. 

[Walter Smyth, the author of the Twelve Merry Jests of the Widow Edith, was a 
member of the household of Sir Thomas More.] 

[a, 1542.] Wyatt, Sir Thomas. Influence of Chaucer. 

[The influence on Wyatt of Chaucer's verse as read in 
Pynson and Thynne is very marked. See, for a detailed 
examination of this, A Study of Sir Thomas Wyatt' s Poems, 
by A. K. Foxwell, London, 1911, chaps, vi and vii. There 
are also resemblances in phrase and in word forms, see ibid., 
pp. 53-6 ; and one poem of Wyatt's, ' If thou wilt mighty 
be, flee from the rage ' (Tottel's Miscellany, Arber's reprint, 
1895, p. 224) is probably founded on Chaucer's prose trans- 
lation of Boethius, though it may be translated from the 
Latin original ; see ibid., p. 57. For Wyatt, see above, 
pt. i, p. 83.] 

1545] Appendix A. 13 

1542. Leland, John. Naeniae in mortem Thomx Viati equitis wcom- 
parabilis, Aij recto. 

loannis Lelandi Antiquarii carmen ad Henricum Houar- 
dum Regnorum comitem iuuenem turn nobiliss. turn doctis- 

Accipe Regnorum comes illustrissime carmen, 
Quo mea Musa tuum laudauit moesta Viatum 
Non expectato sublatum f unere terris. 
Nominis ille tui dum vixit magnus amator. 
Tu modo non viuum coluisti candidus ilium, 
Verum etiam vita defunctum carmine tali 
Collaudasti, quale suum Chaucerus auitse 
Dulce decus linguae vel iuste agnosceret esse. 

[c. 1545.] Leland, John. [Life of Chaucer in] Commentarii de Scriptor- 
ibus Britannicis, ed. A. Hall, Oxford, 1709, pp. 419-26. 

Cap. DV. De Gallofrido Chaucero. 

[p. 419] GALLOFRIDUS Chaucerus, nobili loco natus, & summae spei 
juvenis, Isiacas scholas tarn diligenter, quam qui maxime, 
celebravit : id quod ut faceret, academiee vicinitas quodam- 
modo invitavit. Nam quibusdam argumentis adducor ut 

lp.420] credam, Isiacam vel Berochensem provinciam illius natale 
solum fuisse. Hinc acutus dialecticus, hinc dulcis rhetor, 
hinc lepidus poeta, hinc gravis philosophus, hinc ingeniosus 
mathematicus (qua parte & a Joanne Somaeo, & Nicolao^ 
Carmelita Linensi, viris in mathesi eruditis, quos in libro de 
Sphcera nominat, instructus fuit) hinc denique sanctus 
theologus evasit. Maxima equidem sum locutus; at 
quisquis ejus libros curiosa manu evolverit, me bonse 
fidei prseconem facile judicabit. Ingenue tamen fatebor 
sic eum Isiaci studuisse, ut & alibi etiam longo studiorum 
usu multa ad scientiae cumulum adjecerit. Constat utique 
ilium circa postremos Richardi secundi, cui non incognitus 
erat, annos in Gallia floruisse, magnamque ex assidua in 
literis exercitatione gloriam sibi comparasse : turn prseterea 
eadem opera omnes veneres, lepores, delicias, sales, ac pos- 
tremo gratias linguse Gallicce tarn alte coimbibisse, quam 
cuiquam vix credibile. Laus ista Gallofridum in Angliam 
reversum sequebatur, tanquam comes ejus virtutis individua. 
Ejusmodi igitur Isetus successibus forum Londinense & 

14 [Leland] Appendix A. [A.D. 1545 

collegia leguleiorum, qui ibidem patria jura interpretantur, 
frequentavit, ut & ante Galliam cognitam forsitan fecerat. 

Illis temporibus inter forenses clarissimus erat Joannes 
Goverus, cujus vitam prsescripsimus, homo venerandse setatis, 
& qui mirum in modum Anglicce linguae politiei studebat. 
Hie, perspecta indole & examinata Gallofridi probitate, 
ilium in familiarem sibi accivit, ilium ulnis amplexus est, 
ilium etiam in honestis deliciis habuit, ilium denique 
tanquam numen aliquod modo non veneratus est. Ut ego 
taceam, ipsemet Goverus in libro, qui titulo Amantis in- 
scribitur, abunde satis declarat, quanti suum Chaucerum 
fecerit ; quern accuratissime prius laudatum, eximium vocat 
poetam, & sui operis quasi Aristarchum facit. Ecce tibi, 
lector, pulcherrimum virtutis certamen, nam ut Goverus, 
honorem parum sibi tribuens, lucubrationes, quas consum- 
maverat Gallofridi judicio modeste submisit : sic rursus 
Chaucerus Amores Troili Goveri & Strodcei calculis subjecit. 
Sed quis hie Strodceus fuerit, apud autorem nullum hactenus 
legi. At memini interim legisse me illustria de Strodceo, 
Maridunensis societatis ad Isidis Vadum alumno, in poesi 
[p. 421] eruditissimo, qui & in catalogo Maridunensium postremis 
Eadveardi tertii annis adscribitur. Tantum apparet ex 
Gallofridi versiculis philosophise studiosum fuisse. Adde 
hue, quod quemadmodum Chaucerus admirator simul & 
sectator Goveri, ita . . . [stops as in text] Schoganus, cujus 
sepulchrum Visimonasterii extat, vir ad omnes facetias & 
sales compositus, Chauceri admirator ac imitator fuit. At 
rursus, quanto discipulus Chaucerus major Govero prseceptore 
suo, tanto minor erat Schoganus Chaucero. 

Nunc vero orationis series postulat, ut aperte doceamus 
quern scopum Gallofridum studiis prsefixerit. Profecto ejus 
scopus unicus fuit, ut linguam Anglicam numeris omnibus 
quam ornatissimam redderet, viderat -enim Goverum in 
eodem negotio belle processisse. Quare nullum non moven- 
dum sibi lapidem putabat, quo ad supremam felicitatis 
metam perveniret. Et quoniam poesim prseter csetera 
semper dilexit, amavit, coluit ; visum est ei vel commodis- 
simum per ilium ad ipsa eloquentise culmina viam patefacere. 
Tale etenim est poesis, ut tropos, elegantias, ornamenta, 
copiam, & quicquid venerum & leporum est, non modo 
admittat, verum, quod multo ma jus, suo quodam jure poscat. 

1545] Appendix A. [Lcland] 15 

Adde hue, quod Italos & Gallos, qui plurirna suis linguis terse, 
nitide, ac eleganter scripserunt, in partem operis evocaverit. 
Tan turn est inclytos habere duces, quos sequaris. Petrarcha 
circa heec tempora in Italia claruit, cu jus opera lingua ibidem 
vernacula eo elegantise perducta est, ut cum ipsa Latino, 
de eloquentise palma contenderit. Quidam etiam Alanus 
linguam Gallicam infinitis modis expoliebat. Uterque 
istorum (multos alios clarissimse notse homines, qui eadem 
fecerunt, omitto) calcar Chaucero, alioqui sua sponte satis 
currenti, addidit. Bonis igitur avibus incepto operi incubuit, 
nunc libellos Gallica lingua compte, ornate, diserte scriptos 
in patrium sermonem transferens ; nunc Latinos versus 
Anglicis, sed docte, sed apte, sed canore exprimens ; nunc 
multa e suo capite nata, & Latinorum felicitatem sequantia, 
victuris chartis commendans ; nunc lectori ut prodesset 
nervis omnibus contendens, & vicissim ut eundem delectaret 
sedulo curans : nee antea finem fecit, quam linguam nostram 
ad earn puritatem, ad earn eloquentiam, ad earn denique 
brevitatem ac gratiam perduxerat, ut inter expolitas gentium 
[p. 422] linguas posset recte quidem connumerari. Itaque in libris 
meorum Epigrammaton his versibus ejus glorise assurgo : 

Praedicat Aligerum merito Florentia Dantem, 
Italia &L numeros tota, Petrarche, tuos : 

Anglia Chaucerum veneratur nostra poetam, 
Cui veneres debet patria lingua suas. 

Et rursus : 

Dum juga montis aper, frondes dum Iseta volucris, 

Squamiger & liquidas piscis amabit aquas : 
Mceonides, Grcecce linguse clarissimus autor, 

Aonio primus carmine semper erit. 
Sic quoque Virgilius Romance gloria musae 

Maxima, vel Phcebo judice, semper erit. 
Nee minus & noster Galfridus summa Britannce 

Chaucerus cithane gratia semper erit. 
Illos quis nescit felicia ssecla tulisse, 

Hunc talem & tan turn protulit hora rudis. 
Tempora vidisset quod si florentia musis, 

^quasset celebres, vel superasset avos. 
Neque hie pigebit in medium adducere Hendecasyllabos, 
ex eodem fonte petitos, quos aliquot ab hinc annis, orante 

16 [Leland] Appendix A. [A.D. 1545 

Thoma JBertholeto, typographo cum diligent! turn erudito, 
scripsi : 

Cum novum brevis Atticus leporem 
Invenisset, & undecunque Groecam 
Linguam perpoliisset, insolenter 
Barbaros reliquos vocare ccepit. 
Cujus vestigia impiger Qidrinus 
Ter certo pede persequens, Lativum 
Sermonem bene reddidit venustum ; 
Et cum Grceco alios rudes vocavit. 
At quanto mihi rectius videtur 
Fecisse officium suum disertus 
Chaucer us, brevitate primus apta 
Linguam qui patriam redegit illam 
In formam, ut venere & lepore multo, 
Ut multo sale, gratiaque multa 
[p. 423] Luceret, velut Hesperus minora 

Inter sidera ; nee tamen superbe 
Linguae barbariem exprobravit ulli. 
Quare vos juvenes manu Britanni 
Lseta spargite nunc rosas suave- 
Spirantes, violasque molliores, 
Et vestro date, candidi, poetae 
Formosam ex hedera [citi] coronam. 

Sed jam satis nostrarum nugarum adposuimus. Alius ille 
sortis homo erat, quam ut meae praeconio musae meritas 
laudes accipere queat. O quanto citius sub aequo judice a suis 
operibus justam consequetur laudem. Ideoque optarem 
quidem nostram linguam poetis Latinis familiarem esse : tune 
facile inquam, facile in meam sententiam irent. At quoniam 
quod opto vix fieri potest, tantum exoratos volo, ut mihi 
Latinarum literarum amatori aliquid in hac parte fidei 
habeant. Quo auspicio non gravabor ejus lucubrationum 
inscriptiones Latinitate donare ; ut sic saltern leonem, 
quemadmodum in proverbio est, ex ipsis sestiment unguibus. 
Quanquam priusquam id, quod modo sum pollicitus, 
praestitero, non alienum meo erit institute palam facere 
Gulielmum Caxodunum, hominem nee indiligentem, nee 
indoctum, & quern constat primum Londini artem exercuisse 
typographicam, Chauceri opera, quotquot vel pretio vel 
precibus comparare potuit, in unum volumen collegisse. 

1545] Appendix A. [Leland] 17 

Vicit tamen Caxodunicam editionem Bertholetus noster 
opera Gulielmi Thynni ; qui, multo labore, sedulitate, ac 
cura usus in perquirendis vetustis exemplaribus, multa 
primae adjecit edition!. Sed nee in hac parte caruit Brianus 
Tucca, mihi familiaritate conjunctissiraus, & Anglicce linguse 
eloquentia mirificus, sua gloria, edita in postremam im- 
pressionem prsefatione elimata, luculenta, eleganti. Sequar 
igitur codicem paucis ab hinc annis impressum, & promissum 
adponam syllabon. 

Fabulaa Cantiance xxiv. 

quarum duae soluta oratione scrip tae ; sed Petri Aratoris 
fabula, quae communi doctorum consensu Chaucero, tanquam 
vero parenti, attribuitur, in utraque editione, quia malos 
sacerdotum mores vehementer increpavit, suppressa est. 

[p. 424] De Arte amandi, alias Romaunce of the Rose. 

Amores Troili & Chrysidis lib. 5. 
Testamentum Chrysidis & ejusdem Lamentatio. 
Amores Heroidum. 

De Consolatione Philosophise, soluta oratione. 
Somnium Chaucer i, 
Chorus Avium. 
Flos Humanitatis, 

qui libellulus a multis, tanquam no thus, rejicitur. 
De Pietate mortua, & ejus Sepultura. 
Chorus Heroidum. 

De Astrolabio ad Ludovicum filium suum, prosa. 
Querela Equitis Cogn. Nigri. 
Encomium Mulierum. 
De Fama lib. 3. 
Testamentum Amoris, lib. 3. 
Threni Magdalence. 
De Remedio Amoris. 
Querelse Martis & Veneris. 
Epistola Cupidinis. 

Hactenus de nomenclatura ejuslibrorum, qui hod ie passim 
leguntur. Praeter illos tamen, quos ego recensui, ipsemet 
in prologo, Amoribus Heroidum prsefixo, scripsisse 
libellum de Morte Blanchce ducis : turn etiam Origenis de 


1.8 Appendix A. [A.D. 1545- 

Magdalena opusculum transtulisse : quod ego, (si modo 
Origenes tale quidquam scripsit) idem esse arbitror cum 
Lamentations Magdalence, de qua superius in syllabo men- 
tionem feci. 

Forsitan hie aliquis finem dicendi a me expectaret, sed 
ego pauca adhuc habeo, quae Chaucerum posteritati magni- 
fice commendabunt. Nam, quemadmodum Richardo Bur- 
degalensi, Anglorum regi, cognitus, & virtutum nomine 
charus f uit ; ita etiam Henrico quarto, & ejus filio, qui de 
Gallis triumphavit, eisdem titulis commendatissimus erat. 
Quid quod & tota nobilitas Anglica ilium, tanquam absolu- 
tum torrentis eloquentiae exemplum, suspexit. Accessit in- 
super ad ejus gloriam, quod sororem habuerit, quae Gulielmo 
Polo (nisi me nomen fallit) Sudovolgice duci, nupsit, ac magno 
in splendore Aquelmi vitam egit ; ubi postea, fatis sic 
volentibus, diem quoque obiit, &, ut ego aliquando accepi, 
sepulta est. 

[p. 425] Inter hsec Chaucerus ad canos devenit, sensitque ipsam 
senectutem morbum esse ; qua ingravescente, dum is Londini 
causas suas curaret, mortuus est, & Visimonasterii in australi 
insula basilicae, D. Petro sacrse, sepultus. 

Ludovicum autem reliquit fortunarum suarurn, quas 
utcunque amplas habebat, haeredem, & praecipue villse suae 
Vodestochce, regiie admodum vicinse. Aliquanto post tempore 
Gulielmus Caxodunus Chauceri monimentum hoc disticho 
inscribi fecit. 

Galfridus CHAUCER vates, & fama poesis 
Maternse, hac sacra sum tumulatus humo. 

Hi duo versus desumpti fuerunt ex quadam nsenia, quam 
Stephanus Surigonus, Mediolanensis, poeta suo tempore 
clarus, rogante Gulielmo Caxtono, scripsit. Quare juvat 
totam ipsam nseniam, quoniam tersa, canora, & rotunda est, 
in praesentia recitare. Sic enim Chaucerus, qui re vera 
maximus fuit, nobili testimonio externi scriptoris major 
videbitur : 

[Quotes Surigo's Latin epitaph, beginning : 

' Pierides musae, si possunt numina fletus.' 
See a. 1479, vol. i, p. 59, ante.] 
[p. 426] Habes nunc, humanissime lector, elegos in nivea tabella 

1548] Appendix A. 19 

depletes, quos Surigonus Visimonasterii columnae, Chauceri 
sepulchre vicinae, adfixit. Tu ssepe eosdem in nostri vatis 
gratiam legas. Sic tibi quisquis eris, faveat suadela, 

[A translation of this earliest account of Chaucer is given 
in Lounsbury's Studies in Chaucer (1892), vol. i, pp. 133-42.] 

[n.a. 1547.] Howard, Henry, Earl of Surrey, Influence of Chaucer 
upon, in The Poems of Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, [ed. by] 
F. M. Padelford (Univ. of Washington Publ., Lang. & Lit., vol. i), 
1920, critical notes, passim. 

[n.a. 1547.] Howard, Henry, Earl of Surrey. Complaint of a diying 
[sic] louer, [a poem, in] Songes and Sonettes [Tottel'e Miscellany], 
1st ed., 5 July, 1557, in Bodl. ; 2nd ed, 31 July, 1557, 1st in B.M., 
sign. Ci6. (Ed. E. Arber, 1870, p. 18.) 

[Rollins 14.] 

Chreseids loue, king Priams sonne, ye worthy Troilus. 

1548. Bale, John. [Life of Chaucer, in] Ulustrium Maioris Britannia 
Scriptorum . . . Summarium, ff. 198, 233. 

Galfridus Chaucer, Anglus, eques auratus, uir tarn bonis 
disciplinis quam armata militia nobilis, exquisita quadam 
Anglici sermonis eloquentia, setatem suam multo quam 
antea ornatiorem reddidit. Praeter Mathesim quam ingenue 
callebat, poeta lepidus erat. Ac talis apud suos Anglos, 
quales olim fuere apud Italos, Dantes & Petrarcha. Patrij 
sermonis restaurator, potius illustrator (<fe merito quidem) 
habetur adhuc primus. Boetium de consolatione philo- 
sophise transtulit ad filium suuwz Ludouicum Chauceruw, 
& poemate uario, in lingua materna perappositse ac corapte 
tractatus hos fecit, ut partim uidi, partim ab amico quodam 
fideliter accepi. 

Trophseum Lombardicum, li. 1. 

De principum ruina, li. 1. 

Emblemata moralia, li. 1, 

Amatoria carmina, li. 1. 

De curia Veneris, li. 1. In Mai ocum uirescerent, &c. 

Chryseidae testamentum, trac. 1. Diuturnis horis donee dolo. 

Chryseidae quserimoniam, trac. 1. O tristem & cruentam lethi. 

Laudes bonarum mulierum, trac. 1. Mille uicibus accepi muli. 

Cleopatrse uitam, trac. 1. Post mortem Ptolemei regis. 

20 Appendix A. [A.D. 1548- 

Vitam Thysbes Babylonicse, trac. 1. Babylonise quam Semi- 

rannis [sic]. 

Vitam Didonis Carthaginensis, trac. 1. Tuo sit nomine Yergili. 
De Hipsyphile & Medsea, trac. 1. Sinistri amoris radix lason. 
Yitam Lucretise Romanse, trac. 1. Fingendum mihi est 


De Ariadna Cretensi, trac. 1. Cretensium rex Minos infer, 
ffoi. Be Phylomela Atheniensi, trac. 1. formarum fabricator, qui. 
' ] De Phyllide Thracensi, trac. 1. Tarn argumento quam autori. 
De hypermestra ^Egyptia, trac. 1. In Grsecia duo fratres erant. 
Somnium Chauceri, trac. 1. Admirari hercle sat nequeo. 
Volucrum conglobationem, trac. 1 . Tarn brevis est uita, ars. 
Yrbanitatis florem, trac. 1. In februario cum luna. 
De misericordise sepultura, trac. 1. Qusesitam a multis annis. 
Carmen facetum, trac. 1. In somno semisepultus au. 
De Augea & Telepho, trac. 1. Immictis belligerantium deus. 
Choream dominarum, trac. 1. Dum in Septembri uirgulta. 
De Astrolabij ratione, trac. 1. Fili mi Ludouice, certis. 
Quseremoniam, nigri militis, trac. 1. In Maio dum Flora 


Fceminarum Encomion, trac. 1. Quibus animus est de muli. 
Narrationes diuersorum, trac. 1. In comitatu Lyncolniensi. 
De Troilo & Chryseida, trac. 1. 
De Caayce & Halcyona, trac. 1. 
In obitum Blanchise ducissae, trac. 1. 
Tragcedias graues, li. 1. 

Comoedias leues, li. 1. 

Satyras & lambos, li. I. 

Facecias & locos, li. 1. 

Elegias &, pcemata [sic], li. 1. 

De ceteris nihil accepi. A Guilielmo Whyte atque alijs 
tune uerbi ministris talia hausisse fertur, quod monachorum 
otia, missantium turbam ingentem, horas now intellectas, 
reliquias, ac ce/emonias parum probauerit. Ad annum 
humane^ redemptionis, 1450, uixisse perhibetur sub Henrico 

[foi. 2336.] Thomas Wyetfsic], ex illustri prosapia eques auratus, cum 
animi nobilitate literas Cantabrigise coniungens, in illu- 
stratione patrij sermonis, Chaucerum plane adsequabat. 

1557] Appendix A. 21 

[Free translation of above : 

Geoffrey Chaucer, an English knight, distinguished both 
for his courtesy and military talents, exhibited consummate 
skill in the handling of the English language, and adorned 
the age in which he lived. Besides mathematics, in which 
he was proficient, he excelled as a poet, and rightly enjoys 
to this day in England the same reputation as Dante and 
Petrarch possessed of old in Italy, as having restored, nay 
added, glory to his mother tongue. He translated for his 
son, Lewis Chaucer, the treatise of Boethius on the Con- 
solation of Philosophy, and composed in English with great 
appositeness and grace, the following poems in various 
styles, some of which I have seen and the others heard of 
on good authority from a friend. 

[List of works follows.] 

Of his other works I have not heard. It is related by 
William White and other contemporary divines that Chaucer 
by no means approved of the idleness of that great crowd 
of mumblers, the monks, nor of their unintelligible prayers, 
their relics and ceremonies. He is said to have lived until 
the year 1450 of the Christian Era, in the reign of Henry VI. 

Thomas Wyat, knight, of illustrious ancestry, combined 
scholarship, gained at Cambridge, with loftiness of mind, 
and equalled Chaucer in adorning his native tongue.] 

1557. Unknown. A comparison of his loue with the faithfull and 
painfull lone of Troylus to Creside, ([a poem, in] Soriges and 
Sonettes [Tottel's Miscellany]. (1st ed. 5 June, 1557, in Bodl. ; 
2nd ed., 31 July, 1557, 1st in B.M.,f. 81. Ed. Arber, pp. 192-194.) 

[Rollins 16.] 

[The author borrowed Chaucer's details up to the point 
where Cressid "yielded grace" to Troilus. He tells, e.g., 
how Troilus fell in love with Cressid at first sight, and how 
he was so lovelorn that] 

His chamber with his common walke, 
Wherein he kept him se[c]retely, 
He made his bedde the place of talke. 

1557. Bale, John. Scriptorum Illustrium Maioris Brytanniaz . . . 
Summarium, Basle, 1557-9, vol. i, pp. 525-7 [Life of Chaucer in 
Bale's 2nd edition], 702. 


Galfridus Chaucer, nobili loco natus, & summse spei 
iuuenis, Oxonienses scholas tarn diligenter quam qui 

22 [Bale] Appendix A. [A.D. 1557 

maxime celebrauit : id quod ut faceret, academise uicinitas 
quodammodo inuitauit. Nam quibusdam argumentis 
adducebatur Lelandus, ut crederet Oxoniensem uel Baro- 
chensem prouinciam, illius fuisse natale solum. Hinc acutus 
dialecticus, hinc dulcis rhetor, hinc lepidus poeta, hinc 
grauis philosophus, ac sanctus deniqwe theologus euasit. 
Mathematicus insuper ingeniosus erat, a loanne Sombo 
& Nicolao Lynna, Carmelitis Lynnensibus, uirisqwe in 
Mathesi eruditis, instructus : quos ipse in libro suo de 
Sphaera celebrat, & clericos reuerendos uocat. Constat 
utique, ilium circa postremos annos Ricardi secundi in 
Galliis floruisse, magnamqite illic ex assidua in literis 
exercitatione gloriam sibi comparasse. Turn prseterea eadem 
opera, omnes ueneres, Iep6res, delicias, sales, ac postrem6 
gratias linguae Gallicse tarn alte imbibisse, quam cuiquam 
uix credibile. Laus ista Galfridum in Angliam reuersum 
sequebatur, tanquara comes eius uirtutis indiuidua. Eius- 
modi igitur laetis successibus, forum Londinense & collegia 
leguleiorum, qui ibidem patria iura interpretantur, frequent- 
auit, familiaremqwe amicum inter eos loannem Gouerura mox 
habuit. Horum duorum unicus erat studiorum scopus, ut 
linguam Anglicam numeris omnibus quam ornatissimam 
redderent. Nee antea finem fecerant, quam linguam illam ad 
earn eloquentiam, ad earn deniqwe breuitatem perduxerant, 
ut inter expolitas gentium linguas posset recte quidem 
connumerari. Huius Chauceri lucubrationum inscriptiones 
non grauabor hie latinitate donare : ut sic saltern leonem, 
ut in prouerbio est, homines ex ipsis sestiment unguibus. 
Adponam ergo syllabon, composuit enim, 

Fabulas Cantianas, 24, Lib. 1. Olim erat, ut ueteres historse 


Praefationes earundem, Lib. 1. Dum imbribus suauibus Aprilis. 
Aratoris narrationem, Lib. 1. Agricola tulit aratrum, dum 


De arte amandi, Romane, Lib. 1. Pleriqwe fatentur in som- 

nijs meras. 

Amores Troili & Chrysidis, Lib. 5. Vt demonstrarem Troili 


Testamentum Chrysidis, Lib. 1. Diuturnis horis donee dolo. 
Lamentationem Chrysidis, Lib. 1 . gemitus offella mcerore im. 

1557] Appendix A. [Bale] 23 

Amores Heroidum, Lib. 1. 

De consolatione philosophise, Lib. 5. Carmina quse quondam 


Somnium Chauceri, Lib. 1. Admirorhercle plurimum, quali. 
Chorum auium, Lib. 1. Vita tarn breuis est, artis tarn. 
Yrbanitatis florem, Lib. 1. In Februario cum cornuta esset. 
De pietate mortua. Lib. 1. Oh, quod pietatem tandiu qusesi. 
Heroidum Chorum, Lib. 1. In Septembri, dum folia uirgulta. 
[p.526]De astrolabio, ad filium, Lib. 1. Fili mi Ludouice, certis signis. 
Querelam equitis nigri, Lib. 1. In Maio, dum Flora regina 


Encomium mulierum, Lib. 1. Quibus animus est, mulieres. 
De fama, & eius domicilio, Lib. 3. Vertat nobis Deus somnia in. 
Testamentum amoris, Lib. 3. Multi sunt qui patulis auribus. 
Threnos Magdalense, Lib. 1. Mcestitiae lethiferse uoraginibus. 
De remedio amoris, Lib. 1. Viso multiplici incommodo, quod. 
Querelam Martis & Veneris, Lib. 1. Congratulemini amatores, 


Epistolam Cupidinis, Lib. 1. Cupido, ad cuius nutum gener. 
Cantiones quoqwe, Lib. 1. Mille historias adhuc recensere. 
De Meliboeo & prudentia, Lib. 1 . luuenis quidam Meliboeus, 


De peccatis ac remedijs, Lib. 1. Hieremiae 6. State super uias. 
Laudes bonarum mulierum, Lib. 1 . Mille uicibus ab hominibus 


Cleopatrae uitam, Lib. 1. Post mortem Ptolemsei regis magni. 
Vitam Thisbae Babylonicse, Lib. 1 . Babylonise quandoqwe con- 


Vitam Didonis Carthaginensis, Lib. 1. Gloriosum sit Vergili 


De Hypsiphile & Medea, Lib. 1. Dissimulantium amatorum 


Lucretiae Romanae uitam, Lib. 1. Narrare nunc oportet 


De Ariadna Cretensi, Lib. 1. Discern e,infernalisCretse rex. 
De Philomela Atheniensi, Libi. 1. Formarum fabricator qui 


De Phyllide Thracensi. Lib. 1. Tarn argumento quam authori- 


De Hypermnestra Aegyptia, Lib. 1. In Grsecia aliquando duo 


24 [Bale] Appendix A. [A.D. 1557 

Carmen Chauceri, Lib, 1. Probse educationis amantissima. 
Super impia domina, Lib. 1. Me dormientem aureus sopor. 
De Annelida & Arcy to, Lib. 1. Immitis belligerantium Deus. 
De cuculo & philomela, Lib. 1. Amorum Deus, quam potens. 
Octo questiones & responsa, Lib. 1. InGrseciaquandoqwetam 


Chronicon conquestus Anglici, Lib. 1. Ea setate, ut 

ueteres annales. 

De curia Veneris, Lib. 1 . In Maio cum uirescerent, &c. 
Epigrammata quoque, Lib. 1. Fugite multitudinem, ueri. 
Narrationes diuersorum, Lib. 1. In comitatu Lyncolniensi fuit. 
De Ceyce & Halcyona, Lib. 1. 

In obitum Blanchise ducissse, Lib. 1 . 
De Yulcani ueru, Lib. 1. 

De leone & eius dignitate, Lib. 1. 
Vitam D. Cecilise, Lib. 1. 

Hymnos amatorios, Lib. 1. 

Amores Palsemonis & Arcy ti, Lib. 1 . 
De Thisbse amore, Lib. 1. 

De castello dominarum, Lib. ] . 

Comcedias & Tragoedias, Lib. 1. 

Facetias & iocos, Lib. 1. 

Dantem Italum transtulit, Lib. 1. 
Petrarchse quaedam, Lib. 1. 

Origenis tractatum, Lib. 1. 

Aliaqwe plura fecit, in quibus monachorum ocia, missan- 
tium tarn magnam multitudinem, horas non intellectas, 
reliquias, perigrinationes, ac cseremonias parum probauit. 
Inter hsec Chaucerus ad canos deuenit, sensitqite ipsam 
senectutem morbum esse. Qua ingrauescente, dum Londini 
[i>. 529] causas suas curaret, mortuus est, &, Vuestmonasterij in 
australi Basilicae parte sepultus. Yixit anno Domini 
1402, ut in charta Cupidinis refert. In quodam libro 
suorum Epigrammaton his uersibus Lelandus ilium 
celeb rat : 

Prsedicat Algerum merit6 Florentia Dantem 

Italia & numeros tota Petrarche tuos. 
Anglia Chaucerum ueneratur nostra poetam, 

Cui ueneres debet patria lingua suas. 

1557] Appendix A. [Bale] 25 


Ex Lelandi Catalogo : Illis temporibus inter Forerises, 
clarissimus erat loannes Gouerus, historicus ac poeta 
moralis, cuius uitam prrescripsimus, homo uenerandse setatis, 
et qui mirum in modum Anglicse linguae politiei studebat. 
Hie perspecta indole & examinata Galfridi probitate, ilium 
in familiarem sibi acciuit, ilium ulnis amplexus est, ilium 
etiam in honestis delicijs habuit, ilium denique tanquam 
numen aliquod propemodum uenerabatur. Et ut ego (inquit) 
taceam, ipsemet Gouerus in libro qui titulo Amantis inscribi- 
tur, abunde satis declarat, quanti suum Chaucerum fecerit: 
quern accuratissime prius laudatum, eximium poetam uocat, 
&, sui operis quasi Aristarchum facit. Ecce tibi lector, 
pulcherrimum uirtutis certamen. Nam ut Gouerus, homo 
parum sibi tribuens, lucubrationes quas consummauerat, 
Galfridi iudicio modeste submissit : sic rursus Chaucerus, 
Amores Troili, Goueri & Strodi calculis subiecit, &c. Et 
quoniam poesim praster caetera semper dilexit, amauit, coluit : 
uisum est ei uel commodissimum, per illam ad ipsa eloquen- 
tise culmina uiam patefacere. Tale etenim quiddam est 
poesis, ut tropos, elegantias, ornamenta, copiam, & quicquid 
uenerum & leporum est, non mod6 admittat : uerum quod 
multo maius est, suo quodam iure poscat. Adde hue, qu6d 
Italos & Gallos, qui plurima suis linguis terse ac nitide scrip- 
serunt, in partera operis euocauerit. Dantes <fe Petrarcha 
Italicam linguam, Alanus Gallicam, loannes Mena His- 
panicam, atqwe alij alias, infinitis modis tune expolierant : 
hi Chaucero calcar addiderunt. Bonis igitur auibus incoepto 
operi incubuit : nunc libellos Gallica lingua scriptos, in 
patrium sermonem transferens : nune Latinos uersus Angli- 
cis, sed docte, exprimens : nunc multa e suo capite nata, 
&, Latinorum foeli[ci]tatem sequantia, uicturis chartis com- 
mendans, lectoriq?*e neruis omnibus prodesse contendens. 
Accessit etiam ad eius gloriam, qu6d sororem habuerit 
qu0e Guilhelmo Polo Sudouolgiorum duci nupsit, ac magno 
in splendore Aquelmi uitam egit, &c. 

IP. 702.] [In list of Nicolas Grimoald's works :] 

Troiluin ex Chaucero, comoediam. Lib. 1. 

26 Appendix A. [A.D. 1557- 

[Translation of Bale's Life of Chaucer, 1557-59. 

GEOFFREY CHAUCER, a nobleman by birth, gave much promise 
as a youth. At Oxford, where he studied, he was one of the most 
diligent scholars of his day. The vicinity of the university proved 
an incentive to him, if as was surmised by Leland from certain 
information, he was a native of Oxfordshire or Berkshire. 

He left the university a keen dialectician, a graceful rhetorician, 
an elegant poet, a profound philosopher, and a devout theologian. 

He was, moreover, a clever mathematician, having been taught 
by John Some and Nicholas Lynn, Carmelite friars of Lynn, 
and skilled mathematicians. He paid tribute to them in his book 
on the Astrolabe, and called them venerable clerics. 

It is well known that towards the last years of Richard II's 
reign, he attained great fame in France through his diligent 
pursuit of letters. Further, he succeeded to an almost incredible 
degree by the same means in acquiring the attractiveness, the 
grace, the wit, and finally the charm of the French language. This 
is the kind of praise which followed Geoffrey upon his return to 
England, the inevitable accompaniment, as it were, of his 

He then frequented the London law-courts, and among the 
members of the Inns of Court, where the laws of the country are 
studied, he soon found an intimate friend in John Gower. These 
two men had but one aim in their studies, which was to enrich the 
English tongue in all kinds of verse. Nor did they desist until 
they had brought the language to such a degree of eloquence and 
brevity that it might be fit to take its place amongst the most 
polished languages of all nations. 

I shall not deem it troublesome to give the titles of his works 
in Latin, for, as the proverb says, you know the lion by his claws. 
I shall, therefore, append the list. 

[Here follows the list, see above, Latin version.] 
And he wrote many other works in which he showed his disap- 
proval of that great multitude of mumblers, the monks, of their 
idleness, their unintelligible prayers, their relics, pilgrimages and 

Meanwnile Chaucer grew older, and felt that old age was an 
illness, which continued to increase, until one day, while he was 
attending to his affairs in London, he died. He was buried in the 
south part of Westminster Abbey. He was still alive in the year 
1402, as he himself testifies in his letter of Cupid. In his book of 
Epigrams Leland praises Chaucer in the following lines [quotes 
Leland's verses]. 


From the Catalogue of Leland 
Among the lawyers in those days the most celebrated was 

1559] Appendix A. 27 

John Gower, whose life we have written. An historian and a 
moral poet, he had attained to a venerable age, and his special aim 
was to add finish to the English language. 

He, knowing the character of Chaucer, and having proved its 
uprightness, admitted him into a close friendship, took him to his 
heart, showed him the most honourable affection in fact, he almost 
revered him .as a god. Gower himself, in his book entitled .4 mantis, 
gives abundant evidence of the high regard he had for his friend 

Having first of all praised him most fully, he calls him an 
excellent poet, and constitutes him a sort of Aristarchus of his 
work. Behold, reader, a beautiful rivalry in virtue. For, just as 
Gower, thinking little of his own merit, modestly submitted his 
works to Chaucer's criticism, so in turn Chaucer referred the Loves 
of Troilus to the criticisms of Gower and Strode. And since he 
loved and honoured poetry above all things, it seemed to him to 
be the most suitable road through which he could reach the 
heights of fame. For this, indeed, is the nature of poetry, that it 
not only admits of figures, grace of style, adornments in abundance 
and all that is pleasing and beautiful, but that it demands it all as 
a right. Add to this that he made use of the Italians and the 
French, who have written tersely and beautifully in their own 
languages. Dante and Petrarch in Italian, Alain [Chartier] in 
French, John Mena in Spanish, and the many others who at that 
time had written in polished language, were a spur to Chaucer. 
It was, therefore, under good auspices that he set to work upon his 
task, now translating books from the French, now skilfully rendering 
Latin verses into English, now embodying the numerous creations 
of his own imagination in imperishable works, equalling the most 
felicitous productions of the Latins, endeavouring in every way to 
be of some use to his readers. This also added to his reputation 
that he had a sister, who married William Pole, Duke of Suffolk, 
and spent her life in splendour at Ewelme.] 

1559. Elderton, William. The panges of Loue and loners F[i]ttes [a 
ballad]. [Reprinted in J. P. Collier's Old Ballads, Percy Society, 
vol. i, p. 25, and in H. L. Collmann's Ballads and Broadsides, 
Roxburghe Club, 1912, p. 111.] 

[st. 2] Know ye not, how Troylus 

Languished and lost his joye, 
With fittes and feuers meruailous 
For Cresseda that dwelt in Troye ; 
Tyll pytie planted in her brest, 

Ladie ! ladie ! 
To slepe with him, and graunt him rest, 

My dear ladie. 


Appendix A. 

[A.D. 1561- 

[This ballad was enormously popular, and is constantly 
quoted by Elizabethan writers. A Scottish version is 
preserved in the Bannatyne MS. (1568), ed. J. B. Murdoch, 
Hunterian Club, vol. iii, p. 612. A moralized version, 
" Ane Dissuasion from Vaine Lust," in The Gude and Godlie 
Battatis, 1567 (ed. A. F. Mitchell, Scottish Text Society, 
1897, p. 213), begins :] 

Thocht Troylus Cressed did enjoy, 
As Paris Helene did lykewise ; 
Zit leuit he not lang in Troy, 
Bot that Fortoun did him dispise. 
Quha wald then wirk accordinglie 1 

Allace, allace ! 
Sic plesoure bringis miserie, 

As come to pas. 

1561. Sack ville, Thomas, and Norton, Thomas. The Trayedie of Ferrex 
and Porrex [Gorboduc] , imprinted at London by John Daye . .". 
[1570? First acted 1561], sign. F ii b. 

Then saw I how he smiled with slaying knife 
Wrapped under cloke. 

[Cf. Chaucer's Knights' Tale, 1. 1999. This resemblance 
is noted by Hazlitt in his Lectures on the Dramatic Literature 
of the Age of Elizabeth. See above, 1820, pt. ii, sect, i, p. 123.] 

1562. Bale, John. MS. notes by Bale, printed by Thomas Hearne in 
Johannis de Trokelowe, Annales Edvardi /J., 1729. Appendix iii, 
pp. 286-7 [see above, pt. i, p. 97]. 

[p. 286] Galfridus Chaucer] Hie Tullius minor dicebatur, tarn erat 
artis dicendi peritus, Thomam Ocklevum Scribam olim 

Epitaphium Chauceri MS. 
Qui fuit Anglorum Yates ter maximus olim, 

Galfridus Chaucer, conditur hoc tumulo. 
Annum si quseras Domini, si tempora mortis, 
Ecce notse subsunt, quse tibi cuncta notant. 

26 Octobris anno Domini 1400. 

Nicolaus Brigam Westmonasterii hos fecit Musarum 
nomine sumptus. 

1562] Appendix A. 29 

Super ejus Sepulchre, 

Si rogites, quis eram, forsan te fama docebit, 
Quodsi fama negat, Mundi quia gloria transit, 
Hsec Monumenta lege. 

Thomas Occleve] Joannis Goweri et Galfridi Chauceri 
[ P . 287] Discipulus erat, ut in suo Libro de Regimine Principum 
refert . 

1562. Brooke, or Broke, Arthur. Influence of Chaucer in The 
Tragicall Historye of Romeus and luliet, written first in Italian by 
Bandell, and nowe in Englishe by AT. Br. [Brooke's poem was 
one of the main sources of Shakespeare's Romeo and Juliet. For 
a fuller account of Brooke's debt to Chaucer, see Romeus and Juliet, 
* Shakespeare Classics,' ed. by J. J. Munro, 1908. Mr. Munro has 
kindly supplied the following notes :] 

[Brooke's debt is of two kinds : (a) where he amplifies a 
suggestion in his original (Boaistuau) with the help of 
Chaucer's Troilus - } and (b) where he derives a suggestion 
from Chaucer only.] 

(a) Boaistuau (ed. 1559), p. 43 : 1'amour qu'il portoit a sa 
premiere damoiselle demoura vaincu par ce nouueau feu. 

Brooke, 11. 207-9 : 1 

And as out of a planke a nayle a nayle doth driue : 
So nouell loue out of the minde the auncient loue doth riue 
This sodain kindled fyre in time is wox so great : etc. 

Troilus & Criseyde, iv, 415 : 
The newe love out chaceth of te the olde. 

Troilus & Criseyde, iv, 422 : 
The newe love, labour or other wo, 
Or elles selde seinge of a wight, 
Don olde affectiouns alle over-go. 2 

Boaistuau, p. 456: ie suis vostre, estat preste & diposee 
de vous obeyr en tout ce que 1'honneur pourra souffrir. 

1 The line-references to Brooke .are to the ' four teeners,' each of which 
is printed as two lines in the original edition. 

2 From Boccaccio's Filostrato, but originally from Ovid : Successore 
novo vincitur omnis amor. (Remed. Amor. 462.) Brooke's lines were 
copied by Shakespere in Two Gentlemen of Verona, Romeo, and Julius 

30 [Brooke] Appendix A. [A.D. 1562 

Brooke, 1. 314 : 

(My honor saued) prest tobay [i. e. to obey] your will, while 
life endures. 

Troll iii, 480 : 

. . . but elles wol I fonde, 
Myn honour sauf, please him fro day to day ; 

Trott. iii, 159 : 

she . . . 

. . . sayde him sof tely, 
'Myn honour sauf,' I wol wel trewely, etc. 

[Juliet in Brooke, and Criseyde in Troilus, both make 
frequent insistence that their lovers' conduct must be 

Boaistuau, p. 52 : de sorte que s'ils eussent peu com- 
mander au ciel comme losue fist au soleil, etc. 

Brooke, 1. 824 : 
So that I deeme if they might haue (as of Alcume [sic for 

Alcmene] we heare) 
The sunne bond to theyr will ; etc. 

Troil iii, 1427-8 : 

right, alias ! why niltow over us hove 
As longe as whanne Almena lay by Jove 1 l 

[This under similar circumstances in both poems : i. e. in 
connexion with the lovers' nocturnal meeting.] 

(b) Brooke, 1. 332 : 
Of both the ylles to choose the lesse, 

1 wene the choyse were harde. 

Troil. ii, 470 : 
Of harmes two, the lesse is for to chese. 

Brooke, 1. 393 : 

[Juliet] A thousand stories more, to teache me to beware, 
In Boccace and in Ouids bookes too playnely written are. 

Troil. iii, 297: 

[Criseyde] A thousand olde stories thee alegge 
Of women lost, through fals and foles bost. 

1562] Appendix A. [Brooke] 31 

[Romeus and Troilus, while waiting for the help of 
Laurence or Pandare, are both like the patient waiting for 
the leech's salve.] 

Brooke, 1. 613: 

The wounded man that now doth dedly paines endure : 
Scarce pacient tarieth whilst his leech doth make the salue 

to cure. 
So Roineus, etc. 

Trail, i, 1086 : 

Now lat us stinte of Troilus a stounde, 
That fareth lyk a man that hurt is sore, 
And is somdel of akinge of his wounde ^ 

Y-lissed wel, but heled no del more : 
And, as an esy pacient, the lore 
Abit of him that gooth aboute his cure ; 
And thus he dryveth forth his aventure. 

[The first night of parting between the lovers.] 

Brooke, 1 : 1537 : 

But on his brest her hed doth ioylesse luliet lay, 
And on her slender necke his chyn doth ruthfull Romeus 

' Help, Troilus ! ' and ther-with-al hir face 
Upon his brest she leyde, and loste speche. 
[The two scenes throughout are very similar.] 

[Brooke's additions to the Romeo story. 

These are not important so far as the story is concerned, but 
they form the best cases of borrowing. In the now lost 
earlier play (?) on Romeo which Brooke mentions and which 
both Brooke and Shakspere appear to have used, there was a 
scene at Laurence's cell in which Romeo lamented. In 
Brooke he becomes savage : this is taken from a similar 
scene with Troilus just before the entry of Pandare, as the 
references show.] 

Brooke, 1. 1291 : 

These heauy tydinges heard, his golden lockes he tare : 
And like a frantike man hath torne the garmentes that he 

32 [Brooke] Appendix A. [A.D. 1562 

And as the smitten deere in brakes is waltring found : 

So waltreth he, and with his brest doth beate the troden 


He rises eft, and strikes his head against the wals, 
He falleth downe againe, and lowde for hasty death he cals. 
Come spedy death (quoth he) ; etc. 

Trail, iv, 239 : 

Right as the wilde bole biginneth springe 
Now here, now there, y-dexted to the herte, 
And of his deeth roseth in compleyninge, 
Right so gan he aboute the chaumbre sterte, 
Smyting his brest ay with his festes smerte ; 
His heed to the wal, his body to the grounde 
Ful ofte he swepte, him-selven to confounde. 

1. 250 : 
' O deeth, alias ! why nil tow do me deye : ' 

Brooke, 1. 1325 : 

Fyrst nature did he blame, the author of his lyfe, 
In which his ioyes had been so scant, and sorowes aye so 

ryf e : 

The time and place of byrth, he fiersly did reproue, 
He cryed out (with open mouth) against the starres aboue : 
The fatall sisters three he said, had done him wrong ; etc. 

1. 1335 : 
And then did he complaine on Venus cruel sonne. 

1. 1343: 

On Fortune eke he raylde, he calde her deafe, and blynde 
Vncoiistant, fond, deceitfull, rashe, vnruthfull, and vnkynd. 
And to him self he layd a great part of the fait : 
For that he slewe, and was not slayne, in fighting with 


He blamed all the world, and all he did defye, 
But luliet, for whom he liued for whom eke would he dye. 

Trail, v, 204 : 

And there his sorwes that he spared hadde 
He yaf an issue large, and ' deeth ! ' he cryde ; 
And in his throwes frenetyk and madde 

1562] Ajjpendix A. [Brooke] 33 

He cursed love, Appollo, and eek Cupyde, 
He cursed Ceres, Bacus, and Cipryde, 
His burthe, him-self, his fate, and eek nature, 
And, save his lady, every creature. 

[Laurence to Romeus.] 

Brooke, 1. 1353: 

Art thou quoth he a man 1 thy shape saith, so thou art : 
Thy crying and they weping eyes, denote a woman's hart. 

[Pandare to Troilus.] 

Troil. iii, 1098 : 

' O theef , is this a mannes herte 1 ' 
And of he rente al to his bare sherte. 

[Criseyde to Troilus.] 

Troil. iii, 1126: 

'is this a inannes game 1 
What, Troilus ! wol ye do thus, for shame "? ' 

[The other innovation made by Brooke is Romeus's sorrow 
in his exile, copied from Troilus. Both Troilus and Romeus 
sigh and weep at night ; etc.] 

Brooke, 1. 1755 : 

Eche night a thousand times he calleth for the day, 
He thinketh Titans restles stedes of restives do stay ; 
Or that at length they haue some bayting place found out, 
Or (gyded yll) haue lost theyr way and wandred farre about- 

Troil. v. 659 : 

The day is more, and lenger every night, 
Than they be wont to be, him thoughte tho ; 
And that the sonne wente his course unright 
By lenger wey than it was wont to go ; 
And seyde * y-wis, ne dredeth ever-mo, 
The sonnes sone, Pheton, be on-lyve, 
And that his fadres cart amis he dryve. 

[It should be remembered that Troilus is in many respects 
quite parallel to Borneo. In each story two lovers are secretly 
betrothed and meet at night in the lady's house. They 
vacillate between joy and sorrow and are comforted and 
helped by a philosophical friend. One of them is banished, 
and they have a final night together and part at dawn. It 
was at these points of contact that Brooke was able to 
derive suggestions from Chaucer.] 


Appendix A. 

[A.D. 1565- 

1565. Googe, Barnaby, The Preface to the vertuous and frendely 
Reader, [in] The Zodiake of Life ... by the . . . Poet Marcellus 
Pallingenius . . . newly translated into Englishe verse by Barnabse 
Googe, sign (J) 3 b. 

Louing and f rendly reader ... be not so straight of 
iudgement as I know a number to be that can not abyde to 
reade anye thing written in Englishe verse, which nowe is 
so plenteously enriched wyth a number of eloquent writers, 
that in my fansy it is ly ttle inferiour to the pleasaunt verses 
of the auncient Romanies. For since the time of our 
excellente countreyman Sir Geffray Chaucer who liueth in 
like estimation with vs as did olde Ennius wyth the 
Latines. There hath nourished in England so fine and 
filed phrases, and so good <fe pleasant Poets as may counter- 
uayle the doings of Yirgill, Quid, Horace, luuenal, etc. 

[This reference is not in the edition of 1561, and the 
verses with the Chaucer reference in that edition quoted in 
vol. i, p. 96 (Unknown) are not given here.] 

[1566.] Unknown. A Ballad beginning, " When Troylns dwelt in 
Troy towne." Bodleian MS. Ashmole 48 (Songs and Ballads, ed. 
T. Wright, Roxb. Club, 1860, pp. 195-197.) 

[Rollins 18.] 

[st. 3] Tyll at the last he cam to churche, 

Where Cressyd sat and prayed- a; 
Whose lookes gaue Troylus such a lurche, 
Hys hart was all dysmayde-a ! 

[st. 6] And to hys neece he [Pandar] dyd commend 

The state of Troylus then-a ; 
Wyll yow kyll Troylus 1 God defend ! 
He ys a nobell man-a. 

[at. 13] Then Pandare, lyke a wyly pye, 

That cowld the matter handell, 
Stept to the tabell by and by, 
And forthe he blewe the candell. 

[These stanzas are chosen only for illustration. The 
entire ballad, as has long been known, is modelled on 
Chaucer's Troilus. The ballad was registered at Stationers' 
Hall (Arber's Transcript, vol. i, p. 300), in 1565-66 as "the 
history of Troilus Whose throtes \i. e., trothes] hath Well 
bene tryed."] 

1568] Appendix A. 35 

[1567-79 P] Harvey, Gabriel. Marginal notes in Gabriel Harvey's 
handwriting [in] M. Fabii Quintiliani. . . Institutionum oratori- 
aruin Libri xii, Parisiis, 1548, at the foot of p. 643 [printed 543] 
[B.M. C. 60. 1. 11]. (Gabriel Harvey's Marginalia, ed. G. C.Moore 
Smith, 1913, p. 122.) 

Tria viridissima Britannorum ingenia, Chaucerus, Morus, 
Juellus : Quibus addo tres florentissimas indoles, Heiuodum, 
Sidneium, Spencerum. Qui quserit illustriora Anglorum in- 
genia, inueniet obscuriora. Perpaucos excipio; eorumqwe 
primes, Smithum, Aschamum, Yilsonum; Diggesium, Blun- 
deuilum, Hacluitum, mea Corcula. 

[c. 1567.] Txirbervile, George. Epitaphes, Epigrams, Songs and 
Sonets. (1567 ed., 'newly corrected, with additions,' 1st known ; 
1570 1st in B.M.; ff. 6b, 30b, 61b, 71a, b; Ed. J. P. Collier 
[1867 ?] pp. 10, 54, 108-9, 126-27.) 

[Rollins 19.] 

[p. 10] Pause, pen, a while therefore, 

and use thy woonted meane : 
For Boccas braine, and Chaucers quill 
in this were foyled cleane. 

[p. 54] Let Cressed myrror bee, that did forgo 

Hir former faythf till friend, King Priam's sonne 
And Diomed the Greeke imbraced so, 
And left the loue so well that was begonne : 
But when hir cards were tolde and twist ysponne, 
She found hir Trojan friend the best of both, 
For he renounst hir not, but kept his oth. 

[There are very many other allusions to Cressid in Turber- 
vile's Epitaphes. Most of them refer to her as a leper, but 
there can be no doubt that Turbervile regarded Chaucer as 
the author of the story which tells of her leprosy.] 

1568. Fulwood, William. A constant Louer doth express His gripyng 
griefes, which -still encrease, [a model letter, in] The Enimie of 
Idlenesse, pp. 187-8. (P. Wolter's William Fullwood, Diss. Rostock. 
Potsdam, 1907, pp. 72-73.) 

[Rollins 22. 

As Troylus did neglect the trade 

of Louers skilful 1 lawe, 
Before such time that Cresseid faire 

with fixed eyes he sawe. 

36 Appendix A. [1568- 

But sith I lacke some such a friende 

as he of Pandor had, 
Who brought his purpose well about, 

and made his minde full glad. 
[This poem is undoubtedly indebted to Chaucer's Troilus.] 

1568. Howell, Thomas. The Arbor of Amitie. [Ed. 1568 not in B.M.] 
(Poems, ed. A. B. Grosart, 1879, pp. 10, 32.) 

[For John Keeper's prefatory verses to- The Arlor of Amitie, 
see above, pt. i, p. 102.] 

[Rollins 23.] 
[p. 10] If I had Tullies tongue 

and thousand wittes thereto : 
If Chaucers vaine, if Homers skill, 

if thousand helpers mo : 
Yet tongue, not wyt nor vaine, 

nor skill nor helpe at all 
Can well descrie your due desarte, 
in praise perpetuall. 

[p. 32] To leaue behinde a picture fine to see 

It may small time well stande in steede for thee. 
But picture faire of noble actes of minde, 
That farre excelles to learne to leaue behinde, 
Which will maintaine a noble name for aye 
As Tullis tongue and Ccesars acts can saye. 
As Chaucer shewes and eke our morall Gowre 
With thousands more, whose fame shal stil endure. 

[Cf. O moral Gower, this booke I directe. Troilus v, 1. 1856.] 

1568. Stewart. Furthouer the Mold at Marrow as I merit, [a poem, 
in] the Bannatyne MS. (Ed. Hunterian Club, 1896, [1873-1901], 
4 vols., vol. iv, pp. 774-76.) 

[Rollins 21.] 

[The poet says that as he was walking out he met a man :] 
I sperit his name and he said, Panderus, 
That sumtyme seruit the gud knycht Troyelus. 

[Pandarus then launches into a tirade against women.] 

1568. Unknown. Quhair Love is kendlit confortles [a poem, in the] 
Bannatyne MS. (Ed. J. B. Murdoch, Hunterian Club, vol. iii, 
p. 705 } Sibbald's Chronicle of Scottish Poetry, vol. iii, p. 177.) 

[Rollins 20.] 

1570] Appendix A. 37 

Trew Troyallus, he langorit ay, 
Still waitand for his luvis returne, 
Had nocht sic pyne, it was hot play, 
As daylie dois my body burne. 

[There are various other allusions similar to this in 

the MS.] 

1568. Wedderburn. My Lnve ivas fals and full of Flattry, [a poem, 
signed] " Finis quod Weddirburne" [in. the] Bannatyne MS. (Ed. 
Murdoch, Hunteriaii Club, vol. iv, p. 760 ; also in Sibbald's 
Chronicle of Scottish Poetry, vol. iii, p. 235.) 

[Rollins 24] 

[st. 3] The skorne that I gatt micht bene maid ane farss, 
Quhilk excedit the skorne of Absolone, 
Quhen the hett culter wes schott in his herss, 
Be clerk Nicolus and his luve Allesone, 
As Canterberry Tailis makis rnentioun ; 
Yit I suspekkit nocht bot scho wes trew, 
Bot I wes all begylit, quhilk sair I rew. 

[Of. The Miller's Tale. In Stanza 7 of this same poem 
the author refers to, and quotes a line from, the Testament 
of Cresseid, rather conclusive proof that he, too, thought 
that work to have been written by Chaucer.] 

[1569.] Turbervile, George. Epitaphes and Sonnettes, [written in 
1569, added to his] TragicaU Tales, f. 1646. (Edinburgh, 1837, 
p. 330.) 

[Rollins 40.] 

Farewell thou shamelesse shrew, 

fair Cresides heire thou art : 
And I Sir Troylus earst haue been, 

as prooueth by my smart. 
Hencefoorth beguile the Greekes, 

no Troyans will thee trust : 
I yeeld thee vp to Diomed, 

to glut his filthie lust. 

[There are striking allusions to Henryson's Cressida on 
pp. 334, 369. The Tales first appeared before 1575, but 
the 1587 edition is the first extant in a complete copy, that 
of 1576 being only known from a fragment.] 

[1570.] B., R. A new balade entituled as foloweth. To such as write 
in Metres. . . . [B.M. Huth 50 (13).] 

[Rollins 25.] 

38 Appendix A. [A.D. 1572- 

Wyshyng all them that wyll adresse 
Their pen to metres, let them not spare 
To follow Chawcer, a man very rare, 
Lidgate, Wager, Barclay and Bale, 
With many other that excellent are, 
In these our dayes, extant to sale. 

[Licensed on or soon after July 22, 1570. See B.M. Cat. Huth Bequest, 50 (35).] 

[n.a. 1572.] Gascoigne, George. A H nndreth sundrie Flowers, [1573], 
pp. 321, 352-3, 418. (Complete Works, ed. J. W. Cunlifte, 1907-10, 
2 vols., vol. i, pp. 54, 90, 101.) 

[Gascoigne revised and reissued these poems (under the title of Posies) in 1575, 
q.v. above, pt. i, pp. 110-11, and below, 1575. There are many other allusions 
to Troilut and Criseyde scattered about Gascoigne's poems.] 

[p. 90] [References to " trusty Troylus," and " Pandar's niece," 
who would give place to the author's mistress.] 

[p. ioi] [The passage from The delectable history of . . . Dan 
Bartholmew of Bath quoted in pt. i, p. 110,, under the 2nd 
edn. (Posies) of 1575, should have been quoted from 
this 1st edition.] 

1572. T[urbervile ?], G[eorge ?]. The Letter of G. T. to Us very friend 
H. W. concerning this worke, [dated August 10, 1572, prefixed to 
George Gascoigne's] The aduentnres of Master F. I. [Ferdinando 
Jeronimi, in] A Hundreth Sundrie Flowers, [1573] p. 203. (Com- 
plete Poems of Gascoigne, ed. W. C. Hazlitt, vol. i, p. xxxix.) 

[Eollins 26.] 

And the more pitie, that amongst so many toward wittes 
no one hath bene hitherto encouraged to followe the trace of 
that worthy and famous Knight Sir Geffrey Chaucer, and 
after many pretie deuises spent in youth, for the obtayning 
a worthies victorie, might consume and consummate his age 
in discribing the right pathway to perfect felicitie, with the 
due preseruation of the same. 

1575. Churchyard, Thomas. A discourse of vertue, [and] Churchyardes 

rste parte of Chnrchyardes Chi 
[Reprinted by J. P. Collier (1870?), pp. 154, 177.] 

Dream, [in] The Firste parte of Chnrchyardes Chippes, ff. 716, 82a. 

A discourse of vertue. 

[p. 154] True dealing was but cauld a doult, 

or els Gods foole, in deade : 
Dame Flattery claymed f rindships place, 
Yet faild-her frinde at neade. 

1576] Appendix A. 39 

And robbry was good purchace helde, 

and lust was sollace sweete : 
And they were calld the lively laddes, 

that had the quickest sprete. 

Som said lords hestes were held for lawes, 
but those were C hawsers woordes : 

And faith did faile in old priestes sawes, 
tushe all this was but boordes. 

Churchyardes Dreame. 

[Rollins 28.] 

[p. 177] Howe shuld I hit in Chausers vayn, 

Or toutche the typ, of Surries brayn 
Or dip my pen, in Petrarkes stiell, 
Sens conning lak I all the whiell 1 

1575. [Edwards, Richard?] A new Tragicall Comedie of Apius and 
Virginia, by E. B. [misprint for R. E., i.e. R. Edwards ?] 

[The plot was probably taken from the Phisiciens Tale. 
See C. W. Wallace, Evolution of the English Drama, 1912, 
pp. 108-9.] 

[1575.] Gascoig-ne, George. Dan Bartholmew of Bathe, [in] The Posies 
of George Gascoigne, Esquire, corrected, perfected and augmented . . . 
1575, p. cxii. '(Complete works, ed. J. W. Cunliffe, 1907-10, 
2 vols., vol. i, p. 137.) [This passage is not in the 1st edn., 
A Hundreth sundrie Flowers, [1573], q.v. above, pt. i, pp. 110-11, 
and App. A., [n.a. 1572.] The publisher there adds a note that 
Dan Bartholmew of Bathe is incomplete.] 

[Rollins 27.] 
tp. 137] Thus unto thee these leaues I recommend, 

To reade, to raze, to view, and to correct : 
Vouchsafe (my friend) therein for to amend 
That is amisse . . . 

[Cf. Troilus, v., st. 262, 263.] 

1576. L., R. Beijng in Lone, he compla'meth, [a poem, in] The Paradyse 
of daynty deuises . . . deuised [edited] by M. [Richard] Edwardes. 
(Ed. 1578, 1st in B.M., p. 48 ; ed. J. P. Collier, 1867, p. 132.) 

[Rollins 31.] 

Vnto whose grace yelde he, as I doe offer me, 

Into your hands to haue his happ, not like hym for to be : 

40 Appendix A. [A.D. 1576- 

But as kyng Priamus [sonne?], did bind hym to the will, 
Of Cressed false whiche hym forsoke, with Diomed to spill. 

[The four lines that follow these allude to the Cressid of 
the Testament, and refer to her "Lazares death."] 

1576. Unknown. An excellent and jrteasant Comedie, termed after the 
name of the Vice, Common Conditions. [Licensed 1576.] (Ed. 
Tucker Brooke, 1915, sign. D.) [Only copy of original, now in 
America, lacks title.] 

[Rollins 29.] 

[LI. 800-823 refer to the stories of Medea and Jason, 
Troilus and Cressida, Eneas and Dido, Theseus and Ariadne. 
The probability that the author's information about all these 
lovers came from Chaucer is strengthened by the fact that 
Cressid is referred to as a leper : the author had certainly 
read the Testament of Cresseid, and this was accessible only 
in an edition of Chaucer. Cf. also Brooke's note, p. 70.] 

1576. Whetstone, George. Epilogue [to] The Castle of Delight [being 
the first part of] The Eocke of Eegard, diuided into foure parts. 
[No imprint or date : the preface is dated October 15, 1576]. (Ed. 
J. P. Collier, p. 90.) 

[Rollins 30.] 

Loe ! here the fruits of lust and lawlesse love, 
Loe ! here their faults that vale to either vice ; 

Loe ! ladyes here, their falles (for your behove) 
Whose wanton willes sets light by sound advice. 

[Cf. Troilus, v, st. 265. One of the poems to which these 
lines form part of the epilogue is " Cressids Complaint," an 
extremely bitter attack on the leprosy-stricken girl, q.v. 
above, pt. i, p. 113.] 

1577. Holinshed, Raphael. The Firste (the Laste) volume of the 
Chronicles of England, Scotlande, and Irelande, vol. i, f. 5, col. 2, 
vol. ii, f. 1118, col. 2. 

[See also above, pt. i, p. 114.] 

fvoi.i.f. Afterward also, by the diligent traueile of Geffray 
Chauser, and John Gowre in the time of Richard the 
second, & after the of John Scoga, & John Lydgate monke 
of Berry, our tong was brought to an excellent passe, 
[vol. ii, [Among the writers of the reign of Richard II was] John 
col. 1 2]' Moone an Englishman borne, but a student in Paris, who 
compyled in the French tongue the Romant of the Rose, 
translated into English by Geffrey Chaucer. 

1578] Appendix A. 41 

1577. Unknown. [Annotations, dated 1577, on the flyleaf of a copy 
of] The Vision of Pierce Plowman, 1561, [printed in] Notes and 
Queries, Sept. 18, 1858, 2nd ser. vol. vi, pp. 229-30. 

2. Mention is made of Peerce Plowghman's Creede, in 
Chawcers tale off the Plowman. 

3. I deeme Chawcer to be the author [i. e. of the Creede ?]. 
I think hit not to be on ond the same y* made both . . . 

4. . . . G. Chawcerus vivit [sic] 1402 . . . 

[1578.] Lyly, John. Influence of Chaucer. 

[There seems little doubt that Lyly knew and liked 
Chaucer well, from the reminiscences of the older poet 
to be found in his works. The following passages are 
specially to be noted ; the references are to the Complete 
Works of John Lyly . . ed. . . R. Warwick Bond, 1902. 
3 vols. 

(1) Euphues, vol. i, p. 316. The letter to Alcius about 
true 'gentilesse.' Cf. Wyf of Bathes Tale, D. 1109-64. 

(2) Euphues, vol. ii, p. 83, 1. 9. Cf. Wife's Prologue, 
D. 466. 

(3) In Gallathea is to be found the story of the Alchemist, 
and his desertion by Peter, clearly borrowed (possibly via 
Reginald Scot) from the Canon's Yeomans Prologue and 
Tale [see Introduction to play, in Lyly's works, vol. ii, 
pp. 423-4], wherein the exclamation Peter,' [1. 665], may 
have suggested the name of Lyly's rascal, while the name 
of Robin, the miller's son, and the tale of the Astronomer 
falling into a pond, may be taken from The Miller's Tale. 

(4) Fairies in Gallathea and in Endimion. Cp. Wyf of 
Bathes Tale. See also Notes to Lyly's Works, vol. i, 
p. 525. 

(5) Endimion, character of Sir Tophas 'follows closely, 
though not obviously, the main lines of Chaucer's Sir Topas.' 
R. Warwick Bond. See his notes to the play, Lyly's 
Works, vol. iii, pp. 503-4. See also John Lyly, par A. 
Feuillerat, Cambridge (1910), p. 318 and note. 

(6) Mother Bombie, i, 1. 73-5. Memphio's remark: 
' Now for my wife ; I would have kept this from her, else 
I shall not be able to keepe my house from smoake,' may be 
reminiscent of Wife of Bathes Prologue, D. 278-80. Also 
iii, 4. 13-4. Rixula's proverb about the 'gray goose in the 
lake.' Cf. Wife of Bathes Prologue, D. 269-70. 

(7) Euphues, vol. ii, p. 92, 1. 8, and Gallathea, iv, 1. 46, 
' hee must halt cunninglie, that will deceive a cripple.' Cf. 
Troilus and Criseyde, iv, 1458. 

(8) Gallathea. Terms of alchemy and technical details owe 

42 Appendix A. [A.D. 1578- 

much to Ch. Yeoman's Tale. See The Alchemist by Ben 
Jonson, ed. C. M. Hathaway, N. York, 1903, pp. 73-4. 
Mr. Hathaway gives some details of Lyly's debt to Chaucer 
in this respect, and maintains that Lyly ' studied his alchemy 
almost altogether in the Chanouns Yemannes Tale.' 

For fuller notes on Lyly's debt to Chaucer, see Lyly's 

Works, ed. R. Warwick Bond, biographical appendix, vol. i, 

p. 401, of which the above is a summary.] 

1578. [Procter], T[liomas]. The Louer in the prayse of his beloued, etc. 
[in] A gorgious Gallery of gallant Inventions. [No early ed. in 
B.M.] '(Three Collections of English Poetry [ed. Sir Henry Ellis], 
Roxb. Club, 1844, sign. G. iv b.) 

[Rollins 32.] 

Nor shee whose eyes did pearce true Troylus brest, 
And made him yeeld, that knew in loue no law . . . 

[This allusion is unmistakably to Chaucer's Troilus. 
There are many other allusions in this work to Troilus 
and Cressida, most of them, however, written with the 
Testament in mind.] 

1579. A Student in Cambridge. [C., J. ?] A poore Knight his 
Pallace of priuate pleasures Written by a student of Cam- 
bridge, and published by I. C. Gent. [No early ed. in B.M.] 
(Ellis's Three Collections, sign. B iiii 6.) 

[Rollins 33.] 

And as I pryed by chaunce, I saw a damsell morne, 
With ragged weedes, and Lazers spots, a wight to much 

Quoth Morpheus doost thou see, wheras that caytiffe 

Much like the wretched Crocodill, beholde now how shee 


That is Pandare his Nice, and Calcas only childe, 
By whose deceites and pollicies, young Troylus was 


Shee is kept in affliction where many other are, 
And veweth Troylus lying dead, vpon the Mount of Care. 
Shee wepte, shee sighed, shee sobd, for him shee doth 

And all too late, yet to to vaine, her facte she doth 

repent : 
How could that stedfast knight, (quoth I) loue such a 


1584] Appendix A. 43 

Morpheus replied in beauty bright, shee bare away the 

fame : 

Till that shee had betrayed, her Troylus and her dere, 
And then the Gods assigned a plague, and after set her 


[This remarkable combination of Chaucer's and Henry- 
son's stories is equalled by another passage at sign. F. For 
one at sign. C iii 6, see above, pt. i, p. 119.] 

1580. Unknown. A Complaint (by " Troylus") and "A Eeplye" 
(by " Cressida "), [a ballad in two parts printed in 1 580 edn. (not 
in B.M.) of] The Paradyce of daynty deuyses. [Not in the 1st edn. 
of 1578.] (Ed. Sir E. Brydges, 1812, pp. 100-102 ; W. C. Hazlitt's 
Complete Poems of George Gascoigne, vol. ii, pp. 331-333.) 

[Rollins 34.] 

[This ballad was very probably "A proper ballad Dialoge 
wise betwene Troylus and Cressida" which Edward White 
registered for publication on June 23, 1581 (Arber's Tran- 
script, .vol. ii, p. 394). It has some interest as showing the 
popular conception of Cressida, though most of its details are 
borrowed from Henry son rather than from Chaucer.] 

[c. 1582.] Unknown. The Rare Triumphes of Loue and Fortune. 
Plaide before the Queenes most excellent Maiestie [between 
Christmas 1581 and Feb. 1582]. At London. Printed by E. A. 
for Edward White . . . 1589. (Dodsley's Old Plays, ed. Hazlitt, 
vol. vi, p. 155.) 

[Rollins 35.] 

[The unique copy of the original is the Bridgewater-Huntington, and is in 

Enter the show of Troilus and Cressida. 

MERCURY [speaks :] 
Behold, how Troilus and Cressida 
Cries out on Love, that framed their decay. 

[1584-88. Puttenham, George.] The Arte of English Poesie, 1589, 
p. 69. (Ed. Arber, 1869, p. 97.) 

[Rollins 41.] 

[See also above, pt. i, p. 125.] 

. . . blind harpers or such like tauerne minstrels that 
giue a fit of mirth for a groat, & their matters being for the 
most part stories of old time, as the tale of Sir Topas, the 
reportes of Beuis of Southampton, ... & such other old 
Romances or historicall rimes, made purposely for recreation 
of the common people . . . 

44 Appendix A. [A.D. 1584- 

1584. Tomson, I. TJie Louer complaineth the losse of his Ladie [a 
poein in] A Handefull of pleasant delites, by Clement .Robinson, 
and diners others, sign. B 8 6. (Spenser Society reprint, 1871, 
p. 32.) 

[Rollins 36.] 

If Venus would grant vnto me, 

such happinesse : 
As she did vnto Troylus, 
By help of his friend Pandarus, 

To Cressids loue who worse, 

Than all the women certainly 

That euer liued naturally, 
Whose slight falsed faith, the storie saith, 
Did breed by plagues, her great & sore distresse, 

For she became so leprosie, 

That she did die in penurie. 

Because she did transgresse. 

[The first few lines of this passage certainly refer to 
Chaucer's own poem : there is no Pandar in Henryson.] 

1584. Unknown. A warning for Wooers, [and] The Louer being 
wounded with his Ladis beutie, requireth mercy, [poems in] A 
Handefull of pleasant deities, sign. C 7 a, D 4 6. (Spenser Society 
reprint, pp. 45, 56.) 

[Rollins 37.] 

[p. 56] The wofull prisoner Palemon, 

And Troylus eke kinge Pyramus sonne, 
Constrained by loue did neuer mone : 
As I my deer for thee haue done. 

[1585-1590 P] Harvey, Gabriel. MS. notes in Gabriel Harvey's 
handwriting, in his copy of The mathematical lewel, [by John 
Blagrave, 1585. [B.M., C. 60. o. 7.] (Gabriel Harvey's Margin- 
alia, el. G- C. Moore Smith, Stratford-upon-Avon, 1913, p. 211.) 

[On preliminary page headed ' Margarita Mathematical in 
Harvey's handwriting :] 

Chawcers Conclusions of the Astrolabie, still in esse. 
Pregnant rules to manie worthie purposes. 

[c. 1586.] Sidney, Sir Philip. [A sonnet, first printed in] Works, 1598, 

&479. (Elizabethan Sonnets, ed. Sir Sidney Lee, in An English 
arner, 1904, 2 vols., vol. i, p. 120. 

[Rollins 38.] 

1589] Appendix A. 45 

Are poets then, the only lovers true 1 

Whose hearts are set on measuring a verse ; 

Who think themselves well blest, if they renew 

Some good old dump, that Chaucer's mistress knew . . . 

1686. Whetstone, George. The English Myrror, Lib. 3, ch. 7, p. 235. 

[Rollins 39.] 

I haue in many places of my booke shewen sundrie ex- 
amples of their [i. e., husbandmen's] vnconstancie, and 
therefore heere will onely set down what CHAUSER writeth 
of their dispositions vnder. 

O sterne people, vniust, and vntrue, 

Ay vndiscreete, and cha,unging as a fane, 

Delyting euer in rumours that be new : 

For like the Moone you euer wax and wane, 

Your reason halteth, your iudgement is lame 

Your dome is false, your Constance euil preueth. 

A ful great foole is he that on you leueth. 

[Clerkes Tale, 11. 995-1001.] 

1588. Dale, Valentine. Letter to Lord Burghley, June 21, 1588. 
(Record Office MS. Quoted by J. L. Motley in The United Nether- 
lands; Works, 1904, 9 vols., United Netherlands, vol. ii, p. 451.) 

In the meantime, as the wife of Bath saith in Chaucer by 
her husband, we owe them [the King of Spain's Commis- 
sioners] not a word. 

[1589-1603.] Shakespeare, William. Influence of Chaucer. 

[Although Shakespeare never refers to Chaucer by name, 
and only once to the title of one of his works (the House of 
Fame, in Titus Andronicus, see under 1589-90, above pt. i, 
p. 131), yet there are many indications that he knew Chaucer 
and was indebted to him. For literature on this subject, see 
J. H. Hippisley in Chapters on Early English Literature, 
1837, pp. 60-72; J. W. Hales in Quar. Review, Jan. 1873; 
W. W. Lloyd in Critical Essays on Shakespeare, 1875 ; W. 
Hertzberg in Shakespeare Jahrbuch, 1871, pp. 201-209; 
O. Ballmann in Chaucers einfluss auf das englische drama, 
Anglia, xxv, 1902; G. Sarrazin in Anglia, Beiblatt, vii, p. 265 ; 
R. A. Small in The Stage Quarrel, Forschungen zur eng. 
sprache, E. Kolbing, Heft I, 1899 ; E Stache in Das Ver- 
haltniss von Shakespeare's Troilus und Cressida zu Chaucer's 
gleichnamigen Gedicht, progr. des Realgymn. zu Nord- 

46 Appendix A. [A.D. 1589- 

hausen, reviewed in Anglia, Beiblatt, 1894, p. 269 ; H. R. D. 
Anders in Shakespeare's Books, Berlin, 1904, chap. 3 ; 
H. Ord, Chaucer and the Rival Poet in Shakespeare's 
Sonnets, 1921. 

In addition to the four Shakesperian references given 
ante (under 1589-90, 1596-7, 1599, 1610-11), the following 
may be specially noted. 

[1593-4.] Lucrece. 

1 And fellowship in woe doth woe assuage 
As palmers' chat makes short their pilgrimage.' 

This is a possible allusion to the C. Tales. For other 
Chaucer resemblances in this poem, see O. Ballmann in 
Anglia xxv, pp. 10-13, and G. Sarrazin in Anglia, Beibl. 
vii, p. 266. 

[1593-4.] A Midsummer-Night ] s Dream certainly shows 
knowledge of the Theseus-Hippolyta part of Chaucer's 
Knight's Tale. See Chapters on Early English Literature, 
by J. H. Hippisley, pp. 60-2, also Quarterly Review, Jan. 
1873, p. 249, and O. Ballmann in Anglia, xxv, pp. 5-9. 

[1603.] Troilus and Criseyde. 

Shakespeare undoubtedly used Chaucer's poem as a main 
source of his Troilus story ; see specially on this point, 
R. A. Small in the Stage Quarrel, Forschungen zur eng. 
sprache, Heft. I, 1899, pp. 154-6. Dr. Small holds that 'the 
whole character of Pandarus . . is taken directly from 
Chaucer's japing Pandarus,' that Shakespeare's play 'follows 
the order of Chaucer's story exactly, contains many passages 
obviously suggested by it ... and owes to it one aspect of 
the character of Troilus/ See also Critical Essays on 
Shakespeare, by W. W. Lloyd, 1875, pp. 322-6.] 

1592. Jeffes, Abel. Entry in the Register of the Stationers' Company 
of Chaucer's Works. (A Transcript of the Registers, etc.. ed. by 
E. Arber, 1875-94, 5 vols., vol. ii, p. 621.) 

[Rollins 42.] 

vj to die Octobris. Abell Jeffes. Entred for his copie 
. . . Chaucers workes to Print for the companye. 

[For the transfer of this licence to Adam Islip see below, 
1594, Islip.] 

1694. Islip, Adam. Entry in the Register of the Stationers' Company 
of Chaucer's Works. (A Transcript of the Registers, etc., ed. by 
E. Arber, 1875-94, 5 vols., vol. ii, p. 611.) 

xx die Decembris. Adam Islip. Entred to him for his 
copie to printe for the companye. Chawcers workes ... by 

1596] Appendix A. 47 

the appointment of Abell Jeffes, to whom this copie was 
first entred, and yf hereafter there be any Comentary or 
other thinge written upon the same booke then the same 
Adam shall have the offer of the same. 

[For Jeffes's entr^ see above, App. A, 1592.] 

1594. Percy, William. Sonnets to the Fairest Ccelia. Sonnet viii. 
(Elizabethan Sonnets, ed. Sir Sidney Lee, in An English Garner, 
1904, 2 vols., vol. ii, p. 145.) 

Strike up, my Lute . . . 
Rehearse the songs of forlorne amor'us 
Driv'ne to despaire by dames tyrannicall, 
Of Alpheus losse, of woes of Troilus . . . 

1595. Churchyard, Thomas. A Praise of Poetrie, [in] A Musicall 
Consort of Heauenly harmonic . . . called Churchyards CJiaritie. 
[No old ed. in B.M.] (Frondes Caducae, vol. iv, 1817, p. 40.) 

[Rollins 43.] 
Of heauenly things that earthly men 

Can scarcely vnderstand 
Did not our Chausers golden pen 

(That beautifide this land) 

Reach to the sunne and highest star 

And touch t the heauens all 
A poets knowledge goes so far 

That it to mind can call. 

[See also above, pt. i, p. 141. "The Author to his 
booke" (at the end of Churchyards Charitie) begins "Go 
now plaine booke, where thou maist welcom find," possibly 
in imitation of Troilus, v, st. 256.] 

1596. Lodge, Thomas. Wits Miserie, and the Worlds Madnesse, 
sign. F iij b. (Works, ed. Hunterian Club, 1879, vol. iv, p. 44.) 

[Rollins 44.] 

She [Cousenage] is the excellent of her age at a ring & a 
basket : & for a baudie bargain, I dare turne her loose to 
CHAUCER'S Pandare. 

1596. Spenser, Edmund. The Faerie Queene, bk. vi, canto 3, st. i. 

True is, that whilome that good poet sayd, 
The gentle mind by gentle deeds is knowne. 

[Wife of Bath's Tale, 1. 1170.) 

45 Appendix A. [A.D. 1596- 

1596. W., D. [Ferns] To the Author, [in] Sir Francis Drake, His 
Honorable lifes commendation, and his Tragicall Deathes lament- 
ation [by Charles FitzGeffrey], sig. A 4 recto, st. 3. 

[Rollins 46.] 

Old GEFFREY CHAUCER, Englands auncient Muse, 
And mirrour of the times that did ensue, 

Yeelded to death, that nere admits excuse ; 
But now in thee he seemes to live anewe, 

(If grave Pythagoras sage sawes be true :) 
Then sith old GEFFREY'S spirite lives, in thee, 

Rightlie thou named art FITZ-GEFFERY. 

[For another example of this conceit applied to FitzGeoffrey, see above, pt. i, 
p. 216, Haxby, 1636.] 

1597. Gerarde, John. The Herball, bk. ii, p. 424. 

The first kinde, of Pennywoort . . . groweth vpon West- 
minster Abbay, ouer the doore that leadeth from Chaucer 
his tombe to the olde palace. 

1598. Harington, Sir John. The Most Elegant and Wittie Epigrams 
of Sir John Harington, Knight, [written about 1598, printed 
1633] bk. i, ep. 8. 

[Rollins 47.] 
Chawcers jest. 

[1598-1600 P] Harvey, Gabriel. J\fS. notes in Gabriel Harvey's 
handwriting, in his copy of ' The Workes of ... Geffrey Cliaucer, 
newly Printed,' . . . 1598. [Speglit's first edn. of Chaucer.] 
(Gabriel Harvey's Marginalia, collected and edited by G. C. 
Moore Smith, 1913, Appendix II, pp. 224-34.) 

[There are a good many notes in this book ; Professor Moore Smith gives them 
in full. Only those bearing directly on Chaucer or his work are printed here. 
There are difficulties in fixing with any certainty the dates of these notes. Probably 
they were written at different times between 1598, when Speght's Chaucer came into 
Harvey's possession (as proved by his autograph with date), and 1600 or even 1608. 
This latter date might be the earliest possible for the note on the Shipman's Tale, 
where Harvey quotes from the 1608, not the 1590, edition of the Cobler of Canterburie. 
As, however, the book was licensed on June 12, 1600, there may have been an inter- 
mediate edition in that year. For a full discussion of the date of Harvey's notes, 
with the views of Bishop Percy and Edmund Malone, see Gabriel Harvey Marginalia, 
ed. G. C. Moore Smith, 1913, Preface, pp. viii-xi, and Notes, p. 304.] 

[p. 226] [At end of Chaucer's Life : ] 

Amongst the sonnes of the Inglish Muses ; Gower, Lid- 
gate, Heywood, Phaer, & a fewe other of famous memorie, 
ar meethinkes, good in manie kindes : but abooue all other, 
Chawcer in mie conceit, is excellent in euerie veine, & 

1598] Appendix A. [Harvey] 49 

humour : & none so like him for gallant varietie, both in 
matter, & forme, as Sir Philip Sidney. . . 

On * Arguments to euery Tale and Booke' on ' The Argu- 
ment to the Prologues ' [written by Speght]. 

Pleasant interteinement of Time, with sociable intercourse 
of Tales, stories, discourses, & merriments of .all fashions, 
Gallant varietie of notable veines, & humors in nianie kinds, 
supra to his loouing f rend, concerning his obseruation of the 
[p. 227] art of Decorum in his Tales. A fine discretion in the 
autor : & a pithie note in the Censor, utrumqwe scitum. 

[Speght, in this ' Argument,' remarks on Chaucer's ' decorum ' in speech (tee below, 
App. A. 1598). Francis Beaumont, who, in his prefatory letter, signs himself 
Speght's ' loving friend, 1 asserts also that Chaucer observes decorum in suiting his 
speeches and stories to his characters (see above, vol. i, p. 146), hence Harvey's 

[On ' The Knights Tale,' on the words ' deeds of Armes, 
and loue of Ladies : ' ] 

Heroical pageants. 

[On < The Millars tale : ' ] 

Comical tricks. The Prior disguised like a scull, shame- 
fully discouered, in the new Canterburie Tales. 

[On ' The Reues Tale : ' ] 

Such a reueng vpon Marian of Cherryhynton, bie Sir 
Rowland of Peters hostell in Cambridg. In the new 
Canterburie Tales, called The Cobler of Canterburie. A 
Tragedie for a Comedie. 

Tria grata; Nouitas, Yarietas, breuitas. 

[On * The man of Lawes Tale : ' ] 
Courtlie practises. 
[On * The Squiers Tale : ' ] 
Heroical, & magical feates. 

[On ' The Merchaunts Tale ' : ] 

[On ' The Fryars Tale,' on the words * inuective against 
the briberie of the spirituall Courts ' : ] 
Ecclesiastical iurisdiction, J.C. 
[On < The Somners Tale ' : ] 
An od iest in scorne of friars. 
[On ' The Clarke of Oxfords Tale ' :] 
Moral, <fe pathetical. 


50 [Harvey] Appendix A. [A.D. 1598 

[On ' The Frankelins Tale,' on the words 'The scope of 
this tale seemeth a contention in curtesie ' : ] 

A generous Emulation. Magical feates bie the way. 

[On ' The second Nonnes Tale ' : ] 

An Ecclesiastical Legend. The life of S. Crispin, in 
honour of the gentle Craft, for varietie. The lines of 
Eunapius, Philostratus, or such like, 
[p. 228] [On * The CKanons Yeomans Tale ' : ] 

A chymical discourse, & discouerie of a cunning im- 
postour. One of Axiophilus memorials : with that lost 
labour of Aurelius. Two notable discourses of cunning 
withowt effect. 

[' Axiophilus ' Is probably Harvey himself, see Gabriel Harvey's Marginalia, ed. 
G. C. Moore Smith, p. 306. Aurelius is the squire in the Frankeleynes Tale.] 

[On * The Shipmans Tale ' : ] 

The Smithes Tale, in the new Canterburie Tales. A 
iealous Cobler, cunningly made a Cuckold. In the Cobler's 
Tale, the Eight orders of Cuckholds. Cuckhold Machomita. 
Heretick. Lunatick. Patient. Incontinent. Bie con- 
sent. Bie parlament. Innocent. 

[On ' Chaucer s Tale ' : ] 

[On ' The Monkes Tale ', on the words < A Tragicall 
discourse on such as haue fallen from high estate to extreame 
miserie ' : ] 

The Mirrour of Magistrates. 

[On ' The Manciples Tale ' :] 

No Tales like the Tales of Cunning Experiments, or 
straung exploits, or queint surprises, or stratagems, or 
miracles, or sum such rare singularities. 

[On ' The Persons Tale ' :] 

Moral and penitential. The last of his Canterburie 
Tales, with Lidgates tragical storie of Thebes. 

[On Troylus and Creseid' : ] 

A peece of braue, fine & sweet poetrie. One of Astrophils 

[This alludes to Sidney's criticism, q.v. above, vol. i, pp. 121-2, 1581.] 

[p. 229] [On * The Legend of good women ' : ] 
Heroical & Tragical Legends. 

1598] Appendix A. [Harvey] 51 

[On ' The Astrolabe ' : ] 

An astronomical discourse. 

[On ' The Testament of Loue ' : ] 

A philosophical discourse in the Veine of Boetius, <fe 
sum time of Seneca. 

[After 'Finis' : ] 

All notable Legends in one respect, or other : & worthie 
to be read, for theire particular invention, or elocution : 
& specially for the varietie both of matter, & manner, that 
delightes with proffit, & proffites with delight. Though I 
could haue wisshed better choice of sum arguments, and 
sum subjects of more importance. 

[On the text of the poems : ] 

[' The Millers Tale ' :] 

A student of Astrologie. 

[' The Squiers Tale ' : ] 

The Spring : vt supra infra. 

Cunning Compositions bie Natural Magique. 

[' The Frankeleins Tale ' : ] 

A cunning man, & arch-magician. 

[' The Tale of the Chanons Yeman ' : ] 


The great Alchymist. 

[' The Tale of the Nonnes Priest ' : ] 
The spring. The prime of day. 
[ The Parsons Prologue ' : ] 
The description of the howre. tit supra 17. 
Contritio cordis. 
[< The Romant of the Rose ' : ] 

Excellent descriptions of Beau tie. Richesse. Largesse, 
[p. 230] Fine Optiques. 

Jelosies architecture. 
[' The Fifth Booke of Troilus ' : ] 
A cold spring. 

[' The Prologue ' (to the Legend of Good Women] : ] 
The daisie, his looue. 

The Golden Legends of famous Ladies and Worthie 

52 Appendix A. [A.D. 1598- 

Chaucer's Works in honour of Woomen. 

[p. 23i] [At the end of the poems : ] 

Not manie Chawcers, or Lidgates, Gowers, or Occleues, 
Surries, or Heywoods, in those dayes : & how few Aschams 
or Phaers, Sidneys or Spensers, Warners or Daniels, 
Siluesters or Chapmans, in this pregnant age. But when 
shall we tast the preserued dainties of Sir Edward Dier, 
Sir Walter Raleigh, M. Secretarie Cecill, the new patron 
of Chawcer; the Earle of Essex, the King of Scotland, 
the soueraine of the diuine art ; or a few such other refined 
wittes & surprising spirits 1 

More of Chaucer, & his Inglish traine in a familiar discourse 
of Anonymus [= Harvey !]. 

[p. 232] And now translated Petrarch, Ariostq, Tasso <fe Bartas 
himself deserue curious comparison with Chaucer, Lidgate 
& owre best Inglish, auncient & moderne. 

1598. Speght, Thomas. The Workes of our Antient and lerned English 
Poet, Geffrey Chaucer. [Additional extracts.] 

[Sign. c. iiii.] Arguments to every Tale and Booke. [48 in all.] 
The Argument to the Prologues 

The Authour in these Prologues to his Canterbury Tales, 
doth describe the reporters thereof for two causes : first, that 
the Reader seeing the qualitie of the person, may iudge of his 
speech accordingly : wherein Chaucer hath most excellently 
kept that decorum, which Horace require th in that behalf e. 
Secondly to shew, how that euen in our language, that may 
be perfourmed for descriptions, which the Greeke and Latine 
Poets in their tongues haue done at large. And surely this 
Poet in the iudgement of the best learned, is not inferiour to 
any of them in his descriptions, whether they be of persons, 
times, or places. Vnder the Pilgrimes, being a certaine 
number, and all of differing trades, he comprehendeth all 
the people of the land, and the nature and disposition of 
them in those daies ; namely, giuen to deuotion rather of 
custome than of zeale. In the Tales is shewed the state 
of the Church, the Court, and Countreyj with such Arte and 

1600] Appendix A. 53 

cunning, that although none could deny himselfe to be 
touched, yet none durst complaine that he was wronged. 
For the man being of greater learning then the most, and 
backed by the best in the land, was rather admired and 
feared, then any way disgraced. Whoso shall read these 
his works without preiudice, shall find that he was a man of 
rare conceit and of great reading. 

[Sign. c. v.] The Plowman's Tale. 

A complaint against the pride and couetousnesse of the 
cleargie : made no doubt by Chaucer with the rest of the 
Tales. For I haue scene it in written hand in lohn Stowes 
Library in a booke of such antiquity, as seemeth to haue 
beene written neare to Chaucers time. 

[Sign. c. v b.j The Legend of Good Women. 

For that some Ladies in the Court tooke offence at Chaucers 
large speeches against the vntruth of women, the Queene 
enioyned him to compile this booke in the commendation of 
sundry maydens and wiues, who shewed themselues faithfull 
to faithlesse men. 

[In the second edn. of Speght's Chaucer, 1602, these 
' Arguments ' were removed from their place immediately 
after the 'Life,' and placed at the beginnings of the 
respective works.] 

1699. Dekker, Thomas, and Chettle, Henry, Troilus and Cressida 
[" Troyeles & creassedaye," " Troyelles & cresseda," a play men- 
tioned in Henslowe's Diary (ed. W. W. Greg., vol. i, pp. 104, 
109) on April 7 and 16, 1599.] 

[Rollins 48.] 

[Probably indebted to Chaucer's Troilus. A rough plot 
preserved among the Henslowe Papers (ed. Greg., p. 142), 
shows clearly enough that the Testament of Cresseid was 

[1600 ?] Atkinson, , of Cambridge ? [About this time was 

christened Troilus Atkinson, later a bookseller. See Bibl. Soc. 
Dictionary of Printers, 1668-1725. His parents' names and the 
date of his birth are unknown. There was also a Sir Troilus 
Turberville, a Royalist, who was killed in the Civil War, and who 
was probably rather younger. These are the only definitely 
Chaucerian Christian names that we have found.] 

54 Appendix A. [A.D. 1600- 

[?i.a. 1600. Moore, Paul?] The Wanton Wife of Bath, To the tune of 
Flying Fame, &c. [Ballad.] Percy's Eeliques, ed. 1765, Bk. II, 
No. 12 ; ed. 1767, III, 145 ; the Ballad Society's Eoxburghe 
Ballads, VII, 212. Of. also No. 79, below. 

[Rollins 49.] 

In Bath a wanton Wife did dwell, 

As Chaucer he doth write, 
Who did in pleasure spend her dayes, 

And many a fond delight. 

[The following entry appeared in the Stationers' Registers 
(Arber's Transcript, vol. ii, p. 831) on] 

25. Junij [1600.] 

Yt is ordered touchinge a Disorderly ballad of the wife 
of Bathe, printed by Edward aldee and william white and 
sold by Edward white : That all the same ballates shalbe 
brought in and burnt / And that either of the printers 
for theire Disorders in printinge yt shall pay v 8 A pece 
for a fine. And that master white for his offence and 
Disorder in sellinge it shall pay x 8 for a fine . xx 8 . 

And ther Imprisonment is respited till another tyme / 

[The ballad, then, is as least as old as 1600. It is also 
interesting to observe that on June 24, 1632, Henry 
Goskin, of London, was summoned before the Court of 
High Commission for printing this ballad, " wherein the 
histories of the Bible are scurrilously abused," and was 
sent to Bridewell. See J. S. Burns's High Commission, 
London, 1865, p. 47, and S. R. Gardiner's Reports, Camden 
Society, 1886, p. 314. 

It was frequently reprinted, and more than once re- 
written and enlarged. It describes the Wife of Bath's 
journey to Heaven and her retorts to the Biblical characters 
who refuse her admittance. For a Scotch version, " The 
Wanton Wife of Beith," see above, 1700, vol. i, p. 288. 

The authorship is attributed to Paul Moore in a MS. 
copy written in the Huth (now B.M.) copy of Phillips' 
* Satyr . against Hypocrites,' 1655; but this may refer only 
to a contemporary version of the ballad. 

The earliest extant printed text is a sheet printed for 
W. Thackeray, about 1670.] 

1600. Thynne, Francis, EmUemes and Epigrams, epigram 61. [The 
autograph MS. has dedication dated 1600, (^d. F. J. Furnivall, 
E.E.T.S., 1876, p. 82.) 

[Rollins 51.] 

1603] Appendix A. 55 

ffor in this cottage rurall muse doth reste ; 
here dwelleth Cherill, and Topas the Knighte, 

[1600?] Unknown, A ballad of Cresus [i.e. Oressida; in the Percy Folio 
MS.] (Ed. Hales and Furnivall, vol. iii, pp. 301-2.) 

[Rollins 50.] 
[st. i] Cressus : was the ffairest of Troye, 

whom Troylus did loue ! 
the ~K.mght was kind, & shee was coy, 

no words nor worthes cold moue, 
till Pindaurus soe playd his part 
that the Knight obtained her hart . . . 

[n.6. 1602. Goddard, William. Verses written on the back of the 
portrait in a copy of Chaucer's works, 1602, being No. 117 in a 
list, c. 1917, of books offered for sale by Mr. G. H. Last, of 

If thou yll-rellishe Chaucer for his ryme, 
Consider when he liud, the age and time, 
And thou't saie old Geffrye neatlie writt 
And shows both elloquence and curious witt, 
Noe age did ere afford a merryer vaine, 
Yet divd into a deepe and sollid straine. 


1602. Scott, Robert, Junior Dean of Trinity College, Cambridge. 
Sermon [quoted by John Manningharn in his Diary for 1602, (ed. 
J. Bruce, Camden Soc., 1868, p. 11).] 

[Rollins 52.] 

All our new corne comes out of old feilds, and all our 
new learning is gathered out of old bookes. (Chaucer.) 
[Parl. Foides, 11. 22-25.] 

1603. H[arsnet], S[amuel]. A Declaration of egregious Popish 
Impostures, pp. 12, 25. 

[Rollins 53.] 

[p. 12] Trayford cryes out by the way water, water, as the Frier 
[sic] did that by Absolon in Chawcer was scalded. . . . 

[ Millera Tale, 11. 620 ff.] 

[p. 25] [" Cressida," meaning a mistress.] 

[See also above, vol. i, p. 173.] 

56 Appeoidix A. [A.D. 1603- 

[1603 ?] Shakespeare, William. Troilus and Cressida [written about 
1603. For Shakespeare's debt to Chaucer see H. E. Rollins, "The 
Troilus-Cressida Story from Chaucer to Shakespeare," in the 
Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, 
Sept. 1917, vol. xxxii, pp. 383-429]. 

[c. 1604. Fowler, William?] [The Laste Epistle, ofCreseydto Troyalus. 
(Works, ed. H. W. Meikle, Scottish Text Society, 1914, vol. i, 
pp. 379-387.) 

[Rollins 54.] 

[This curious poem aims at completing Henryson's Testa- 
ment, to which it is chiefly indebted. It retells Henryson's 
story, with various borrowings from Chaucer and, apparently, 
from Lydgate's Troy Booh] 

1604. Unknown. A Pleasant Comoedie, Wherein is merily shewen : 
The \mt of a W^oman, sig. E4b (Malone soc. reprint, 1913, 
11. 1154, 5). 

[Rollins 55.] 

Issa\belld]. Is not this a prettie world 1 January and 
May make a match. 

[1605. Bedell, William, Bishop?] The Shepherd's Tale of the 
Pouder-Plott. A Poem in Spenser's Style. [Written in 1605, 
printed in 1713, as "A Protestant Memorial, or The Shepherd's 
Tale," etc.] 

[Alexander Clogie, in his Speculum Episcoporum (q. v. 
below, [c. 1675-6]) attributes this poem to Bishop Bedell, 
and says that it is "conceived in the old dialect of Tusser 
and Chaucer." The pastoral dialogue is imitated from 
Spenser ; the tale may possibly be considered to be imitated 
from Chaucer ; it is in very rough couplets : e. g.] 

In Italy (mought I tell it right) 
An ancient City stands that Rome hight ; 
Who hath not heard by Report of Fame, 
Wide in the World of this Rome the Name 1 

1606. Licence to print The Ploughman's Tale (as Chaucer's), [in] Registers 
of the Stationers' Company of London (Arber's Transcript, III, 

[Rollins 57.] 

1606] , Appendix A. 57 

17. Januarij [1605/6] 
Samuel Macham Entred for their copy ... A book called the 

Mathue Cooke. 77.7 7 7 

ploughmans tale shewinge by the doctrine arm lyres 
of the popishe dergie that the pope is Ante christ and they 
his Ministers, written by Sir Geffrey Chawcer amoogst 
his Canterbury Tales and nowe sett out apart from the 
rest with A short exposition of the woordes and matter for 
the capacity and vnderstandinge of the sympler sort of 
readers vj d 

[For the edition see above, vol. i, p. 177.] 

1606. [Chapman, George ?] Influence of Chaucer on the author [George 
Chapman ?] of Sir Gyles Goosecappe. Notes by Professor G. L. 
Kittredge on Sir Gyles Goosecappe in "Notes on Elizabethan 
Plays," in the Journal of Germanic Philology, vol. ii, 1898, 
pp. 10-13. 

[The source of the plot is the first 3 books of Chaucer's 
Troilus and CriseydeJ] It is sufficiently curious to see the 
skill with which the anonymous playwright has adapted his 
original to the fashions of Elizabethan comedy conversation. 

Acti, sc. 4 (pp. 21-28) contains the confession of Clarence 
(in reply to protestations of long-standing friendship on 
the part of Monford) that he is in love with Monford's 
niece Eugenia. The narrative corresponds in general to 
Troilus, i, 547-1071, but it is much condensed and shows 
few, if any, verbal resemblances. Act ii, sc. 1 contains the 
visit of Monford to his niece's house. The agreement here 
is closer. One has but to read Troilus ii. 78 ff. to recognize 
the source of the scene.] 

Sir Gyles Goosecappe. Troilus. 

Mom. I, and I could tell you ' As ever thryve I/ quod this 
a thing would make your Lady- Pandarus, 
ship very dancitive. p. 32 Yet coude I telle a thing to doon 

you pleye. 

' Now uncle dere,' quod she, ' tel 
Eug. But I pray tell me my it us 

Lord could you tell me of a For goddes love.' 2. 120-23 

thing would make me dance say * Ye, holy god ! " quod she, ' what 
you 1 p. 32 thing is that ? ' 2. 127 

58 [Chapman] 

Appendix A. 

[A.D. 1606 

Mom. Well farewell, sweet 
Neece, I must needs take my 
leave in earnest. 

Eug. Lord blesse us, heres 
such a stir with your farewels. 

Mom. I will see you againe 
within these two or three dayes 
a my word Neece. 

Eug. Cods pretious, two or 
three days 1 Why this Lord is 
in a maruallous strange humor. 
Sit downe, sweet Vnkle ; yfaith 
I have to talke with you about 
greate matters. p. 32 

And with that word tho Pan- 

darus, as blyve, 
He took his leve, and seyde, ' I 

wol go henne.' 
' Nay, blame have I, myn uncle,' 

quod she, thenne. 
What eyleth yow to be thus 

wery sone, 
And namelich of wommen 1 wol 

ye so? 
Nay, sitteth down ; by god, I 

have to done 
With yow, to speke of wisdom er 

ye go.' 2. 208-14 

[pp. 32-3 are then compared with Troilus ii. 274-80.] 

Mom. Never trust me, if all 
things be not answerable to the 
prediction of a most Divine 
fortune towards her; now if 
she have the grace to apprehend 
it in the nicke ; thers all. 

p. 33 

Mom. Neece, Clarence, Clar- 
ence, rather my soule than my 
friend Clarence, of two sub- 
stantiall a worth, to have any 
figures, cast about him (not- 
withstanding, no other woman 
with Empires could stirre his 
affections) is with your vertues 
most extreamely in love ; and 
without your requitall dead. 

p. 33 

' Good aventure, O bele nece, 

have ye 
Ful lightly f ounden, and ye conne 

it take ; 
And, for the love of god, and 

eek of me, 
Cacche it anoon; lest aventure 

slake.' 2. 288-91 

'Now, nece myn, the kinges 

dere sone, 
The goode, wyse, worthy, f resshe 

and free, 
W T hich alwey for to do wel is his 


The noble Troilus, so loveth thee, 
That, bot ye helpe, it wol his 

bane be.' 2. 316-20 

Eug. Ay me poor Dame, O you 
amase me Ynkle. 

This false world, 
may it leve ? 

alas ! who 


Appendix A. 

[Chapman] 59 

Is this the wondrous fortune 

you presage ? 
What man may miserable 

women trust ? p. 3 4 

Mom. But now I see how you 
accept my motion : I perceive 
(how upon true triall) you 
esteeme me. p. 34 

What? is this al the loye and 

al the f este ? 
Is this your reed, is this my 

blisf ul cas ? 
Is this the verray meede of your 

beheste.' 2. 420-3 

( I see ful wel that ye sette lyte 
of us.' 2. 432 

In act iii, sc. 2 (pp. 51, 52), Clarence writes a letter at the 
suggestion of Monford (cf. Troilus, ii. 1002, 1023 ff.), which 
the latter undertakes (p. 54) to deliver to Eugenia. In act 
iv. (pp. 57 ff.) Monford delivers the letters : 

Eug. What winde blowes you 
hether troe ? 

Mom. Harke you, Madam, 
the sweet gale of one Clarences 
breath, with this his paper 
sayle blowes me hether. p. 57 

' What maner windes 
yow now here ? ' 

Eug. Aye me, still in that 
humour ? beshrewe my heart, if 
I take anie Papers from him. 

p. 57 

Mom. Kinde bosome doe thou 
take it then. 

Eug. Nay then never trust 

Mom. Let it fall then or cast 
it away, you were best, that 
everybody may discover your 
love suits, doe, theres somebody 
neare, you note it. p. 57 

2. 1104 
He seyde hir thus, and out the 

lettre plighte, 
' Lo, he that is al hooley youres 

Him recomaundeth lowly to 

your grace, 
And sent to you this lettre here 

by me.' 2. 1120-23 

' Scrit ne bille, 

For love of god, that toucheth 

swich matere, 
Ne bring ne noon.' 2. 1130-32 

1 Refuse it nought,' quod he, and 

hente her faste, 
And in her bosom the lettre 

doun he thraste, 
And seyde hir, ' now cast it 

away anoon, 
That folk may seen and gauren 

on us tweye.' 
Quod she, ' I can abyde till they 

be goon.' 2.1154-8 

60 Appendix A. [A..D. 1606- 

[There follows the account of Eugenia's writing a reply to 
Clarence's letter (pp. 58-61), which should be compared with 
Troilus ii. 171 if. The pretended sickness of Troilus 
(Troilus ii. 1513 ff., 3. 8 ff.) and the supper at Pandarus's 
house (Troilus ii. 554 ff.) are combined in the fifth act, with 
some important modifications. A contract of marriage is 
made between Eugenia and Clarence, and the play closes 
with a ' measure ' and a song.] 

1606. Craig, Alexander. The Amorose Songes, Sonets, and Elegies: . 
Of M. Alexander Craige, Scoto-Britane. (Works, Hunteriaii Club, 
1873, pp. 82, 111.) 

[Rollins 58.] 

[p. 82] To LAIS. 

When Cressid went from Troy to Calch[a]s tent, 
and Greeks with Troians were at skirmidg hot 
Then Diomed did late and aire frequent 
Her companie, and Troil was forgot. 

[Craig must have had Troilus and Criseyde in mind. See 
next quotation.] 

[P. nil To LAIS. 

Braue Troilus the Troian stout and true, 
As more at length in Chauser wee may find, 
Dreamd that a faire White Bull, as did insue, 
Had spoyld his Loue, and left him hurt behind . . . 
[Cf. Troilus, v, st. 178, 207 ff.] 

1607. C., R. The Epistle Dedicatorie [to] A World of Wonders 
[translated from the French of Henri Estienne], sign IF 3. 

They [our ancestors] thought him [Herodotus] worthy to 
be read at the games of Olympus. These men \i. e. modern 
critics] reade him but as a Canterburie tale, to hold children 
from play, and old folkes from the chimney corner. 

1607. Dekker, Thomas, and Webster, John. West-Ward Hoe, 
Act v, sign. G4b. (Dekker's Plays, ed. Pearson, 1873, vol. ii, 
p. 348.) 

[Rollins 59.] 

No remedy trusty Troylus : and it greeues mee as much, 
that youle want your false Cressida to night, for heeres no 
sir Pandarus to vsher you into your Chamber. 

1611] Appendix A. 61 

[1608?] Beaumont, Francis. The Triumph of Honor [the first of] 
Four Plays or Moral Representations in One, [first printed in 
Beaumont and Fletcher's] Comedies and Tragedies, (Works, ed. 
A. R. Waller, 1905-12, 10 vols., vol. x, pp. 292, etc.) 

[Based on the Frankeleynes Tale, the name of Dorigen 
being retained for the heroine. This and the second 
Triumph are attributed to Beaumont.] 

1609. Heywood, Thomas. Troia Britanica : Or Great Britaines Troy, 
A Poem, Canto xi, p. 254 n. 

[Rollins 60.] 

The passages of Loue betwixt Troylus and Cressida, the 
reuerent Poet Chaucer hath sufficiently discourst, to whom 
I wholy refer you, hauing past it ouer with little circumr 

["This passage was kindly copied for me," says Professor Rollins, "by Dr. 
J. B. Munn, of Harvard."] 

[c. 1610.] Unknown. Troilus and Cressida, [a Welsh Play, in MS. 
Peniarth 106, National Library of Wales]. 

[For this curious and important work, which is said to 
borrow freely from both Chaucer and Henry son, see 
J. S. P. Tatlock's article in the Modern Language Review, 
vol. x(1915), pp. 265 ff.] 

;Davies, John, of Hereford. The Scourge of Folly, p. 109. 
orks, ed. A. B. Grosart, 1875-78, vol. ii, pp. 34, 57.) 

[Rollins 63]. 
[P. 34] EPIG. 288 [sic, for 228]. 

She . . . loues to bourd, or iest, 

(Or as Sir Chaucer tearmes it) with the best. 

[p. 57] To my tenderly beloued friend Mr Nicholas Deeble. 
Hend Nicholas (quoth Chaucer) kinde to me . . . 

[Milleres Tale.] 

1611. Sydenham, George. Note to a Poem in Coryat's Crudities, 
sign. F2b. 

[A coarse phrase in the text is described as " a Chaucer- 

62 Appendix A. [A.D. 1611- 

1611. Sylvester, Joshua. [Lines interpolated ly Sylvester in] Du 
Bartas his Deuine Weekes and Workes Translated ... by 
Josuah Sylvester. Now thirdly corrected & augm., 1611, p. 69. 
(Complete Works, ed. A. B. Grosart, 1880, vol. i., p. 43). These 
lines are not in the earlier editions of 1605 or 1608, but are first in- 
serted in the 1611 edition]. 

And little LAMBE'S-BOURX, though thou match not Lers, 

Nor had'st the Honor of Du BARTAS' Verse, 

If mine have any, Thou must needst partake, 

Both for thine Owne, and for thine Owner's Sake ; 

Whose kinde Excesses Thee so neerely touch, 

That Yeerely for them Thou doost weep so much 

All Summer-long (while all the Sisters shrink) 

That of thy teares a million daily drink ; 

Besides thy waast which then in haste doth run 

To wash the feet of CHAUCER'S Donnington : 

[This is quoted in the Gentleman's Magazine, Nov. 1743, q. v. below.] 

1612. Johnson, Richard. A New Sonnet of a Knight and a Fotire 
Virgin, [a ballad, in] A Crowne-Garland of Goulden Poses. (Ed. 
1631, 1st in BM ; Percy Soc. ed., 1842, pp. 68-71.) 

[Rollins 64.] 

[Johnson tells the Wife of Bath's Tale, closely following 

1612. Unknown. [A Poem on Troilus and Cressida, added to the 
1612 edn. (B.M.) of Deloney's Strange Histories.] 

[This poem covers the whole plot of the Troilus story, in 
outline, the earlier part being told in a dialogue between 
the lovers. Cressida's leprosy is mentioned at the end.] 

1613-16. Browne, William. Influence of Chaucer on Browne. William 
Browne, his Britannia's Pastorals, by F. W. Moorman (Quellen und 
Forschungen, Ixxxi, 1897), pp. 59-62, 120. 

[pp. 59- [Browne's Song iii, describing the Golden Age, drawn in 

some points from Chaucer, especially the Boethius.] 
[p. 120.] [The concert of birds based on the Assemble of Foules.] 

1613. Dekker, Thomas. A Strange Horse-Race, sign. C3b. Non- 
Dramatic Works, ed. A. B. Grosart, vol. iii, pp. 336-337.) 

[Rollins 65.] 
[Dekker quotes the FranJceleynes Tale, 11. 1243-1254.] 

1613] Appendix A. 63 

1613. Pits [or] Pitseus, John. Eelationum Historicarum de Rebus 
Anglicis tomus primus, Parisiis, 1619. De illustribus Anglice 
Scriptoribus, pp. 572-5 [life of Chaucer], 576 [Gower], 632 
[Lydgate], 670 [Caxton]. 

[The author's colophon reads: Huic operi finem imposui mense Septembri i, 
Anno Domini 1613. loannes Pitseus.] 

[p. 572] De Galfredo Chaucero. 

1400 Galfredus Chaucerus apud Wodstoc non longe ab Oxonio 
in Anglia claris parentibus natus, patrem habuit Equestris 
ordinis virum, & ipse tandem auratus factus est Eques. Vir 
belli pacisque artibus mire florens. Cum ab ipsa pueritia 
prseclaram ostenderet indolem, ad scholas Oxionienses exco- 
lendi ingenij causa adolescens missus est. Vbi tanta cum 
industria, tanta cum foelicitate norentes annos in optimarum 
litterarum studijs collocauit, vt nihil eorum omiserit, quse 
ad ornatum ingenij sui long& cultissimi facerent. Nam iam 
antequam virilem setatem attigisset, erat Poeta elegans, & 
qui Poesim Anglicam ita illustrauit, vt Anglicus Homerus 
meritb haberetur. Rhetor etiam disertus, Mathematicus 
peritus, Philosophus acutus, Theologus denique non contemn- 
endus. Exquisitissimos in his omnibus scientijs habuit prse- 
ceptores, quos &, ipse propter miram animi alacritatem ad 
studia, & singularem ingenij promptitudinem ac fcelicitatem, 
ita consecutus est, vt eorum cuique in cuiusque facultate par 
& sequalis, si non superior, euaserit. In scientijs Mathe- 
maticis legentes audiuit loanem Sombum & Nicolaum Linnam 
Carmelitas Linnenses, viros per ilia tempora pereruditos, 
& Mathematicorum illius setatis facile principes, quos 
Chaucerus in sua sphsera reuerenter admodum compellat, <fe 
cum honore nominat. Absolutis autem in Anglia studijs, 
transfretauit in Galliam, turn vt linguam addisceret, & 
exterorum mores videret, turn etiam vt nihil reliqui faceret 
ad accuratissimam scientiarum perfectionem, si quid ei forsan 
suppeditaret Gallia, quod Anglia non haberet. Ibi omnes 
hominis ingenium, eruditionem, vrbanitatem, morum suaui- 
tatem, aliasque insignes dotes admiratione simul & amore 
prosecuti sunt. Ille interim quse e re eius erat, non neglexit, 
didicitque linguam, lepores, sales, omnesque Gallorum 
argutas facetias. Qua supellectile cumulate instructus, & 
quasi quibusdam floribus nitid6 ornatus, redijt in Angliam. 
Deinde Londini agens patrijs iuribus studuit, & Collegia 

64 [Pits] Appendix A. [A.D. 1613- 

iurisperitorum illic inuisit, historias etiam non omittens, ad 
excolendara patriam linguam se contulit. Inter haec incidit 
[p. 673] in loannem Gouerum (de quo mox dicendum) virum nobilem, 
doctum, Galfredo fer& per omnia similem, quique eundem 
prorsus habuit omnium studiorura suorum propositum finem. 
Deprehenditur faci!6 morum similitude, initur citb amicitia, 
concurritur in idem propositum, coniunguntur labores, fre- 
quens fit corigressus, quotidiana familiaritas, omnis conatus 
eb refertur, vt materna excolatur lingua, & in Anglico ser- 
mone eloquentise Romanes expressa appareant vestigia. Et 
attulerunt cert6 hi duo viri nostro idiomati tantum splen- 
doris & ornamenti, quantum ante illos prorsus nemo. Nam 
sibi mutub calcar addiderunt, & vter patrise plus afferre 
honoris, vterque vinci & vincere ambiens, amanter conten- 
derunt. Non solum memores, sed etiam imitatores illius 

Quod lingua Catonis & Enni 
Sermonem patrium ditauerit, & noua rerum 
Nomina protulerit. 

Et quia sua vel patrum memoria nouerant multos iam 
linguas vulgares industria cultura exornasse : Nam Dawtes 
& Petrarcha Italicam, Alanus Gallicam, loannes Mena His- 
panicam linguas iam cultiores reddiderant : operse precium 
igitur putabant isti, idem in Anglica linguae prsestare, quod 
viderant alios in suis linguis magna cum laude, & posteri- 
tatis incomparabili vtilitate gnauiter prsestitisse. Itaque 
alia ex alijs linguis transferendo, alia imitando, alia in. 
ueniendo, & proprio Marte componendo, compt&, ters6, polit^ 
scribere Anglico idiomate conati sunt. Et profectb in multis 
Latinorum elegantiam, si non sint plene consecuti, at cert^ 
non infceliciter imitati. Vterque tamen minus sibi tribue- 
bat, quam alteri. Vnd6 factum est, vt alter alterius iudicio 
scrip ta sua mutub subijceret, & si quid in altero deesset, 
alter suppleret, atque ita communicatis consilijs, vtriusque 
lucubrationes, seepius sub incude vocatse, emendatiores in 
publicum prodierunt. Vnum hie, licet a nostro proposito 
forsan alienum videri quibusdam poterit, adnotare non 
piget. Licet Chaucerus tantum esset ordinis Equestris, 
tamen sororem habuit Guilhelmo Polo Illustrissimo Suffol- 
censium Duci in matrimonio long& supra suam sortem foeli- 

1623] Appendix A. [Pits] 65 

cissime splendidissimeque collocatam. Quod connubium ilia 
magis virtutibus & doctrinse fratris, quam splendor! suorum 
natalium habuit acceptum. Nunc restat videre quibus litte- 
rarum monimentis, hanc nominis immortalitatem, quam 
habet, consecutus sit. De quo Lelandus noster inter epi- 
grammata sua sic scribit 

Prcedicat Algerum meritb Florentia Dantem, 
Italia & numeros tota Petrarcha tuos. 

Anglia Chaucerum veneratur nostra Poetam, 
Cui veneres debet patria lingua suas. 

Scripsit autem cultissimus noster Chaucerus pleraque 
Anglice, sed quoniam omnia fere .Latina facta sunt, operum 
titulos & exordia Latine ponam. 

[Then follow a list of Chaucer's works, pp. 574-5, and 
a few words on his tomb and epitaph. For these see 
Chaucer, by E. P. Hammond, pp. 15-17.] 

1615. Gordon, Patrick. The Famous Historie of ... Prince Robert 
surnamed the Bruce, Preface, sign. *iija. 

It [the old poem of the Bruce] was in old ryme like to 

[1617 ?] Campion, Thomas. The Third and Fourth Booke of Ayres. 
Preface "to the Header" of the Fourth Book of Ayres. (Thomas 
Campion, Songs and Masques, ed. A. H. Bullen, 1903, p. 111). 

If any squeamish stomachs shall check at two or three 
vain ditties at the end of this book, let them pour off the 
clearest and leave those as dregs in the bottom. Howso- 
ever, if they be but conferred with the Canterbury Tales 
of that venerable Poet Chaucer, they will then appear 
toothsome enough. 

[n.o. 1617.] Unknown. [A Poem in praise of tobacco, attributed to 
Chaucer. See the answer to it, "Chaucer's Incensed Ghost," by 
Richard Brathwait, 1617, above, vol. i, p. 192. We have not been 
able to identify the original.] 

1623. Painter, William. Chaucer new painted. 

[Rollins 66.] 

[This was licensed on 14 May to Eld and Flesher, not, as 
stated in pt. i, on 23 May to Serle. (Stationers' Register, 
Arber's Transcript, vol. iv, p. 96.)] 


66 Appendix A. [A.D. 1631- 

1631. Weever, John. Ancient Funeral Monuments, pp. 595-96, 661. 

[Rollins 67.] 

%?' 595 ~ ^he nex t vnto them be knights eldest sonnes : and such 
an Esquire was the knightes sonne in Chaucer, who attended 
his father on pilgrimage to Thomas Beckets Shrine, as doth 
appeare by their characters in the Prologues to the Canter- 
bury tales. Of which so much as tends to this purpose. 
[He then quotes the Prologue, 11. 43-46, 77-82, 99-100.] 
oeffre Chaucer [p ' 661] ^is Sir Payne Roet had issue, the aforesaid 
Brother in Law Dutchesse [of Lancaster], and Anne who was married 
John, Duke of to Geffrey Chaucer, our famous English Poet, who by 
her had issue, Sir Thomas Chaucer, whose daughter 
Alice was married to Thomas Montacute, Earl of Salisbury, 
. . . and after to William de la Pole Duke of Suffolke . . . 

[See also above, vol. i, p. 204.] 

1631. Shirley, James. Changes: Or, Love in a Maze. A Comedie, 
sign. B 4 6-C 1 a. 

[Rollins 68.] 

Cap[erwit]. Though I were borne a Poet I will study to 
be your servant in Prose, yet if now and then my braines 
doe sparkle, I cannot helpe it, raptures will out; . . . the 
midwife wrapt my head up in a sheet of Sir Philip Sidney 
that inspired me, and my nurse descended from old Chaucer. 

1633. Ware, Sir James. The Historie of Ireland, collected by three 
learned authors, [edited by Sir James Ware], Dublin, Preface 
to Spenser's View of Ireland, sign. IF 3b. 

[Spenser buried by Chaucer/' whom he worthily imitated;" 
his epitaph (q. v. above, vol. i, p. 163) quoted.] 

[n. a. 1634.] Coke, Edward, Lord [d. 1634]. [Opinion on Chaucer, cited 
byEmerson, Conduct of Life (Works, Centenary Ed., vol. vi, p. 132).] 

Lord Coke valued Chaucer highly because the Canon 
Yeman's Tale illustrates the Statute fifth Hen. IV. chap. 4 
against alchemy. 

[We have not been able to trace the origin of this.] 

1635. Kynaston, Sir Francis. [Dedications and Prefatory address to] 
Amorum Troili et Creseidw libri duo, Oxoniaa, 1636. Dedication 
'Clarissimo . . . Dn Patricio lunio ', sigu. A 26-A 36; Preface to 
the reader (dated Dec. 1634), sign. | la ; [Here follow the dedi- 

1635] Appendix A. [KynaMon\ 67 

catory verses, see above, vol. i, pp. 207-215,] Dedication to Book ii, 
* Eruditissimo . . . viro lohanni Rous ', sign. P 2b. 

Clarissimo et 


Dn Patricio lunio 

Bibliothecario Regio, 

Franciscus Kinaston ; 


[sign. Quare cum ita se res habeat, Eroticum hoc poema, cuius 
A 26] f ron tem tuo amicissimo nomine decoramus, sevi injuria 
obliteratum fere, & inter deperdita recensendum, ad te & 
tuum patrocinium inter alia priscorum opera & pegmata non 
immeritb confugere videtur ; cuius duo nomina sunt totidem 
bona omina, quse authori Chaucero & mihi aliquid fausti 
portendunt . . . 

[sign. Quod reliquum est, gratiam & sestimationem, quam inculta 

A 36 1 hsec carmina, quoad versionem, apud exteros, vel ab authore 

Chaucero, vel a me eius vmbra sperare nequibant, (vt vatis 

celeberrimi & popularis tui Buchanani aureis vtar verbis) 

Debebunt Genio forsitan ilia tuo. Vale. 

Candido Lectori 

Franciscus Kinaston, 

Eques Auratus & Regii 

Corporis Armiger, 


t'foi Cvm ^antus sit, Lector amice, apud omnes, venerandi 
aequ& ac vetusti Poetse nostri honos & existimatio, vt nee 
doctissimorum censuram metuat, nee potentissimorum 
virorum patrocinium flagitet : nil superest, quin vt te paucis 
moneam de hac mea versione huius poematis in Linguam 
Latinam ; nempe quo consilio earn aggressus sim, & cui bono, 
quo modo hosce duos libros priores novo & hactenus in- 
tentato apud Latinos carminis genere absolverim, quse 
occurrerint difficultates, deniqwe in quibus erratum sit, & 
venia tua exoranda. 

Hsec omnia libens lubens facio, eo quod non solum adhuc sit 

68 [Kynastwi] Appendix A. [A.D. 1635 

incertum : quam gratum exteris f uturum sit hoc poemation 
& nostra qualiscunqwe versio, sed quod incertior sit vitse 
raeae meta, cuius continuationem vix fas est sperare adeb 
diuturnam, vt ad operis inccepti consummationem extendatur. 
Ob eamqite causam, dum meimet ipsius contemplatione caeter- 
orum omnium statum labentem intueor, ecce, video Chaucerum 
nostrum, huius Insulse ornamentum & Poeseos decus egreg- 
ium, non solum senescentem, & sub obsolete & iam spreto 
Anglici vetusti Idiomatis vestimento vilescentem ; sed (proh 
dolor) prorsus tabescentem & ferme emortuum. Cuius de- 
ploratse conditioni dum aveo ferre suppetias, & seterne suse 
memorise conservationi prospicere : Visum est mihi con- 
sultissimum, ilium nova lingu donare, & novato rythmi & 
carminis genere decorare; eumqwe perenni Roman eloquij 
columna fulcire, & per omnia secula (quantum in nobis 
est) stabilem & immotum reddere. 

Enimverb, potuissem (idqtte facillim^) verba obsoleta per 
totum hoc poema passim sparsa in nova mutare, & omnes 
phrases & dictiones desuetas verbis purioribus, & quse hodi& 
obtinent, reddere, & ad captum prsesentis sevi, non tantum 
Anglic^, sed etiam & metric^ accommodare. Nee enim sine 
exemplari errassem, si hoc prsestitissem, cum Poema quoddam 
Gallicum, cui titulus Legenda JRosea, a quodam Gulielmo de 
Lorris trecentis fere ab huic annis inchoatum, & post quadra- 
ginta annos opera lohannis de Mohun absolutum, septies ex 
eo tempore Gallic^ editum, & phrasi uniuscuiusqwe seculi 
aptatum, & quasi de novo scriptum fuerit. Sed peccatum 
inexpiabile in Manes Ckauceri admisisse me existimarem, 
si vel minimum Iota in jius scriptis immutassem, quse sacra 
& intacta in seternum manere digna sunt. 

[Dedication of Book ii.] Eruditissimo et generosissimo 
viro lohanni Rous. 

[sign. Sed tandem (vt plerunqwe fit) cessit amori pudor, & 
P26] g ra titudo vicit verecundiam, adeb vt temperare mihi non 
potuerim, quin te simul Authoris venerandi lectorem, ac 
versionis mese barbarae & incomptse Patronum deligerem et 
avid^ exoptarem ; Quam si benigne adspexeris, & vmbram 
patrocinii tui non plane indignam existimaveris, quicquid 
alii oggannient, non multum morabor, neqwe rigidos delicati 
huius sseculi Aristarchos, aut illorum censuram verebor. 

1635] Appendix A. [Kynaston] 69 

Quibus si versus nonnulli claudicare & pedes Agrippinos 
'*? habere videbuntur, cum tamen sensum genuinum Chauceri 
patris & mentem integram tanquam ex traduce derivatam 
cum accuratissima rythmorum Anglicorum observatione 
in versione Latina (quae mihi praecipue curse fuit) vbiqwe 
a me retentam esse deprehenderint : si sequa lance momenta 
omnia perpenderint, vel ipsi vnius aut alterius paginse 
periculum fecerint, rem non adeo proclivis & facilis negotii 
mecum fortasse fatebuntur. 

[Specimen of Kynaston's Latin translation of Troilus.] 



Dolorem Troili duplicem narrare, 
Qui Priami Regis Trojse fuit gnatus, 
Yt primum illi contigit amare, 
Vt miser, felix, & infortunatus 
Erat, decessum ante sum conatus. 
Tisiphone fer opem recensere 
Hos versus, qui, dum scribo, visi flere. 

Te invoco, & numen tuum infestum, 
Dira crudelis, dolens semper pcenis, 
Me iuva, qui sum instrumentum msestum, 
A mantes queri docens his camcenis : 
Nam conuenit humentibus & genis, 
Tristem habere tremulum pauorem, 
Historiam mcestam, vultus & mcerorem. 

1635. Wentworth, Thomas, Earl of Strafford. Letter to Mr. Secretary 
Coke, [dated] Dublin, 14 Dec., 1635, [printed in The Earl of 
Stratfbrcle's Letters and Despatches, 1739, 2 vols., vol. i, p. 497, 
quoted in Robert Browning's Prose Life of Strafford (Browning 
Soc.) 1892, p. 197.) 

There is no more to be added in his [Sir Piers Crosby's] 
Case, but these two Verses of old Jeffery Chaucer, 

A busier than he none was, 

And yet he seem'd more busy than he was. 

[Prol. 11. 321-2.] 

70 Appendix A. [A.D. 1636- 

1636. Conway, Edward, 2nd Viscount. Letter to Thomas Wentworth 
Earl of Strafford, [dated] Sion, 22 Jan. 1636, [printed in The Earl 
of Strafforde's Letters and Despatches, 1739, 2 vols., vol. ii, p. 47, 
quoted in Eobert Browning's Prose Life of Strafford (Browning 
Soc.), 1892, p. 129]. 

Now if I were a good Poet, I should with Chaucer call 
upon Melpomene 

To help me to indite 
Verses that weepen as I write. 

1637. Wentworth, Thomas, Earl of Strafford. Letter to the Lord 
Viscount Conway, [dated] Dublin, 6 Jan., 1637, [printed in The 
Earl of Strafforde's Letters and Despatches, 1739, 2 vols., vol. ii, 
p. 145, quoted in Robert Browning's Prose Life of Strafford 
(Browning Soc.), 1892, pp. 196-7]. 

At my Lord Mountnorris his departure hence, he seemed 
wondrously humbled, as much as Chaucer's Friar, that 
would not for him any Thing should be dead. 

[Somnoyr* Tale, 1. 1842.] 

[n. a. 1640.] Jackson, Thomas, Dean of Peterborough. Dominus 
Veniet. Of Christ's Session at the Right- Hand of God, [first printed 
in] A Collection of the Works of T. Jackson, 1653-7, pt. 3. (Works, 
1673, 3 vols., vol. iii, p. 746.) 

[Dr. Jackson died in 1640.] 

As our Posterity in a few years will hardly understand 
some passages in the Fairy Queen, or in Mother Hubbards 
or other Tales in Chaucer, better known at this day to old 
Courtiers than to young Students. 

1640. Jonson, Ben. The English Grammar, made by Ben Johnson 
for the benefit of all Strangers, out of his observation of the 
English Language now spoken, and in use, pp. 66, 70, 72, 79-80, 

[Examples from Chaucer.] 

1643. Unknown. Powers to be Resisted: or a Dialogue arguing the 
Parliaments lawf nil Resistance of the Powers now in Armes against 
them, pp. 39-40. 

[p. 39] This is like old Chaucers tale of a Fryar, whose belly was 
[p. 40] his god, he would feed upon the sweetest, Mutton, Goose, 

and Pig, but a pitiful 1 man ! he would have no creature 

killed for him, not he. 

[Somnours Tale, 1. 1842.] 

1650] Appendix A. 71 

1644. Symonds, Richard. Diary, Oct. 21, 1644. (Ed. C. E. Long, 
Camden Society, 1859, p. 143.) 

[Rollins 69.] 

Dennington or Demyston [sic] Castle, com. Berks., was 
. . . antiently the seate of Geoffry Chaucer the poet. 

1645. Milton, John. II Penseroso, [in] Poems, 1645, p. 37. 

As thick and numberless 
As the gay motes that people the Sun Beams, 

[Of. Wife of Bath's T., 1. 868.] 

1647. Unknown. Match me these two, p. 9. [Not in B.M. ; copy in 
Bodl. (Wood 6544/10.)] 

O Chaucer and thy Genius, help on my tale. 

1648. Unknown. A Brown Dozen of Drunkards, pp. 6, 16. 

[p. 6] When he drinks fluently, the shouts which the old wives 
in Chaucer gave, and Dame Partlet the Hen, when the Fox 
carried Chanticleere the Cock to the wood . . . scarce 
parallel the clamours. 

[p. 16] Though he doe not as exactly as Virgil imitate Homer, nor 
as our Chaucer and Spenser Virgil . . . 

1648. Unknown. The Legend of Captain Jones, p. 3. 

[Sr. Topas 

rime in Topas hard quest after th' Elfe Queen to Barwick. 


1648. Whitelock, Bulstrode. Speech to the new Serjeants at the 
Chancery Bar. See above [a. 1675], pt. i, p. 251. 

1649. Herbert, Anne, Countess of Pembroke. Letter to the Countess 
Dowager of Kent, [dated:] Appleby Castle, 10 Jan. 1649, [in 
Harl. MS. 7001, quoted by T. Park, Royal and Noble Authors, 
1806, 5 vols., vol. iii, p. 17]. 

[Lady Pembroke sends her love and service to " worthy 
Mr. Selden," and adds that she should be in pitiful case 
if she had not " excelentt Chacers booke," to comfort her ; 
but when she read in that she scorned and made light of her 

[1650 ? or 1660 ?] Marvell, Andrew. Tom May's Death, [in] Miscel- 
laneous Poems, 1681, p. 37. (Poems and Satires, ed. G. A. Aitken, 
vol. ii, p. 13.) 
[May died in 1650, and was buried in Westminster Abbey ; at the Restoration his 

72 Appeiidix A. [A.D. 1650- 

body was removed. It lias been suggested that the poem was written after the 
latter event, and that the lines here quoted refer to it ; but this seems to require 
too wanton a malignity in Marvell.] 

Poor poet thou, and grateful senate they 

. . . . To lead thee home. 

If that can be thy home where Spenser lies 

And reverend Chaucer ; but their dust does rise 

Against thee, and expel thee from their side, 

As the eagle's plumes from other birds divide. 

1650. Toll, Tho[mas]. To the Author) [in] Fragmenta Poetica . . . 
by Nick Murford, 1650, sig. A 5. (B.M. C. 39. b. 41.) [Ends :] 

Trade on wits Merchant, give the world to know 
Chaucer was bred in Lyn, and so wert Thou. 

Tho. Toll junior, Gent. 

1651. Sheppard, Samuel. Epigrams, Lib. 4, Epig. 28. On Mr. 
Spencer's . . . Faerie Queen, p. 95. 

Collin my Master, O Muse sound his praise, 
Extoll his never to be equal'd Layes, 
Whom thou dost Imitate with all thy might, 
As he did once in Chawcers veine delight. 

1653. Flecknoe, Richard. A Letter treating of Conversation) Acquaint- 
ance and freindship [sic], [in] Miscellania, pp. 126-7. 

One of whome is Chawcer's busy man, of whom it may 
well be sayd, That a busier man nere nas, and yet he seemed 
far busier than he was. 

1654. Gayton, Edmund. Pleasant Notes upon Don Quixot, p. 50. 

[Rollins 70.] 

As unfortunate it is, when fifteen joines to seventy, there's 
old doinge (as they saye) the Man and Wife sitting together 
like January and May day. 

[Perhaps an allusion to the Merchant's Tale. For another 
passage see above, vol. i, p. 229.] 

1657. Jordan, Thomas. The Walks of Islington and Hogsdon, Act iv, 
sc. i, sign. E 4b. 

By the wanton memory of Chaucer I could turn Poet, 
And write in as Heathen English ; and as Bawdy. 

1661] Appendix A. 73 

1658. Philips, Edward. The New World of English Words, sign. L4. 

[Rollins 72.] 

Dennington, a Castle in Bark-shire . . . ifc was once the 
Residence of the Poet Chaucer. 

[There are other allusions to Chaucer in this Dictionary. 
See, e.g., under "Bay." See also above, vol. i, p. 236.] 

1658. W., S. W M C.C. Oxon. [Verses to the author (K.Q.), in] Naps 
upon Parnassus, sign . B 5a. 

To thee compar'd, our English Poets all stop . . . 
Chaucer the first of all wasn't worth a farthing. 

[1659-61.] " Montelion, Knight of the Oracle." [Phillips, John.] 
Montelion ... or the Prophetical Almanack. 

[In the issue for 1660 (no doubt issued the previous 
year) Chaucer is named in the Calendar at 13th Jan.; in 
that for 1662 (copy in Bodl.) " Chaucer's Millar" occurs at 
23rd Nov. There is no Chaucer allusion in 1661.] 

1659. Wood, Anthony. A note on Woodstock, in Wood MS. E I. 
fol. 89, [printed in] The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, ed. 
A. Clark, 1891, vol. i, p. 283. 

Chaucer's ould house by and within the gate as you go to 
the manor house on the right. 

[c. 1660.] Widdrington, Sir Thomas. Analecta Eboracensia. Some 
Remaynes of the ancient City of York. Egerton MS. 2578 (ed. 
Caesar Caine, 1897, p. 205). 

Some of the Archbishops were Cardinals. I go now not 
by reality of honour, but by the esteem which was then of 
Cardinals, for I remember what Chaucer saith 

They maken persons for the penny 
And Canons of her Cardinals. 

[Ploughman* Tale, not by Chaucer.] 

1661. Owen, John. coAoyov/xcra TravroSaTra. Sive de natura . . . 
theologas, p. 96. 

[Immorality of the pre-Ref ormation clergy.] Ita Chaucerus 
nostras [sic] de fratrum conventu quodam suo tempore 
notissimo : 

74 Appendix A. [A.D. 1661 - 

For there as wont to walken was an Elfe, 
There walketh now the Limitor himselfe. 
In every bush, and under every Tree 
There nis none other incubus but he. 

[Wife of Bath's T.> 11. 17 18, 23-24.] 

1661. T., J. To His Most ingenuous Friend, The Authour of the 
Exaltation of Homes, [verses prefixed to] The Horn exalted. 
[See next entry.] 

[Rollins 73.] 

Read, and beware how that ye firk, 
Least the repentance stool o' th' Kirk, 
* Chaucer. Prove the reward of your queint * wirk. 

1661. Unknown. The"Horn exalted, or Roome for Cuckolds, pp. 1, 2, 
3-4, 8, 25, 30, 42, 45, 47, 52, 54, 56, 58, 65, 69, 71, 75, 80, 81-2. 

[Rollins 74.] 

[Quotations appropriate to the subject matter of the book, 
from the Canterbury Tales, the Court of Love, and the Remedy 
of Love, the last two being quoted as Chaucer's.] 

1662. Fuller, Thomas. The History of the Worthies of England, 
Kent, Proverbs, p. 64, sign. KK 1 a. 

A Jack of Dover.] 

I find the first mention of this Proverb in our English 
Ennius, Chaucer, in his Proeme to the Cook, 

And many a Jack of Dover had he sold 

Which had been two times hot and two times cold. 

[For other extracts from Fuller's Worthies, see above, vol. i, pp. 239-40.] 

1664. Cavendish, William, Duke of Newcastle. To the Lady 
Marchioness of Newcastle, On Her Book of Poems [Verses prefixed 
to] Poems and Phancies written by the Lady Marchioness of 
Newcastle, the Second Impression, 1664. 

[Rollins 76.] 

And Gentle Shakespear weeping, since he must 
At best, be Buried, now, in Chaucers Dust : 
Thus dark Oblivion covers their each Name, 
Since you have Robb'd them of their Glorious Fame. 

1668] Appendix A. 75 

1665. Baker, Sir Richard. A Chronicle of the Kings of England, pp. 
144, 146, 168, 180. 

[p. 144] Pain Eoet's . . . younger daughter being married to Sir 

Geoffry Chawcer, our Laureat Poet, 
tp. 146] [List of great men in Edward III.'s reign :] 

Sir Geoffry Chawcer, the Homer of our Nation ; and who 

found as sweet a Muse in the Groves of Woodstock, as the 

Ancients did upon the banks of Helicon. 
[P. iso] The next place after these [ecclesiastics] is justly due to 

Geoffry Chaucer, and John Gower, two famous poets in this 

time, and the Fathers of English Poets in all the times after : 
Chaucer died in the fourth year of this King, [Henry IV] 

and lieth buried at Westminster. 

[1667.] Marvell, Andrew. The Last Instructions to a Painter about 
the Dutch Wars, 1667. (Poems and Satires, ed. Gr. A. Aitken, 
1892, 2 vols., vol. ii, p. 50.) 

At night than Chanticleer more brisk and hot, 
And sergeant's wife serves him for partelot. 

[n. a. 1667.] Cowley, Abraham. Opinion of Chaucer. 

[Dryden, in his Preface to the Fables (see below, 1700, 
p. 280), says : " Some people . . . look on Chaucer as a dry, 
old fashioned Wit, not worth receiving [sic; ed. 1723 
' reviving ']. I have often heard the late Earl of Leicester 
say that Mr. Cowley himself was of that opinion; who, 
having read him over at my Lord's Request, declared he had 
no taste for him."] 

[Cowley died in 1667, Philip Sidney, third Earl of Leicester, not till 1698.] 

[1667?] Unknown. Burlesque [of the epitaph to Cowley, contributed, 
from a MS. copy, by Henry Campkin, to] Notes and Queries, 
March 20, 1852, 1st s., vol. v. pp. 266-7. 

. . . Sleep in beggar's Limbo, by dull Chawcer . . . 

Whilst thou dost soar aloft leave coyrs [?] behind 

To be interrd in antient monast'ry 

And to the chimeing rabble safely joyn'd 

[To] Draiton, Spencer, and old Jeffery. 

1668. Junius, Francis. Letter to Mr. Dugdale, [printed in] Life, Diary 
and Correspondence of Sir William Dugdale, Knight, 1827, p. 383. 

I took your archpoet Chaucer in hand : and though I 
think that in manie places he is not to bee understood 

76 Appendix A. [A.D. 1670- 

without the help of old MS. copies, which England can 
afford manie ; yet doe I perswade my selfe to have met with 
innumerable places, hitherto misunderstood, or not under- 
stood at all, which I can illustrate. To which work I hold 
the bishop of Dunkeld his Virgilian translation to be very 
much conducing . . . 

[c, 1670.] Unknown. The Wanton Wife of Bath. See above, App. A 
[n. a. 1600, Moore]. 

1672. [Ramsey, or Ramesey, William.] The Gentlemans Companion, 
Division iv, Exercises within Doors, pp. 127-9. 

[p. 127] I shall here contract his [the Gentleman's] Study into 
these few Books following ... [A list of theological and 
scientific literature, mostly contemporary, with some other 

[p. 129] And among our selves, old Sr. Jeffery Chaucer, Ben 
Johnson, Shakespear, Spencer, Beaumont and Fletcher, 
Dryden, and what other Playes from time to 'time you find 
best Penn'd . 

1672. V[eal], R[obert]. To Mr. T. {urfey] on his Ingenious Songs and 
Poems, [in] New Court-Songs and Poems, By R. V. Gent., sign. A8. 

How many Best of Poets have we known 1 

And yet how far those Best have been out-done ! 

When Chaucer dy'd, Men of that Age decreed 

A Dismal Fate to all that shou'd succeed : 

Yet when Great Ben, and Mighty Shakespear wrote, 

We were convinc'd those Elder Times did dote. 

[1675-6.] Clogie, Alexander. Speculum Episcoporum, or The Apostolique 
Bishop: being a brieffe account of the lyfe and death of William 
Bedell, Lord Bishop of Kilmore. (Ed. 1862, "Memoir of the 
Life and Episcopate of William Bedell," ed. W. W. Wilkins, pp. 
[Dated c. 1676 by Wilkins, and c. 1675 by A. C. Bickley in D.N.B., art. Clogie.] 

After supper he constantly read on the same day [i. e. 5th 
Nov.] an excellent poem that he wrote at that time [i. e. 
1605] upon that discovery [i. e. of the Gunpowder Plot], and 
called " The Shepherd's Tale "... It is conceived in the 
old dialect of Tusser and Chaucer. 

[For the Shepherd's Tale see above, App. A. [1605, Bedell ?] 

1686] Appendix A. 77 

1676. Coles, Elisha. An English Dictionary. 
Black-buried, gone to Hell. 

At Dulcarnon, in a maze, at my wits end, Chaucer, 1. 3, 
fol. 161. 

Eclympastery, Son to Morpheus, the God of sleep, 
Quinible (q whinable), a treble. 
Ribible, o. a rebeck or fiddle. 
Tregetor, o. a Jugler. 

[For other allusions to Chaucer in Coles's Dictionary see above, vol. i, p 252.] 

[1678 ?] Butler, Samuel. Addition to Hudibras. [First printed in 
Butler's Remains, 1822.] (Poetical Works, ed. R. Bell, 1855, 
3 vols., vol. iii, p. 197.) 

To make our patriots miraculous 

Scorched in the touts, like Chaucer's Nicholas. 

[Pt/iii of Hudibras, for which these lines were probably intended, appeared in 

1682. Keepe, Henry. Monumenta Westmonasteriensia : or an His- 
torical account of ... St. Peter's, or the Abbey Church of 
Westminster . . . 1682. pp. 47, 210. 

And now we come to the first and last best Poets of the 
English Nation Geffrey Chaucer, and Abraham Cowley, 
the one being the Sun just rising, and shewing itself on the 
English Horizon, and so by degrees increasing and growing 
in strength till it come to its full Glory and Meridian in 
the incomparable Cowley . . . Chaucer lies in an antient 
Tomb, Canopied, of grey marble, with his picture painted 
thereon in piano, with some verses by ; he died in the year 

[p. 210] Arms, viz. Chaucer. Per pale Gules and Argent, a bend 
Counter changed. 

[Chaucer's Epitaph.] 

1686. Chaucer junior, ps. Canterbury Tales, composed for the enter- 
tainment of all ingenious young men and maids at their merry 

[A jest-book, connected with Chaucer by the title only. Thera is a copy in the 
Pepya Library, and one of a much later edition in B.M.] 

78 Appendix A. [A.D. 16SG- 

[1686 ?] W., W. [Preface to his pt. 3 of Richard Johnson's] The Seven 
Champions of Christendom, sign. A 3 b. 

[Rollins 76.] 

[A copy of this edition, following Johnson's pts. 1, 2, ed. 1687, is in the Pepys 
Library. The imprint is cropped and the date doubtful ; it may be the same as 
that of 1696(?)in B.M., which also has the date cropped. None earlier is known. 
Johnson's work first appeared in 1596-7.] 

If I have soared above the heigth [sic] of the Language 
in ' the two former parts, know that our speech is refined 
since they were writ, Chaucer whose lines did excel for 
Eloquence in his days, is now despized for plain and rustick, 
even by those who scarcely know what language is. 

[c. 1687. Wharton, Henry.] Historiola de Chaucero nostro, scripta 
etiam a Reverendiss. Tho. Tenison, archiepiscopo Cant, [or rather 
by Henry Wharton] ad. calcem Historise G. Cavei Literarise, 
[printed in] Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Historia Literuria, by 
William Cave, 1740-3, vol. ii, Appendix, pp. 13, 14 of Note MSS. & 
Accessiones Anonymi, &c. [See above, vol. i, p. 261.] 
[Not in the edition of 1688.] 

Galfridus Chaucer, Natione Anglus, Domo Londinensis, 
nobili, ut videtur, loco natus, priina Literarum tyrocinia in 
Academia Oxoniensi posuit, si Lelando apud Baleum fides. 
Sunt qui Cantabrigise etiam literis ilium incubuisse volunt ; 
testimonio ex Amoris Auld desumpto innixi. Verum libel- 
lum istum Chauceri non esse nos infra adnotabimus. 
Posita domi melioris Literatures fundamenta diuturna inter 
exteras Gentes peregrinatione ac culmen perduxit. Domum 
reversus, Legum Municipalium studio in Hospitiis Juris- 
consultorum Londinensibus animum adjecit. Dein rara" 
Artis Poeticae fama illustris, Anglise Regibus et Magnatibus 
in pretio esse coapit. Variis honoribus cumulatus, ab 
Edwardo III . Armigeri dignitate auctus, & in Galliam 
anno 1377 legatus, ut Mariam Francorum Regis filiam 
Richardo Walliae Principi procaretur, a Richardo Secundo 
inter Aulicos allectus est. Semel atque iterum ad exteros 
Principes missus & frequentibus stipendiis donatus, claruit 
Anno 1380. Uxorem duxit filiam Pagani Roveti Equitis 
Hannoniensis, cujus alteram filiam duxerat Joannes Dux 
Lancastrensis ; ipsomet Duce Lancastrensi, cui imprimis 
charus fuit, nuptias ei procurante. Turbatis sub Richardo 
secundo seditione populari rebus, ipse Plebis tumultuantis 
partibus plus sequo favit ; ut multifariis Regni gravaminibus, 

1687] Appendix A. [Wharton] 79 

quae sub impotentis animi Juvene Rege nimis invaluerant, 
medelam adhiberi efficeret, uti ipse in Testamento Amoris 
scribit. Compositis Regni rebus, rei familiaris grave dis- 
crimen adiit ; Regis & Procerum inimicitias aliquandiu 
expertus, &, ut nonnulli volunt, in carcerem datus. Tandem 
in integrum restitutus, Prsedium suum in villa regia de 
Woodstock propre Oxonium situm concessit, ubi ultimum 
vitae decennium, Musis unice intentus, exegit. Anno 1400 ? 
Londinum profectus, ut res domesticas curaret, vitam clausit 
25 Octob. die, anno ^3Etatis circiter 72. In Ecclesia 
Westmonasteriensi sepultus : Vir extra controversiam doc- 
tissimus, Poetarum vero Anglicorum facile princeps & Parens, 
sui sceculi ornamentum, inquit magnus ille Camdenus, extra 
omnem ingenii aleam positus, & Poetastros nostros longo post 
se intervallo relinquens ; sane is est, quern antiquis Latii 
poetis non immerito conferre possemus ; si aut sseculum 
aut linguam nactus esset faeliciorem, licet id in Chauceri 
laudem baud parum cedat, quod tarn rudi sevo Priscorum 
Poetarum Veneres si non assecutus, saltern imitatus fuerit, 
& horridiusculam linguae Anglicanse (qualis tune temporis 
obtinuit) duriciem, Carmine ligatam, amceniorem atque 
elegantiorem reddiderit ; primus enim omnium Linguae 
nostrati sordes excussit, nitorem intulit, & largS, vocum 
molliomm aliunde invectarum supellectile ditavit ; id operis 
praecipue in Poematis [sic] suis condendis in animo habuisse 
visus. Unde jure de eo Lelandus, 

Anglia Chaucerum veneratur nostra Poetam : 
Cui Veneres debet Patria lingua suas. 

Neque solum principem apud conterraneos Poetas loci 
gloriam tulit, verum etiat totum scientarum, qua late patet, 
circulam baud infaeliciter confecerat. Dialecticae & Philo- 
sophise baud vulgariter peritus, Historiae callentissimus, 
Rhetor satis venustus, Matheseos non ignarus, in rebus 
denique Theologicis apprime versatus, de quibus acute atque 
erudite disputat. Subtiliorem etenini scholarum disciplinam 
probe noverat ; castioris autem Theologiae studio nullos fere 
non sui temporis Theologos antecelluit, Wiclefi dogmata 
ut plurimum secutus, & infucatam & genuinam pietatem 
sectatus. Hinc graviores Ecclesiae Romanse superstitiones 
& errores acerbe saepius vellicat; corruptam ineptissimis 

80 Appendix A. [A.D. 1691- 

commentis Disciplinam Ecclesiasticam luget ; Cleri luxuriam 
& ignaviam castigat, in Ordines autem Mendicantes project- 
issimo ubique odio invehitur, quorum hypocrisin, ambitio- 
nem, aliaque vitia turpissima aliquofcies tot& opera, nullibi 
vero non oblata quavis occasione, acerrime insectatur. 

[Here follows some account of Chaucer's works, and of 
various editions.] 

1691. G[ibson] E[dmund]. Polemo Middinia. Carmen Macaronicum. 
Autore Gulielmo Drummundo, . . . accedit Jacobi id nominis 
Quinti, Regis Scotorum, Cantilena Rustica vulgo inscripta Christs 
Kirk on the Green. Recensuit, Notisque illustravit, E. G. Oxonii 
. . . 1691. [Illustrative quotations from Chaucer, printed in 
black-letter, in] Notes, pp. 4, 9, 10, 11, 12, 17. 

[p. 4j Qui pottas 6 dihtavit. 

Note b. Purgavit, a Sax. dihtan. She gan the house to 
dight, Chaucer. 

[p. 9] Cartes stabbatus f greitans. 

Note/. Flens, plorans. Anglis Borealibus & Scotis to 
graet, . . . For want of it I grone and grete. Chaucer. 

[p. 10] Sic f raya f uit, sic * guisa peracta est. 

Note a. Mendose, ausim dicere, pro guerra, unde nostrum 
' war.' Guerring, brawling. Chaucer. Better is a morsell 
or little gobbet of bread with joy, than an house filled 
full of delices, with chiding and guerring. 

[p. ii] To dance these Damosels them c dight. 

Note c. Prepare, provide ; a Sax. dihtan, parare, instruere. 
Vox Chaucero usitatissima. Dighteth his dinner. To bed 
thou wolt the dight. His instruments would he dight. 
He was aie the first in armes dight. He doth his shippes 

tp. 12] Her d lyre was like the Lilly. 

Note d. Complexion, countenance, a Cimbrico hlyre . . . 
Cui consonant ilia Chauceri. 

Saturne his lere was like the lede 

Thy lustie lere overspredde with spottes blacke. 

Vel forsan 'laugh,' 'smile,' a Cimbr. hlyr . . . Huic 
concinit & istud Chauceri And nere I went and gan 
to lere. 

1697] Appendix A. 81 

[P. 15] A a yape young man that stood him niest. 
Note a. Insulting, vaunting. 

And saied to me in great jape, 

Yelde thee, for thou may not escape. Chaucer. 

An hasty kinsman called Hary, 

That was an Archer keen, 
* Tyed up a tackel withoutten tary. 

Note e. Made ready an arrow. 

Well could he dresse his tackle yomanly. 


He straight up to his eare drough 
The strong bow, that was so tough, 

And shot at me, so wonder smart, 
That through mine eye unto mine hart 
The takell smote, and depe it went. Id. 

He shote at me full hastely 

An arowe, named Companie, 

The which takell is full able 

To make these Ladies merciable. Id. 

[p. 17] ' It was no mowes. 

Note c. It was no jesting matter. Of the foule mowes 
and of the reproves that men saied to him. Chaucer. 

And g bickered him with Bowes. 

Note g. Pelted, invaded. We two shall have a biker. 

1697. De la Pryme, Abraham. Diary (Surtees Soo., vol. liv), 1869, 
p. 319. 

[De la Pryme contributed to Wanley's Catalogus, q.v. 
below, the following :] 

All the works of old Chaucer, in long folio. This vol. 
belonged to the monastery of Canterbury Penes D. Edmund 
Cauley, de home, in Com. Ebor. 

1697. Wanley, Humphrey. Catalogus librorum manuscriptorum 

[Many MSS. of Chaucer are enumerated. See index to 
each part.] 


82 Appendix A. [A.D. 1699- 

1699-1700. [Ward, Edward.] The London Spy, Jan. 1699, vol. i, pt. 
iii, p. 16 ; April, 1700, vol, ii, pt. vi, p. 5. 

iiTVitf 1 ]' Most that you see here, come under Chancers [sic] 
character of a Sempstriss . . . 

She keeps a Shop for Countenance, 
And S for Maintenance. 

[Cokes T., 11. 57-8.] 

iTjVs'f ** [Dryden buried between Chaucer and Cowley.] 

1705. [Defoe, Daniel?] Letter in The Little Review, Wed., Aug. 15, 
1705, No. 21, p. 81. 

[The following is quoted in black letter :] 
Physicians know what is digestible, 
But their study is but little in the Bible. 

Chaucer [Prol. 11. 437-8.] 

[Defoe was the editor of this paper, and was also probably 
the author of many of the letters addressed to the editor.] 

1710. [For Stubbes, George, read Bubb, George, who signs the verses 
to the author of The Laurel and the Olive (Stubbes), quoted above, 
pt. i, p. 313.] 

1712. [King, William.] Bibliotheca ; a Poem. [Not in B.M.] (Bell's 
Poets, 1781, vol. Ixxxvi, p. 74.) 

Chaucer, the chief of all the throng 
That whilom dealt in ancient song 
(Whose laurell'd fame shall never cease 
While wit can charm or humour please) 
Lies all in tatters on the ground, 
With dust instead of laurels crown'd. 

1714. License for Urrifs edition of Chaucer, [signed] W. Bromley, [and 
dated] 20 July, 'l714. [Printed with the Proposals for printing 
the edition (see above, 1716, p. 344) bound in Thomas's interleaved 
copy of Urry, 1721, B.M. 643. m. 4. (See above, 1721, pt. i, p, 353.)] 


Whereas Our Trusty and Well-beloved John ~Urry . . . 
hath humbly represented unto Us, that he hath with great 
Labour and Expence prepared for the Press a compleat 
and correct Copy of the Works of Jeoffrey Chaucer, with a 
Glossary, and in order thereunto has carefully perused and 
compared, not only all the former Editions of Value, but 

1719] Appendix A. 83 

many rare and ancient Manuscripts, not hitherto consulted ; 
from the collating of which he hath in a great Measure 
restored and perfected the Text . . . remarked many Pieces 
in them falsly ascribed tp Chaucer, and added several entire 
Tales never yet printed, as well as many single Lines hitherto 
omitted ... by which Alterations, Amendments and 
Additions, the Work is in a Manner become new, and has 
therefore humbly besought Us to grant him Our Royal 
Privilege and Licence for the sole Printing and Publishing 
thereof for the Term of Fourteen Years. We being 
graciously inclined to encourage the said Undertaking, are 
pleased to condescend to his Request. . . . 

Given at our Court of Kensington the Twentieth Day of 
July, 1714, in the Thirteenth Year of Our Reign. 

By Her Majesty's Command, 

W. Bromley. 

1715. The Art of Poetry, referred to at this date under Haslewood and 
Bliss [c. 1833], above, pt. i, p. 188, is Dryden's[?] version of 
Boileau, q.v. above, 1680-83, pt. i, p. 254. 

1715. Gay, John, and Pope, Alexander. Letter to Mr. John Cary, 
[dated] April, 1715, [printed in] The Works of Alex: Pope, ed. W. 
Courthope and W. Elwin, 1871-89, 10 vols., vol. vi, p. 227. 

Chaucer has a tale where a knight saves his head by dis- 
covering that it [sovereignty] was the thing which all women 
most coveted. 

[There is a similar sentence in a letter of the same date 
from Gay and Pope to Congreve (ib. p. 414).] 

[1718 ?] Oldys, William. MS. Commonplace Book (B.M. MS. Add. 
12,522, foil. 29, 30). 

[Chaucer compared with Homer ; of low birth.] 

Chaucer wrote in a Tounge in his Days uncapable of any 
thing but Ballads, Tales & Roundelays. . . . He forbore not 
to spoyl our English Tongue by mixing therewith so much 
Latin & French. [Verstegan referred to.] 

1719. Prior, Matthew. Letter to Dean Swift, [dated May 5, 1719 
printed in] Correspondence of Jonathan Swift, ed. F. E. Ball 
1912, vol. iii, p. 33. 

[Rollins 78.] 

My bookseller is a blockhead ; so have they all been, or 
worse, from Chaucer's scrivener, down to John and Jacob. 

S4e Appendix A. [A.D. 1721- 

1721. Gildon, Charles. Ttie Laws of Poetry, as laid down by the Duke 
of Buckinghamshire in his Essay on Poetry, p. 32. 

Chaucer was the first, that is of any consideration, who 
enrich'd his mother- tongue with poetry ; but Chaucer was a 
man of quality, a knight of the garter, and of so considerable 
a fortune as to marry into the family of John of Gaunt . . . 
so that he had no need of encouragement to exert that 
excellent genius of which he was master, in poetry. After 
him, we had no man that made any figure in English verse, 
till the Earl of Surrey . . . 

1725. Cobb, Samuel. The Millers Tale, from Chaucer. 

[Modernised. Reprinted in Ogle's Canterbury Tales, 1741, 
q.v. above, pt. i, p. 389.] 

1727, Harte, Walter. Notes upon the Sixth Thebaid of Statins, and 
To my Soul. From Chaucer, ["FJe from the pres," modernised, in] 
Poems on Several Occasions, pp. 189-90, 195, 243. 

[Note on v. 51.] Chaucer, who was perhaps the greatest 
tp. 190] poet among the moderns, has translated these verses almost 
word for word in his Knight's Tale. I shall make this 
remark once for all : As nothing particularizes the fine 
passages in Homer more than that Virgil vouchsaved to 
imitate them : so scarce anything can exalt the reputation 
of Statius higher, than the verbal imitations of our great 
countoyman. I prefer this to a volume of criticisms; no 
man would imitate, what he could exceed. 

[p. 194] Stretch'd o'er the ground the tow'ring oaks were seen . . . 

[v. 108.] 

[p. 195] Chaucer seems to have a particular eye to this passage 
throughout his poems. See his Knights' Tale, the Assembly 
of Fowls, and Complaint of the black Knight. 

To my Soul. From Chaucer. 

[p. 243] Far from mankind, my weary soul retire, 

Still follow truth, contentment still desire [etc.]. 

[For other extracts from this volume, see above, pt. i, p. 369.] 

1728. Ralph, James. Sawney, p. 11. 

Chaucer erects the Court [sic] of Fame, and builds 
The Arches strong ; but Iron Time comes on, 

1730] Appendix A. 85 

And wastes the frail materials of the Frame ; 
In Heaps it lies a glorious Ruin, while 
SAWNEY up-rears, on the neglected Base, 
Another Pile, razes the Founder's Name, 
And super-adds his own : An Hand unseen 
Points out his Weakness and his Fraud . . . 

[An attack on Pope's Temple of Fame, q. v. above, pt. i, 
p. 318.] 

1729. Swift, Jonathan. Letter to John Gay, [dated] Nov. 20, 1729, 
[printed in] Correspondence, ed. F. E. Ball, vol. iv, p. 112. 

I have heard of the Wife of Bath, I think in Shakespeare. 

[This is in answer to a letter from Gay (of Nov. 9), in 
which he says : "I have employed my time in new writing a 
damned play, which I wrote several years ago, called the 
Wife of Bath." For Gay's Wife of Bath see above, 1713, 
pt. i, pp. 326-7.] 

[1730-62.] Unknown. Verses [quoted by George Vertue, among] 
Notes and extracts on Chaucer, [in] Notebook [lettered E 4 (MS. 
Add. 23,091)], foil. 100-104, 1166, 1196, 123, 125. 

[f. 123] A Copy of Verses in the Celebrated English Poets 

engraved by Mr. Vertue. 

Learning had long withdrawn her vital Pow'r 

At length in Chaucer's verse her head she rears 
Starts from the slumber of a thousand years, 
He of the shineing host the Vesper rode, 
And spake the brightness of the coming God. 
Whether he chuse a careless mirth to raise 
In tales diversify'd a thousand ways, 
Or else in Epics takes a nobler flight. 
These fill with rapture and those move delight. 

[The " Celebrated English Poets ' were engraved in 1730.] 

[c. 1730. Young, Edward.] Two Epistles to Mr. Pope, concerning the 
Authors of the Age, Epistle ii., p. 27. 

Fontaine and Chaucer, dying, wisht un wrote 
The sprightliest efforts of their wanton thought. 

86 Appendix A. [A,D. 1731- 

1731. Unknown. A Good and Bad Priest, from Fog's Journal, Sept- 
4, no. 147, [reprinted in] The Gentleman's Magazine, Sept. 1731, 
vol. i, p. 369. 

[Brief reference to] the character of a good priest as drawn 
by old Chaucer and moderniz'd by Dryden. 

1732. Unknown. Weekly Essays, from the Grub Street Journal, April 
13, no. 119, and the Universal Spectator, Sept. 23, no. 207, 
[reprinted in] The Gentleman's Magazine, April and Sept., vol. ii, 
pp. 698, 965. 

[p. 698] [Reference to " Sainct Cecily " in Second Nonnes Tale.] 
[p. 965] With us Chaucer began the dance [of immodest writing], 
and it has been too closely followed ever since. 

[1733. Grosvenor, , ps., i.e. Budgell, Eustace?] Modernisation 

of the Sompnour's Tale, [in] The Bee [edited by Eustace Budgell], 
vol. ii, no. xxiii, Aug. 4, [1733,] p. 1020. 

[This was reprinted in Ogle's Canterbury Tales, q,v. above, 1741, pt. i, p. 389.] 

1735. [Arbuthnot, John.] Critical Remarks on Gapt. Gulliver's Travels. 
By Doctor Bantley, Cambridge, 1735, sign. Aivfr, pp. 5, 6, 7. 
[See above, pt. ii, sect, i, p. 65, 1814, Scott, Memoirs of Swift.] 

[p. 5] The first Author I shall cite is CHAUCER ; a Poet of our 
own Nation, who was well read in the antient Geography, 
and is allowed by all Critics to have been a Man of universal 
Learning, as well as of inimitable Wit and Humour. ... 

[p. ej 1 Certes (qd. John) I, 2 nat denye, 

That, 3 touchende of the 4 Stedes countrye, 
I 5 rede, as thy Ike olde 6 cronyke seythe, 
7 J? longe afore our 8 crysten fey the, 
Ther 9 ben, as ye shull understonde, 
An 10 yle, u ycleped 12 Coursyr's londe, 
Wher, 13 nis, 14 ne 15 dampnynge 16 couetyse; 
Ne, 17 Letchere hotte, in 18 Sainctes gise ; 
Ne, 19 seely Squire, 20 lycke 21 browdred Ape, 

1 Certainly. 2 Do not. 3 Concerning. 4 Horses. 5 Read. 

6 Chronicle. 7 Long before. 6 Christian. 9 There was. 10 Island. 

11 Called. 12 Horses. 13 There is not. 14 Any. 15 Damnable. 

19 Covetousness. 17 Nor lewd Person. 18 Pretending sanctity. 19 Silly. 

20 Like. 21 Embroidered. 

17:39] Appendix A. 87 

Who maken 1 Goddes 2 boke a 3 Jape ; 
Ne 4 Lemman uyle, mishandlynge youthe, 
Ne women, 5 brutell [sic] ware in 6 sothe ; 
[p. 7] Ne Flattrer, Ne 7 unlettred Clerke, 

Who 8 richen him, withouten 9 werke; 
For Vice in thought, ne 10 als in 11 dede, 
Was never none in Londe of 12 Stede. 


1 2 The Bible. 3 A Jest. * Harlot. 6 Brittle ware. Truly. 
7 Illiterate Parson. 8 Enriching himself. 8 Labour. 10 Else. 

11 Deed or Action. 12 Stede Land, or Houyhnhm Land. 

[1735-61.] Oldys, William. Note [in his copy of] Wins,tanley's Lives 
of the Poets [opposite the passage on Occleve's portrait of Chaucer 
in the De Regimine Principis, printed in] Notes and Queries, 
2nd ser., vol. xi, p. 181. 

[Oldys died in 1761, and these Adversaria were among the MS. collections left 
by him.] 

This book, De regimine principis, a pretty thick folio, 
written, in English stanzas, on vellum, with that picture of 
Chaucer on the side of the verses, is in the possession of 
Mr. West of the Temple, who showed it me, Feb. 27, 1735. 

1735. Philalethes. Merlin and his Cave, from Fog's Journal, Dec. 6, 
no. 370, [reprinted in] The Gentleman's Magazine, Dec., vol. v, 
p. 715. 

[Allusion to the Wife of Path's Tale.] 

1735. Unknown. Essay, from The Prompter, no. 72, July 18, 1735, 
[reprinted in] The Gentleman's Magazine, July 1735, vol. v, 
p. 358. 

There are many Persian Poems . . . which are but 
moderniz'd Essays, (as our Chaucer by Dryderi), the ancient 
Words being grown obscure, by Corruption of their Lan- 
guage; as Chaucer's by Improvement of ours. 

1737. Unknown. A Sonnet, modernized from Chaucer, [in] The Gentle- 
man's Magazine, Feb. 1737, vol. vii, p. 118. 

[This " soanet " is a poem of ten six-line verses, beginning 
" A chaste behaviour is the highest praise."] 

88 Appendix A. [A.D 1740" 

1739. Unknown. The Apotheosis of Milton, continued, [in] The Gentle- 
man s Magazine, Feb. 1739, vol. ix, p. 74. 

When they [the poets] were all seated, a profound Silence 
ensued, which was broken by the President, [Chaucer] who 
. . . enlarged with Great Eloquence, upon the fine Qualif: 
cations, the Learning and the Genius of Milton . . . 

[For the first part, see above, 1738, pt. i, p. 384.] 

[a. 1740.] Swift, Jonathan. Memorandum of the oaths used in the 
Canterbury Tales, [and] An imitation of Chaucer. 

[Neither of these seems to have been preserved. Sir 
Walter Scott, in his Memoirs of Swift, says that Chaucer 
seems to have been his favourite, for "I observe among his 
papers a memorandum of the oaths used in the Canterbury 
Tales, classed with the personages by whom they are 
used." In a footnote to the edn. of 1834, Monck Mason 
is quoted as stating that Scott had sent him an imitation 
of Chaucer's style in the handwriting of Swift. This he 
regrets having lost. See above, pt. ii, sect, i, p. 65, 1814, 
Scott, Memoirs of Jonathan Swift, Miscellaneous Prose 
works of Sir Walter Scott, Edinburgh, 1834-71, 30 vols., 
vol. ii, p. 414 and note.] 

1743. Birch, Thomas. The Heads of Illustrious Persons of Great 
Britain, engraven by Mr. Houbraken and Mr. Vertue. With 
their lives and characters by Thomas Birch. 

;A. conventional life of Chaucer. The engraving of him 
y Houbraken, and is dated 1741.] 

1743. [Editor of The Gentleman's Magazine.] Note [in] 
Gentleman's Magazine, Nov., vol. xiii, p. 586. 

[On the Lambesbourne in Berkshire. Quotes Sylvester's 
reference to " Chaucer's Donnington," q.v. above, App. A. 

1744. Mason, William. Musxus. 

[Given in the text above under 1747, pt. i, p. 393. It 
should have been entered under 1744, which Mason says, in 
a note on p. 3 of Poems, 1764, was the date of composition.] 

1744. Pope, Alexander. Letter to Lord Orrery, [dated] April 10, 
1744, [printed in] Works, ed. W. Courthope and W. Elwin, 1871- 
89, 10 vols., vol. viii, p. 518. 

I doubt not how much Bounce [his*dog] was lamented. 
They might say as the Athenians did to Arcite in Chaucer, 

is b 

1748] Appendix A. 89 

Ah Arcite ! gentle knight, why wouldst thou die, 
When thou hadst gold enough, and Emily ! 
Ah Bounce ! Ah gentle beast, why wouldst thou die, 
When thou hadst meat enough, and Orrery ? 

1744. Whitehead, William. On Nobility, p. 6. 

And did your gentle Grandames always prove 
Stern Rebels to the Charms of lawless Love 1 
And never pitied, at some tender Time, 
1 A dying Damian, with'ring in his Prime ? 
1 A dying Damian, &c.j See January and May in Chaucer and Mr. Pope. 

1746. Unknown. Poem, [in] The Gentleman's Magazine, Dec. 1746, 
vol. xvi, p. 665. 

Father FRANCIS'S prayer to ST. AGNES. In Imitation of 


Ne gay attire, ne marble hall, 
Ne arched roof, ne painted wall, . . . 
Ne power, ne such-like idle fawncies 
Sweet Agnes, grant to father Frauncis . . . 

[18 more lines with no greater resemblance to Chaucer 
than the above.] 

1747. Mason, William. Musaeus. See above, 1744 

1747. Warton, Thomas, the elder. Paraphrase of Leviticus, xi. 13, 
[in] Poems on Several Occasions, pp. 3O-33. 

tp. 30] Hereafter in English Metre ensueth A Paraphrase on 
the Holie Book entitled Leviticus Chap. xi. Vers. 13, &c. 
Fashioned after the Maniere of Maister Geoffery Chaucer 
in his Assemblie of Foules : Containing the Reasons of the 
several Prohibitions. 

Of feathred Foules, that fanne the bucksom Aire 
Not All alike were made for Foode to men ; 
For, These Thou shalt not eat, doth God declare, 
Twice tenne Their Nombre, and their Fleshe unclene . . . 

[a. 1748. Tanner, Thomas.] Collections for the Bibliotheca Britannico- 
Hibernica, [in Latin], MS. Add. 6261, ff. 24, 68. 

[References to Chaucer as Controller of Customs for the 
Port of London, and to the Sloane MS. of the Astrolabe. 

90 Appendix A. [A.D. 1748- 

There are probably other references to Chaucer in this 
MS., which consists chiefly of extracts from and references 
to MSS.] 

1748. Tanner, Thomas. Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica. [In Latin. 
Article on Chaucer, pp. 166-70, references in articles on Gower, 
336-7, Lydgate, 489, 91, Occleve, 557, Spenser, 684, Strode, 697, 
and Thynne, 713.] 

[The biographical part of the account of Chaucer is 
avowedly based on Speght.] 

1749. C., J. Verses to Mr. Mason, [in] The Gentleman's Magazine, 
Nov. 1749, vol. xix, p. 516. 

[Brief reference to Chaucer and Spenser. The poem is 
occasioned by Mason's Musaeus, q.v. above, 1747, pt. i, 
p. 393; see also above, App. A., 1744.] 

1751. Unknown. Letter, [in] The Gentleman's Magazine, July 1751, 
vol. xxi, pp. 302-3. 

[Reference to and quotation from Chanouns Yemannes 

1752. [Fielding, Henry?] A Plesaunt Balade, or, Advice to the 
Fayre Maydens : written by Dan Jeffrey Chaucer, [in] The Covent 
Garden Journal, no. 50, June 23, 1752. (Ed. G. E. Jensen, New 
Haven & London, 1915, 2 vols., vol. ii, pp. 37-8 and (notes) 
p. 237.) 

[The " Balade " is preceded by an unsigned letter, 
beginning :] 

SIR, Perhaps your Readers will not be displeased with 
the Sight of the following Poem, when they are told it was 
written by that ancient and venerable Bard, Dan Jeffrey 
Chaucer . . . 

[The poem begins as follows :] 

Listhnith [sic], Ladies, to your olde Frende : 
If yee be fayre, be fayre to sum gode Ende. 
For Gallants rath or late must loken out 
For thilk same Yoke, so ese out of Dout, 
* Yclepid Marriage ; yet sootly Weman be 
Malum per accidens vel malum per se, 
As lerned Clerkes saie : this Latin is, 
Ladies, that yee al bene Mannis chefe Blis, 

[Of. N.P.T.,11. 343-6.] 
* [Note in original] : Called. 

1755] Appendix A. 91 

[The Covent Garden Journal was edited and largely 
written by Fielding under the pseudonym of "Sir Alex- 
ander Drawcansir." Professor W, L. Cross (The History 
of Henry Fielding, 1918, 3 vols., vol. ii, pp. 382-3) prints 
the poem, and attributes it to Fielding, adding, " Nowhere 
else, so far as I remember, does Fielding give the slightest 
evidence of any first-hand acquaintance with the father of 
English poetry. In the list of the world's great humorists 
enumerated in 'Tom Jones,' the name of Chaucer is con- 
spicuous for its absence."] 


1752. Rawlinson, Kichard. Dimissio Tenement! siti in Gardino 
capellae beatae Mariae Westm . . . concessa Galfrido Chaucers 
. . . Dec. 1399. 

[An engraved facsimile of the lease (q.v. above, 1399, 
pt. i, pp. 13-14), made for Richard Rawlinson.] 

1753. [Armstrong, John.] Taste: an Epistle to a Young Critic, 
pp. 10, 15. (Bell's Poets, 1781, vol. c, pp. 93, 96.) 

[p. 10] As like as (if I am not grossly wrong) 

Erie Robert's Mice to aught e'er Chaucer sung. 

[p. 15] The Lords who starv'd old Ben were learndly fond 

Of Chaucer, whom with bungling Toil they conn'd. 

1753. Unknown. Publisher's Advertisement of the Lives of the Poets by 
Theophihts Gibber (q.v. above, pt. i, p. 407.) 

[This is stated in Notes and Queries, 1st ser., vol. v, p. 26, 
Jan. 10, 1852, q.v. above, pt. ii, sect, ii, p. 10, to be by 

1754. Gemsege, Paul [i.e. Pegge, Samuel.] Letter, [in] The Gentle- 
man's Magazine, May 1754, vol. xxiv, p. 212. 

[Brief reference.] 

[Paul Gemsege is the anagram of Samuel Pegge. He contributed largely to The 
Gentleman's Magazine between the years 174(5 and 1796, principally under the 
signature of Paul Gemsege. Other pseudonyms of his which appear here are : 
T. Bow, L. E., L. Echard, Portius, Senex ; he also used hia initials, S.P. 

See an article on Pegge's contributions to The Gentleman's Magazine in the 
number for Dec. 1798, p. 979 and supplement, p. 1081.] 

[1755. Grey, Zachary.] Remarks upon a late [i.e. Warburton's] Edition 
of Shakespeare, p. 16. 

[Frankeleynes Tale, 11. 1045-6, quoted to illustrate " shene."] 

92 Appendix A. [A.D. 1755- 

1755. Rider, W. Westminster Abbey, [a poem, in] The Gentleman's 
Magazine, Aug. 1755, vol. xxv, p. 373. 

Chaucer, who first in Britain taught to sing, 

In his half-crumbling, dreary tomb I hail ; 

Him every muse inspir'd to wake the string, 

But yet how little doth his mirth avail ! 

His rhimes, his language, and his numbers fail . . . 

1757. Gemsege, Paul [i. e. Pegge, Samuel]. Letter, [in] the Gentle- 
man's Magazine, vol. xxvii, Dec. 1757, p. 561. 

The word crowd . . . occurs even in Chaucer, who died 
A.D. 1402, or thereabouts. 

1757. Unknown. Biographia Britannica, vol. iv, pp. 2242-51. 

[Article on Gower, containing many more or less passing 
references to Chaucer. For vol. ii see above, pt. i, 1748; for 
vol. v, below, App. A, 1760.] 

1758. A., A. On a passage in the Fairy Queen, [in] The Gentleman's 
Magazine, Feb. 1758, vol. xxviii, p. 57. 

[Brief reference illustrating Spenser's phrase "powdered 
with stars"]. 

1758. Massey, W. The various translations of the Bible into English, 
[in] The Gentleman's Magazine, March 1758, vol. xxviii, p. 108. 

In Chaucer's time, there was a tradition that the Gospels 
were extant in the British tongue, when Alia was king of 
Northumberland, in the seventh century. Chaucer's words 
in the Man of Lowes tale, are these : 

A Breton boke written with Evangeles was set . . . 

1760. Copywell, Jemmy [i. e. Wotyx, William]. Poem, reprinted in 
the Gentleman's Magazine, March, vol. xxx, p. 146. 

[The reference to this at pt. i, p. 417, was made in 
error; it is that entered above, a. 1730, Unknown, pt. i, 
p. 371, q. v.] 

1760. Unknown. Biographia Britannica, vol. v, p. 3405. 

[Pope's juvenile imitations of Chaucer, etc., generally 
condemned. For vol. ii see above, pt. i, 1748 ; for vol. iv, 
above, App. A, 1757.] 

1765] Appendix A. 93 

1761. Dodsley, Eobert. Letter to William Shenstone [dated] June 25 
[1761], [printed in] Select Letters, 1777, 2 vols., vol. ii, p. 113. 

I send you a List of some Statues, about the same size 
with that Pair you have ; 


and and and , and 


When you have fixed upon which Pair you will have, you 
will let me know whether you will have them white or 

[1763 ?] Unknown. A SJiort Account of the first Else and Progress of 
Printing, 32, p. 44. 

In this [Arnold's Chronicle] is the Nut Brown Maid, 
supposed by Chaucer, as Skelton confirms . . . Mr. Prior 
has made a paraphrase of it ... but knew not that it was 
by Chaucer. 

[a. 1765.] Dunkin, William. The Character of a Good Parson, From 
Chaucer, [in] Select Poetical Works of the late William Dunkin, 
D.D., Dublin, 1769-70, vol. ii, p. 480. 

[Dr. Dunkin died on 24 Nov., 1765.] 

1765. Hurd, Richard. Moral and Political Dialogues; with Letters on 
Chivalry and Romance . . . the third edition, vol. iii, pp. 230, 
[Letter iv, reference to the Theseus in the Knight's Tale], 318-27 
[Letter xi]. 

[p 318] It is, further, to be noted, that the Tale of the Giant 
OLYPHANT and Chylde TOPAZ was not a fiction of his own, 
but a story of antique fame, and very celebrated in the days 
of chivalry : so that nothing could better suit the poet's 

[p. 319] design of discrediting the old romances, than the choice of 
this venerable legend for the vehicle of his ridicule upon 

Sir TOPAZ is all Don QUIXOTE in little ; as you will easily 
see from comparing the two knights together. [This is 

[p. 325] ONLY, I would observe, that, though, in this ridiculous 
ballad, the poet clearly intended to expose the romances of 
the time, as they were commonly written, he did not mean, 
absolutely and under every form, to condemn the kind of 
writing itself: as, I think, we must conclude from the 

94 Appendix A. [A.D. 1769^ 

serious air, and very different conduct, of the SQUIRE'S 
TALE, which SPENSER and MILTON were so particularly 
pleased with. 

[For the original and much briefer version, set above, pt. i, 1762, p. 421. The first 
paragraph quoted here follows that in the 1762 edn., ending "most proper to be put 
into the hands of the People."] 

1769. Unknown. The Whimsical Legacy. In Imitation of the Sum- 
mer's [sic] Tale in Chaucer, [in] The Merry Droll, pp. 84-90. [Not 
in B. M. ; Bodl., Douce DD. 35.] 

1773. Steevens, George. Notes [in] The Plays of William Shakespeare. 

iTs' n' 1 ] -ft i s P ro k a kl e that the hint for this play [The Midsummer 
Night's Dream] was received from Chaucer's Knight's 
Tale . . . 

rvoMx, Chaucer had made the loves of Troilus and Cressida 
famous, which very probably might have been Shakespeare's 
inducement to try their fate on the stage. [See above, pt. i, 
p. 431, Capell.] 

[There are also some passing references to Chaucer in 
Steevens's notes. For an additional note in Steevens's 
revised 2nd edn., see below, App. A, 1778.] 

1775. Atticus. Stanzas on Poetry, [in] The Gentleman's Magazine, 
July 1775, vol. xlv, p. 340. 

Thus when our CHAUCER first awoke the string, 

All rude and harsh the lays though bold the flight . . . 

1775. Unknown. Review of Tyrwliitt's edition of the Canterbury 
Tales, [in] The London Magazine, vol. xliv, pp. 652, 653 ; in The 
Critical Review, vol. xl, pp. 205-7 ; and in The Monthly Review, 
vol. liii, pp. 26-7. 

[Brief conventional tributes.] 

1775. Walpole, Horace. Letter to the Eev. W. Mason, April 14, 1775, 
[in] Letters of Horace Walpole, ed. Mrs. Paget Toynbee, vol. ix, 
pp. 180-1. 

I have waded through Mr. Tyrrwhit's most tedious notes 
to the "Canterbury Tales," for a true Antiquary can still be 
zealous to settle the genuine shape of a lump of mineral 
from which Dryden extracted all the gold, and converted 
[it] into beautiful medals. 

1778] Appendix A. 95 

1775-81. White, Gilbert. Letters to the Rev. John White, Jan. 5 and 
March 9, 1775 ; and to Miss Molly White, Dec. 19, 1781, [printed 
in] The Life and Letters of Gilbert White, 1901, 2 vols., vol. i, 
pp. 274, 281, vol. ii, p. 78. 

[Chaucer's mention of gossamer; the colours of young 
leaves observed by Chaucer in the Flour and the LefeJ] 

1778. Buncombe, John. An Elegy written in Canterbury Cathedral, 
p. 8. 

[Reference to Chaucer and the pilgrims, and to the 
Chequer inn, as that where they lodged.] 

1778. Rymsdyk, Jan van. Museum Britannicum, pp. 71-2, tab. 

[An unofficial account of objects of interest in the British Museum.] 

9. A Rough Egyptian Pebble ... on which is a striking 
Likeness of the Head of Chaucer, father of the English 
Poets, and is entirely by the Pencil of Nature, without any 
assistance of Art. And now we will give a slight De- 
scription of another kind of Diamond, meaning Chaucer. 
[Quotations from Leland and Dryden.] Qne may see his 
very Temper on this Egyptian Pebble, which is a Compo- 
sition of the Gay, the Modest, and the Grave. 

[The Pebble is shewn in engraving No. 9 on pi. xxviii, 
facing p. 69. It is still exhibited in the Mineral Gallery of 
the Natural History Museum, and is mentioned in the 
"Blue Guide" to London, 1918, p. 246.] 

1778. Steevens, George. Note [in] The Plays of William Shakespeare 
... To which are added Notes by Samuel Johnson and George 
Steevens. The Second Edition, revised and augmented, vol. v, 
p. 523. 

[Note on Henry IV., Part 2, Act iii, scene 2, to Skogan's 
head.} Who Scogan was, may be understood from the 
following passage in The Fortunate Isles, a masque of Ben 
Jonson, 1626. [Quoted.] 

Among the works of Chaucer is a poem called 'Scogan, 
unto the Lordes and Gentilmen of the Kinges House.' 

[See also below, App. A, 1783, Ritson, and 1793, Malone. For Steevens's other 
notes, tee his ed. 1, above, App. A., 1773.] 

96 Appendix A. [A.D. 1778- 

1778. Unknown. Encyclopaedia Britannica ; see above, pt. i, p. 452. 

[The 6th edn. appeared in 1823; the Chaucer and Lydgate 
articles in it are exact reprints of those in the 5th.] 

[n. a. 1779.] Mortimer, John Hamilton. A series of nine drawings 
for the Canterbury Tales. 

[Hamilton died in 1779; these drawings were engraved 
in 1787 for some projected 4 edition of the Tales. See 
N. and Q. 1880, 6th ser., vol. ii, pp. 325-6, 355; Hammond, 
Chaucer, p. 324.] 

1779. Unknown. [Poem] To Mr. Warton on the third volume of his 
History of English Poetry being unpublished, [in] The Gentleman's 
Magazine, Sept. 1779, vol. xl, p. 464. 

[Brief reference.] 

1780. Antiquarius. Letter, [in] The Gentleman's Magazine, Nov. 

1780, vol. 1, p. 515. 

[Brief reference ; Chaucer on fairies.] 

[c. 1780.] Catling, John, verger at Westminster Abbey. Conversations 
with Joseph Noliekens, [reported by J. T. Smith, in Noliekens and 
his Times, 2 vols., 1828, vol. i, p. 179]. 

Catling: Did you ever notice the remaining colours of 
the curious little figure that was painted on the tomb of 
Chaucer ? 

Noliekens : No, that's not at all in my way. 

[J. T. Smith accompanied his father and Noliekens on this occasion as an assistant 
in their work as monumental sculptors, and was probably about fifteen ; he was 
born in 1766.] 

1780. B., J. Letter, [in] The Gentleman's Magazine, Sept. 1780, vol. 1, 
p. 420. [See also below, 1781.] 

[On the genitive case in Saxon; forms in Chaucer such 
as Riiitis.~\ 

1781. B., W. Eemarks on Dr. Johnson's Lives of the Poets, [in] The 
Gentleman's Magazine, Nov., vol. li, p. 507. 

[Johnson and Dryden on Chaucer.] 

1781. H. Two Letters, [in] The Gentleman's Magazine, Jan. and April 

1781, vol. li, pp. 12, 13, 175. 

[In continuation of J. R., see above, 17 80,' and also below, 
1781, 'Scrutator.'] 

1785] Appendix A. 97 

1781. Harris, James. Philological Inquiries, Part iii, chapter xi, pp. 
467-72, 480. 

[Chaucer's learning.] 

1781. [Pinkerton, John.] On the progress of the English Language, 
Sonnet 1, Rimes, p. 131. 

Chaucer to the wanton court her bore, 

Where jest and wiles she learned and amorous play. 

[' Her ' is the English Muse.] 

1781. Scrutator. Letter, [in] The Gentleman's Magazine, June 1781, 
vol. li. p. 266. 

[In. continuation of ' J. R.' and 'H.' above, 1780, 1781.] 

1782. Unknown. On the Rev. Thomas Wartoris Escape, after falling 
into the river between Winchester and St. Cross, [in] The Gentle- 
man's Magazine, Jan. 1782, vol. Hi, p. 39. 

[stanza v} ... The busy throng 

Of spirits waft him safe along 
Where Chaucer's reverend shade yclad in bayes 
His chaplet vails, meet guerdon of his layes. 

1783. [Bitson, Joseph.] Remarks . . . on . . . the last Edition of 
Shakespeare, pp. 31, 99-100. 

[ P . 31] [ Kid-fox.'] 
[p. 99] [Scogan.] 

1783. S., D. ; W., T. H. ; and W., J. Letters, etc., [in] The Gentle- 
man's Magazine, April, May and Aug., vol. liii, pp. 281-3, 
406-7, 639. 

1784. Eugenio; W., R. ; and Unknown. Letters, [in] The Gentle- 
man's Magazine, April and May, vol. liv, pp. 257, 270, 323-4. 

1785. Henry, Robert. The History of Great Britain . . . Written on 
a New Plan, vol. v. [A.D. 1399-1485], p. 549. [For vol. iv, see 
above, pt. i, pp. 459-63.] 

The works of Chaucer and Gower, who flourished in the 
fourteenth century, are as intelligible to a modern, reader, 
as those of King James, Lydgate, or Occleve. 

1785. W., T. ; E., N. ; E., S. ; Unknown; and D., J. Letters, etc., 
[in] The Gentleman's Magazine, Feb., March, June, Aug. and 
Dec., vol. Iv, pp. 110, 181, 414, 629, 950. 


98 Appendix A. [A.D. 1786- 

1786. W., T. H. ; Unknown ; R., B. ; and W., C. Letters, etc. [in] 
The Gentleman's Magazine, Jan., April, June and July, vol. Ivi, 
pp. 39, 321, 472, 554. 

1787. Search, P. ; A., J. ; W., T. H. ; and Unknown. Letters, etc., 
[in] The Gentleman's Magazine, F " 
vol. Ivii, pp. 126, 689, 945-6, 1169. 

[in] The Gentleman's Magazine, Feb., Aug., Nov., and Suppl., 
vol. " 

1788. Belzebub. Letters on Education, [in] The Gentleman's Maga- 
zine, May, vol. Iviii, p. 391. 

[Brief reference.] 

1789. Diplom, and others. Letter on the spelling of the name 
'Shakespeare,' [in] The Gentleman's Magazine, June, vol. lix, 
p. 494. 

[Brief reference.] 

1789. Seward, Anna. On- the Comparative Merits of Pope and 
Dryden, [in] The Gentleman's Magazine, Sept., vol. lix, p. 820. 

[Brief reference.] 

1789. White, Gilbert. The Natural History and Antiquities of Sel- 
borne, p. 381. 

[Chaucer and Langland satirize the clergy.] The laugh- 
able tales of the former are familiar to almost every reader. 

1790. Hamilton, William. The Death o/ Arcite. [Design, engraved 
in stipple by Bartolozzi.] 

1790, Malone, Edmond. Notes, [in] The Plays and Poems of William 
Shakespeare, 10 vols., vol. ii, pp. 441, 461-2, 527, 529 [Midsum- 
mer's Nights Dream] ; v, pp. 355-6 [Henry IV., pt. ii, Scogan] ; 
viii, pp. 143-4 [Troilus and Cressida]. 

[There are probably other Chaucerian quotations and references in Malone's notes 
to the Plays.] 

1791. D'Israeli, Isaac. Curiosities of Literature, 1 vol, p. 503. 

The Living Language. 

Chaucer, Gower, Lydgate, and an infinite number of 
excellent writers, have fallen martyrs to their patriotism 
by writing in their mother tongue. Spenser is not always 
intelligible without a glossary. 

[Reprinted in the 4th edn., 1798, vol. i, p. 586, but not reprinted in later editions. 
D'Israeli added to and enlarged this book for ir.any years ; vol. ii was added in 

1793] Appendix A. 99 

1793, vol. iii in 1817, vols. iv and v in 1823, and vol. vi in 1834. By 1841 twelve 
editions had appeared, each revised and altered. For further Chaucer references in 
the completed work, see below, 1793, 1798, and above, pt. i, 1807, 1823, 1834.] 

1791. [Huddesford, George.] Salmagundi; a miscellaneous combin- 
ation of Original Poetry, p. 143. 

Monody on the death of Dick, an academical cat. 
Cat-Gossips full of Canterbury Tales. 

1791. Unknown., Imitation of Chaucer, [in] The Bee [edited] by 
James Anderson, LL.D., Edinburgh, vol. iv, Aug. 11, 1791, p. 182. 

Right wele of learnet clerkis is it saide, 
That wemenheid for mannis use is made. 

1792. Gary, Henry Francis. Letter to Miss Seward, [dated] 7 May 
1792, [printed in] Memoir of the Rev. H. F. Gary, 1847, 2 vols., 
vol. i, p. 42. 

Our greatest English poets, Chaucer, Spenser, and Milton, 
have been professed admirers of the Italians. 

[For Miss Seward's letter in reply to this, see above, pt. i, p. 494.] 

[1792.] Macklin, . Proposals for Madelines English Poets . . . 

particularly . . . Chaucer . . . Skelton, etc. 

[Inserted in Haslewood and Bliss's interleaved copy of 
Winstanley's Lives of the English Poets (B.M. C. 45. d. 13), 
q.v. above, pt. ii, sect, i, p. 187, [c. 1833] Haslewood.] 

1792. Tyson, ; and G., D. R. H. Letters on a portrait of Chaucer, 

[in] The Gentleman's Magazine, July, Aug., vol. Ixii, pp. 614, 714. 

1792. Mercier, Richard Edward ; Sigla ; and Unknown. Articles, 
etc., [in] The Gentleman's Magazine, April, Sept. and Nov., vol. 
Ixii, pp. 326, 805, 1022. 

\Bolte of Fame, ed. Caxton ; Chaucer's house ; review of 
Lipscombe's Pardoner s Tale.] 

1793, D'Israeli, Isaac. Curiosities of Literature, 2 vols., 1793, vol. ii, 
pp. 217, 286, 469. (14th edn., 3 vols., 1849, vol. i, p. 274, pp. 
499, 508.) 


[p. 217] Chaucer is a notorious imitator and lover of them [the 
Italian Romances] ; his Knight's Tale is little more than a 
paraphrase of Boccaccio's Teseide. 

100 Appendix A. [A.D. 1794- 

Poet Laureat. 
[p. 286] Gower and Chaucer were laureates. 

[p. 469] Natural Productions resembling artificial compositions. 

There is preserved in the British Museum a black stone, 
on which nature has sketched a resemblance of the portrait 
of Chaucer. [See above, App. A., 1778, Rymsdyk.] 

1794. [Mathias, Thomas James.] The Pursuits of Literature, pp. 
28-9 n. 

['Gibbeour cat.'] 

[For other references in the Pursuits of Literature, see above, 1794, pt. 1, p. 495, 
and below, 1797 and 1800.] 

1794. P., B. Local Expression, [in] The Gentleman's Magazine, Feb., 
vol. Ixiv, p. 110. 


1794. Tooke, John Home. [When in the Tower Tooke had a Chaucer, 
which he used for notes and minutes. The copy afterwards 
belonged to Samuel Rogers. See Crabb Robinson's Diary, 1840, 
ed. 1869, vol. iii, p. 187.] 

1794. Unknown. Gualtherus and Griselda, [modernised version of 
part of the Clerkes Tale, in] Angelica's Ladies' Library, pp. 73-104. 

1795. Z., K. ; Unknown ; and Sciolus. Articles, etc., [in] The Gentle- 
man's Magazine, April, June, Sept., vol. Ixv, pp. 282, 495, 728. 

[Brief reference ; Review of Lipscomb's Canterbury Tales ; 
the marriage service in Chaucer.] 

1795. Southey, Robert. Dunnington-Castle, a sonnet, [in] Poems : by 
Robert Lovell and Robert Southey, Bath, p. 61. 

Thou ruin'd relique of the ancient pile, 
Rear'd by that hoary bard, whose tuneful lyre 
First breath'd the voice of music on our isle ; 
Where, warn'd in life's calm evening to retire, 
Old CHAUCER slowly sunk at last to night, 
Still shall his forceful line, his varied strain, 
A firmer, nobler monument remain, 
When the high grass waves o'er thy lovely site ; 
And yet the cankering tooth of envious age 

1798] Appendix A. 101 

Has sapp'd the fabric of his lofty rhyme ; 

Though genius still shall ponder o'er the page, 

And piercing through the shadowy mist of time, 

The festive Bard of EDWARD'S court recall, 

As fancy paints the pomp that once adorn'd thy wall. 

[1796 ?] Southey, Robert. Essay on the Poetry of Spain and Portugal, 
[in] Letters written ... in Spain and Portugal, Bristol, 1797, 
pp. 121, 122. 

Chaucer frequently spared himself the trouble of invention, 
and adopted the allegories of the Provencal school, and the 
licentious humour or the dignified romance of Boccaccio. 

1796. Unknown. Review of Poems by Minot, [in] The Gentleman's 
Magazine, Jan., vol. Ixvi, p. 49. 

[Tyrwhitt's discovery of Minot.] 

1797. J., J. H. Letter on Donnington Castle, [with a plate, in] The 
Gentleman's Magazine, March, vol. Ixvii, p. 185. 

1797. [Mathias, Thomas James.] The Pursuits of Literature, pt. iv, 
p. 48 n. 

What old Chaucer says of poetry, 

Tis every dele 
A rock of ice and not of steel. 

[See also above, 1794, pt. i, p. 495, and App. A, 1794, and below, 1800.] 

1798. D'Israeli, Isaac. Curiosities of Literature, 4th edn., 2 vols., 
1798 ; vol. i, p. 479 ; vol. ii, p. 40. (14th edn., 3 vols., 1849, vol. i, 
pp. 248, 363.) 

Anecdotes of Fashion. 

[V lil\ [Chaucer on prelates' dress quoted.] 
A Literary Wife. 
[vol. ii, [This section is headed as follows :] 

Marriage is such a rabble rout 

That those that are out, would fain get in ; 

And those that are in, would fain get out. 


1798. Jaques. What was ! [in] Satires, etc., pp. 9, 10. 
Chaucer . . . 
Has left good models for the present day . . 

102 Appendix A. [A.D. 1798- 

1798. Unknown ; and Wiccamicus. Revieiv arid Letter, [in] The 
Gentleman's Magazine, Oct., vol. Ixviii, pp. 862-4, 38-9 

[Saxon words in Chaucer ; modernizations, etc.] 

1799. Gilpin, John ; An Architect, and Unknown. Articles, etc., 
[in] The Gentleman's Magazine, March, Aug., Dec., vol. Ixix, pp. 
180, 670, 1040. 

[Brief reference ; Chaucer's tomb ; Donnington.] 

1800. Brydges, Sir Samuel Egerton. Preface to Phillips' Theatrum 
Poetarum, pp. xlvii-viii, Ivi, lix. 

[Chaucer's innate superiority to his contemporaries.] 

1800. Fox, Charles James. Letter to Charles Grey, [dated] Friday [no 
month] 1800, [in] Memorials of C. J. Fox, 1854, vol. iii, pp. 

In defence of my opinion about the nightingales, I find 
Chaucer, who of all poets seems to have been fondest of the 
singing of birds, calls it a merry note. 

1800. [Mathias, Thomas James.] The Pursuits of Literature. [This 
note is dated Nov. 1800 in the collected edn. of 1812 (p. 359); it 
is here quoted from the llth edn., 1801, pp. 441-2. 

[Quotation from the Hous of Fame.] 

[For other extracts from The Pursuits of Literature, see above, pt. i, 1794, p. 495, 
and App. A, 1794 and 1797.] 

1800. Unknown. Letter, [in] The Gentleman's Magazine, April, vol. 
Ixx, p. 336. 

[Quotation from Antient Scottish Poems ; Gower preferred 
to Chaucer in their own time.] 

1800. Wordsworth, William. Lyrical Ballads, with other Poems, 
preface, p. xii n. (Prose Works, ed. W. Knight, 2 vols., 1896, vol. i, 
p. 49 n.) 

It is worth while here to observe, that the affecting parts 
of Chaucer are almost always expressed in language pure 
and universally intelligible to this day. W. W., 1800. 

[This preface did not appear in the first edition of 1798.] 

1803. Ley-den, John. Scenes of Infancy, pt. ii. pp. 45-6 ; notes, pp. 
165, 176. 

[Chaucer and the daisy.] 

1811] Appendix A. 103 

1807. Beloe, William. Anecdotes of Literature, vol. ii, pp. 367-8. 
[For vol. vi, see below, 1812.] 

[The Knightes Tale and Troilus based on Boccaccio's 
Teseide and Filostrato ; Chaucer the inventor of the rhyme- 
royal stanza.] 

1809. Dibdin, Thomas Frognall. The Bibliomania, p. 52 n. 

[Pynson's Chaucer sold at Dr. Askew's sale.] 

[There are many new allusions in the greatly enlarged edition of 1811, q.v. below.] 

1810. Scott, Sir Walter. The Lady of the Lake, p. 196 n. 

[Quotation from "The Coke's Tale of Gamlyn, ascribed to 

1811. Dibdin, Thomas Frognall. Bibliomania, Motto to pt. 1, pp. 153 n., 
157 n., 244 n. t 256 n., 319, 507 n., 515 n. { 569 n., 594 n. 

[The note on p. 515 is the only allusion in the small first 
edn. of 1809 (q.v. above, App. A.); the other allusions 
appear here for the first time and are reprinted in the 3rd 
edn. of 1842, with the addition of two in the account of 
Baron Bolland's books in the First Supplement. Most are 
unimportant; that on p. 319 is a laudation of William 
Thynne for his love for and work on Chaucer.] 

[1811.] Landor, Walter Savage. Commentary on Memoirs of Mr. Fox, 
lately written [by J. B. Trotter], 1812 [actually in 1811], ed. 
S. Wheeler, 1907, pp. 211-12, 215. 

[The unique copy of the original edn. of 1812 belongs to Lord Crewe. See above, 
pt. ii, sect, i, p. 56, 1811, Trotter ; also above, App. A., 1800, Fox.] 

[p. 211] " He entertained a sincere veneration for Chaucer." He 
entertained a sincere veneration for so many, that we have 
reason to suppose he had little discrimination. . . . Chaucer 

[p. 212] is indeed an admirable poet ; until the time of Shakespeare 
none equalled him ; and perhaps none after, till ours. The 
truth of his delineations, his humour, his simplicity, his 
tenderness, how different from the distorted images and 
gorgeous languor of Spenser ! The language, too, of Chaucer 
was the language of his day, the language of those English- 
men who conquered France; that of Spenser is a strange 
uncouth compound of words. . . . 

[P. 215] In Chaucer ... we recognize the strong homely strokes, 

104 Appendix A. [A.D. 1812- 

the broad and negligent facility, of a great master. Within 
his time and Shakespeare's, there was nothing comparable, 
nor, I think, between Shakespeare and Burns, a poet who 
much resembles him in a knowledge of nature and manners. 

1812. P. Tabard Inn, [with plate, in] The Gentleman's Magazine, 
Sept. 1812, vol. Ixxxii, p. 217. 

[The inn, the inscription over the gateway, etc.] Till lately 
there was some ancient tapestry in the house representing a 
procession to Canterbury. A well-painted sign by Mr. Blake 
[? a copy of the Canterbury Pilgrims] represents Chaucer 
and his merry company setting out . , . 

1813. Scott, Sir Walter. The Bridal of Triermain. 

Motto on title page. 

An elf-quene wol I love I wis 

[and five following lines.] 

Rime of Sir Thopas. 

1815. Scott, Sir Walter. The Antiquary, chap. xvi. 

Ah ! you have looked on the face of the grisly god of 
arms, then? you are acquainted with the frowns of Mars 
armipotent 1 ? 

1819. Keats, John. The Eve of Saint Mark. [Composed early in 1819, 
and published posthumously.] (Works, ed. E. de Selincourt, 2nd 
ed., 1907, pp. 243.) 

[The following lines, supposed to introduce the mediaeval 
legend of St. Mark, are clearly imitated from Chaucer :] 

Als writith he of swevenis 

Men han beforne they wake in bliss . . . 

And how a litling child mote be 

A saint er its nativitie . . . 

He writith ; and thinges many mo 

Of swiche thinges I may not show 

Bot I must tellen veritie 

Somdel of Sainte Cicilie, 

And chieflie what he auctorethe 

Of Sainte Mark is life and dethe . 

1830] Appendix A. 105 

1821. Southey, Eobert. The Vision of Judgment, p. 33. 

Thee too. Father Chaucer ! I saw, and delighted to see thee, 

At whose well undefiled I drank in my youth and was 
strengthen'd ; 

With whose mind immortal so oft I have communed, par- 

All its manifold moods, and willingly moved at its pleasure. 

1823. Hunt, James Henry Leigh. The First Canto of the Squire's 

[This is stated above (pt. ii, sect, i, p.. 144) to have been 
reprinted in 1855. But that reprint is of Hunt's second 
version, first published in Chaucer Modernised, 1841.] 

1823. Markham, Mrs. [ps., i.e. Elizabeth Penrose.] A History of 
England, for the Use of Young Persons, conversation on chap, xix, 
pp. 174-5 (edn. 1853). 

[Chaucer the father of English poetry; this is enlarged 
upon, and a few lines ("the busy lark, the messenger of 
day," etc.) quoted and obsolete words explained.] 

[Professor Skeat (A Student's Paitime, 1896, pp. xiii-xiv) stated that Mrs. Mark- 
ham's History of England was one of his lesson-books as a child [c. 1845], and that 
, this passage first turned his attention to old English.] 

[1825. Keble, John.] Review [of] The Star in the East, by Josiah 
Conder, 1824, [in] The Quarterly Review, June 1825, vol. xxxii, 
pp. 2245. [Reprinted, as Sacred Poetry, in Occasional Papers and 
Reviews by John Keble, 1877, pp. 97-8.] 

[p. 97] In all ages of our literary history it seems to have been 
considered almost as an essential part of a poet's duty to 
give up some pages to Scriptural story, or to the praise of 
his Maker, how remote soever from anything like religion 
the general strain of his writings might be. Witness the 
" Lamentation of Mary Magdalene " in the works of Chaucer, 

[p. 98] and the beautiful legend of " Hew of Lincoln," which he has 
inserted in the " Canterbury Tales "... 

1826. Cooper, James Fenimore. The Last of the Mohicans, p. 30, 

The most confirmed gait that he could establish was a 
Canterbury gallop with the hind legs. 

1830. Cunningham, Allan. The Lives of the Most Eminent British 
Painters, Sculptors and Architects, 6 vols., vol. ii, pp. 161-2, 165, 

106 Appendix A. [A.D. 1834-58 

[p. 162] The picture [Blake's Canterbury Pilgrims] is a failure. 
Blake was too great a visionary for dealing with such literal 
wantons as the Wife of Bath and her jolly companions. 
. . . He gives grossness of body for grossness of mind. 

[a. 1834.] Stothard, Thomas. Paintings, etc., illustrating Chaucer. 

[Stothard not only painted the celebrated picture of the 
Canterbury Pilgrims, q. v. above, pt. ii, sect, i, 1808, and 
Carey, pt. ii, sect, i, p. 35, etc. ; at his sale in 1834 three 
pictures from Chaucer were sold, and at Samuel Rogers's 
sale in 1856 " The Canterbury Pilgrims " and engravings and 
drawings of it, and also another picture, probably one of 
those sold in 1834, appear. See Rogers's Catalogue, pp. 64, 
97-8, 103, 115, 181 and 195 ; and Mrs. Bray's Life of Thomas 
Stothard, 1851, pp. 241, 243. He also painted a picture 
of the Cock and the Fox. See above, 1836, pt. ii, sect, i, 
p. 203.] 

1843. [Chambers, Eobert 1] Chaucer, [in the] Cyclopaedia of English 
Literature . . . edited by Kobert Chambers, Edinburgh, 1844 
[preface dated 1843], 2 vols., vol. i, pp. 12-23. 

[An account of Chaucer, followed by select passages. 
Chaucer the founder of literary English; a man of the 
world ; his life (including the exile, etc.) ; his works, a brief 
account of some of the minor works, including some suppo- 
sititious pieces, e. g. The Testament of Love and The Court 
of Love ; a longer account of the scheme of The Canterbury 
Tales. An extract is given from the Prologue, in original 
spelling ; this is followed by other extracts, mainly from the 
Canterbury Tales, in Cowden Clarke's and other modernized 
forms. Illustrated with woodcuts of Chaucer, of his tomb, 
and of the Tabard Inn.] 

1848. Gaskell, Elizabeth Cleghorn, Mrs. Mary Barton, 2 vols., vol. i, 
pp. 70,80, 96, 127,157, 211. 

[Foot-notes pointing out the survival of Chaucerian words 
in Lancashire.] 

[c. 1857-8.] Hunt, James Henry Leigh. An Essay on the Sonnet, [in] 
The Book of the Sonnet, 1867. 

[This is entered above, pt. ii, sect, ii, p. 22, as [c. 1855]. In the Examiner, 18 May, 
1867, it is stated that Hunt finished his part of this work "a year or two before his 
death," which happened in 1859. The date should therefore read as here given.] 

1596] Appendix A. 107 

[1596.] Shakespeare, William. The Merchant of Venice, v, i, 3-6. 

In such a night 

Troilus methinks mounted the Troyan walls, 
And sighed his soul toward the Grecian tents 
Where Cressid lay that night. 

[For other evidences of Shakespeare's debt to Troilus, tee above, App. A 1589- 
1603, and 1603?] 




AND ALLUSION (1357-1900) 














1922 for the Issue of 1915. 


. 54 





A DETAILED account of the history of Chaucer's fame in France 
will be found in my French book on Chaucer criticism. 1 Here a 
brief sketch only will be given of the main points of interest in it, 
to be followed by the text of the French allusions and criticisms. 

It is curious that the earliest tribute of praise to Chaucer as a 
poet should have been written by a Frenchman. For Eustache 
Deschamps' charming greeting to the ' grant translateur, noble 
Geffroy Chaucier,' is, if we accept 1386 as its probable date, the 
earliest known allusion to Chaucer written by either poet or critic. 2 
Deschamps himself little thought when he wrote his ballad to his 
brother poet across the Channel, that, with the exception of 
Froissart's reference in his Chronicles, nearly three centuries 
would pass before any reference to Chaucer of any kind would 
again be found in a French book. 

Deschamps' ballad is well known, and, although there are 
many linguistic difficulties in it, the main drift of it is clear. 
Deschamps has heard of Chaucer's Roman de la Rose and possibly 
of other poems, but his fame as a translator overshadows all else. 
Chaucer, he says, has started an orchard in England in which he 
has planted many fair plants and flowers for those who are 
ignorant of the French tongue. Deschamps thirsts for a draught 
from Chaucer's fountain. He therefore sends some of his own 
small plants by Clifford to the English poet, begging him to look 
kindly on the work of a beginner, * les ceuvres d'escolier,' and asking 
Chaucer to quench his thirst by sending him some of his works in 

Making all due allowance for rhetoric, still the praise in the 
first stanza of the ballad is very high ; Chaucer is a Socrates in 
philosophy, a Seneca in morals and an Ovid in poetry, brief in 
speech and wise in eloquence. 

1 Chaucer devant la Critique en Angleterre d en France depuis son temps 
jusqua nos jours, par Caroline F. E. Spurgeon, Hachette, 1911, ch. vii. 

2 Thomas Usk's Testament of Love is dated c. 1387, audGower's first version 
of the Confessio Amantis, 1390. 


2 . Appendix B. 

The next allusion we find to Chaucer in France is Froissart's 
well-known mention of him in the Chronicles (written 1386-88), 
when he records that in the spring of 1377 ' Jeffrois Cauchies ' 
was sent by the English king with others to * Monstruel-sus-mer ' 
to treat for peace. 

An interesting proof that Chaucer was at an early date read 
by a Frenchman is to be found in the list of Chaucer's pilgrims 
written by Jean d'Orleans on his manuscript copy of the Canter- 
bury Tales, showing that during his captivity in England (from 
1412 to 1445) he had read and probably appreciated the English 
poet. And after this, until the year 1674, we find no reference 
to Chaucer in France, no sign of knowledge on the part of any 
French writer that such a poet existed. 1 This is not so odd as at 
first sight it appears, when we realise that English was practically 
an unknown tongue in France, and that even the very few French- 
men who penetrated to the barbarous island during the 16th and 
17th centuries seem to have had neither the desire nor the capacity 
to learn the language. 2 

So that whereas in England, from the days of Gower and 
Chaucer, the French language and literature were well known, 
and Marot, Du Bellay, Rabelais, Montaigne and Du Bartas were 
familiar to our poets and scholars ; in France, on the other 
hand, from the time that Deschamps wrote his ballad to the 
beginning of the 18th century, for savants and poets as well 
as for the whole French nation, English literature simply did 
not exist. 

In the very last year of the 17th centur}?-, however, we have a 
curious bit of evidence as to the interest that was being taken in 
Chaucer by at least one famous French writer. Dryden, in his 
Preface to the Fables (written 1699), tells us that he hears on 
good authority that Mademoiselle de Scudery is translating 
Chaucer into modern French. 3 

Although ' Sapho ' was at this time ninety -two, we know from 

1 Tlievet's account of Chaucer, published in 1584, was not known to^us 
when these pages were printed. 

2 For proof of this see Relations de la France avec V Anglcterre, par E. J. B. 
Rathery, in the Revue Contemporaine, 1855, vols. xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii ; Jean- 
Jacques Rousseau et les origines du Cosmopolitisme litteraire, par Joseph Texte, 
Paris, 1895 j Shakespeare en France, par J. J. Jusserand, Paris, 1898, and 
Chaucer devant la Critique, par 0. F. E. Spurgeon, ch. vii. 

3 See above, pt. i, p. 282. 

The Reputation of Chaucer in France. 3 

the pen of an English" writer that in 1698 she was mentally as 
vigorous as ever, 1 so there is no reason to doubt the accuracy of the 
information, and it is interesting to picture the writer of Le Grand 
Cyrus busying herself in her old age by turning Chaucer into 
French. We have, however, searched Mademoiselle de Scudery's 
letters in vain for any allusion to this occupation, and if she suc- 
ceeded in completing any of the translation, it is not now to be 

The earliest mention of Chaucer we can find in a French book 
after Froissart's reference to him is in the first edition of Louis 
Moreri's Grand Diclionnaire Ilisiorique, which appeared in 1674. 
This contains a short notice of the poet stating that 'il fut 
surnomme 1'Homere Anglais a cause de ses beaux vers.' 

Chaucer's name occurs in a list of English poets in a work by 
Guy Miege, called L'fitat present d'Angleterre sous la reine Anne, 
published in 1702. Miege's book was a kind of periodical publi- 
cation, of which there were a good many editions both in English 
and French, and this list of poets in the 1702 French edition is 
almost an exact translation of the list in the three English editions 
of 1691, 1693 and 1707. In the next French edition of Miege's 
book, however (in 1708), a curious change occurs, and Gower, 
Lydgate and Chaucer are all left out of the list, possibly because 
it was thought they were so obscure and ancient that they could 
have no interest for French readers. 

It is in the Journals and Gazettes written by the Protestant 
refugees in Englaixd, and published sometimes in London and 
sometimes in Holland, that we find for the first time a real know- 
ledge of English literature and a detailed account of it in the 
French tongue ; and it is in one of these many cosmopolitan reviews, 
the Journal Liter aire^ a la Haye, that we find the next two 
references to Chaucer. One of these (1715) is an announcement 
of the forthcoming edition of Chaucer's Works by Urry, and the 
other (1717) comes at the end of a really detailed and able essay 
on English literature, the most important which had as yet been 
written in French, entitled Dissertation sur la Pocsie Angloise. 
The writer regrets that space has not permitted him to speak of 
Chaucer, ' le Pere de la Poesie Angloise,' but adds that he hopes to 
write about him at length when the new edition of his works 

1 See A Journey to Paris in the Year 1698, by Dr. Martin Lister, London, 
1C99, pp. 93-4. 

4 Appendix B. 

appears. This was a promise which remained unfulfilled, for there 
is no further reference to him in the Journal, when, after many 
delays, Urry's edition finally appeared in 1721. It is, however, a 
great advance to mention him at all, and to do so, moreover, in 
such respectful terms. 

During the years 1720-50 a great change took place as 
regards the knowledge and appreciation of English authors in 
France. In the early years of the 18th century the French 
reading public were both ignorant and contemptuous of English 
literature, whereas by 1750 the taste for English books in France 
had so grown as almost to reach the point of mania. This extra- 
ordinary change was mainly due to the work of the Abbe Prevost 
and Voltaire, who both lived for some time in England and made 
it one of their chief aims in writing to introduce into France a 
knowledge and a love of England and of English thought. 

Prevost, in his Journal Le Pour et Contre, translates and 
reviews a good deal of contemporary English literature, but the 
older poets are scarcely mentioned by him, and there is but one 
passing reference to Chaucer in 1740. Voltaire shows no know- 
ledge of any poet before Shakespeare ; he mentions Spenser twice, 
but in terms which show he has not read him, and he never speaks 
of Chaucer at all. Still, owing chiefly to these two writers, the 
taste for English literature in France steadily increased, and it was 
augmented by the extraordinary and immediate vogue of Richard- 
son and the large number of translations from the English which 
now began to appear. 

To meet the public taste many journals devoted a great part 
of their space to translations and reviews of English works, 1 
and English novels, poems and plays were collected, translated 
and abridged in great quantities. Two typical compilations 
of this kind are I 'Idee de la poesie anyloise, by the Abbe Yart, 
1749 and 1753-6, and Choix de different morceaux de Poesie, 
traduits de I'Anglois, by J. A. Trochereau, 1749; and in both of 
these we find references to Chaucer. 

The full title of the Abbe Yart's book is significant and fairly 
ambitious (see below, 1749); he published it in two volumes -in 
1749, and apparently it met with success, for he re-issued it in 
1753-56, much enlarged, in eight volumes. 

1 See the list of these given by M. Jusserand on pp. 275-6 of his Shakespeare 
in France (English edn.), and see also Texte, Jean- Jacques Rousseau, pp. 265-8. 

The Reputation of Chaucer in France. 5 

It is in the seventh volume of the second edition that we find 
the most interesting Chaucer references. This contains transla- 
tions of various English * Contes,' preceded by a Discours sur les 
Contes, and followed by a life of Chaucer, and a translation of 
Dryden's version of Palamon and Arcite. 

In the preliminary ' Discours ' Yart points out that Chaucer 
was inspired alike by the Provengal poets and by their imitators, 
the Italians, and that, according to Dryden, Chaucer surpassed 
both originals and imitators : ' il a efface' Ovide meme, et il ne le cede 
pas a Homere ni a Virgile ; nous verrons ce qu'il faut penser de 
ce prejuge national.' He goes on to say that he will give an 
example of a very noble type of * Conte ' which Dryden has 
imitated from Chaucer. 

Then follows Chaucer's life, at some length, which is the most 
considerable account of the poet that had as yet appeared in French. 
The remarks on the Canterbury Tales are interesting and unusual, 
those towards the end specially have a refreshing ring of genuine 
feeling called forth apparently by Yart having vainly attempted to 
translate some of the poems. 

* Ce qu'il ya de plus original dans Chaucer,' he says, * ce sont 
les divers caracteres des auteurs des Contes . . . il peignit d'apres 
nature leurs caracteres, leurs habillements, leurs vertus et leur 
vices, mais ses portraits sont si bizarres et si etranges, ses person- 
nages si desagreables et si indecens, ses satyres si cruelles et si 
impies, que malgre 1'art que j'ai tache de mettre dans ma traduction, 
je n'ai pu me natter de les rendre supportables. Ses autres 
contes sont encores plus licencieux que ceux de nos Poetes les plus 
obscenes ; je les laisserai par la meme raison dans 1'obscurite de 
leur vieux langage.' This outburst is modified a little further on 
when Yart admits that it is said that the poetry of Chaucer is 
as easy -and natural as the prose of Boccaccio. Finally, Yart quotes 
and applies to Chaucer, Voltaire's stanza on Homer, without 
giving any indication of the change he is making ; so that it 
runs thus : 

' Plein de beautes et de defauts 
Le vieux Chaucer a mon estime 
II est, comme tous ses heros 
Babillard, outre, mais sublime/ 

Yart adds to this, by way of qualification : ' II est sublime quelque- 
fois, mais il ne Test pas aussi souvent qu'Homere.' 

6 Appendix B. 

In the little volume called Choix de diffe'rens morceaux de Poe'sie, 
traduits de I'Anglois, which was published by Trochereau in 1749, 
this writer says in a note to his translation of Pope's Temple of Fame 
that Chaucer is so often spoken of in English books that he thinks 
it may be of interest to give some account of his life, which he 
accordingly does, ending with some quotations from Dryden's 
appreciation, the first time, we believe, that this had appeared 
in French. 

In 1755 we have an interesting record of tho first attempt we 
know of on the part of a Frenchman to write a history of English 
literature. This work was projected by Claude-Pierre Patu, a 
young enthusiast about all things English, who, however, did not 
live to carry it out, for he died of consumption in 1757. He 
sketches his plan in a series of letters to his friend David Garrick, 
whom he begs to send him a copy of Chaucer, and also to give 
him some information as to the state of the English language in 
Chaucer's time (see below, 1755). 

The best-known of the many French magazines dealing with 
English literature about this time was perhaps the Journal 
Stranger, which was issued from 1754 to 1762, and was edited 
in turn by five well-known men, Grimm, Prevost, Freron, Arnaud 
and Suard. The object of the journal is stated clearly in tho 
first number (April 1754, pp. iv-ix), and it may be taken as 
representative of the aim of all these cosmopolitan papers. This 
aim was, in fact, to establish a correspondence between the nations 
of Europe in matters of thought, to draw together various types 
of genius, to put writers of all countries in touch with one another, 
and to teach each nation no longer to despise others and to claim for 
itself the exclusive gift of thought, which claim alone, says the 
writer, shows how baseless it is. 

In this paper, during the time it was under Prevost's editorship 
(which lasted only from January to August 1755), there appeared, 
in the volume for May 1755, a long account of Chaucer, very 
probably written by Prevost himself. This account (whicli is 
headed ' Vie des Poetes Anglais, par M. Colley Gibber ') is a 
very free and abridged translation of portions of Theophijus 
Gibber's 'Life' of Chaucer, which appeared in 1753, with some 
remarks added by the French writer. He compares his style to 
Villon and to Marot, and he ends with a paragraph of strong 
praise which is not in Gibber, but which is inspired evidently by 

The Reputation of Chaucer in France. 7 

Dryden's favourable opinion. His praise for Nicolas Brigham's 
'public spirit' is noteworthy, because Brigham's action is taken 
absolutely for granted by all English writers and receives no 
comment from them. 

In October, 1775, a fortnightly review, the Journal Anglais, 
was started, which had for sole subject England and English 
matters, and a feature of each number is that it contains a 
biography of some English poet or man of letters. The first of 
these was, quite rightly, devoted to Chaucer ; it is a long and 
detailed life, founded on Gibber and the Biographia Britannica 
of 1748, interspersed with occasional little embroideries by the 
French writer. The summing up of Chaucer's character and 
powers at the end of the article is of special interest ; it is evident 
that Dryden's appreciation of the poet has been read, so also it 
would appear has been one of Lydgate's remarks on the kindness 
of the great man towards his brother poets. 

After this date, biographical dictionaries and cyclopaedias 
begin to take the place of these 'Journals' as disseminators of 
general knowledge, and the greater number of the references 
to Chaucer, which we find from the beginning of the 19th 
century onwards, are in works of this nature. Moreri's Grand 
Dictionnaire Historique, to which we have already referred, is the 
earliest in date of these to mention Chaucer (1674). In the 
numerous editions of this work in the early 18th century there 
is little change in the notice of the poet, but the edition of 1740 
has an interesting variation. After the statement that Chaucer's 
English works were printed in London in 1561, we find this 
instructive addition : ' On a de lui en Latin, Laudes bonarum 
Mulierum ; Vita Cleopatrx ; Vita Lucretice Romance ; Flos Urbani 
tatis ; Sepultura Misericordix ; De Astrolabii rationed Evidently 
the reviser of 1740, being struck by the expression * Ses ouvrages 
anglais ' which occurs in the earlier editions, thought it a pity 
some account should not be given of works in other languages, 
and so proceeded to search for and successfully to find Chaucer's 
Latin works. But why two of the lives of the Legend of Good 
Women, the Flower of Courtesy, the Complaynte to Pity and the 
Astrolabe should have been selected for this distinction, it is 
impossible to say. Had he looked in Leland, or Bale, or Pits, ho 
would have found the titles of all Chaucer's works in Latin, and 
not these only ; besides, these titles, as given here, have a slightly 

8 Appendix B. 

different form from those in any of these three lists. It is in 
this edition of the Dictionary that we are told in the article on 
Shakespeare that he died in 1576, so the information it 
contains on matters appertaining to English literature is not 
very accurate. 

After 1750, many lives of Chaucer appear in the various 
Biographical Dictionaries. Louis Chaudon contributes one to the 
Nouveau Dictionnaire Ilistorique in 1770, reprinted by the Abbe 
Feller in the Dictionnaire Historique in 1781 and 1789-94, in 
which Chaucer is called ' le Marot des Anglais ' and where we are 
told that Chaucer did much by means of his poems to procure 
the crown for his brother-in-law the Duke of Lancaster, and that 
subsequently he shared that monarch's good and bad fortune. 
Some remarks are added on Chaucer's style which show no greater 
knowledge of the poet than of English history. This article is 
reprinted in all subsequent editions of the Dictionary, and is to 
be found as late as in the J3iographie Universelle of 1860. 

In 1813, J. B. Suard contributed a long account of Chaucer 
to the Biographie Universelle. Suard (1734-1817) was a writer 
of considerable ability who made the study of England and of 
English literature his special province. He knew the language 
well, and translated, or edited the translations, of many works 
from the English, and he was looked upon as an authority in all 
English questions. Suard's article on Chaucer is the first written 
by a Frenchman which conveys the feeling that he had read any 
of the poems in the original. He evidently knows the opening, 
at any rate, of Troilus and Criseyde, a poem which had not been 
modernised by any writer ; he also shows some knowledge of Sir 
Thopas. So that Suard's article may be said to mark a new 
departure in the appreciation of the poet in France, and to in- 
augurate the time when he was to be read by Frenchmen in his 
own original English, and to be judged by them no longer on 
hearsay but on his own merits. 

Before going on to give some account of the successors of 
Suard, that is, of the French writers who, in the 19th century, 
have really known something of Chaucer, and consequently have 
liked him, certain facts may be indicated which show how 
little the general public, including many writers of books, knew 
or cared about him. To go back a little, we may begin with 
Contant d'Orville, the dramatist and novelist (born in 1730), who 

The Reputation of Chaucer in France. 9 

after a visit to London in 1770, of which he gives an amusing 
account, published Les Nuits Anglaises. The full title (see below, 
1770) sufficiently indicates the medley of topics to be found in this 
curious compilation. It contains anecdotes of all kinds about 
English people in every age, extracts from English newspapers 
and English literature, and ' Digressions ' of all sorts, on religion, 
on the Stock Exchange, on Beau Nash and on the English poets. 
Under this latter heading D'Orville gives a brief account of 
33 different poets, beginning with Chaucer, Spenser, Shakespeare 
and Cowley ; and on Chaucer he furnishes us with the following 
useful piece of information : 

'CHAUCHER. Chaucer est regarde comme le pere de la Poesie 
anglaise : il vivait vers le milieu du quinzieme siecle. On a de lui 
des contes plaisans et nai'fs, ecrits sans art et d'un style grossier, 
ou Ton rencontre des pensees fortes.' 

For the date when Chaucer nourished, D'Orville had possibly 
consulted Collier's Historical Dictionary of 1701, where 1440 is 
given as the year of Chaucer's death. The literary criticism is 
taken direct from Lady Mary Wortley Montagu's lines in 
the Progress of Poetry, which were translated by Yart in 1749 
(see below). 

In 1784. Rivarol, one of the most brilliant French writers at 
the end of the 18th century, neatly characterises Chaucer's 
work, as well as the whole of English literature up to Milton, in 
the following words : 

' Pendant un espace de quatre cents ans, je ne trouve en 
Angleterre que Chaucer et Spencer. Le premier merita, vers le 
milieu du quinzieme siecle, d'etre appale 1'Homere Anglais ; notre 
Ronsard le merita de meme ; et Chaucer, aussi obscur que lui, fut 
encore moins connu. De Chaucer jusqu'a Shakespeare et Milton, 
rien ne transpire dans cette Isle celebre, et sa litterature ne vaut 
pas un coup d'oeil.' 

It will be noticed that Rivarol, like D'Orville, pictured 
Chaucer as living in the middle of the 15th century, and a pass- 
ing reference made to the poet by Madame de Stael, in 1800, looks 
as if she too were extremely hazy as to his dates (see below, 1 800). 
The next writer who deals with Chaucer in French jumps him 
back more than a century from the date indicated by Rivarol 
and D'Orville, for he fixes 1328 as the time when he flourished 
and wrote (see below, 1803, Schwab). Three years later, Hennet 

10 Appendix B. 

(1758-1828) published a Foetique Anglaise (3 tomes, Paris, 1806), 
in which he sums up Chaucer's work by saying that he composed 
twelve volumes of verses, mostly tales in the style of Boccaccio, 
and that his language is hardly understood by the English of the 
present day. 

There are not many more signs among those who write on the 
subject of almost complete lack of knowledge of the poet's works 
and life. By degrees fuller and more accurate information about 
him became accessible in France, largely owing to the careful 
work of Gomont (1847) and Sandras (1859). 

We may turn now to the more grateful task of tracing the 
gradual growth in France of knowledge and appreciation of 
Chaucer's work. 

Curiously enough, in 1813, the year in which Suard's article 
appeared, we have proof that Chaucer in the original text was 
being read by yet another Frenchman. This is the close and 
careful translation of the Clerk's Tale done by Dubuc in the first 
of two little volumes called Les deux Griselidis, Histoires Traduites 
de V anglais, Vune de Chaucer, et Vautre de Mile. Edgeworth. The 
translation is done, not from Ogle's modernisation from which Miss 
Edgeworth quotes, but from Chaucer's own text, and, with the 
exception of the fragment of the Pardoner's Prologue (in the 
Journal Stranger, 1755), this is, we believe, the first translation of 
any part of Chaucer into French, and it is, on the whole, very well 
done. Dubuc explains in his preface that although Miss Edgeworth 
has quoted from Ogle's version, which is elegant but diffuse, he 
himself prefers Ogle's original. Here we have some one speaking 
who has really read the original, and, having read it, appreciates 
its simplicity and charm. 

Chateaubriand's study of Chaucer, in his Essai sur la littera- 
ture anglaise (1836) in a chapter on 'Chaucer, Bower [sic] and 
Barbour,' is disappointing, and reveals no sign of knowledge of 
any but the two spurious poems, the Court of Love and the 
Plowman s Tale. This insufficient treatment by Chateaubriand, 
however, called forth some interesting remarks in the following 
year (1837) from Villemain, who was professor of eloquence and 
modern history, and later of English literature, at the Sorbonne. 
These remarks prove that the poet had at that time at least one 
sincere admirer in France, who had read some of his work. 

Chaucer's next admirer in France, E. J. de Lecluze, writes a 

The Reputation of Chaucer in France. 11 

very interesting article on the poet in the Revue franchise for 
April 1838. He says he has on his walls an engraving of 
Stothard's picture of the Canterbury pilgrims, and that he finds 
himself obliged so often to explain the meaning of this ' strange 
assembly ' to his friends that he has decided once and for all to 
translate the Prologue of the Canterbury Tales into French. 
There follows what we believe to be the earliest translation into 
French of the complete Prologue. It is done into prose, and 
it is very careful and simple. Several pages are then devoted 
to an account of Chaucer and of his work; each Canterbury 
Tale being described separately. The little prologue to Sir 
Thopas, part of the prologue of the Clerk's Tale and a few lines 
from the prologue of the Wife of Bath are also translated. At 
the end the writer urges that it would be rendering a real service 
to letters if some one would make a complete translation of the 
Canterbury Tales into French. Unfortunately (putting aside the 
Chevalier de Chatelain's translation in 1855) seventy years were 
to elapse before M. de L6cluze's desire was accomplished, and a, 
scholarly translation of Chaucer's great work was given to 
the French public. Nine years after this article was written, 
Gomont published his study of Chaucer, 1 in which, for the first 
time, a French writer devotes a whole book to the poet. It 
is a book which it is somewhat difficult to characterise. It is 
careful work, but at times the writer so entirely lacks compre- 
hension of and sympathy with his subject that one wonders why 
he ever undertook it. Troilus and Criseyde, for instance, is dis- 
missed as follows : ' Tro'ile et Cresside, po&me en cinq chants, d'un 
style generalement obscur. Le mauvais gout et la bizarrerie y 
dominent.' Or again, in speaking of the various tales told by the 
pilgrims, he says that in the eyes of an unprejudiced judge the 
greater number of the tales will certainly appear either badly 
chosen or badly told. 

This last example shows more than anything else, perhaps, 
how the very spirit and essence of Chaucer's art has been missed, 
more especially if we compare it with the very different treatment 
of the same point by M. Legouis in his introduction to the 
translation of the Canterbury Tales published in 1908. 

All the same, Gomont's book marks a distinct advance in 

1 Geoffrey Chaucer, poete anglaise du XIV* siecle. Analyses et fragments, 
par 11. Gomont : Paris, 1847. 

12 Appendix B. 

Chaucer criticism in France. We get in it for the first time a 
detailed and comprehensive view of the poet's work, with long 
quotations from his poems in French, and we have as well a prose 
translation of the whole of the Knight's Tale. 

Between the years 1857-60, the Chevalier de Chatelain 
brought out the whole of the Canterbury Tales in French verse. 
The attention of this eccentric and unliterary writer cannot, we 
fear, much have furthered Chaucer's reputation in France, for his 
careless, facile, jog-trot verses would not give any one who did not 
know the original, the least idea of Chaucer's work or of the 
delicacy of his art. Gausseron summed up the result ac- 
curately, if scathingly, when he said (in 1887) that Tessai de 
traduction des Contes de Canterbury par le Chevalier de Chatelain 
ne permet pas de dire que nous en possedions une version 

In 1859 there appeared Sandras's careful Etude sur Chaucer 
conside're comme imitateur des Trouveres. This is a fine piece of 
work, in which, for the first time, Chaucer's French sources are 
examined and his debt to French poets made out. To the present- 
day reader some of the ' etude ' seems superficial, some of the 
assumptions appear hasty and unfounded, and there is a good deal 
which a competent scholar could now add or re- write; but fifty years 
ago it was pioneer work and extremely good. 

Sandras examines the poems in considerable detail, and indicates 
the great influence exercised on Chaucer by the two parts of the 
Roman de la Rose, and he proves that it was in the school of 
Guillaume de Lorris that the English poet's taste was formed, just 
as it was in the school of Jean de Meung ' que s'est fagonne son 

The next study of Chaucer is that by Taine. As early as 1856 
Taine published an article on Chaucer in the Revue de V Instruction 
publique, but his really important study of him is that in his 
llistoire de la literature anglaise, the first volume of which 
appeared in 1863. This book is epoch-making as regards the 
knowledge of English letters in France, and for the first time the 
whole of English literature is brilliantly reviewed by a French 
pen. Taine places Chaucer to some extent in his setting, and 
he indicates in what ways he was more particularly a child of the 
middle ages. Here we find for the first time Troilus and Criseyde 
fully appreciated by a French writer, and Taine points out that it 

The Reputation of Chaucer in France. 13 

is in this poem that Chaucer's affinity with the French spirit is 
specially seen. 

After Taine's book the references to English literature and to 
Chaucer gradually increase, and literary histories become more 
general. So we find notices by Ampere (1867), by 6mile Chasles 
(1877), by J. J. Jusserand (1878), by Leon Boucher (1882), by 
Augustin Filon and Emile Montegut (1883), to name only a few. 
A more detailed study than any of these is in the Etude sur la 
langue anglaise au XIV* siecle by Adrien Baret in 1883, where 
Chaucer's life, language, versification and genius are dealt with at 
some length. 

In 1889 another attempt was made to translate the Canterbury 
Tales, this time into French prose, but it did not succeed (see 
below, 1889, Simond). 

M. Jusserand wrote on Chaucer for the first time at any 
length in an article in the Revue des Deux Mondes in 1893, which 
was incorporated in his Histoire litte'raire du peuple anglais of 
the following year. Here we rmve a long account of Chaucer's 
life and work, with detailed criticism of the Hous of Fame, 
of Troilus, and of the Canterbury Tales. Chaucer's descriptive 
power, his humour, his sympathy with all classes, his good sense 
and his ^impartial judgment are all dealt with and charmingly 

In the year 1908 we come to the most important tribute to 
Chaucer which has so far appeared in France. This is the 
complete translation of the Canterbury Tales into French prose, 
which has been carried out by a company of the picked English 
scholars of France. The rendering is very careful and close, 
practically corresponding line for line with Skeat's edition. Three 
of the Tales (Reve, Shipmanne, and Prioress) and the Wife of 
Bath's Prologue have been put into blank verse by MM. 
Derocquigny and Koszul. Their poems retain to some extent the 
lightness and grace of the original, because of the movement or 
rhythm of the verse. But all the others are in prose, and although 
it is impossible for a foreigner to pronounce judgment on the effect 
this has on French ears, it would seem as if much of the grace and 
music of Chaucer were thereby lost. One cannot help wishing that 
it had been possible to render the Prologue, at any rate, into 
French verse, and this wish is intensified when we read some of 
M. Legouis' translations in his recent book on Chaucer, or even the 

14 Appendix B 

following charming fragment of Sir Thopas which he gives in a 
footnote to his prose translation in this collection : 

Oyez seigneurs, pretez 1'oreille, 
Si vous diroi-je grand' merveille, 

Histoire de renom, 
D'un Chevalier bel et courtois 
Dans la bataille et les tournois ; 

Sire Topaze a riom. 

Sur terre etrange il vint au monde, 
En Flandre, outre la mer profonde ; 

Popering est le lieu ; 
Son pere estoit homrne d'honneur 
Et de tout le pays seigneur 

Par la grace de Dieu. 

Si grandit-il en preux varlet ; 
Sa face est blanche comme lait, 

Sa bouche est de coral ; 
Son teint semble ecarlate en graine, 
Et, tenez la chose Artaine, 

Son nez n'a pas d'egal. 

Here we have, all at once, the lilt and movement of Chaucer's 
verse, and at the same time his humour, his finesse, and his grace. 

This French version of the Canterbury Tales was received with 
much interest and appreciation on both sides of the Channel, as 
may be seen by two articles by M. Emile Gebhart (Gaulois, 
April 23, 1907, and Debats, May 11, 1908), and by English 
reviews such as that in the Academy, Jan. 25, 1908, or in the 
Times Literary Supplement of August 14 of the same year. 

In the interesting and suggestive introduction which M. 
Legouis contributes to this volume, he proves how completely a 
modern Frenchman can understand Chaucer. He draws attention 
to the supreme achievement of Chaucer in the development of 
story-telling as an art, which is the shifting of the centre of 
interest from the machinery or plot to the characters of the actors. 
So we get with Chaucer an awakening of sympathy even for 
the deluded and cheated characters, which formed no part of the 
old fabliaux or comic tales. We find ourselves no longer in the 
presence of simple comedy, but of something at once more human 
and more complex, drama which trembles between laughter and 
pity. Thus we see in Chaucer's work the first indications of a new- 
observation of life and of new forms of art yet to be born. 

The Reputation of Chaucer in France. 15 

M. Legouis has developed and enlarged his study of Chaucer 
in the little volume on the poet which he contributed in 1910 to 
the series of ' Les Grands Ecrivains Strangers.' He there gives a 
complete account of Chaucer's life and work, and the book is enriched 
by many delightful translations of the poems into French verse. 

With these two recent incontestable proofs of Chaucer scholar- 
ship and appreciation in France this brief survey comes to a close. 

As the centuries pass on and scholarship widens, change in 
language or difference in language presents less and less of a 
barrier. So it is that to-day we see Chaucer reaching, not a 
smaller but a larger audience, becoming more loved and better 
known, not only in his own land, but also in France, to whose 
literature he owed so much, and to whose spirit he was in many 
ways so closely akin. 


[1386 ?]. Deschamps, Eustache. Ballad addressed to Geoffrey Chaucer 
by Deschamps, when sending him his own works. Unique MS. 
Bibliotb&que Rationale, No. 840, fonds fran^ais, fol. Ixii, Ixii verso. 
CEuvres completes d'Eustache Deschamps, publi6es par le marquis 
de Queux de Saint Hilaire, Societe dies Anciens Textes Frangais, 
vol. ii, 1880, pp. 138-40. 

O Socrates plains de philosophic 
Seneqwe en meurs et anglux en pratique 
Guides grans en ta poeterie 
Bries en parler saiges en rethorique 
Aigles treshaulz qui par ta theoriqwe 5 

Enlumines le regne deneas 
Lisle aux geaws ceuls de bruth 2 et qui as 
Seme les fleurs et plante le rosier 
Aux ignorans de la langue pandras 3 
Grant translateur noble geffroy chaucier 10 

1 The exact text of the manuscript is here printed. This may be useful, as 
it has often been reprinted with different corrections. Thus slight changes 
have been made in its text, even in the edition of the Anciens Textes Fran^ais, 
without due comment. For example : 


line 25 Qui en Gaule Qui men gaule 

Hne 20, 30 Grand Grant 

line 32 seroye seroie. 

2 Deschamps obtains the name by which he designates England from the 
Brut of Wace ; cf. the ballade of Deschamps, Sur les divers noms de I' Angle- 
terre, with tb3 refrain "C'est de ce mot I'interpretacion," CEuvres vi, pp. 87-8 ; 
and De la prophetic de Merlin sur la, destruction d' Anyleterre qui doit biief 
advenir, refrain "Ou temps jadis estoit ci Angleterre," CEuvres ii, pp. 33-4. 

3 La langue pandras the French language. The idea of this expression 
comes also from Wace. Pandras was a mythical king of Greece, who had been 
vanquished by Brutus the first king of Britain (England) according to the 
legend at the head of a certain number of Trojan exiles who had been kept 
as slaves by Pandras. When Brutus, with the Trojan victors, landed in 
"Albion," he founded the realm of Britain. The language of the inhabitants 
of Britain (that of Chaucer) is first of all called Trojan, then " British," i.e. the 
language of Brutus. The language of Brutus being English, the language of 
Pandras, the enemy of Brutus, must have been French, the language of the 
hereditary enemies of England. See an article in the Academy, Nov. 14, 1891, 
p. 432, by Dr. Paget Toynbee, on this ballade. 


[A.D. 1386] French Allusions. 17 

Tu es damowrs mondains dietix en albie 

Et de la rose en laterre angelique 

Qui dangela saxonne et x puis llourie 

Angleterre delle ce nom sapplique 

Le derrenier en lethimologique 15 

En bon angles le livre translatas 

Et un vergier ou du plant demandas 

De ceuls qni font 2 pour eulx auctorisier 

A ja long temps que tu edifias 

Grant translates noble geffroy chaucicr 20 

A toy pour ce de la fontaine helye 

Requier avoir un buuraige autentique 

Dont la doys est du tout en ta baillie 

Pour refrener delle ma soif ethique 

Qui men 3 gaule seray paralitique 25 

Jusqwes a ce qwe tu mabuueras 

Eustaces sui qui de mon plant aras 

Mais pran en gre les euures descolier 

Qwe par Clifford de moy auoir pourras 

Grant translate ur noble gieffroy chaucier 30 


Poete hault loenge destmye 4 
En ton jardin ne seroie quortie 
Considers 5 ce que jay dit premier 
Ton noble plant ta douce melodie 
Mais pour scauoir de rescripre te prie 35 

Grant translateur noble geffroy chaucior. 

1 est? 

2 Ceuls qui font, i.e. the poets, "the makers." Cf. Chaucer in the Compleynt 
of Venus, where he speaks of Oton de Graunson as "flour of hem that make 
in Fraunce." 

3 en? 

4 Destmye. It appears to us that this is, without doubt, the reading of the 
manuscript, although, at first sight, " destruye " might seem to be correct. But 
on close inspection it will be seen that the down-stroke of the m is without 
the small hook that the scribe attaches throughout to the r. "destinye" 
is possible, but no dot is visible over the i. It seems impossible to discover 
the sense of the passage. Toynbee and Ker suggest "deservye" (Academy, 
Nov. 14, 1891), Nicholas, Wright and Sandras suggest "destinye" ; "destruye" 
is printed in the edn. of the Anciens Textes Frai^ais, and Tarbe (CKuvres 
inedites de Deschamps, 1849, tome i, pp. 123-4) is the sole editor who has 
previously printed the word as it is found in the manuscript. 

6 Should it be read considr6\ 


18 Appendix B. [A.D. 1386- 

[1386-88.] Froissart, Jehan. CJironiques de France, d'Engleterre, 
d' ttscoce, de Bretaigne, d'Espaigne, d'Ytalie, de Flandres, et 
d'Alemaigne. ((Euvres de Froissart, ed. Kervyn de Letterihove, 
Brnxelles, 1869, tome viii, p. 383.) 

Environ le quaremiel [1377] se fist uns secres trettie's 
entre ces Frangois et ces Engles, et deurent li Engles leurs 
tretties porter en Engleterre, et li Francois en France, cascuns 
devers son signeur le roy, et devoient retourner, ou aultre 
commis que li roy renvoieroient, a Monstruel-sus-mer, et sus 
eel estat furent les triewes ralongies jusques au premier jour 
de may. . . Si furent envoyet a Monstruel-sus-mer, du cost6 
des FranQois, li sires de'Couci, li sires de le Riviere, messires 
Nicolas Brake et Nicolas le Mercier, et du cost6 des Engles, 
messires Guichars d'Angle, messires Richars Sturi et Jeffrois 

[ante 1445.] D'Orleans, Jean, Comte d'Angouleme. A list of the pil- 
grims in the Canterbury Tales, written in Jean d'Orle'ans' hand, on 
a manuscript of the Canterbury Tales which was among the books 
in his library. MSS. Angl. No. 39, Bibl.-Nationale, fol. A. 

Prologus Knicht Millener Reve Men of Lau Clerc 
of Oxonford Wif of Bathe Frere Somneur Marchant 
Scuier Franquelin Fisicien Pardoner Chip man 
Prioresse Chaucer Monk Nones priste Y e Nonne 
Chanoines man Y e manciple. 

[Jean d'Orleans (brother of Charles d'Orleans) was given as a hostage to Thomas 
of Lancaster, Duke of Clarence, by the Dukes of Orleans, of Berry, of Bretagne and 
Bourbon, in 1412, at the age of 13. He was imprisoned first in London, then at the 
Castle of Maxcy, and he was only released at the age of 46, in May, 1445, after 33 
years of captivity. He was passionately fond of books, and lie had a library of some 
160 manuscripts, 11 of which are copied in his own hand. From the Inventory made 
of his books in 1467 (he died on the 30th April, 1467), it is clear that he was a great 
reader and a scholar, that he had learnt English and that he read Chaucer in the 
original. For in this Inventory we find a manuscript of the Canterbury Tales thus 
described: ' Ung romant, en Anglois, rime,, en papier, commangant, ou premier 
fueillct, " want taht aprilh " et fiaissant, ou penultime, "Aliberons apetite [sic]."' 
This manuscript is now in the Bibliotheque Nationale with the table of contents in 
the handwriting of Jean d'Orleans. 

See Jean d'Orleans d'apres sa bibliotheque, par G. Dupont-Ferrier, Biblio- 
tl.eque de la Faculte des Lettres, Paris, 1897, tome iii, p. 64 ; La Captivite de Jean 
d'Orleans, par G. Dupont-Ferrier, Revue Historique, tome Ixii, 1896 ; Catalogue des 
manuscrits anglais de la Biblioth6que Nationale, par Gaston Rnynaud, Paris, 1884, 
pp. 14-15.] 

1674. Moreri, Louis. [Article 'Geqfroy' in the] Grand dictionnaire 
liistoriqite . . . premiere (Hition. [This work was revised and 
reprinted in 1681 (q. v.), and many times afterwards.] 

[No article under Chaucer. But under Geofroy or Gode- 
froy de Viterbe there is a second paragraph which begins :] 

1681] French Allusions. 19 

Ilyaaussieu Geoffroy, . . . Religieux de 1'ordre $e Saint 
Bcnoit. ... [5 lines.] 

. . . Geoffroy, autre Benedictin. [5 lines.] 
. . . Geoffroy Chaucer de Woodstock en Angleterre, sur- 
nomme 1'Homere Anglois a cause de ses beaux vers, se fit 
des Estimateurs de tous les honnetes gens, et donna au 
public divers Traites, dont Gesner fait le denombrement, in 
Bibl. Camden, Britan., p. 55. 

. . . Geoffroy, dit de Fontibus. [4 lines.] 
... Geoffroy de Ville Hardouin. [4 lines.] 
[These five men are described in this one paragraph, 
whereas a little earlier 16 lines are given to Geofroy de 

168J. Moreri, Louis. [Article 'Chaucer' in] Grand dictionnaire his- 
torique . . . [2nd ed., enlarged by Moreri, and ed. after his death 
in 1682, by G. Parayre], p. 872. 

CHAUCER ( Geofroy) natif de Woodstock en Angleterre, 
vivoit dans le xiv Siecle. II fut surnomme 1'Homere Anglois, 
a cause de ses beaux Vers, & il se fit des estimateurs de tous 
les honnetes gens de son terns. II donna au public divers 
Ouvrages de sa fagon, dont on pourra voir le denombrement 
dans Leland, Pitseus, Gesner, &c. Le premier parle ainsi 
de luy dans ses Epigrammes : 

Praedicat Algerum merito Florentia Dantem, 
Italia & numeros tota, Petracha, tuos, 

Anglia Chaucerum veneratur nostra Poelam, 
Cui veneres debet patria lingua suas. 

Chaucer, outre la Poc'sie, s^avoit les Mathematiques <fe les 
belles Lettres. Ses Ouvrages Anglois ont ete imprimez a 
Londres 1'an 1561. II mourut en 1400. & en 1555, on 
retablit son tombeau qui est a Westminster & Ton y mit 
cette Epitafe : 

Quifuit Anglorum vales ter maximiis dim, 
Galfredus Chaucer condilur hoc tumulo, 

Annum 'si quaeras Domini, si tempora mortis, 
Ecce notae subsunt, quae tibi cuncta notent. 
xxv. Octob. 1400. 

Gesner, in Bibl. Leland, Balseus & Pitseus, de Script. Anyl. 
Camden, etc. 

20 Appendix B. [A.D. 1702- 

1702. [Miege, Guy]. Etat present d'Angleterre sous la Reine Anne . . . 
Traduit de 1'Anglois, a Amsterdam, 1702, tome ii, partie II, chap, i, 
p. 254. 

[Title of the chapter.] Des Habitans d'Angleterre, de 
leur Temperament, Genie, Langage, avec une liste des plus 
habiles Personnages de ce Pai's qui ont excelle dans la Guerre, 
& dans les Lettres. . . . 

Pour la Poe'sie, Gower & Lydgate Moine de St. Edmund 
Bury, le fameux Godefroy Chaucer Beau-Frere de Jean de 
Gand Due de Lancastre ; le Chevalier Philippe Sydney, & 
le fameux Spencer. Daniel, & Drayton, le premier le 
Lucain, <fe 1'autre 1'Ovide des Anglois. Beaumont & Fletcher, 
celuy-cy le Terence, & celuy-la le Plaute de la Nation. 
Enfin Ben Janson [sic.] & le fameux Cowley. 

1705. [Des Maizeaux, P. J.] [Preface, with a life of Saint Evre- 
niond, prefixed to] (Euvres mesle'es de M r de Saint Evremond, 
Londres, 1705, tome i, sign, c iii verso. 

II [Saint-Evremond] fut enterre dans FAbbaye de West- 
minster^ aupres des Savans Casaubon, Camden, Barrow, & 
des Poetes Chaucer, Spencer, Cowley, &c. 

[In the more recent edns. of this book, this sentence runs : 
1 . . . aupres des . . . celebres Poetes Anglois, Chaucer, 
Spencer, Cowley, &c.' see, for instance, La vie de . . . Saint 
Evremond, par . . . Des Maizeaux (4 me edn.), Amsterdam, 
1726, p. 203.] 

1706. Unknown. [Article in] Le Journal des Spawns, a Paris, pour 
I'annee 1706, p. 249. 

[A review, pp. 243-51, of VEtat present d'Angleterre, by 
Miege, 1702, quoting the list of poets; see under 1702 

1707. Unknown. [Article ' Chaucer' in] Grand dictionnaire historique 
[de Mor6ri], 1707. 

[The article is a little shorter than that in the edition of 
1681.] ... II [Chaucer] fut surnomme 1'Homere Anglois 
a cause de ses poesies. II donna au public divers Ouvrages 
&c. . . . [Leland'a epigram and the epitaph on Chaucer's 
tomb are both omitted.] 

1723] French Allusions. 21 

1715. Unknown. Journal Literaire, de 1'annee 1715, & la Have, tome 
vi, 2 e partie ; Nouvelles literaires de Londres, p. 505. 

M. Urry Membre du College de Christ-Church & Oxford a 
resolu de faire imprimer ici in folio toutes les CEuvres de 
Chaucer ancien Poete Anglois fort estime. II a examine non 
seulement toutes les autres Editions de ce Poete, mais aussi 
diverses anciennes copies manuscrites ; & par ce moyen il a 
corrige un grand nombre de passages corrompus, retabli 
quantite de vers omis, & ajoute divers Contes entiers de ce 
Poete qui n'avoient pas encore vu le jour. II ajoute & tout 
cela un bon Glossaire, pour expliquer tous les vieux mots 
Anglois de Chaucer. Ainsi on s'attend a une Edition fort 
exacte & fort complete. L'Editeur avoit obtenu Privilege 
pour ce Livre peu de jours avant la mort de la Reine Anne : 
il est date du 20. Juillet 1714, &, est a ce que je croi le dernier 
de cette sorte qu'elle ait signe. On 1'imprime par souscrip- 
tions : le prix a ceux qui ont signe est 30. shillings pour le 
papier ordinaire & 50. shillings pour le grand papier. 

1717. Unknown. 

Journal Lite') 

a. Dissertation sur la Poesie Angloise, [article in the] 

Journal Literaire de 1'anuee 1717, a la Haye, tome ix, pt. i, p. 216. 

[A long detailed article on English poetry, with comparison 
between French and English poets. These words come at 
the end] : 

Cette Dissertation n'est deja que trop grande pour un 
Article de ce Journal, ainsi il est plus que terns de la finir, 
quoi qu'il reste encore bien des choses a dire sur cette matiere. 
On n'a pas seulement parle de Chaucer le Pere de la Poesie 
Angloise, mais on aura occasion d'en parler au long quand la 
nouvelle Edition de ses CEuvres, que nous avons deja annoncee 

[Other authors not mentioned for lack of space are Beau- 
/ mont and Fletcher, Lord Orrery, Ben Jonson, Suckling, 

Sedley, Denham, Etherige, Cowlcy, Waller, Otway, Wicherly 
and Congreve.] On pourra s'etendre a une autre fois, sur 
tous ces Auteurs <fe sur plusieurs autres, si on trouve que ce 
qu'on vient de dire ici est goute des Lecteurs judicieux. 

1723. La Roche, Michel de. Memoires Literaires de la Grande 
Bretayne, a la Haye, 1723, tome xi, p. 257. Art. x, La vie de 
Guillaume Camden. 

22 Appendix B. [A.D. 1734- 

Camden mourut le 9. Novembre, 1623. ... II fut enterre 
dans 1'Eglise de Westminster . . . vis-a-vis du Tombeau de 
Chaucer, Poete celebre. 

1734. Unknown. Copie dune Lettre, e'crite de Londres le 19 et 30 
Decembre, 1734, a M. Dargenville. Conseiller du Roy . . . 
quelques Illnstres Anglois [in the] Mercure de France, Paris, May, 
1735, p. 837. 

II y a un cahier de 12 Poetes celebres Anglois, qui sont, 
si je ne me trompe, Chaucher, Spenser, Johnson, Fletcher, 
Beaumont, Shakespear, Milton, Cowley, Buttler, Otway, Waller 
et Driden. Chaucher est le plus vieux Poete dont on fasse 
cas. II vivoit dans le 14 e siecle. Les Anglois d'aujourd'hui 
ont de la peine a Fentendre. On dit qu'il est inimitable dans 
ses Descriptions, et en general fort ingenieux. On a fait une 
tres belle Edition de ses Ouvrages en un volume in-folio avec 
une Explication des expressions difficiles et surannees. 

1735. Thevet, Andre". Vie de Jean Clopinel, dit de Meung, [en tete 
du] Roman de la Rose, par G. de Lorris et J. de Menng, 3 tomes, 
Amsterdam, 1735, tume i, pp. li-lii, Ixv. [Thevet's life of Jean de 
Meung is reprinted from liis Pourtraits et vies des Homines Illustres, 

Plusieurs ont voulu irniter ce Romans [sic] de la Rose, & 
entre autres Geofroy Chaucer Anglois, qui en a compose un 
qu'il intitule The Romant of the Rose ; lequel, au raport de 
Balseus, a este tire du Livre de 1'Art d'aimer de Jean Mone, 
qu'il il [sic] faict Anglois. Je conjecture qu'il entend nostre 
Jean de Meung, encores qu'il le face Anglois, d'autant que 
n'est aise a croire qu'un Anglois osa se hazarder a une telle 
ceuvre, quoy que les termes ne semblent que trop rudes 
maintenant, si estoient-ils bien riches pour lors. . . . [La 
renommee de Jean de Meung] a este en telle estime que 
(comme j'ay dit) F Anglois Baleus 1'a voulu transporter en 
Angleterre dont n'est merveilles. . . . Quoique ce soit 
encores, est-il contraint de confesser que son Chaucer a pille 
(il appelle cela illustrer le Livre de Jean de Meung) les 
plus beaux boutons qu'il a pii du Roman de la Rose, pour en 
embellir <fc enrichir le sien. 

1736. Niceron, Jean Pierre. Me'moires pour servir a VHistoire des 
Homines illustres dans la Re'publique des Lettres, avec tin catalogue 
raisonne de leurs Ouvrages, -1729-45, 43 vols., tome xxxiiii, p. 44. 

. . . George Chaucer, V Homer 6 de son pays, a mis 1'ouvrage 
de Boccace en vers Anglois. 

1740] French Allusions. 23 

1737. Unknown. Note on Chaucer [in] Le Spectateur, ou Le Socrate 
moderne. Traduit de 1'Anglois. Suivant la 4eme Edition d'Ain- 
steidiun. Basle, 1737. Tome i, p. 374. 

[Text.] Chaucer* decrit^fort joliment, dans un de ses 
Contes, cette humeur volage d'une Idole ; II nous la repre*- 
sente assise autour d'une Table avec trois de ses Esclaves, qui 
n'oublient rien pour gagner ses bonnes graces, et lui rendre 
leurs devoirs : La-dessus, elle sourioit a 1'un, buvoit a la 
sante de 1'autre, et pressoit le pie du troisieme sous la 
Table. Quel done de ces trois dit le vieux Barde, croiriez- 
vous etre le veritable favori? De bonne foi, ajoute-t-il, pas 
un des trois. 

[Note.] * II s'appelloit GEOFROI. & vivoit vers le milieu 
du XY. siecle. Les Anglois le regardent comme le Pere de 
leur Poesie. 

[According to L. P. Betz (Bodmer-Denkschrift, Ziirich, 1900, p. 238), editions of the 
above were published at Amsterdam in 1714, 1716-18, 1722-30, 1731-36, 1744, 1754-55 ; 
at Paris, in 171C-26, 1754 (corrigee et augment ee) and 1754-55. The only edition in 
the British Museum is dated Amsterdam, 1746-50, where this reference occurs in 
tome i, p. 379.] 

1740. Unknown. [Article { Chaucer' in the] Grand dictionnaire his- 
torique . . . commence en 1674 par M re Louis Moreri . . 18 edu., 
1740, tome ii, p. 352. 

CHAUCER (Geofroy), natif de Woodstock en Angleterre, 
dans le xiv siecle, fut surnomme V Homer e Anglois, a cause 
de ses Poesies. II donna au public divers Ouvrages de sa 
fa^on, dont on pourra voir le denombrement dans Leland, 
Pitseus, Gesner, etc. . . . Chaucer, outre la Poesie, scavoit les 
Mathematiques et les Belles Lettres. Ses ouvrages Anglois 
ont ete imprimez a Londres Tan 1561. On a de lui en Latin, 
Laudes bonarum Mulierum ; Vita Cleopatrce ; Vila Lucretice 
Romance; Flos Urbanitatis ; Sepultura Misericordice ; De 
Astrolabii ratione. II mourut en 1400, et en 1555, on retablit 
son tombeau, qui est a Westminster. Gesner, in biblioth. 
Leland. Balaeus et Pitseus, de script, angl. Camden, etc. 

[The sentence relating to Chaucer's Latin works appears for the first time in 
this edition. For earlier editions tee above, 1674, Moreri, and 1688 and 1707, 

1740. [Prevost d'Exiles, Antoine Francois.] Le Pour et Contre, 1740, 
tome xx, pp. 78, 79. 

Henri [iv] aspiroit avec tant d'ardeur au titre de Champion 
de 1'Eglise, qu'en se preparant a la conquete de la Terre 

24 Appendix B. [A.D. 1745- 

Ir- 79] Sainte, il avoit deja jette les yeux sur Geoffroi Chaucer, 
Poete fameux qui florissaifc sous son r6gne, pour celebrer les 
exploits qu'il meditoit. Remarquons en passant, que ce 
Chaucer, Auteur de plusiours Poesies qui sont encore en 
estime, & Jean Gauwer, autre Poete du meme terns, passent 
communement pour les premiers Reformateurs de la langue 
Angloise, a peu pres comme Malherbe a cette gloire paraii 

1745. [Le Blanc, J. B.] Lettres d\m Francois, a la Haye, 1745, 
tome i, pp. 104-5. 

. . . L'Anglois d'il y a trois ou quatre cens ans, etoit encore 
plus melange du Francois, qu'il ne Test aujourd'hui. Je ne 
s^ai meme si la connoissance de 1'Anglois de ces terns-la ne 
seroit pas tres utile & ceux qui veulent entendre notre vieux 
Francois. La lecture de Chaucer m'a rendu celle de nos 
anciens Poetes plus facile. 

1749. Yart, Antoine, Abbe [de Rouen], Idee de la poesie an 

ou Traditction des meilleurs Poe'tes Anglois, qui n'ont point encore 
paru dans notre Langue, avec un jugement sur leurs Owragcs, 
& une comparaison de leurs Poeries avec celles des Auteurs anciens 
& modernes. A Paris, cliez Claude Briassun ... 2 tomes, 1749. 

[torn, i, [Abridgement of the life of John Philips], ecrite en anglois, 
par M. George Sewell, editeur de ses Ouvrages. 

... 4 1'exemple de Milton, son Auteur favori, il cherchoit 
a s'enrichir des termes propres, expressifs, harmonieux du 
vieux langage. . . . Dans ce dessein, il lut Chaucer & 

[Note by Yart.] Chaucer vecut au milieu du quatorzieme 
si6cle; il mourut en 1400, il a compose un assez grand 
nombre de Contes; ses Compatriotes admirent 1'enjoue- 
ment & la naivete de ses narrations ; mais son langage 
est tellement vieilli, que les Anglois ne Tentendcnt presque 
plus ; il faisoit des vers fort enjoues, & il sc.avoit les Mathe- 
matiques ; il f ut surnomm^ 1'Homere Anglois ; son Tombeau 
est & Westminster : on 1'a retabli en 1550. 

[P._ xxiij- [Abridgement of the life of Philips, by Sewell.] Simon 
Harcourt, Lord Chancelier d'Anglcterre lui a eleve a West- 
minster un mausolee auprcs de celui de Chaucer. . . . 

(P. xxvij] [Abridgement of the life of Philips, continued, epitaph] 
Qu'il lui soit done permis, 6 Chaucer, Pere de la Poesie 

1749] French Allusions. 25 

Angloise, quoiquil riait pas suivi les Loix (a) que voits avez 
donnees a la versification, de fermer un des cotes de votre 
Tombeau, il ne deshonorera pas le Choeur des Poetes qui 
entourent vos ccndres. 

Fas fit hinc 

Auso licet a tua metrorum lege dicedere, 
O Poesis Anglicanse Pater, atque conditor Chaucere, 

Aeternum tibi latus claudere : 
Vatum certe cineres, tuos undique stipantium ; 
Non dedecebit chorum. 

(a) [Note by Yart.] Milton fut le premier Poete 
d'Angleterre qui substitua aux Yers rimes, inventes par 
Chaucer, les Yers blancs ou non rimes. Philips, & plusieurs 
autres Poetes, ont imite Milton dans ce nouveau genre de 
Poesie. . . . 

itom. ii, On va voir paroitre Chaucer & Spencer, ensuite Cowley, 
Milton, Denham, & enfin Waller, Roscommon, Dryden, 
Congreve & Montagu, on verra naitre la Poesie Angloise 
avec les premiers, se former avec les seconds, & se polir avec 
les derniers. 

[p. so] Histoire abregee des plus grands poetes anglois, par 
Joseph Addison, a monsieur Henry Sacheverell. [A trans- 
lation follows from Addison's Account of the greatest English 
poetS) 1694. Yart translates thus the verses referring to 

Yous voulez, cher Sacheverell, que je parcoure les siecles 
qui se sont ecoiiles depuis Chaucer jusqu'a Dryden. . . . 

[p. si] Nos stupides ayeux etoient plonges depuis long-terns dans 
un sommeil profond ; leur ame insensible, n'etoit point emue 

[p. 82] par 1'enthousiasme des neuf soeurs, lorsque Chaucer parut ; 
Poete na'if, il fit divers Contes en Yers & en Prose, mais le 
terns a port6 sa rouille sur ses Ecrits, defigure son langage, 
obscurci son esprit; il s'efforce d'egayer ses vers grossiers 
par des plaisanteries, il ne pent venir a bout de divertir ses 

[p. 107] [The Progress of Poetry, by Lady Mary Wortley Montagu.] 
. . . Chaucer, le premier, ouvrit sa veine comique, il en fit 
couler ses contes plaisans & na'ifs : des beautes sans parure, 

26 Appendix B. [A.D. 1749- 

ornent ses vers sans art; son style est grossier, mai ses 
pense"es sont fortes. 

1749. Trochereau de la Berli&re, Jean Arnold. Choix de Differens 
morceaux de Poesie traduits de VAnglois, par M. Trochereau . . . 
a Paris, 1749 [e.g. Essay on Poetry, by Buckingham, Essay on 
Translated Verse, by Roscoinmon, and the Temple of Fame, by 

[p. 20] [Note on Denham] [II] fut enterre" a Westmunster [sic] 

pres de Chaucer, Spenser & Cowley. . . . 
[P. 21] [Note on Cowley.] II fut enterre . . . pres des cendres 

de Spencer & Chaucer. 

[p. H7] [Forewords by Trochereau on the Temple of Fame by 
Pope; based on the note printed by Pope himself at the 
head of his Temple of Fame.] M. Pope dit qu'il en a puis6 
Fidee dans le Poeme de Chaucer, intitule" le Palais de la 
Eenommee. Mais le desseiii, dit-il, n'en est pas le meme ; 
les descriptions de presque toutes les pensees m'appartiennerit. 
... Si quelqu'un vouloit comparer ce Poeme a celui de 
Chaucer, il peut commencer au troisieme Livre de la 
Eenommee, car il n'y a rien dans les deux premiers qui 
reponde a leur titre. 

[Note by Trochereau.] II est si souvent parle de Chaucer, 
dans les Livres Anglois, que j'ai cru qu'on verroit avec 
quelque plaisir les circonstances de sa vie. 

Geoffroi Chaucer, Pocte distingue du xiv siecle, naquit 
dans la 3 e annee du regne d'Edouard in, Tan 1328. II fut 
d'abord Page de ce Hoi ; qui le combla de biens & de faveurs. 
II le fit Gentilhomme de sa Chambre, & lui donna une pension 
considerable. Ses talens le firent employer en qualite de 
Negociateur dans differentes Cours : il fut envoye a Genes 
pour traiter avec le Doge de cette Republique, & peu de 
terns apres il fut depute a la Cour de France. 

Les regnes malheureux de Richard in [sic] & de Henry iv 
succederent aux beaux jours du regne d'Edouard in. Chaucer 
eprouva alors differentes revolutions dans sa fortune. II 
mourut a 72 ans le 25 Octobre 1400, & il fut enterre dans 
TAbbaye de Westmunster. 

En 1555 ou 1556. M. Nicolas Bryham [sic\ 9 Gentilhomme 
d'Oxford, lui fit elever a ses propres depens un beau 

1750] French Allusions. 27 

monument dans la meme Abbaye, & y fit graver cette 
Inscription : 


Qui fuit Anglorum vates ter maximas [sic] olim, 
Gofrigidus [sic] Chaucer conditur hoc tumulo 
Annum si qussras Domini, si tempora vitse, 
Ecce notse subsunt, quse tibi cuncta notant. 
25 Octob. 1400. 

Milton le mettoit au rang des plus grands Poetes. M. 
Dryden dit dan,s la Preface qu'il a mise a la tete de ses 
Fables, qu'on doit le regarder comme le pere de la Poesie 
Angloise. Qu'il doit etre aussi estime' en Angleterre 
qu'Homere 1'e" toit chez les Grecs, & Yirgile chez les Latins ; 
qu'il suit la nature par-tout ; mais que jamais il ne la passe, 
& que sgachant ce qu'il falloit dire, il sgavoit aussi ou il 
falloit s'arreter, que ses vers ne sont pas harmonieux, mais 
qu'ils etoient a 1'unisson des oreilles de son siecle. 

II a decrit les Contes de ses Pelerins de Cantorberi, les 
caracteres, les moeurs & les vices des son terns. II a compose 
beaucoup d'autres ouvrages pleins d'enjouement & de naivete" ; 
il egai'e souvent ses lecteurs aux depens des moines & de la 
pudeur. Son langage a tellement vieilli que les Anglois 
meme ne Tentendent presque plus : Voici ce que dit M. Pope 
a ce sujet dans son Essai sur la Critique. 

1 La reputation passe promptement, et douze lustres sont le 
plus long terme dont on puisse se flater. Nos fils voyent 
decheoir le langage de leurs peres, et ce que Chaucer est pour 
nous, Dryden le sera pour eux.' (Traduction de M. Sillouet.) 

1750. Chauffepie, Jacques Georges de. Nouveau Dictionnaire llis- 
torique et Critique pour servir de Supplement ou de Continuation an 
Dictionnaire Historique et Critique de Mr. Pierre Bayle, tome ii. 
[Lon^ article on Chaucer, biography and study of his works, 
pp. 71-76 ; references also in the article on Cowley, p. 137 ; in the 
article on Denham, p. 24 ; and in the article on Gower, p. 48.] 

[p. 71] Chaucer, (Geoffroi), fameux Pocte Anglois dans le xiv 
siecle, etoit n6, selon les uns dans le Comte de Berk, selon 
d'autres dans celui d'Oxford ; mais vraisemblablement ceux 

[p. 72] qui le font naitre a Londres, sont les mieux fondes. ... II 
paroit clairement par son Discours sur V Astrolabe, qu'il etoit 
habile Astronome. . . . On voit par le Conte du Yeoman du 
Chanoine, qu'il etoit verse dans la Philosophic Herme'tique, 

28 Appendix B. [A.D. 1750- 

qui etoit fort en vogue dans ce tems-la. Le Conte du Cur6 
fait voir qu'il entendoit la Theologie ; et le Testament d' Amour, 
qu'il possedoit la Philosophic. Apres qu'il eut quitte 1'Uni- 
versite, il voyagea en France, en Hollande & en d'autres 
Pays, ou il passa ses premieres amices. A son retour il 
entra dans le Temple Interieur, ou il etudia les Loix 
Municipales d'Angleterre. . . . 

[p. 73] La ruine du Due de Lancastre entraina celle de Chaucer ; 
& ce Prince aiant passe" la mer, ses amis se virent exposes a 
toute la haine du Parti oppose" : ce qui les excita a appeler la 
populace a leur secours ; d'ou il s'ensuivit plusieurs Emotions 
populaires, & entre autres une a Londres meme. Comme 
notre Poete contribua beaucoup sous-main a ces mouvemens, 
il en ressentit aussi le contre-coup a sa rume, aiant et6 oblig6 
de s'enfuir dans le Hainault : mais la necessite 1'obligea de 
revenir en Angleterre ou il fut arrete par ordre du Roi, & mis 
selon les apparences a la Tour de Londres. A la fin il avoua 
f ranchement toute I'intrigue ; & quoiqu'il s'exposat par-la au 
ressentiment du Peuple, il obtint son pardon du Roi. Ces 
malheurs lui donnerent occasion de composer son excellent 
Traite, intitule le Testament d'Amour. . . . 

[p. 74] ... II quitta le Monde en homme qui le meprise, comme 
cela paroit par une Ode qui commence, Fliefro the Prese, <kc. 
qu'il composa dans ses dernieres heures. ... II mourut le 
25 Octobre 1400, & fut enterre a 1'Abbaye de Westminster. 
. . . Dans sa jeunesse il etoit trop gai & trop libre : le 

[p. 75] mariage meme, n'arreta pas son humeur galante, & lui meme 
dans sa Retractation temoigne une inquietude penitente des 
Pieces libertines qu'il avoit faites dans sa jeunesse. Vers la 
fin de sa vie, le Poete badin fit place au Philosophe grave, et 
Theologien pieux. II fut fort lie avec les plus celebres 
Savans de son terns. Nous donnerons son Caractere ci- 

[p 76]. dessoi:s. II s'est fait plusieurs Editions de ses Ouvrages ; 
qui sont en fort grande nombre. 

[This article is an abridged translation of that in the 
JBioyraphia Britannica of 1748, and the notes here, as 
there, give much information. In the note, for instance, 
headed ' Nous donnerons son Caractere ci-dessous,' the ap- 
preciations of Ascham, Sidney, Francis Beaumont, Sir 
Henry Savil, Milton, llymer, and Dryden are cited. In 
the note 'Ses Ouvrages,' is a very complete list, noticing 
many of the apocryphal poems, wherein mention is also 

1753] French Allusions. 29 

made of Kynaston's Latin translation of Troylus, and the 
* modernisations ' of Dryden and Pope.] 

1753. Yart, Antoine. Idee de la poesie angloise, [2nd edition in 8 vols. 
The two first volumes are an exact reprint of those of the edition 
of 1749, and the quotations are thus identical], tome iv, p. 261, 
tome vii, pp. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 24-32 [Life of Chaucer]. 

Discours sur les Contes. [pp. 4, 5.] 

[Chaucer imitated the Italians and also the 'Contours' of 
Provence.] Ainsi ne cherchez pas plus d'inventions dans 
les Poemes de Chaucer que dans ceux de la Fontaine, mais 
si 1'invention du fond leur manque, elle est suppleee dans Tun 
& dans 1'autre par le genie des details ; merite plus admirable 
peut-etre que celui de 1'invention. 

[Epitome of the life of Chaucer. Yart begins by referring 
us to the New Historical and Critical Dictionary made by 
the English in imitation of that of Bayle. We are there 
informed that the poet lived at the end of the fourteenth 
century and the commencement of the fifteenth, in the 
reigns of Edward in, Richard n, and of Henry iv, whose 
poet and friend he was . . . and that he] contribua beaucoup 
par ses intrigues et plus encore par les eloges qu'il fit de 
[ P . 2C] Henri iv, a le faire monter et a 1'atfirmir sur le trone. . . . 
[p. 27] II s'occupa de sciences et de poesie, tandis qu'il mesuroit 
les cieux et qu'il faisoit un savant traite sur 1' Astrolabe, il 
etudioit les Langues Provengale et Italienne, et il faisoit 
passer dans sa Langue, qui etait encore informe, les expres- 
sions, les tours et Fharmonie de ces deux langues. . . . 

Ce qu'il y a de plus original dans Chaucer, ce sont les 
divers caracteres des auteurs de ses Contes, intitules Contes 
de Cantorbery . . . il peignit d'apres nature leurs caracteres, 
leurs habillements, leurs vertus et leurs vices, mais ses 
portraits sont si bizarres et si etranges, ses personnages si 
desagreables et si indecens, ses satyres si cruelles et si 
impies, que, malgre 1'art que j'ai tache de mettre dans ma 
traduction, je n'ai pu me flatter de les rendre supportables. 
Ses autres contes sont encore plus licencieux que ceux oe 
nos Poetes les plus obscenes, je les laisserai par la mcme 
raison dans 1'obscurite de leur vieux langage. . . . 

[Yart admits, nevertheless, that the poetry of Chaucer] 
[p. 29] est, dit-on, aussi facile et aussi naturelle que la prose de 


Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1755 

[p. so 

[And he quotes these verses written originally by Voltaire 
on Homer ; Yart substitutes the name of Chaucer] : 
Plein de beautes et de defauts 
Le vieux Chaucer a mon estime 
II est, comme tous ses heros 
Babillard, outre, mais sublime. 

II est sublime quelquefois, mais il ne Test pas aussi souvent 

[Chaucer imitated the Teseide of Boccaccio in 1400. Yart 
then quotes the description of this poem by Dryden : * Ce 
-P^ me es ^ du g enre epique &c. . . .] 

[Yart cites] ' la savante Bibliotheque Frangaise de M. 
TAbb6 Goujet, tome vn,' [q. v. below, 1755; but, he adds,] 
' ce qu'on ne trouve point dans cette Bibliotheque, c'est que 
la celebre Demoiselle de Scudery a traduit en Frangois selon 
Dryden les contes de Chaucer,' &c., &c. [and he quotes all 
that Dryden had to say on this subject in his Preface to 
the Fables; see above, pt. i, pp. 282-3]. 

[pp. ss-si] [Translation of the Palamon and Arcite of Dryden.] 
p!78i Etait-ce faute de gout ou par amour-propre, que Dryden 

[p. 79] mettoit ce Poe'me vis-a-vis de 1'Iliade & de 1'Eneide. J'ai 
conserve les principaux faits de ce conte. II renferme des 
impietes & des obscurites que je n'ai eu garde de traduire, 
des longueurs a chaque page que j'ai retranchees, quelques 
folies & beaucoup de beaux traits que j'ai tach6 de rend re. 
Thesee est injuste de condamner ces deux jeunes heros a une 
prison horrible, sans qu'ils Fayent merite, & cependant ce 
Thesee est un assez bon Prince. Arcite a eu tort au com- 
mencement : mais il est si aimable, si genereux, si tendre 
dans la suite qu'on lui pardonne ses torts : on le prefere a 
Palemon, qui merite moms que lui d'etre heureux. Emilie 
n'a presque aucun caractere : elle est dans une inaction 
continuelle. Ce Poe'me est au moins de 2500 Vers : il y en 
a 2000 de superflus : le reste est rempli de beautes ; il falloit 
rendre plus interessans Emilie & Pal6mon, qui sont les 
principaux Heros. 

1755. Goujet, Claude-Pierre. Bibliotheque Frangoise, Paris, 1741-5G, 
tome vii, 1755, p. 340. [This vol. must have been long in 
preparation, as we find Yart citing it in 1753, see above.] 

[Speaking of the Teseide of Boccaccio] : 
George Chaucher, que Ton a surnomme 1'Homere de 
TAngleterre, 1'avoit traduit en vers Anglois des 1'an 1400. 

1755] French Allusions. 31 

II y en a une vieille traduction en prose Frangoise que Ton 
trouve manuscrite dans quelques Bibliotheques. Celle-ci a 
servi de canevas a Anne de Graville, Dame du Boys de Males- 
herbe, pour mettre en vers Frangois 1'histoire d'Arcite & 
Palemon, par ordre de la Reine Claude, femme de Frangois I er . 

1755. Patu, Claude-Pierre. Letters to David Gar-rick, Aug. 23, Sept. 23, 
Nov. 1, Nov. 28, 1755. (The Private Correspondence of David 
Garrick, 1832, 2 vols., vol. ii, pp. 399, 405, 406, 407, 409, 411, 412.) 

[Patu was an enthusiastic admirer of English literature, 
and he was preparing a History of English Poetry which he 
never finished, for he died of consumption at the age of 27 
in 1757. He writes to Garrick of his plans with regard to 
this history :] 

23 aout, 1755 . . . Je serois aussi tres-curieux d'une 
Edition de Chaucer, qui ne f ut point in-folio. 

23 septembre, 1755. J'ai resolu . . . de commencer au 
plutot un ouvrage, en quatre volumes, dont voici le titre : 
Le Parnasse Anglois, ou Vies des principaux Poetes qui 
ont illustre la Grande-Bretagne, pour servir a 1'Histoire de 
la Poesie Angloise . . . Enfin, lorsque j'aurai a peu pres tout 
dit, et de mon mieux, sur mon but en composant cet ouvrage, 
j'ajouterai U ne premiere dissertation sur le premier age de 
votre poesie depuis Chaucer jusqu'a la Reine Elizabeth, 
annee 1560 . . . 

1 nov., 1755. II me faut aussi, mon tres cher . . . un re- 
cueil precis de vos reflexions, 1 sur la naissance de votre 
poesie, sur 1'etat de votre langue au terns de Chaucer et de 
ses predecesseurs, et 2 sur le changement qui a pu se faire 
vers la Reine Elizabeth. ... II s'agit de faire un ouvrage 
solide, utile, reflechi, sans prejuges, sans sotises [sic] litter- 

28 nov., 1755. Je m'en tiens de bon coaur a ce que vous 
me dites sur Chaucer. J'aurais ete bien aise de 1'avoir in- 
12mo, ou tout au plus in-8vo ; un in-4to, a plus forte raison 
un in folio, ne seroit nullement de mon gout . . . Souvenez- 
vous, mon bon ami . . . il me faut absolument des remarques 
de votre main sur le premier age de votre poesie . . . avec 
une note exacte des poetes que vous choisirez comme les 
principaux de ce premier age (depuis Chaucer, ou le premier 
poete quelqu'il soit, si vous etes Pre-chaucerite, jusqu'a la 
Reine Elizabeth). 

32 ; Appendix B. [A.D. 1755 

1755. Unknown. Journal JEtranyer, [Periodical founded in Paris in 
1754, and directed by 1'Abbe Prevost from January to August, 
1755]. Vies des Poetes Anglois, par M. Colley (Jibber, in tbe 
article Philologie, May, 1755, pp. 156-172; August, p. 125. 

[The first of these articles on the Lives of Gibber is printed 
in the March number, 1755, and deals with Eustace Budgell, 
the Tatler, Spectator, and Guardian.] 

[mai, p. 156] Qu'on nous permette ici une espece d'Ana- 
cronisme. Apres avoir donne les vies de quelques Poetes 
modernes, nous allons remonter jusqu'au Pere & au createur 
de la Poesie Angloise. . . . 

[p. 157] Geoffroy Chaucer. Le lieu de sa naissance est aussi incer- 
tain que la Patrie d'Homere ; & plusieurs Comtes d' Angle- 
terre comme plusieurs Villes de Grece. se disputent 1'hon- 
neur d'avoir donne le jour au Fondateur de la Poesie 
Nation ale. On sc^ait par conjecture qu'il etoit Gentilhomme. 
Un Chevalier de son nom vivoit a la Cour d'Edouard in au 
commencement de son regne ; on presume qu'il fut le Pere 
de notre Poete. Quoiqu'il en soit, I'epoqiJe de sa naissance 
est du moins certaine, & tous les Historiens la fixent a 
Fannee 1328. ... II etudia successivement dans les deux 
Universites, ou il devint, dit M. Leland, ' un Logicien subtil, 
un Orateur elegant, un Poete agreable, un grand Philosophe, 
un Mathematicien ingenieux, et un profond Theologien.' 
II voyagea ensuite dans les Pays etrangers. 

[p. 153] . . . Les Dames, sur tout, Fhonoroient a 1'envi des distinc- 
tions les plus flatteuses. La Heine mme, la Duchesse de 

[p. 159] Lancastre, la Princesse Marguerite, fille du Roi, et la 
Comtesse de Pembroke, furent ses Protectrices de*clarees. 
Peu s'en fallut cependant qu'il ne perdit leurs bonnes graces, 
pour avoir traduit du Franqois, le fameux Roman de la Rose. 
Chacun s^ait combien le beau sexe y est peu manage". II 
avcib rendu litteralement les expressions de TOriginal; les 
Dames, & surtout la Princesse, lui en temoignerent leur 
ressentiment. On lui prescrivit la manicre d'expier cette 
faute : ce fut de composer la Legende des honnetes femmes. 
La Princesse y fut designee sous un nom allcgorique, et 
sa vertu comblee d'eloges. Les autres Protectrices y 
trouverent aussi leur place,, & chacune fut celebree comme uri 
prodige de chastete. Plus un eloge est exclusif, plus il flatte 
1'amour propre. Fieres de 1'exception, elles abandonnerent 
volontiers aux traits de la Satire, le reste de leur sexe. 

1755] French Allusions. 33 

Chaucer, ayant la liberte de faire main basse sur la reputa- 
tion des femmes, en usa tres amplement, et n'en fit que mieux 
[p. IGO] sa Cour. C'etoient de nouveaux trophees qu'il erigeoit & ses 

Sa faveur alia toujours en augmentant; la Duchesse de 
Lancastre lui fit epouser la Demoiselle de Rouet qui lui etoit 
attachee, et dont la scsur, Lady Swinford, etoit Gouvernante 
de ses enfans. Le Due son mari, Prince ambitieux, & 
rempli de vastes projets, etoit fait pour sentir le prix des 
talens, du sgavoir et de 1'habilete. Parmi les Courtisans, il 
ne trouva que le seul Chaucer, qui reunit tous ces differens 
avantages. . . . Le Due, persuade de l'utilit qui accom- 
pagne le vrai merite, chercha 1'occasion de faire employer 
notre Poete. . . . 

[p. 165] La mort du Due de Lancastre, les troubles & les malheurs 
dont elle fut suivie, ceux dont 1'Angleterre etoit menacee par 
1'exil et la revolte du Comte de Derby, son supplice s'il 
echouoit, son crime s'il reussissoit, tout cela s'offrit a la vue 
de ce vieux Courtisan. Age alors de soixante et dix ans, il 
ne put se resoudre, ni & trahir son Hoi, ni a prendre les 
armes contre le fils de son Bienfaiteur. II quitta done la 
Cour, & se retira a la Campagne pour y passer le reste de 
ses jours dans un repos contemplatif. Notre Poete y ve"cut 
encore deux ans, & mourut en 1400, comble de gloire et de 
bienfaits. . . . 

tp. 168] II en vouloit sur tout aux fraudes pieuses, qui dans ces 
Siecles d'ignorance defiguroient la Religion. Dans le Pro- 
logue de son Pardonner, ou Distributeur d' Indulgences, il 
introduit un de ces Vagabonds, qui couroient les Campagnes, 
pour semer la superstition & recueillir de 1'argent. II seroit 
difficile de traduire ce morceau litteralement. II y a, dans 
la naivete de son vieux langage, un agrement qu'on ne peut 
rendre que par comparaison. C'est un stile, auquel celui de 
Villon et de Marot ressemble assez dans notre Langue. . . . 
[A translation follows of part of the Prologue of the Pardoner.] 

[p. 170] Enfin il excella dans tous les genres : le stile serieux, 

[p.inil'enjoue, le tendre, le galant, lui furent egalement familiers, 

& son genie Poetique peut passer pour universe!. C'est & ce 

titre que Dryden, le comparant avec Homere & Virgile, ose 


34 Appendix B. [A.D. 1757- 

1'elever au-dessus du second, & le placer meme vis-a-vis du 

1757. Unknown. La Femme de Bath. Conte de Qiaucer, remanie par 
Driden, [translated into French prose, in the] Journal Etranger, 
June, 1757, pp. 80-96. 


1766. Lerouge, George L. Curiosite's de Londres et de VAngleterre 
[translated from the English, from the edn. of 1763] 2 me e"dn., 
Bordeaux, 1766, p. 21. 

[Dans 1'abbaye de Westminster] on voit aussi les monu- 
ments des Poetes Dryden, Philips, Cowley, Ben Johnson, 
Milton, Butler, Spincer, Fairy Queen, Michel Drayton, 
Geofroi Chaucer . . . etc. 

1766. [Chaudon, Louis Mai'eul. Article 'Chaucer' in] Nonveau Diction- 
naive historique-portatif . . . par une Soci&e de Gens de Lettres 
[i.e. Chaudon], edn. 2. 1770 [and probably in edn. 1. 1766]. See 
below, 1791, Feller, p. 705. 

1770. [Contant d'Orville, A. G.] Les Nuits Anglaises, ou recueil de 
traits singidiers, d'anecdotes, d'e've'nements remarquables, de fails 
extraordinaires, de bizarreries, ^observations critiques d- de pense'es 
philosophiques, dec. propres a faire connaitre le genie & le. caractere 
des Anglais; a Paris, 1770, 4 tomes. Tome ii, p. 227, tome iii, 
p. 268. 

[tome ii, Digression sur les Poe'tes Anglais. 


Chaucer est regard e com me le pere de la Poesie anglaise : 
il vivait vers le milieu du quinzieme siecle. On a de lui des 
contes plaisans & na'ifs, Merits sans art & d'un style grossier 
ou Ton rencontre des pensees fortes. 

lt 268 l ] 5i ' ^ a Femme de Bath, Conte de Chaucer, remanie' par Dryden. 
[A translation follows of Dryden's version of the Tale of 
the Wyf of Bathe, preceded by the following note :] On 
connait en France le joli Conte de M. de Voltaire, intitule* 
Ce qui plait aux Dames, & dont M. Favart s'est servi, pour 
conposer son Opera-bouffon de La Fee Urgelle ; & Ton ne 
sera sans doute pas fache de leur opposer la maniere de 
raconter des Anglais. 

1772. Rigoley de Juvig-ny, Jean Antoine. Les Bibliotheqites Francoises 
de la Croix dn Maine et de du Verdier, nouvelle edn., Paris, 1772, 
tome iii, pp. 81-2, note 4. 

[p. si] Anne de Graville ... a translate de veil langage & prose, 
en nouveau & rime . . . le beau Roman des deux amans, 
Palamon & Arcita. 1 

[p. 82] 1. Note. [A short description of Boccaccio's Teseide.] 

1775] French Allusions. 35 

C'esfc la conclusion du Roman, traduit en vers Anglais par 
VHomere de son pays, Georces [sic] Chaucer, Tan 1400. 

1775. Unknown. [Article on Chaucer in the] Journal anglais, conte- 
nant les decouvertes dans les sciences, les arts liberaux, etc., No. 1, 
Oct. 15, 1775, pp. 11-18. 

[This article is mentioned in I' Annie Littiraire, 1775, torae v., p. 279.] 

[A life of Chaucer.] II parait que son pere etait chevalier, 
. . . Le jeune Chaucer re^ut un accueil favorable a la cour, 
apres avoir quitte* I'Umversite et le college des Loix. . . . 
II commen^a ses etudes a Cambridge et les continua a 
Oxford. C'est dans cette derniere University qu'il cultiva 
son gout pour la po^sie, dont il avait deja donne des preuves 
a Cambridge par sa Cour d Amour. . . . [The poet then 
travelled in France, in Holland and the Low Countries, and 
at this period composed his imitation of the Roman de la 
Hose.] Quand les premiers feux de Tage commencerent a se 
calmer, il parut regretter cette espece de vie inappliquee et 
vagabonde. Pour la r^parer en quelque sorte, il pi-it le parti 
de s'en retourner a Londres, et de s'aller ensevelir dans 
1'etude a Tinner Temple. . . . Des personnes de distinction, 
channels de son merite, 1'introduisirent a la Cour. II avait 
alors 30 ans, et sans compter les avantages de 1'esprit et de 
la science, il se faisait remarquer par 1'honnetete de son 
maintien et les graces de sa personne. II devint bientot un 
Courtisan accompli. II fut fait d'abord Page du Hoi, place 
surtout alors, tres honorable. [The author proceeds to 
enumerate the favours bestowed on Chaucer by different 
monarchs and then (following Gibber) refers to the patronage 
of the great court ladies. See le Journal Stranger, 1755, 

Riche par ses emplois et les bienfaits de la Cour, il ne fut 
pas reduit a travailler pour vivre. II suivit son gout, il 
ecrivit pour la gloire [Chaucer was appointed Comptroller of 
the Customs, became the brother-in law of the Duke of 
Lancaster, and was forced to leave England]. II y retourna 
ensuite, et il y fut quelque terns dans une situation tres 
facheuse, et dans une grande detresse. Ses liaisons avec 
Wicleffe le firent alors accuser de donner dans ses erreurs. 
On oublia, ou on parut oublier, que son commerce avec un 
homme qu'il avoit connu a Oxford et a Cambridge, qui n'avoit 
pas d'abord leve" le masque . . . pouvait avoir une cause 

36 Appendix B. [A.D. 1777- 

plus innocente et plus simple. . . . Quoiqu'il en soit, il fufc 
mis en prison ... la bonne fortune cle Chaucer revint avec 
celle du due de Lancastre qui fut Chef du Gonseil, et dont 
la Posterite monta dans la suite sur le Trone. . . . Enfm 
Chaucer, apres avoir ete Poete, Courtisan, Homme d'Etat, 
finit par etre Philosophe, sans jamais cesser d'etre Poete. 
. . . Retir6 & Dunnington Castle, il y coula dans sa vieillesse 
des jours heureux, generalement aim6 et horiore. II 4tait 
tres H6 avec tous les savans de son siecle, et particulierement 
avec le celebre Petrarque, son ami, qui, de son terns, reQut a 
Rome la Couronne Poetique. 

II regnait dans le caractere de ce grand homme un melange 
de gaiete, de modestie et de gravity qui le rendait egalement 
propre a la Cour et a la Yille, et le faisait rechercher dans 
les bonnes compagnies. II avait 1'esprit agreable, la p6n6tra- 
tion vive, le jugement sain et sur. II etait sincere mais 
honnete critique, plus porte a 1'indulgence qu'a la censure, et 
plus dispos^ a excuser ou a couvrir les fautes des Ecrivains 
contemporains, qu'a les produire au grand jour. Superieur a 
son siecle, il cut voulu 1'elever jusqu'a lui. Tout parle de 
sa gloire comme Poete. Sa Patrie a confirm^ ce jugement, 
on ne peut assez louer ses graces antiques, toujours nouvelles, 
et la clarte de son stile dans une langue qui, depuis le 
treizieme siecle, a eprouve tant. de changemens. . . . Ses 
vertus egalaient ses talents. II fut fidele et constant ami. 
Pour tout dire en un mot, il fut philosophe suivant la vraie 
acception de ce terme, c'est-a-dire qu'il eut de la religion et 
des moeurs. 

1777. Unknown. [Parallele dOvide et de Chaucer, traduit de Dryden, 
dans le] Journal anglais No. 17, p. 32. 

1*784. [Rivarol, Anloine de.] De V Universalite de la langue franqaise; 
Uiscours qui a remporte' le prix a I'Acade'mie de Berlin, a Berlin, 
et se trouve & Paris, . . . 1784, p. 36. (Euvres completes de Rivarol 
a Paris 1808, ii, p. 37. 

Pendant un espace de quatre cents ans, je ne trouve en 
Angleterre que Chaucer et Spencer. Le premier merita, 
vers le milieu du quinzieme siecle, d'etre appele 1'Homere 
Anglais ; notre Ronsard le merita de meme ; et Chaucer, 
aussi obscur que lui, fut encore moins connu. De Chaucer 
jusqu'a Shakespeare et Milton, rien ne transpire dans cette 
Isle celebre, et sa litterature ne vaut pas un coup d'ceil. 

1797] French Allusions. 37 

1791. Feller, Francois-Xavier de. [Revision of L. M. Chaudon's 
Article 'Chaucer' in] Le Dictionnaire Historique, 2 e ecln., 
1789-94, tome iii, 1791. 

CHAUCER (Geoffrey), le Marot des Anglais, ne a Londres 
en 1328, mort en 1400, fut inhume dans 1'abbaye de West- 
minster. II contribua beaucoup, par des poesies faites a 
la louange du due de Lancastre son beau-frere, a lui pro- 
curer la couronne. II partagea la bonne et la mauvaise 
fortune de ce monarque. Ses Poesies furent publiees a 
Londres en 1721, in-folio. On y trouve des contes pleins 
d'enjouement, de naivete et de licence, faits d'apres les 
troubadours et d'apres Boccace. L'imagination qui les a 
dictes etait vive et feconde, mais tres peu reglee et souvent 
tres obscene. Son style est avili par grand nombre de mots 
obscurs et intelligibles. La langue anglaise etait encore, de 
son temps, rude et grossiere. Si 1'esprit de Chaucer etait 
agreable, son langage ne 1' etait pas, et les Anglais d'a 
present ont peine a 1' entendre. Chaucer a laisse, outre 
ses poesies, des ouvrages en prose : Le Testament d'amour ; 
un Traite de I'astrolabe. II s'etait appliqu6 a 1'astronomie 
et aux langues etrangeres, autant qu'a la versification. II 
avait meme voulu dogmatiser. Les opinions de Wiclef 
faisaient alors beaucoup de bruit; Chaucer les embrassa, 
et se fit chasser pour quelque temps de sa patrie. 

[The first edition of tliis dictionary was published in 1781, but no copy of it can 
be found, either in the Bibliotheque Nationals or in the British Museum. It probably 
contains the article on Chaucer. This article is that by L. M. Chauclon, in his 
Nouveau Dictionnaire historique-portatif, 1770, vol. i, pp. 520-1, with a few altera- 
tions, the most important being the addition of the birth date, and the substitution 
of the reference to the Works, 1721, for one to that of 1561. Chaudon's article was 
translated into English by ' Historicus ' in 1777, q.v. above, vol. i, p. 440 (misprinted 
Charon). The same article is reprinted in the fifth edti. of the Dictionnaire His- 
torique, 1821, tome iii, p. 546 ; in the Biographie univertelle ou Dictionnaire hittorique, 
1848, and in the Biographie universelle, I860.] 

1796. Unknown. Bibliotheque Britannique ou Recueil extrait des 
ouvrages Anglais pe'riodiques & autres, des Me'moires & Transactions 
des Societe's & Academies de la Grande-Bretagne, d'Asie, d'Afrique 
et d'Ame'rique; en Deux se'ries, intitule'es: Litte'rature, et Sciences, 
et Arts; re'dige" a Geneve, par une socie'te' de Gens de Lettres [from 
the article Antiquites]. Traits caracteristiques des & 
mceurs des Anglo-Saxons, tires de Vouvrage de James Petit Andrews 
[History of Great Britain, 1794-5, q.v.], tome i, No. 4, avril, p. 689. 

II paroit qu'on n'entendoit par le mot trag^die qu'un recit, 
non un drame. (Prologue of Monk's tale de Chaucer.) 

1797. Unknown. Bibliotheque Britannique . . . [from the article 
Melanges]. Du caractere des Gens de Lettres. Tir6 du ix e 
chapitre de 1'ouvrage de I. d'Israeli intitule" : Essay on the 

38 Appendix B. [A.D. 1800- 

Manners and Genius of the Literary Character, tome iv, No. 3, 
mars, 367. 

Le spirituel Cowley meprisoit le naturel de Chaucer. 

1800. Stael-Holstein, Anne L. G. de. De la Litterature considered 
dans ses rapports avec les institutions sociales, tome i, p. 269. 

Au moment de la renaissance des lettres, et au commence- 
ment de la litterature anglaise, un assez grand nombre de 
poetes anglais s'ecarta du caractere national, pour imiter les 
Italiens. J'ai cite Waller et Cowley pour etre de ce nombre : 
je pourrois y joindre Downe [sic], Chaucer, &c. Les essais 
dans ce genre ont encore plus mal reussi aux Anglais qu'aux 
autres peuples ; ils manquent visiblement de grace dans les 
formes ; ils manquent de cette promptitude, de cette facilite, 
de cette aisance d'esprit, qui s'acquiert par le commerce 
habituel avec les hommes reunis en societe dans le seul but 
de se plaire. 

1803. Schwab, Johann-Christoph. Dissertation sur les Causes de 
r Universalite de la Langue francoise et la dure'e vraisemblable de son 
empire. Traduit de I'allemand par D. Robelot, Paris, 1803, pp. 
216, 323. 

[p. 216] Voulons-nous etendre nos recherches, nous aurons dans cet 
espace de temps des observations semblables a faire sur les 
Anglois. Je me bornerai a la suivante ; Chaucer, qui vivoit 
au quatorzieme siecle, puisa son conte de Tro'ile et Creseide, 
et beaucoup d'autres sujets, dans Boccace, qu'il avoit connu 
personellement en Italie . . . 

[p. 323] [Note by the translator.] 

Chaucer qu'on compare a un beau matin du printemps, qui 
ecrivit sous le regne d'Edouard in (il fleurissoit en 1328), 
ainsi dans un temps ou 1'usage du frangois avoit et6 proscrit 
dans PAngleterre, Chaucer avoit pris la plupart de ses contes, 
chez les Provengaux et dans Boccace. 

Jean Gower qui approche le plus de lui. . . . 

1806. Hennet, Albert Joseph Ulpien. Poetique Anglaise, Paris, 1806, 
3 tomes, tome ii, pp. 1-3. 

Liste chronologique des Poetes Anglais : 
(1) Chaucer. 

Ne a Londres en 1328. 

Mort dans la meme ville en 1400, age de 72 ans. 

1811] French Allusions. 39 

Appel6 le pere de la poe"sie anglaise, contemporain de 
P6trarque et de Bocace, il ecrivit dans le quatorzieme siecle, 
lorsque la France ne comptait encore aucuns poetes. Elev6 
a Cambridge, il composa, a dix-huit ans, la Cour d'amour. 

Devenu page et ensuite gentilhomme de la chambre du 
roi, il eut pour protecteur Jean de Gand, due de Lancastre, 
et 6pousa une fille d'honneur de la duchesse. Cette jeuno 
personne, nee en Hainaut, se nominal t Philippa Roxet [sic]. 
Envoy6 dans des cours ^trangeres, Chaucer s'y distingua et 
revint a Londres jouir d'une fortune considerable. 

Quelque terns apres, il ecrivit contre le clerge et fut oblig6 
de fuir. II passa plusieurs anne"es en Hainaut et en France. 
C'est la qu'il composa une partie de ses ouvrages. Revenu 
a Londres, 11 y fut arrete", obtint enfin sa liberte", et maria la 
soeur de sa femme au due de Lancastre, dont le fils monta sur 
le trone d'Angleterre. Se trouvant ainsi bel-oncle du roi, 11 
ve"cut dans 1'aisance et la tranquillite, retire a la campagne. 

Chaucer composa douze volumes de vers qui consistent 
principalement en Contes, dans le genre de ceux de Bocace, 
et dont quelques-uns ontete depuis rajeunis par des auteurs 
modernes. Son langage est a peine compris aujourd'hui par 
les anglais. 

1810. Unknown. [Article in] Le Publiciste of October 24, 1810 ; [see 
the following quotation.] 

1811. Ginguene, P. L. Histoire Litte'raire d'ltalie, Paris, 1811, tome 
iii, pp. 107-11. 

[The discussion is of the debt of Chaucer to Boccaccio.] 
[Note to pp. 109-10.] II y a quelque temps qu'on annon^a 
dans le Publiciste (24 octobre 1810) la traduction prete a 
paraitre d'une Histoire littraire allemande tres estim^e. 
On parlait de Chaucer dans cette annonce ... on avangait 
que ce poete avait compose ses Fables de Canterbury a 
rimitation du Decameron de Boccace ; mais on y affirmait 
tres positivement, que * Chaucer se montre fort superieur a 
1'auteur italien par 1'agrement du re"cit, 1'esprit qui regne dans 
les details, la finesse des observations, le talent avec lequel 11 y 
peint les caracteres.' . . . Je crois cependant que Boccace, 
si recommandable par la beaute" du style, Test peut-etre 
plus encore par ces memes qualit^s que Ton pretend trouver 
en lui inferieures a ce qu'elles sont dans Chaucer. Je voudrais 
qu'on nous en eut donne de meilleures preuves qu'un certain 

40 Appendix B. [A.D. 1813 

portrait d'une None, rempli de traits tels que ceux-ci : * A 
table, elle se comportait en person ne fort bien elevee, ne 
laissait pas tomber un morceau de ses levres, et se gardaii 
bien de mouiller ses doigts dans sa sauce ; . . .' [etc.] Ce soiit 
1& de ces peintures de caracteres, ou plutot de ces caricatures 
tres frequentes dans les poetes anglais et allemands, et qu'on 
ne trouve guere, il est vrai, dans les Italiens, si ce n'est dans 
le genre Bernesque. II n'est pas sur que le bon gout ait le 
droit de les en blamer. 

1813. Suard, Jean-Baptiste-Antoine. [Article on Chaucer in the] Bio- 
grapliie Universelle, ancienne et moderne. . . . ouvrage entiere- 
rnent neuf, redige par une societ<$ de gens de lettres. Paris, 1813, 
tome viii. pp. 286-89. 

[A long biography, with the usual errors due to the 
acceptance of the Testament of Love, but written- with care, 
and indicating some knowledge of the poems of Chaucer.] 

[p. 287] ... La Cour d' amour avait ete suivie, peu de temps apres, 
du poeme de Tro'ilus et Creseide, d'Arcile [sic] et Palemon, de 
la Maison de la Renomme'e, etc., ouvrages dont il ne parait pas 
que 1'invention appartienne a Chaucer ; mais dont il donne 
quelques-uns pour imites, et dont les autres le sont visible- 
ment, soit du Roman de la Rose, de Boccace, soit de quelques 
auteurs moins celebres. II parait avoir puis6 surtout dans 
les ouvrages des troubadours provenc^aux, qu'il affectionnait 
particulierement, et auxquels la fierte anglaise lui reproche 
d'avoir emprunte un grand nombre de mots pour les trans- 
porter dans sa langue, comme il est aise de le voir par 1'abon- 
dance de mots frangais qui se trouvent dans ses ecrits. Ces 
poesies, dont 1'invention, quand elle appartiendrait a Chaucer, 
ne vaudrait pas la peine d'etre revendiquee, portent Fem- 
preinte du mauvais gout qui regnait alors dans tout 1'Europe, 

[P. 288] [Description of the Court of Love] . . . Dans Tro'ilus et 
Creseide, poeme dont 1'action se passe durant le siege de Troie, 
Tro'ilus est designe comme un jeune chevalier (knight), et de 
meme precisement que 1'A est .maintenant la premiere lettre 
de 1'alphabet, Creseide etait, parmi les dames troyennes, la 
premiere en beaute. 

Ses autres ouvrages, tels que la Maison de la Renommee, 
que Pope a imitee dans son Temple de la Renommee, et les 
poesies faites en 1'honneur du due et de la duchesse de Lan- 
castre, sont, pour la plupart, des reves, des visions allego- 
riques, meles de dissertations morales ou theologiques dans Je 

1813] French Allusions. 41 

gout du temps ; ce qui, outre la difficulte de la langue, rend la 
lecture des ouvrages de Chaucer penible et ennuyeuse. On y 
trouve cependant de la verite dans la peinture des caracteres 
et une delicatesse de sentiments, qui, dans ce temps la, 
s'alliait assez souvent a la grossierete des expressions. Les 
Anglais assurent de plus que, malgre 1'irregularite de la 
versification, la poesie de Chaucer ne manque pas d' harmonic ; 
et cette irregularite n'a pas empeche de le regarder comme 
[p. 289] 1'inventeur du vers heroique anglais. . . . [Chaucer] jouissait 
tranquillement de sa fortune dans le chateau de Dunnington 
. . . Ce f ut 1& que, dans ses dernieres annees, il composa celui 
de ses ouvrages qui a conserve le plus de reputation, ses 
Conies de Cantorbe'ry, ecrits en vers, dans la forme du De- 
cameron de Boccace, mais dont les sujets, enticement anglais, 
offrent une grande variete de caracteres peints avec la verite 
propre a ce poete, et une vivacite qu'on ne lui trouve pas 
toujours. Chaucer a eu le sort de tous les ecrivains qui ont 
montre du genie dans les premiers temps de la renaissance 
des lettres, lorsque la langue et le gout n'etaient pas encore 
formes. On 1'admire et on le loue beaucoup, mais on le 
lit peu. 

II est le premier des modernes qui ait fait usage dans la 
poesie de 1'esprit et des fictions chevaleresques. Son conte 
de Sir Topaz est dans le gout de Don Quichotte. 

[Suard's article, much abridged, and containing hardly 
anything of the passages quoted above, was reprinted in the 
Biographie universelle of 1833 (6 vols.), of 1838 (6 vols.) and 
of 1843-7 (Brussels, 21 vols.); and also in the Biographie 
universelle classique, 1829.] 

1813. Dubuc (translator). Les deux Griselidis, Histoires traduites 

de Vanglois Vune de Chaucer, et Vautre de Mile. Edgeworth. 2 lorn. 
Tome i, pp. 5-8, 11-92, 95, 151-2, 162-173 ; tome ii,rpp. 171-3. 

[For The Modern Gritelda, by Maria Edgeworth, see above, Part ii, sect, i, p. 24, 

[p. 5] [Avertissement.] Nous offrons aujourd'hui au public This 

[p. 6] toire de deux Griselidis, bien differentes entre elles. L'une 

vivoit . . . vers le onzieme siecle, dans le marquisatde Saluces; 

1'autre vivoit, et vit peut-etre encore en Angleterre. Le 

caractere de cette derniere a ete observ6 et peint par une 

artiste celebre dans ce genre, par Mademoiselle Edgeworth. 

Nous avons pense que le rapprochement de la Griselidis 

moderne et de celle des temps anterieurs pourroit devenir 

piquant, et nous avons emprunt6 1'histoire de la plus ancienne 

42 Appendix B. [A.D. 1813- 

[p. 7] a Chaucer, patriarche de la poesie angloise. Nous ne croyons 
pas qu'on ait jamais rien traduit en franQais des ceuvres de cet 
auteur dont le style vieilli n'est pas toujours intelligible pour 
les Anglois eux-memes. Une autre consideration nous a fait 
preferer le recit de Chaucer a celui de Bocace ; c'est que 
Mademoiselle Edgeworth, dans sa nouvelle, fait allusion a 
Fhistoire de la Griselidis ancienne ; elle en cite meme un 

(P. 8] morceau, et ce morceau est tir6 de la narration de son com- 
patriote Chaucer, rajeunie, a la verite, par un poete anglois 
aussi, nomme Monsieur Ogle, dont le style assez elegant est 
pourtant diffus, si on le compare a celui de son modele. 

[p. ii] Gauthier et Griselidis. Histoire traduite de 1'anglois de 
Chaucer [pp. 11-92]. 

[p. 95] La nouvelle Griselidis, traduite de 1'anglois de Mademoiselle 


[The passages in which Miss Edgeworth refers to Chaucer 

are as follows :] 

[p. i5i] Mon cher ami, a propos de femmes parfaites, vous avez 
[p. 152] surement lu les contes de Chaucer. Dites-moi un peu ce que 

vous pensez de la veritable, de 1'ancienne Griselidis ] 

II y a si longtemps que j'ai lu cette histoire, que je rie 

puis vous donner de reponse precise. Alors lisez-la de 

nouveau, et dites m'en votre avis sans detour . . . il faut que 

nous ayons ici une soiree de lecture. . . . 

[P. 162] [Chaucer's tale of Griselda is being read.] Le lecteur en 
vint a ce moment ou Gauthier fait prononcer un serment a sa 

Jurez que nuit et jour, a mes ordres soumise, 
Avec empressement, avec zele et franchise, 
Sans murmurer jamais, seule ou devant temoins 
A m'obeir toujours, vous mettrez tous vos soins. 

[etc. and the 10 lines following, from Ogle's edition.] 

[p. 172] Certes, je ne puis admirer ni Griselidis, ni aucune de celles 
qui Fimitent. . . . 

On ne risque pas de rencontrer de nos jours, beaucoup 
[p. 173] de femmes qui marchent sur ces traces. Si Chaucer cut vecu 

1825] French Allusions. 43 

* dans ce temps de lumieres, il eat dessin6 ce caractere tout 
autrement. . . . 

Nous pardonnerons a ce pauvre Chaucer, si nous con- 
siderons le siecle ou il vivoit. La situation et 1'intelligence 
des femmes ont ete bien ameliorees depuis cette epoque. 

1819. [Benouard, Antoine Augustin.] Catalogue de la Bibliotheque d'un 
Amateur, avec notes bibliographiques, critiques et litte'raires, Paris, 
1829, tome iii, pp. 125-7. 

The Canterbury Tales of Chaucer . . . Oxford, 1786 
[sic, i.e. 1798.] ' 

Amateur anglois je me trouverois grandement heureux si 
je pouvois placer ici quelques-unes des editions rares de 
Chaucer, donnees dans le xv e siecle par Caxton et Pynson, 
ou le volume plus rare encore, the Assemble of foules, 1530, 
in-4, que les Anglois n'estiment pas moins de cinquante 
guinees, ; mais ces curiosites angloises ne sont pas vivement 
desirees hors de 1'Angleterre ; et les amateurs du continent 
n'en sont pas encore venus a se passioner pour une ancienne 
Edition de quelque piece de Shakespeare, de Spencer, ou de 
Chaucer, comme pour les editions primitives d'Homere, de 
Virgile, Horace, etc. 

1822. Unknown. [Article ' Chatterton* in the] Biographie nouvelle 
des contemporains, ou dictionnaire liistorique et raisorme^ de tons 
les hommes qui, depuis la Revolution francaise, ont acquis de la 
celebrite . . . [edited by] MM. Arnault, Jay, Jouy, Norvins ; et 
autres homines de lettres . . tome iv, 1822, p. 358. 

Chatterton (Thomas). ... A peine publiees, les poesies 
de Rowley devinrent un grand sujet de discussion pour les 
critiques. Le style etait d'une couleur antique ; la phrase- 
ologie gothique, la versification entierement semblable a celle 
de Chancer [sic]. Mais 1'ordre et 1'energie des idees . . . 
une imagination forte . . . rangeaient Tauteur de ces oeuvres 
parmi les maitres de 1'art, et etonnaient profondement 
quiconque avait devor6 1'ennui des mauvais poe'tes du xiv* 
et xv e siecle. Chancer et Spencer etaient surpasses de bien 
loin. . . . 

1825. Pichot, Amede6. Voyage Historique et Litteraire en Anyleterre et 
en Ecosse, Paris, 1825, tome i, pp. 173, 242, 243, 244, tome ii, 
p. 271, tome iii, p. 8. 

[i, p. us] Le Pelerinage de Cantorbery, sujet emprunte au vieux poete 
Chaucer, est une belle composition de Stothard ; mais ie 
n'en connais que la gravure. . . . 


Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1827- 

[p. 242] Jacques [l er ] reconnaissait pour ses maitres Chaucer, 
Gower et Lydgate . . . Warton a ... compare 1'apparition 
de Chaucer, dans la litterature nationale, au jour precoce 
d'un printemps d'Angleterre, apres lequel Fhiver revient avec 
ses orages. . . . 

1827. Villemain, Abel Francois. Essai litteraire sur Shakespeare, 
[dans] Melanges historiques et litte'raires, Paris, 1827, torno iii, 
pp. 145-6. 

La poesie anglaise n'etait pas non plus, a cette epoque 
[end of the sixteenth century], dans un etat d'indigence et 
de grossi6rete ; elle commen^ait de toutes parts a se polir. 
Spencer . . . avait ecrit un long poeme, d'un style savant, 
ingenieux . . . prodigieusement superieur a la diction gro- 
tesque de notre Ronsard. II n'etait pas jusqu'au vieux 
Chaucer, imitateur de Boccace et de Petrarque, qui, dans son 
anglais du quatorzieme siecle, n'offrit deja des modeles de 
naivete, et grande abondance de fictions heureuses. 

1828. duerard, J. M. [under the name Chaucer in] La France lit* 
teraire, ou dictionnaire bibliographique des savoints, historiens et gens 
de lettres de la France aussi que des litterateurs etrangers qui out 
e'crit en fran$ais. . . . tome i, 1828, p. 158. 

Chaucer, poete Anglais. Voy. Edgeworth (Miss), et 
Melanges de po6sies Anglaises. 

1829. Querard, J. M. [under the name Edgeworth in] La France 

litteraire, ou dictionnaire bibliographique des savants . . . tome iii, 
1829, p. 8. 

Edgeworth (Miss Mar) ... 

Deux (les) Griselidis, histoires trad, de 1'angl., 1'une de 

Miss Edgeworth, 1'autre de Chaucer (par M. Dubuc), Paris, 
Galignani, 1813, 2 vol. in-12, 4 fr, 

1830. O'Sullivan, D. [English Professor at the Royal College of St. 
Louifl. Elegant Extracts from the most celebrated British Poets. 
. . . Paris, 1830, vol. ii. [On the outer cover of the volume there 
is a Liste Chronologique des Poetes . . . dans les ouvrages desquels 
on a puise ces extraits et dont la Biographie se trouve a la fin du 
volume. Chaucer heads the list, but none of his poems are 
printed. There is a short biography of the poet on pp. 543-4, 
and several allusions on pp. 541, 542.] 

Chaucer, properly considered as the father of english 
poetry, preceded Spenser by two centuries, and was connected 
by marriage with the famous John of Gaunt. His chief 
productions are the Serjeant at Law, the Frankelin, the 

1830] French Allusions. 45 

Shipman, the Doctor of Physic, the Miller, the Knight's Tale, 
the Story of the Fox, the Three Thieves, the Story of Griselda 
and of the little Child slain in Jewry. One of the finest 
parts of Chaucer is the beginning of the Flower and the Leaf 
[long description]. Chaucer's versification, considering the 
time he wrote at, has considerable strength and harmony. 
. . . His works are the source from which the other poets 
have usually borrowed. In depth of simple pathos, and 
intensity of conception, no writer comes near him, not even 
the Greek tragedians. 

[This allusion is given here because the book, although 
written in English, was printed in France and intended for 
a French public.] 

1830. Villemain, Abel Francis. Cours de literature fran?aise. Lit- 
terature du moyen dge, en France, en Italic, en Espagne et en 
Angleterre, Paris, 1830, tome ii, pp. 206-212, 214-217, 227. 

[P. 206] Ce n'est qu'au milieu du xiv e siecle qu'enfin 1' Angleterre 
possede un ecrivain, un poete, un homme en qui on ne peut 
meconnaitre beaucoup d'esprit, Tart de center, et ce melange 
d'erudition et de naivete qui rend si piquans plusieurs e"cri- 
vains du moyen-age. Je parle de Chaucer. C'est de lui que 
la plupart des critiques anglais datent le premier age de leur 
po^sie litteraire. Bien plus recent que les Troubadours, 
venu apres le Dante, Petrarque et Boccace, Chaucer, qui f ut 
leur eleve, ne saurait leur etre compare. II a cependant son 
merite et son tour original. Mais il est fort difficile a traduire, 
ou pour la langue ou pour la bienseance. II a de plus 

[p. 207] beaucoup ecrit ; et j'avoue qu'embarrass6 sou vent par son 
vieux style, ses idiotismes, ses allusions, je ne 1'ai pas lu tout 
entier. [A short notice follows of the life of Chaucer and 
of his assumed meeting with Petrarch.] 

Ainsi c'est un homme du Nord qui vient puiser a la belle 
civilisation du Midi. Ce n'est plus 1'esprit natif de la vieille 

[p. 208] Angleterre, plus ou moins melange d'esprit normand ; c'est 
un lettre anglais qui connait bien les deux Italics, et a devant 
lui plusieurs modeles. Chaucer savait a fond la langue latine, 
et 1'ecrivait avec gout ; il traduisit la Consolation de Boece. 
. . . Malgre" cette etude et ce gout d'imitation classique, 

tp. 209] il n'est pas de meilleur peintre que lui du inoyen age ; pas 
d'ecrivain ou les moeurs, 1'esprit, le langage de ce temps 

46 Appendix B. [A.D. 1830 

soient mieux conserves. Voila son originalite. C'est un 
Trouvere anglais, c'est un conteur de la cite" de Londres. 
II imite nos fabliaux et les chants amoureux des Troubadours. 
Mais il a son caractere propre de liberte politique et religieuse ; 
et son imagination savante est nourrie de fables orientales, 
comme de reminiscences latines. 

C'est Chaucer qui marque le premier developpement de 
la poesie anglaise. Le fran^ais n'est plus pour lui la langue 
de la conquete, mais une langue litteraire. C'est ainsi qu'il 
a traduit en vers le Roman de la Rose, comme il aurait imite 
un ouvrage classique des anciens. Dans cette version, il 
lutte habilement centre le style de ses deux modules, et 
semble parfois 1'emporter, soit que son anglais paraisse moins 
vieilli que le fran^ais de Jean de Meung, soit qu'il ait ajoute 
quelques traits de hardiesse. Car, il faut le dire, d ses titres 
d'homme de cour, de savant, d'ami de Petrarque, d'imitateur 
de Boccace, il joignait celui d'heretique. II fut un des 
premiers disciples de Wiclef. . . . 

[p. 210] . . . Chaucer se fit le poete de cette reforme ; c'est-a-dire 
toutes les pensees hardies qui etaient envelopp^es dans la 
theologie de Wiclef, toutes les inductions . . . que les 
esprits libres pouvaient tirer de la lecture immediate de la 
Bible, Chaucer les exprimait vivement, et les animait par des 
satires contre la cour de Rome et les abus de la vie monacale. 
[p. 2ii] La chevalerie meme n'est pas epargne"e par le bon sens 
e"pigrammatique de Chaucer. . . . 

Son sir Thopas est le pr^curseur de Don Quichotte. Cette 
parodie fait partie des Contes de Cantorbery, recueil d'histori- 
ettes, dans le gout du De"came"ron, mais e"crites en vers, avec 
moins de charme po6sie que n'en offre la prose de 

Le cadre de ce recueil est du reste ingenieux. Chaucer . . . 
rassemble a Southwark, dans une auberge, divers pelerins, 
venus pour honorer la chasse de Thomas Becket. Dans 
Tinaction de la soiree, ces pelerins se content des histoires 
touchantes, ou gaies. Leur reunion seule est assez drama- 
tique. Elle offre tous les etats, tous les personnages du 
moyen age, un chevalier, un e"cuyer . . . etc. . . . 

1880] French Allusions. 47 

Chaucer, parlant a son tour, commence 1'histoire de sir 
[p. 212] Thopas. II accumule les enchantemens et les prodiges. 
Mais au milieu du recit, lorsqu'il avait deja tire grand 
nombre de geans, un des auditeurs Farrete et lui dit : * Plus 
de ces contes pour 1'amour de Dieu ; vous ne faites que 
perdre le temps; ne rimez pas d'a vantage. Dites-nous en 
prose seulement quelque chose, ou il y ait un peu de gaite" 
et d'instruction.' Chaucer laisse la son histoire, et com- 
mence une allegoric morale de Melibee, qui a pour epouse la 
Prudence, et pour fille la Sagesse. 

Toute cette histoire est assez commune ; mais elle renferme 
de sages conseils et une excellente morale pour un faiseur de 
contes, parfois licencieux, comme Chaucer. C'est un des 
premiers essais de la prose anglaise. Malheureusement 
Chaucer est peu piquant, lorsqu'il est moral. 

[p. 214] Chaucer est rempli d'allusions plaisantes a ce sujet [French 
as then spoken in England]. Parle-t-il d'une abbesse dans 
le prologue de ses Contes de Canterbury, il la represente 
[Description of the Prioress.] 

[p. 215] Le style de Chaucer est en partie forme sur le modele du 
Roman de la Rose et de nos meilleurs fabliaux. Non seule- 
ment, il imite avec art plusieurs tournures de notre langue. 
Sou vent, par une bigarrure moins heureuse, il introduit dans 
son style anglais des mots, des phrases toutes frangaises ; 
par exemple, ce refrain, qiai coupe une de ses ballades 
anglaises ' J'ai tout perdu, mon temps et mon labeur.' 

Ailleurs il conserve en frangais les noms de nos person- 
nages allegoriques : Faux-Semblant, Bel-Accueil, etc. 

IP. 227] Ce qu'il y a de sur, c'est que la vraie poesie anglaise du 
xiv e et du xv e siecle n'a produit, a 1'exception de Chaucer, 
rien de puissant et d'original. 

1830. Thierry, Augustin. Histoire de la conquete de VAngleterre par 
les Normands (3 me edn. revue), Paris, 1830, tome iv, pp. 390, 
391, 392, 393. [Ed. i, 1825, 3 vols., vol. in, pp. 546-50, is only 
slightly revised in that quoted.] 

[p. 390] Les ecrivains en langue frangaise traitaient ordinairement 


Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1832- 

cette classe d'hommes [la bourgeoisie et les vilains] avec 
le dernier mepris . . . Au contraire, les poetes anglais pre- 
naient pour sujet . . . de leurs contes joyeux, des aventures 
plebeiennes . . . et les historiettes du meme genre qui so 
trouvent en si grand nombre dans les ouvrages de Chaucer. 
Un autre caractere commun a presque tous ces poetes, c'est 
une espece de haine nationale contre la langue de la 
IP. sou conquete. . . . Chaucer, 1'un des hommes les plus spirituels 
de son temps, met plus de finesse dans cette critique j il 
oppose au dialecte anglo-normand, vieilli et incorrect, le 
fran^ais poli de la cour de France ... [in the portrait of 
the Prioress]. 

[p. 893] C'etait 1'habitude ou la manie des gens de loi . . . meme 
lorsqu'ils parlaient anglais, d'employer a tout propos des 
paroles et des phrases franchises, comme Ah ! sire, je vous 
jure ; . . . et d'autres exclamations dont Chaucer ne manque 
jamais de bigarrer leurs discours, lorsqu'il en met quelqu'un 
en scene. 

1832. Unknown. Poe'sie chretienne. Ctiaucer. Eevue Europe'ene, 
1832, tome iv, p. 193. 

1834. La Rue, Gervais de. Essais Historiques sur les Bardes, les 
jongleurs et les trouveres ... 3 tomes, Caen, 1834, tome i, pp. 11, 
54, 187-8, tome iii, pp. 267, 270, 271. 

IP. 267] [Jean Gower.] Le poete Chaucer 1'appelait le moraliste 

iPP.270- [Froissart lived for a long time in England] ... a la 
meme epoque brillaient dans ce meme royaume les poetes 
Gower et Chaucer, et il est impossible de ne pas croire que 
Froissart commt leurs poesies ; il est meme tres-probable 
qu'il fut lie avec ces auteurs, et alors comment n'aurait il 
pas pris d'eux le gout des Ballades, Virelais, Rondeaux, 

1835. Unknown. Poetes Laure'ats de la grande Bretagne [article 
translated from the New Literary Magazine, in the] Eevue Britan- 
nique, Paris, August 1835, pp. 227, 228. 

Goyer [sic] et Chaucer sont designed comme laure"ats; 
mais il reste douteux qu'ils appartinssent sous ce titreplutot 
a la maison du souverain qu'a celle de quelque noble. 

1836] French Allusions. 49 

1836. Chateaubriand, Frangois Kene* de. Essai sur la Literature 
anglaise, par M. de Chateaubriand, Paris, 1836, pp. 109-111. 
(CEu vres completes de . . . Chateaubriand, Paris 1838, tome xxxiii, 
pp. 102-7.) 


En meme temps que les tribunaux retournerent par ordon- 
nance au dialecte du sol, Chaucer fut appele a rehabiliter la 
harpe des bardes; mais Bower, son devancier de quelques 
annees, et son rival, composait encore dans les deux 
langues. . . . 

[Chateaubriand next quotes a ballade by ' Bower ' : 'Amour 
est chose merveilleuse,' which proves, according to him, that 
Gower's French was better than his English. He continues :] 

La langue anglaise de Chaucer est loin d'avoir ce poli du 
vieux franQais, lequel a deja quelque chose d'acheve dans ce 
petit genre de litterature. Cependant 1'idiome du poete 
Anglo-Saxon, [c-a-d Chaucer] amas h6trogene de patois 
divers, est devenu la souche de 1'anglais moderne. 

Courtisan Lancastrien, Widens te, infidele a ses convictions, 
traitre a son parti, tantot banni, tantot voyageur, tantot en 
faveur, tantot en disgrace, Chaucer avait rencontre Petrarque 
a Padoue : au lieu de remonter aux sources saxonnes, il 
emprunta le gout de ses chants aux troubadours prove^aux 
et a 1'amant de Laure, et le caractere de ses contes a 

Dans la Cour d' Amour . . . [here follows an account of 
the Court of Love]. 

Le Plough-man (toujours le canevas du vieux Pierre 
Plowman) a de la verve : le clerg6, les leadies [sic] et les 
lords sont Tobjet de 1'attaque du poete : 

* Suche as can not y say ther crede ' 

[etc. ; 8 lines quoted, followed by a translation]. 

Le poete ecrivait a son chateau de Dunnington, sous le 
chene de Chaucer, ses Contes de Gantorbery, dans la forme 
du Decam6ron. A son debut la litterature anglaise du 
moyen-age fut defiguree par la litterature rornane; a sa 
naissance, la litterature anglaise moderne se masqua en 
litterature italienne. 

1836. Unknown. Biographie de William Godwin [article in the] Revue 
Britannique, April 1836, pp. 377-8. [Notice of his Life of 

50 Appendix B. [A.D. 1837- 

1837. Villemain, Abel Francois. [Review of Chateaubriand's Essai 
sur la litterature anglaise, an article in the] Journal des Savants, 
April, 1837, pp. 219-220. 

. . . UEssai sur la litterature anglaise est moins juste 
que piquant, lorsqu'il nous dit : * II n'a tenu a rien que les 
trois royaumes de la Grande-Bretagne ne parlassent f rangais : 
Shakespeare aurait ecrit dans la langue de Rabelais.' Cela 
tenait a tout, au contraire ; et si la langue anglaise s'est 
e"tablie, ce n'est pas parce que le parlement de 1483 a redige 
ses bills en anglais ; mais il les a rediges ainsi pour etre 

Quoi qu'il en soit, bien avant cette epoque, Tidiome 
anglais avait porte d'heureux fruits. Nous regrettons que 
1'illustre auteur [Chateaubriand] -n'ait accorde que peu de 
lignes au vieux poe'te Chaucer, et n'ait pas meme parle de 
sa traduction du Roman de la Rose. Poete Iettr6 et poe'te 
populaire, imitant les Latins, les Italiens, les Frangais, et 
ayant au plus haut degre" I' humour anglaise, le tour d'esprit 
s^rieux et moqueur, Chaucer meritait une place plus e"tendue 
dans cette brillante esquisse de lettres anglaises. II n'atteste 
pas moins que Gower la longue rivalite" des deux langues 
anglaise et frangaise, puisqu'il a fait quelques pieces de vers 
ou il les entremele par un refrain alternatif. Mais ses 
Contes de Canterbury sont, pour le style comme pour les 
details, la plus complete peinture de la vie et de la soci^te 
anglaise du temps. . . . 

Sans comparer, comme a fait Dryden, Chaucer a Ovide, 
sans analyser sa vie et ses ouvrages en deux volumes in-4, 
comme a fait Godwin, la critique litteraire aurait beaucoup 
a dire sur ce vieux troubadour anglais, qui parfois a cont6 
comme Bocace, s'est moque de la chevalerie avant Cervantes ; 
et qui, fort poetique d'expression dans ses vers un peu rudes 
et negliges, a donne en meme temps a sa langue, les premiers 
modeles d'une prose reguliere et savante. Nous regrettons 
que V Essai soit si laconique sur Chaucer, et se borne presque 
a le traiter de courtisan lancastrien, wiclefiste, infidele a ses 
convictions, traitre a son parti, tantot banni, tantot voyageur. 
Chaucer n'etait ni plus courtisan, ni plus voyageur, ni plus 
infidele a ses convictions que notre bon Froissard, qui recevait 
de si beaux presents des rois d'Angleterre : et la part meme 
qu'il prit aux premiers essais du schisme en Angleterre donne 
un grand interet historique a ses ouvrages. 

1838] French Allusions. 51 

1837. Michelet, J. Histoire de France, tome iii, livre vi, ch. ler, 
p. 351, note. 

[Short account of the fashions introduced into France 
and England during the feasts and festivals which followed 
the ravages of the great plague in the fourteenth century.] 

Les femmes chargeaient leur tete d'une mitre enorme d'ou 
flottaient des rubans, comme les flammes d'un mat . . . elles 
portaient deux dagues a la ceinture. 1 

1 [A^ote] Chaucer 198. Gaguin, apud Spond, 488. Lingard, 
ann. 1350. . . . 

1838. Lecluze, Etieime-Jean de. CJiaucer. Le Pelerinage de Canter- 
bury, 1328-1400, [article in the] Eevue francaise, tome vi, April 
1838, pp. 33-62. 

J'aime les gravures. Au nombre de celles qui ornent ma 
[p. 33] modeste demeure, il en est une dont la composition originale 
pique vivement la curiosite de ceux qui y out une fois porte 
leurs regards. C'est le Pelerinage de Canterbury, ouvrage 
du peintre anglais Stothard, grave fort habilement par J. 
Heath. Dans uii cadre tres large et peu eleve, se de"- 
veloppe une longue cavalcade ou Ton distingue des person- 
nages de conditions, d'etats et de sexes differens . . . [descrip- 
tion of the pilgrims]. 

Quoique 1'editeur de la gravure ait pris soin d'y faire 
inscrire, a la marge inferieure, la qualite et un numero qui 
se rapportent a chaque personnage, cette indication est loin 
de faire connaitre, surtout aux Francois, la cause et le but 
de cette etrange reunion. Souvent je me suis trouve dans 
la necessite d'en faire, tant & mes amis qu'a des curieux, une 
explication qui, bien qu'assez etendue, etait loin cependant 
de les satisfaire. J'omettais toujours quelque circonstance 
importante ; j'intervertissais 1'ordre du recit en n'observant 
[P. 34] pas celui dans lequel sont rangees les figures, et, lorsque j'en 
venais a nommer Chaucer, le poete dont 1'ouvrage a donne 
lieu a la composition de Stothard, on redoublait de questions 
a son sujet. . . . Je pris done le parti, pour satisfaire plus 
completement la curiosite des autres et me soulager, il faut 
bien le dire, de la repetition assez frequente des memes 
paroles, de traduire le Prologue des Conies de Canterbury, du 
poete anglais Chaucer . . . prologue qui fait le sujet de la 
gravure. . . . 

Mais cette explication, mise a la portee de mea curieux, 
ne fut pas encore suffisante pour plusieurs d'entre eux. 
Ceux de ces derniers surtout qui aiment ou cultivent les 

52 Appendix B. [A.D. 1838- 

lettres n'avaient pas plutot lu la traduction du Prologue 
. . . devant la gravure, qu'ils recommengaient leurs ques- 
tions sur le poete Chaucer, sur ses ouvrages et sur son siecle, 
tant qu'enfin je cedai a leurs demandes en ajoutant a la 
traduction qu'ils avaient entre les mains quelques reflexions 
sur le caractere du talent de Chaucer, sur son temps, sans 
omettre de faire sentir la distinction des qualit^s propres a 
cet ingenieux 6crivain anglais du quatorzieme siecle avec 
celles qu'il a empruntees aux auteurs frangais et surtout aux 
Italiens de son temps. ... [A translation in French prose 
follows of the Prologue to the Canterbury Tales.] 

[p. 49] II est difficile de trouver un cadre plus ingenieux en lui- 
meme et plus favorable pour preparer le lecteur a la narration 
d'une suite de contes ou de nouvelles que ce charmant 
prologue de Chaucer. Toutefois, ce qui demontre la super- 
iorit6 de 1'imagination et du talent de cet ecrivain, c'est que 
la plupart des contes qu'il prSte a ses personnages sont 
disposes avec autant d'art et Merits avec autant de verve et 
d'esprit que le prologue. Aussi les Contes de Canterbury 
forment-ils le principal titre de la gloire de Chaucer, et 
marquent-ils une epoque tres interessante dans 1'histoire de la 
litterature et de la poesie anglaises, dont Geoffroy Chaucer 
est regard^ com me le pere. 

Ce poete, car il merite reellement ce nom par la double 
faculte qu'il avait de bien composer et de bien exprirner ses 
idees, Geoffroy Chaucer ... est n6 en 1328. ... [A two- 
page description is then given of England in the fourteenth 
century, and reference is made to Chaucer's satire against 
the Church, and to his sympathy for the doctrines of Wyclif.] 

[p. 52] On sait peu de choses positives sur la vie de . . . Chaucer. 
[The usual statement of his life follows, first as student, then 
courtier, lawyer, traveller and ambassador. A short account 
of his prose works, Boece, the apocryphal Testament of Love 
and the Astrolabe^ is then given, with a list of his poems 
ending with the Canterbury Tales.] 

[p. 54] Ce recueil de contes, dont on a lu Fing^nieux prologue, passe 
pour etre le dernier ouvrage du pere de la poesie anglaise. 
. . . On ne peut douter que le Decameron de Boccace ne lui 
ait fourni 1'idee et la donnee premiere de son recueil ; mais il 
faut avouer aussi qu'il est difficile, en suivant la route d'un 
autre, de s'y montrer avec plus d'originalit et de nouveautd 
que Geoffroy Chaucer. Je ne craindrai meme pas d'avouer 
que, sous le rapport de I'mvention, le poete anglais est 

1841] French Allusions. 53 

souvent supe>ieur au prosateur italien ; et j'en prends pour 
preuve le prologue dea Conies de Canterbury, compar6 a 
Pavant-propos du Decameron. 

II me semble que ce seraib un service a rendre aux per- 
sonnes qui aiment les lettres, comme a celles qui cherchent a 
s'instruire dans la connaissanee des mceurs et de 1'esprit du 
quatorzieme siecle . . . que de donner une traduction en 
fran^ais des Conies de Canterbury. En faisant un premier 
essai moi-meme sur le prologue, j'ai eu 1'idce d'engager 
quelques jeunes et studieux litterateurs a se livrer a ce 
grand travail. Malgre les imperfections qui fourmillent sans 

fp. 55] doute dans ma traduction, je crois cependant que la verve 
petulante avec laquelle le poete Chaucer a trace" les portraits 
de ses conteurs, eclate avec vivacite, et que cette spirituelle 
preface fera naitre un vif desir de connaitre le reste de 
1'ouvrage. [The author then proceeds to give a short 
account of each tale, 6 pp.]. ..... 

[P. ci] Je ne sais si le lecteur me saura gre des details minutieux 
que je viens de donner sur Pensemble et sur les parties des 
ouvrages de G. Chaucer. Mais ses poemes sont de nature a 
ne pouvoir etre analyses qu'isoleinent, car la variete des 
sujets et du style est un trait caracteristique dans les pro- 
ductions de cet ecrivain, et je n'ai pas cru pouvoir faire 
mieux connaitre le genie varie de cet homme qu'en repro- 
duisant successivement toutes les faces sous lesquelles il se 

Geoffroy Chaucer est sans doute une des gloires litte>aires 
de PAngleterre ; mais, en sa qualite de savant, d'ecrivain, 
de poete de la renaissance, il appartient a la grande famille 
europeenne, et doit etre plac6 au nombre des hommes qui 
ont le plus activement contribue a rallumer 'le flambeau des 
sciences, des lettres et de Perudition. Le nom de Chaucer 
le cede, il est vrai, a ceux de Dante et de Petrarque, mais on 
peut 1'inscrire sur la meme ligne que celui de Boccace. 

1841. Thomxnerel, J. P. Recherches sur la fusion du franco-normand 
et de I'anglo-saxon, Paris, 1841, pp. 53, 87, 88. 

[P. 53] [Chaucer derides those who spoke French after the 
fashion of 'Stratford le Bow.' A quotation from the 
Prologue is given.]. ....... 

[P. 88] On peut done resumer tout ce qui a ete ecrit sur Chaucer en 
disant : 1 ce n'est pas lui qui a introduit le premier le 

54 Appendix B. [A.D. 1841- 

fran^ais dans 1'anglais, comme 1'a pretendu Johnson ; 2 il a 
cte un grand meleur d'anglais avec le francais (Werstegan 
[sic] 67) ; 3 s'il ne fut pas la source du pur anglais, comme 
le dit Spenser, c'est-a-dire de 1'anglais sans melange Stranger, 
il a merite ce nom par la purete de ses pensees et de son style. 

1841. Ampdre, J. J. Histoire de la literature franqaise au moyen age 
compare'e aux litte'mtures e'tranyeres, Paris, 1841, pp. liv-lv. 

ip. liv] Les sujets de plusieurs fabliaux et de plusieurs apologues 
se retrouvent chez les Arabes, les Persans, jusque dans 

[P. iv] FInde, jusqu'a la Chine. Puis ils ont ete reproduits tour a 
tour par diverses nations de 1'Europe ; ils ont fourni des 
themes piquants aux nouvellistes italiens, et a Chaucer. 

1842. Chasles, V.-E.-Pliilar6te. Litte'rature anglaise, [article in the] 
Revue des Deux Mondes, April 1842, pp. 99, 100. 

[p. 100) Jusqu'au dernier souffle de sa vie commerciale et politique 
FAngleterre conservera ce caractere, [of observer of man- 
ners]. Sa superiority d'observatrice n'est pas un merite : 
c'est pour elle une necessite . . . il faut qu'elle observe, 
qu'elle compare, qu'elle juge, qu'elle soit homme d'affaires et 
analyste, pour exister. On voit ce caractere se prononcer 
d'une maniere profonde des les premiers pas que fait la 
Grande-Bretagne dans la carriere litteraire : admirez de quels 
traits positifs et precis sont marques tous les personnages que 
le vieux Chaucer met en mouvement dans ses Canterbury 
Tales. L'homme de lettres, Fetudiant d'Oxford,parle peu et 
d'une voix douce [etc., several pilgrims are cited by way of 
example]. . . . Tous ces petits traits caracteristiques vous 
donnent une image nette et complete de chaque personnage, 
et vous croyez vous promener dans une galerie peinte par 

1843. Saint-Laurent, Charles [ps., i.e., L. G. L. G. de Lavergne] 
[Article ' Chaucer ' in the] JJictionnaire encydope'dique usuel, 2 e 
edition, 1843. [The 1st ed., 1841, is not in .B.M.] 

(Chaucer, Geoffrey) poete anglais, ne a Londres en 1328. 
II fut eleve des universit6s de Cambridge et d'Oxford. En 
1370, il etait porte-bouclier d'Edouard m. Sous le regne de 
Richard n, il fut oblige de s'expatrier pour avoir embrass6 
la doctrine de Wiclef. II mourut en 1400, a Londres, et fut 
enterre a Westminster. On Fa surnomme le Pere de la 
poe'sie anglaise. Parmi ses poesies on remarque les Contes 
de Canterbury. 

1847] French Allusions. 55 

1847. Gomont, H. Geoffrey Chaucer poete anglais du XIV siecle. 
Analyses et fragments, Paris, 1847. 


[p. io] Chaucer . . . est devenu Tun des sujets d'orgueil de ses 
compatriotes. II a ete mis par eux au rang de leurs grands 
poetes ; il a ete imite et commente. Les chefs memes de 
1'ecole classique anglaise, Pope et Dryden, se sont empresses 
de lui prodiguer leurs homrnages. L'un 1'a proclame le 
createur du pur anglais ; 1'autre, non content de lui 
attribuer le nitrite impossible a son epoque d'une prosodie 
achevee, a ete jusqu'a vouloir en faire 1'egal d'Homere et de 

L'exageration d'un tel eloge n'a pas besoin d'etre de"mon- 
tree. Mais on ne saurait nier les droits de Chaucer a une 
place eminente dans le pantheon britannique. Possedant 
[p. ii] une connaissance directe et approfondie des auteurs latins, 
une science de Tantiquite bien rare au moyen age, et sans 
doute alors unique en Angleterre, il marche 1'egal de Boccace 
et de Petrarque, ses contemporains. Parfois meme il sut les 
depasser, grace a 1'energie du saxon, que son gout pour les 
langues classiques ne I'empecha pas d'apprecier. . . . 

Nous voudrions ajouter quelques details sur la vie de notre 
poete : malheureusement il nous faudra etre a ce sujet d'une 
grande sobriete ; car les renseignements tout a fait certains 
sont assez rares, bien que les histoires de Chaucer ne man- 
quent pas. 

fp. 12] En France, Feller et 1'abbe Suard [sic, should be 
1'abbe Feller et Suard], ont public des biographies de 
cet auteur. La notice du premier est evidemment 
aussi inexacte que tronquee ; pour en faire appr6cier 
1'esprit, nous dirons seulement qu'elle appelle Chaucer le 
Clement Marot anglais. L'oeuvre du second atteste du soin 
et des recherches ; mais elle se compose encore de faits 
trop legerement admis pour avoir un caractere authentique. 
Des travaux plus serieux ont necessairement etc faits en 
Angleterre ; et, parmi les auteurs qui se sont occupes de 
Chaucer, trois surtout a notre connaissance, ont ecrit avec 
science et reflexion ; ce sont, Speght, Godwin, et John 
Urry. . . . 

[Here follows a short life of the poet, written with care. 
The Testament of Love is given as the foundation for the 
story of Chaucer's flight. Next comes a collection of 


Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1847 

' Temoignages d'auteurs contemporains en faveur de Geoffrey 
Chaucer,' [pp. 27-31], quotations from Lydgate (Prologue 
of the Siege of Thebes), and from Gower (Epilogue Con/1 
Amantis), translated into French, and the ballade of 
Deschamps. Then follows a description of] 

(1) Poemes allegoriques et songes. 
[p. 38] ... Le Palais de la Renommee. 

Dans cette ceuvre, dont Pope a donn6 une imitation, le 
genie de 1'auteur revet un caractere qui ne lui est pas habi- 
tuel. Ici, Chaucer laisse de cot6 ses sujets de predilection, 
c'est-a-dire les tableaux gracieux, les sentiments melanco- 
liques ou tendres, les scenes naivement comiques, pour 
prendre un essor plus eleve. II recherche avant tout les 
Elements poetiques d'une nature gigantesque. Des foules 
innombrables, des espaces infinis, des bruits etranges : voila 
ce qu'il se plait a decrire. Dans cette ceuvre singuliere, les 
jeux de son imagination nous semblent rappeler parfois les 
conceptions d'un peintre moderne, son compatriote, le fan- 
tastique Martins [sic]. Mais, chez le poete anglais, la 
grandeur des idees et la richesse de la creation sont rarement 
exemptes de confusion. Le palais de la Renommee peche par 
[P. 39] un defaut de plan bien sensible, et par des repetitions, des 
redondances qui en rendent la lecture difficile et fatigante. 
[A detailed account of the poem follows, pp. 39-48.] 

[p. 49] Le livre de la duchesse. [An account of the poem with 
long quotations in French, pp. 49-54.] 

[p. 54] On y trouve [in the last part of the Boke of the Duchesse] 
. . . plusieurs de ces traits de nature qui placent Chaucer si 
haut dans 1'opinion de Walter Scott. Mais ce sonfc des 
traits fugitifs qu'absorbe . . . le fatras de mauvais gout au 
milieu duquel ils se rencontrent. 


[p. 73] (2) Contes et Recits non-allegoriques. 

Tro'ile et Cresside, poeme en cinq chants, d'un style gene- 
ralement obscur. Le mauvais gout et la bizarrerie y 

[p. 74] Les Contes de Canterbury . Bien que laissee incomplete par 
1'auteur, cette composition est la plus vaste de Chaucer. . . . 

1847] French Allusions. 57 

[The author gives an abridgement of the Prologue in 
French, up to the end of the description of the Prioress.] 

[p. si] ... Cette galerie de personnages se continue de la 
sorte pendant cinq ou six cents vers, et nous montre, 
ainsi que 1'annonce 1'auteur, des voyageurs de rangs fort 
divers. . . . 

[p. 82] ... On peut reprocher a ces portraits quelque chose 
d'uniforme dans Imposition, souvent aussi des redondances 
de mots et d'idees ; mais les defauts de 1'ensemble dis- 
paraissent devant la piquante richesse des details ; et 1'intro- 
d action aux Contes de Cantorbery est, sans contredit, une des 
ceuvres les plus remarquables de Chaucer. En effet, trace 
avec une verve et une originalite soutenues, chaque caractere 
de cette nombreuse reunion presente 1'etude d'une classe 
sociale au quatorzieme siecle. Le poete, d'ailleurs, comme on 
a deja pu en juger, ne se renferme pas dans la description 
des choses exterieures et materielles, des figures ou des 
costumes ; il est philosophe aussi bien que peintre ; il penetre 
1'esprit, les moeurs, les ridicules de ses contemporains. 
Ajoutez a cela que ses critiques, comme toutes les observa- 
tions faites sur le fond meme de 1'esprit humain, se trouvent 
souvent applicables a tous les temps. Ainsi le lord des 
sessions, * bon vivant a complexion sanguine, inaugurant sa 
journee par une soupe au vin et tenant table ouverte en 
permanence,' devait etre le modele parfait des magistrats 
provinciaux de son epoque ; et aujourd'hui encore, il pour- 
rait representer certains juges de paix de la joyeuse Angle- 
terre. Nos comedies n'offrent pas de meilleurs types que la 

[p 83] bourgeoise de Bath, veuve de cinq epoux, ' toujours la 
premiere de sa paroisse k aller a 1'offrande, et se mettant 
en fureur si quelqu'un 1'y devanc^ait; du reste, excellente 
pour rire, causer, amuser en voyage et indiquer des recettes 
contre Pamour.' On en peut dire autant du medecin, 
* homme des plus savants, qui faisait gagner les apothicaires 
et que les apothicaires faisaient gagner.' A cote de ce digne 
pendant des docteurs de Lesage et de Moliere, figure fort 
bien aussi le sergent de la loi. . . . Derriere ces figures d'un 
comique un peu grotesque, vient le personnage modeste du 
clerc d'Oxford, comme pour montrer que Chaucer s'entendait 
aussi en comique dclicat et de bon gout. Dans le portrait 
de ce pauvre savant, * maigre de corps, maigrement vetu, 
maigrement monte, fort logicien, du reste pas assez mondain 


Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1847 

pour avoir un office,' se rencontre le sarcasme fin, le pinceau 
a la fois juste et retenu de La Bruyere. 

Nous pourrions puiser dans les caracteres du matelot, de 

tp. 84] 1'econome, de 1'intendant, du meunier, nombre de passages 
aussi heureux, nombre de traits dignes d'etre etudies par 
quiconque a la pretention de peindre le cccur humain, et qui 
certainement ont et6 exploites plus d'une fois par les 
ecrivains anglais ; mais il est une autre face de 1'intro- 
duction aux Contes de Canlorbery, qui merite aussi sa part 

Chaucer ne s'est pas renferm^ dans la peinture des defauts 
ou des vices domestiques. Outre la satire privee, il a fait de 
la satire sociale ; et, dans cette partie de son ceuvre, il a des 
droits non-seulement a Fattention du litterateur, mais encore 
4 celle de Thistorien. Soit que Ton considere ses tableaux 
comme un miroir fidele du temps, soit qu'on y voie simple- 
ment Topinion passionnee d'un homme, ils sont une source 
precieuse de documents sur 1'etat des esprits et des choses en 
Angleterre, au quatorzieme siecle. D'abord, le lecteur y 
trouve la preuve que cette hardiesse de pensee, si commune 
jadis parmi nos poetes et nos romanciers, se rencontrait 
aussi de 1'autre cote" de la Manche. Ensuite, tout en 
exagerant peut-etre les desordres produits, a cette epoque, 
par un clerg6 souvent sans vocation, ces satires attestent du 
moins de deplorables abus ; elles en indiquent la nature et, 
jusqu'a un certain point, la gravite. Les diatribes du poete 
auront encore un autre interet, si Ton se rappelle 1'adhesion 

[p. 85] de Chaucer a certaines doctrines heterodoxes de Wiclef ; car 
elles seront alors 1'expression vivante de 1'animosite des 
r^formateurs anglais du quatorzieme siecle, envers la 
hierarchic ecclesiastique. 

Les personnages que Chaucer, dans sa galerie de portraits, a 
sacrifies en partie a la verite historique, en partie a ses antipa- 
thies de reformateur, sont le moine, le frere mendiant,Phuissier 
episcopal et le porteur d'indulgences. Le premier de ces 
quatre personnages a servi de modele a Walter Scott pour son 
prieur de Jorvaulx ; seulement, le romancier ecossais, avec 
ce tact si remarquable en lui, n'a emprunte a 1'original que des 
traits et des couleurs adoucis, presumant que c'etait le plus 
sur moyen de rester dans le vrai. Voici le caractere trace 
par Chaucer : on pourra le comparer avec celui du moine 

1847] French Allusions. 59 

[The description of the monk follows.] 

[p. 88] ... L'indignite du frere precheur a pour pendant 1'avarice 
et la fourberie de Phuissier episcopal et du porteur d'indul- 
gences. Le premier est un effront6 voleur, qui, fermant les 
yeux pour de 1'argent sur les plus grands scandales, no se fait 
aucun scrupule de tourner en derision 1'autorite dont il exe- 

[i. 89] cute les ordres. Le second est aussi repoussant au moral qu'au 
physique, une sorte de castrat tout barde de reliques menson- 
geres, avec lesquelles il soutire de 1'argent a tout le monde. 

On dira peut-etre que jusqu'ici cet acharnement contre les 
mceurs du clerge n'est remarquable que par la forme ; que 
c'est, du reste, le fond des diatribes si f requentes chez Boccace 
et Petrarque en Italic, chez les troubadours et les trouveres en 
France : soit ; mais voici qui ajoute un trait tout particulier 
a la censure de Chaucer. Apres avoir fletri les abus ecclesi- 
astiques et battu en breche le clerg6 regulier, 1'auteur songe a 
clever un monument conforme a ses propres doctrines. Cette 
pretention n'est pas plus avouee que les vues subversives 
cachees sous les portraits dont nous venons de rendre compte ; 
mais elle se sent, elle se revele. Oil va en juger. Aux indignes 
personnages dont il vient de peindre les defauts et les vices, 
Chaucer oppose le caractere du cure, homme instruit, de 
mceurs et d'habitudes toutes primitives, et qui preche la vraie 
morale de Jesus Christ. Ce pretre, bon et resigne dans le 

tp. 90] malheur, qui, malgr 1'etendue de sa paroisse, va, malade ou 
bien portant, par la pluie ou par le tonnerre, visiter a pied ses 
paroissiens les plus eloignes, qui reside et n'emploie pas son 
temps a briguer un benefice lucratif a Londres, ce pretre tout 
apostolique est le reve du poete. II en fait un ideal accompli, 
au sujet duquel il expose ses theories, ou plutot celle des 
Wiclefistes, qui, non-seulement voulaient elever le clerge 
seculier sur la ruine des ordres monastiques, mais imposaient 

[p. si] aussi aux hommes de Dieu la pauvrete et 1'innocence des 
premiers temps du christianisme. 

[Comparison with the Decamerone of Boccaccio] . . . 

[p. 93] Exception faite du recit du chevalier qui tient un rang 
tout a fait hors ligne, les contes enchasses dans le pelerinage 
de Cantorbery, nous semblent 1'emporter rarement sur les 

[p. 94] nouvelles du Decameron. . . . C'est le merite litteraire qui 
seul est en question. Or, sous ce rapport, Tceuvre de Chaucer 
prete beaucoup plus a la critique que ne le reconnaissent 
generalement ses compatriotes. Aux yeux d'un juge non 

60 Appendix B. [A.D. 1847- 

pre" venu, la plupart de ses contes paraitront certainement, ou 
mal choisis, ou d'une narration d^fectueuse. . . . 

[p. 96] ... II a etc" dit plus haut, que, parmi les contes de Cantor- 
be' ry, on en trouve un dont la superiorite est incontestable. 
Ce morceau [the Knightes Tale] important par son etendue, 
est une sorte de poeme heroi'que ou le bon gout des idees, 
Tart du style et I'inte'ret des situations, sont porte"s a une 
hauteur rare chez les ecrivains du moyen age. Une telle 
oeuvre montre combien Chaucer aurait pu exceller dans les 
sujets nobles et graves. Inspiree en grande partie par un 
poeme de Boccace oublie maintenant, elle ne doit pour cela 
rien perdre de notre estime ; car nulle composition ne merite 
davantage la quality d' originate accordee si souvent, et a juste 
titre, aux autres imitations de notre poete. . . . 

IPP 04j 01 ~ [ Prose translation of the Knightes Tale.] 

IPP 207- [Analysis of the Prologues and Tales and extracts from 
*W them.] " 

(PP. 25i- [Brief examination of the shorter poems and prose trans- 
J lations of some of them.] 

1847. Le Boux de Lincy, A.-J.-V. [Review of Gomont's book on 
Chaucer in] Le Moniteur universel, Paris, 14 Sept. 1847, p. 2568. 

[A somewhat detailed review, two columns in length.] 
C'est avec raison que Geoffrey Chaucer est consider^ comme 
Tun des poetes les plus eminents de la vieille Angleterre. 
Son esprit observateur plein d'etendue, excellait dans une 
reproduction originale et f^conde des oeuvres qu'il imitait . . . 
toutes les ceuvres de longue haleine que ce poete nous a laisse"es, 
bien qu'evidemment empruntees a ses predecesseurs, n'en 
ont pas moins un caractere profond d'originalite . [His life and 
a notice of his works follow.] . . . [The Canterbury Tales.] 
Malheureusement les re"cits qu'il met dans la bouche de ces 
differents personnages ne sont pas toujours en harmonic avec 
leur caractere. Cependant plusieurs de ces recits sont tres- 
curieux et tout a fait dignes de remarque. M. Gomont a 
traduit en entier celui que fait le chevalier, et qui a tout 
1'interet et toute 1'etendue d'un vieux roman de chevalerie. 

[1850.] Chasles, V. -E.- PL il arete. Mudrs sur la litteratnre et les mceurs 
de I' Angleterre au xix e siecle, Paris [1850], pp. 20, 26-7. 

Du genie de la langue anglaise. 
tp. 20] Mainte phrase de Chaucer est tellement normande et 

1853] French Allusions. 61 

saxonne, que personne aujourd'hui ne s'en rend compte sans 

[p. 26] Tout le dictionnaire des archa'ismes de Chaucer et de 
Layamon entrera-t-il dans le nouveau lexique 1 

1850. F[orguesP], E. La Poesie Humoristique, [article in the] Bevue 
Britannique, July 1850, pp. 97-100. 

[p. 98] Chaucer, par exemple, dans sa naivete" plus savante qu'on 
ne le dirait, est bien superieur a Butler, bien superieur lui- 
meme a Wolcott ; ses caricatures sont bien plus fortement 
burinees et rappellent bien mieux la nature. . . . On ne 
saurait dire le charme de cette bonhomie narquoise, de ces 
rares sarcasmes, pointant, 93, et la, sur un fbnd uni et tran- 
quille, et que releve une teinte de pedanterie, apanage du 
temps. Dans ce cortege si pittoresque des Pelerins de 
Canterbury, que de precieux apergus ! quelles physionomies 
spirituellement esquissees et d'une ressemblance appreciable 
encore aujourd'hui ! [The Prioress, Clerk of Oxenford and Man 
of Lawe are referred to]. . . . Bref, a chaque instant, le trait 
malin, I'^pigramme caracteristique, de"cochee a petit bruit, 
avec une absence de preoccupation, une nonchalance appa- 
rente qui en doublent le prix pour les connaisseurs. 1 

1 [Note by the editor of the journal, Amedee Pichot.] Le 
prologue des Contes de Canterbury est, a notre avis, un vrai 
chef-d'oeuvre. Traduit plusieurs fois, il 1'a et6 par le redac- 
teur de cet article, il y a quelques annees, ce qu'il rappelle 
uniquement pour attester la since"rite" de son admiration. 

1853. Desclozeaux, Ernest. [Article 'Chaucer* in the] Dictionnaire 
de la conversation et de la lecture sous la direction de M. W. 
Duckett, 2e edn., Paris, 1853, torn. v. [Reprinted, with some 
revision, from the 1st edn. of 1834.] 

Chaucer (Geoffroy). Le premier poete lettr qui en Angle- 
terre ait manie la langue nationale, ne a Londres, en 1328 
[etc. the ordinary biographical details ; very little said about 
the works]. [Les] celebres Canterbury Tales. Ces contes nous 
font entrer dans la vie intime de 1'Angleterre au xiv e siecle. 
Sup6rieur a celui du Decameron, le plan des Canterbury Tales 
comporte des incidents qui tiennent la curiosite eVeillee. 
Que si Faction du poe'me est un e>nement trop simple pour 
distraire 1'attention des remits des pelerins, le pelerinage lui- 
meme est un pretexte suffisant pour reunir dans le meme. 
cadre toutes les classes de la societe, depuis le noble cheva- 

62 Appendix B. [A.D. 1855- 

lier jusqu'a 1'artisan, et pour peindre les vieilles mo&urs et les 
vieilles coutumes. Chaucer excelle surtout dans les descrip- 
tions ; on pourrait se passer de ses digressions morales, mais 
on ne voudrait perdre aucun de ses portraits. 

1855, Rathery, E. J. B. Des Relations societies et intellcctuelles, 
entre la France et VAnyleterre, [in the] Revue Contemporaine, 
July 1855, pp. 410, 411 [the language of Chaucer and his debt to 
France] ; August 1855, pp. 41, 42. 

1855. Chatelain, Jean Baptiste de, Chevalier. La Fleur et la 
Feuille, poeme avec le texte anglais en regard, traduit en vers 
franca is de G. Chaucer. 

Dedicace, a Miss Kearsley. 

Du Grand Chaucer, de ce charmant conteur, 

Vous qui savez gouter le vieux langage, 

A vous je viens offrir la gente fleur 

Qu'il fit fleurir sous si toufFu feuillage 

Que fleur et feuille ont encor leur fraicheur. 

Laissez la fleur ! . . . Mais conservez la feuille 

En souvenir de moi dans votre portel'euille. 



Chaucer, que Ton peut appeler a juste titre le pere de la 
poe'sie anglaise, est ne en 1328 et mort en 1400. Le poeme 
dont nous offrons aujourd'hui la traduction, a nos lecteurs, 
est a notre avis du moins, une des plus gracieuses creations 
de son auteur. Nous donnons la version de Chaucer dans 
son vieux langage, parce que ce vieux langage est mille fois 
plus naif que le langage modernise, depuis Chaucer, quelque- 
fois par des hommes d'un talent veritable. Inutile de dire 
que nous nous serions cru fort impertinent envers la memoire 
du grand poete, si nous eussions adopte la version de quelques- 
uns de ses commentateurs, qui se sont egares a plaisir en 
voulant expliquer ce qui nous a paru clair comme le jour. 

En 1825 Edward lord Thurlow a public (imprime par 
William Nicol, Cleveland Row, St. James's) The Flower and 
the Leaf, after the famous poet Geoffrey Chaucer. Nous croyons 
que le noble lord a ete fort mal inspire en reprenant ainsi 
Chaucer en sous-oauvre pour en faire un poeme a alineas de 
toutes les grandeurs. Lord Thurlow s'est rendu coupable, 
selon nous, d'une pauvre contrefaQon de Chaucer, de ce poete 

1856] French Allusions. 63 

original qu'il a prive par son fait, du charme indicible des 
strophes de sept vers dont le metre est a la fois si original 
et si musicalement agr&ible. 

Si Ton veut savoir le pourquoi de notre predilection pour 
The Floure and the Leafe, nous dirons tout uniment que ce 
sujet nous a rappele avec bonheur les naives poesies de 
Clement Marot, qui peut etre considere lui comme le pere de 
la poesie franchise. 


1856. Taine, Hippolyte. Jeffrey Chaucer [article in the] Revue de 
V instruction pub lique, 13 March, 1856, pp. 686-690. 

[A long article on Chaucer, with a notice of his life and of 
the Canterbury Tales, Troylus, and the Flower and the Leaf, 
with lengthy French quotations from these poems. Recast 
in I'Nistoire de la litterature anglaise, tome i, 1863, q. vJ\ 

1856. Brunei, G. [Article on Chaucer in the] Nouvelle Biographic 
Generate . . . torn, x, Paris, 1856, pp. 118-120. 

[Biographical and literary notice occupying three columns.] 
Chaucer (Godefroy), celebre poete anglais, ne en 1328, mort 
le 25 octobre 1400. On manque completement de details au 
sujet de sa famille ; les uns ont cru qu'il etait le fils d'un 
tavernier, d'autres le regardent comme issu de parents 
nobles. [Then follow the ordinary details of his life, based 
on the Testament of Love. The Canterbury Tales are next 
described.] Les sujets graves et plaisants sont entremeles 
avec art. . . . Le style naif du moyen age prete a ces contes 
un charme particulier, ils font les delices des Anglais, qui y 
trouvent une foule de details curieux sur les mceurs de leurs 
ancetres. Ils ont moins d'interet pour les etrangers, qui 
seraient sou vent rebutes de leur longueur ; aucune traduction 
ne saurait d'ailleurs en donner une idee exacte. [Stothard's 
picture of the pilgrims is mentioned, and is followed by a 
list of Chaucer's works.] . . . Observateur judicieux, Chaucer 
n'a en vue que des realites ; poete essentiellement pittoresque 
et dramatique, il decrit d'une fa9on aussi vive que naturelle ; 
ses personnages sont peints d'apres nature, et caracterises 
de maniere a ne pouvoir etre oublies. 

1856. [Le Clerc, Victor.] Histoire litteraire de la France, outrage com- 
mence par des religieux be'nedictins, de la congregation de St Maur. 
et continue par des Membres de I'Institut, torn, xxiii, Paris, 1856, 
pp. 46, 77, 83, 143, 247, 503. [See also below under 1862.] 

64 Appendix B. [A.D. 1856- 

[p. 46] Des la fin du xm e [siecle], le rornan de la Rose obtint 
une grande cel6brit6, qui se maintint et s'accrut encore dans 
le si&cle suivant. Petrarque en Italie et Chaucer en Angle- 
terre eurent de 1'estime pour ce poeme; Chaucer meme voulut 
le traduire, et il reste sept mille cent vers de sa traduction. 

[p. 77] [In the study of the Fabliaux] ... II devait y avoir, 
outre le conte de la Male vieille qui en fait partie, un fabliau 
fran^-ais defame Siriz dont il reste une traduction anglaise, 
la plus ancienne des narrations anglaises de ce genre, et q[ui 
a precede les imitations de Chaucer, c'est le quatorzieme 
chapitre de Pierre d'Alphonse. . . . 

[p. 83} . . . Le psautier, que La Fontaine emprunte de Boccace, 
a pour origine, outre les Braies du Cordelier, un episode du 
Renart Contrefait, termine vers 1320, trente trois ans avant 
le Decameron. . . . [The Italians borrowed a good deal 
from the Latin fabliaux, and there are many reminiscences 
of their French origin in the Italian novels.] Si les Italiens 
se sont attribu6 en ce genre une fecondit6 inventive qui ne 
leur appartient pas, la critique anglaise ne s'est pas moins 
fourvoyee. Elle savait d'une maniere generale que 1'auteur 
des Contes de Canterbury avait imite les fabliaux f ran^ais ; 
mais aucune comparaison n'avait et6 faite entre les modules 
et le copiste. On a felicit6 Chaucer d'avoir dans son 
Meunier de Trumpington, chang6 heureusement quelques 
details d'une nouvelle de Boccace, qui passait pour 1'in- 
venteur : tout le merite de Chaucer est d'avoir fidelement 
transcrit 1'ancien fabliau. 

[p. 143] Au xiv e siecle, le poete anglais Chaucer, qui a tant imit6 
nos rimeurs fran^ais, leur emprunta ce conte [de Gombert et 
des deux clercs], avec beaucoup d'autres, et c'est de la que 
vient son Meunier de Trumpington. . . . Comme tout le 
monde avait lu le meme conte dans Boccace ... les eloges 
des critiques anglais etaient inepuisables en 1'honneur de 
Chaucer, qui, dans son imitation, avait su ajouter, disait-on, 
d'heureuses circonstances au recit de Boccace. Nous savons 
aujourd'hui que tout ce merite d'inventeur qu'on lui attribuait 
consiste a avoir fort bien copi6 notre fabliau. 

1857] French Allusions. 65 

[p. C47] Chiclie face (vilaine mine), espece d'animal fantastique ou 
de loup-garou, toujours pret, dit-on, a devorer les femmesi 
lorsqu'elles ont le tort de ne pas contredire leurs maris . . 
Chicheface dont la maigreur prouve que les femmes ont eu 
soin de ne pas lui donner 1'occasion de se mieux nourrir. 
Chaucer parle de celle-ci dans la copie qu'il a faite de la 
Griselidis latine de Petrarque. ' 

tp 503] . . . En Angleterre, ou le poete Chaucer fait succeder sans 
piti6 a toute la splendeur de la vieille chevalerie le ridicule 
personnage de Sire Thopas, on trouve aussi, dans le Tournoi 
de Trottenham [sic], les nobles ceremonies du champ clos 
jouees insolemment par des bouffons. 

1857. Geffrey, A. [Account of Chaucer in the] Dictionnaire General 
de Biographic et d'Histoire, . . . par Ch. Dezobry et Th. Bachelet 
. . . Paris, 1857, premiere partie, p. 556. 

[A short life of Chaucer, inexact, because founded on the 
Testament of Love. It concludes thus] : 

Enrichi par les bontes de la cour . . . il vecut heureux. 
Jusqu'alors les poe'tes anglais avaient etc" des savants reclus ; 
Chaucer fut un homme du monde. Encourages par Jean 
Gower, son ami, le premier guide de ses etudes, il assigna un 
rang litteraire a la langue anglaise qu'Edouard in venait 
de proclamer langue nationale, a 1'exclusion du normand, 
Quoiqu'il abonde en allusions classiques, il imite les auteurs 
frangais et etrangers. Ses poesies legeres ressemblent a celles 
de Froissart. . . . Le long poe'me de Tro'ile et Cressida offre 
des souvenirs de Petrarque, de Boece et d'Ovide. Son 
Temple de la Renommee, froidement imite" par Pope, est de 
source provengale. Mais ses Contes de Canterbury, souvent 
imite's de Boccace, sont surtout celebres : on y trouve 1'histoire 
de Griselidis, des satires contre les moines, une parodie des 
romans chevaleresques etc. Chaucer a un grand talent de 
satire et d'observation, une imagination vive et riante ; son 
style a vieilli, mais se lit encore. . . . 

[It is interesting to note that this account of Chaucer is 
reprinted almost verbatim in the 12th and last edn. of this 
work, Paris, 1903. In a Preface to the 10th edn. in 1888, 
M. Darsy wrote : ' Toutes les parties du Dictionnaire ont ete 
soumises a une revision severe. Tous les articles sans en, 
excepter un seul, ont ete contrdles, modifies ou remplaces 


Appendix B. [A.D. 1857 

lorequ'ils n'etaient plus en rapport avec 1'etat actuel de la 
science.' Yet we are here told that Chaucer was born in 1 328, 
studied at Oxford, 'embrassa les erreurs de Wiclef et fut 
emprisonne,' and the Testament de I' Amour is especially 
cited as being one of his prose works.] 

1857-61. Chatelain, Jean Baptiste de, Chevalier. Cpntes de Cantor- 
bery, traduits en vers fran^ais . . . par le Chevalier de Chatelain, 
3 tomes, London. 

[t.i, [Introduction.] Geoffrey Chaucer, le pere de la Poesie 
Anglaise, naquit vers 1'an 1328, de quelle extraction? Sa 
Poste>it6 n'en sait mot ; mais le Genie et 1'Esprit etant la 
plus pure essence de la Divinite, Chaucer fut noble, le hazard 
l'eut-il fait naitre de parents n'ayant un nom inscrit dans 
les fastes de la Noblesse ... [A short life of the poet 

Les classiques, 1'Astronomie, 1'Astrologie, les Sciences du 
droit canon et du droit civil, le Commerce, 1'Industrie, rien 
ne parait lui [Chaucer] avoir ete completement etranger, et 
les Contes de Cantorbery en font foi. 

[p. xii] Sur notre traduction des Contes de Cantorbery nous avons 
peu de choses a dire, en laissant 1'appreciation aux critiques 
litteraires, honnetes, et heureusement il y en a encore un 
assez grand nombre en Angleterre. . . . 

[P. xiii] Regardant Chaucer connne le Boccace de 1'Angleterre, le 
mettant sous plus d'un rapport, au moins au niveau de 
Shakespeare, qu'il a precede, le considerant, nous le rep^tons 
comme le Pere de la Poesie Anglaise, nous avons cru devoir 
clever a sa memoire un monument Europeen, en traduisant 
les Contes de Cantorbery en vers fran^ais ; la langue de 

[p. xiv] Chaucer, d'un acces assez difficile pour ceux qui sont desireux 
d'en apprecier les beautes et d'en savourer les charmes, 
n'etant plus lue, meme en Angleterre, que par le tres petit 
nombre. Nous croyons done livrer a 1'admiration du continent 
non pas notre traduction, comme un certain literary lawyer 
(un de nos intimes ennemis qui se cache sous ce pseudonyme 
dans le Morning Star), sera tente de nous en accuser, mais 
1'ceuvre de Chaucer, qu'on ne se m6prenne pas ! Ce n'est pas 

1857] French Allusions. 67 

1'habit que nous croyons digne d'admiration, c'est le moine 
en chair et en os. . . . 

Et bien qu'a notre avis il n'y ait pas plus de vilains mots 
dans Chaucer que dans Boccace, qui a et6 lu par tout le 
monde, encore y en a-t-il beaucoup trop pour les traduire 
sans vergogne, et les Jeter a la face du public dans ce dix- 
neuvieme siecle devenu d'autant plus prude que I'immoralite 
y fleurit plus vivace. C'est en cela que notre tache a 6te 
fort difficile a remplir. Nous avons du laisser autant que 
possible tout son esprit a Chaucer, en adoucissant toutefois 
quelques-unes de ses expressions, nous contentant de laisser 
subsister sa pensee, en modifiant ou en raturant le mot trop 
. . . comment dirons-nous cela 1 . . . trop peu vetu. . . . 

[p. xv] Quant a la partie mat^rielle de notre ceuvre, nous avons 
traduit les Contes de Cantorbery souvent vers pour vers. 
tou jours strophes pour strophes, dans les contes qui sont ecrits 
ainsi par leur auteur ; d'autres fois nous avons laiss^ courir 
notre plume sans nous inqui6ter d'augmenter un conte de 
vingt, trente ou quarante vers, alors que nous pensions que 
la narration pouvait gagner du naturel. . . . 

[p. xvi] Nous avons cru devoir comprendre dans la collection des 
Contes de Cantorbery, le Conte de Gamelyn racont6 par le 
Cuisinier, bien qu'il y ait incertitude s'il est ou non de 
Chaucer. . . . 

Nous avons cru devoir rendre en vers le conte de Melib^e 
raconte en prose par Chaucer, et traduit par lui d'un manu- 
scrit frangais qui fait aujourd'hui partie du Menagier de 
Paris, publie par la societe des Bibliophiles Frangais ; nous 
avons traduit egalement en vers le Conte du Cure", ce long 
Trait6 . . . nous paraissant moins lourd en vers. 

[t. i|, [Introduction.] Messieurs les Puritains ont cri cependant 
haro sur nous et sur notre traduction des Contes de Cantor- 
bry et pourquoi 1 ? ... Us seraient, nous le croyons, tres 
embarrasses de le dire : car nous avons enormement adouci 
1'expression de Chaucer dans les passages scabreux de 
quelques-uns de ses contes. Nous serions vraiment tent6 de 
croire que la langue frangaise etant de nos jours plus facile a 
' lire et a comprendre que le langage a 1'ecorce rude de Chaucer, 
ces pudiques ecrivains (Anglais) viennent de lire le Pere de la 
Poesie Anglaise pour la premiere fois dans notre traductioi*. 

68 Appendix R [A.D. 1857- 

[p. ix] C'est done a 1'adresse de ces critiques Puritains que nous 
croyons devoir citer notre r^ponse a un journal de province 
qui nous fit connaitre qu'il ne serait pas rendu compte dans 
ses colonnes de notre traduction de Chaucer, parce que nous 
avions traduit 1'oeuvre du grand poete in extenso-, et que 
suivant le conseil que nous a donn6 depuis le Guardian, nous 
eussions du omettre la moitie des contes de cet infame 
Monsieur Chaucer. . 

\Lettr e.~\ Au pape Pie IX. 
[t. Hi, Tres cher Fr^re en Christ. 

A cette anomalie agonisante que vous faites appeler en 
plein xix e siecle, par une modestie peu digne des Apotres, 
Votre Saintet6, il a plu : 

Apr&s les massacres de Perouse, et par suite apres la perte 
des Romagnes, 

D'excommunier mon pauvre Moi, avec 30 millions de 
Frangais, mes compatriotes, et aussi pas mal de millions 
d'ltaliens : 

II me plait a moi, sans permission, et malgr6 1'excommuni- 
cation dont Yous, 1'auteur du dogme impie de I'lmmacul^e 
Conception, m'avez frapp6, de Vous dedier ma traduction du 
Plowman, 1'un des plus beaux po^mes du grand Chaucer. 

Dans cette ceuvre admirable Chaucer a maudi vos pr6d- 
cesseurs, Vous et Votre M6gnie, avec une force et une logique 
radieuses de verite\ 

Or Chaucer n'^tant lu que par les Anglais, un peuple de 
[p. viii] parpaillots, qui ne se prosterne pas devant les idoles crepes 
par Votre Saintete, j'ai cru devoir le mettre a la port^e de 
mes compatriotes les 30 millions d'excommuni^s par votre 
dextre sainte, en le traduisant en frangais, a cette fin que 
Vous meme puissiez le lire, dans vos loisirs, lorsque vous 
aurez et6 chass6 de Rome, ce qui, D.V., ne peut tarder 

Sans modestie, comme sans presomption, je crois que la 
malediction formulae par Chaucer sur les Eternelles Iniquites 
de la Cour de Rome produira plus d'effet que le brandon de 
discorde que vous avez eu la pr^tention de jeter ce dernier 
carnaval urbi et orbi, comme vous dites la-bas. 


1859] French Allusions. 69 

[p. xiii] [Introduction.] Pour tout homme qui veut se donner la 
peine de reflechir, il demeure Evident que le Plowman n'a ete 
laisse de cote dans les premieres Editions des Contes de Cantor- 
bery que parce que Chaucer y dnonc.ait trop vertement les 
abus scandaleux de la Cour de Rome ; le Catholicisme a 1'aide 
duquel on peut reduire & 1'esclavage une nation, etant alors 
en Angleterre et malheureusement pour elle, la religion 

[p. xvij Nos lecteurs trouveront, a la suite de PHistoire de Beryn, 
1'A. B. C. longtemps attribue & Chaucer, et qui est 1'ceuvre 
de Guillaume Guileville. Nous avons ete heureux d'ap- 
prendre que 1'auteur du Plowman n'a ete que le traducteur 
de 1'A. B. C. . . . nous eussions regrette de trouver Chaucer 
parrai ceux qui font de Marie une vierge immacul^e. La 
vraisemblance doit etre gardee meme dans un conte de 
fees, meme dans les mythologies de 1'Antiquite et des temps 

1859. Sandras, E. G. fitude sur Chaucer consider J comme imitateur 
des Trouveres, Paris, 1859. 

[Table of contents.] 

[Introduction, pp. 1-7. l re Partie. BIOGRAPHIE ET 
POEMES ALLEGORIQUES, chap, i, Biographic, pp. 11-29; 
chap, ii, Roman de la Rose, pp. 31-40; chap, iii, JStude des 
poemes de source italienne etfrangaise, i.e., Trdilus etCresseide, 
Arcite et Palamon, la Cour d? Amour, le Parlement des Oiseaux, 
pp. 41-74; chap, iv, Etude des poemes de source exclusive- 
ment frangaise, i. e., le reve de Chaucer, Livre de la Duchesse, 
la Fleur et la Feuille, et petits poemes, pp. 75-110; chap, v, 
De 1'imitation de 1'antiquite dans Chaucer, Annelida et Arcite, 
la Ugende des dtx-neuf Heroines, le palais de la renommee, 
pp. 111-132. 2 nde Partie. PELERINAGE DE CANTERBURY, 
pp. 133-257. 

[p. i] [Introduction.'] Je me propose de faire connaitre les ceuvres 
de Chaucer et les sources oil il a puise, sans vouloir toutefois 
lui contester sa part d'originalite et son genie. Ce qui m'a 
determine & entreprendre ce travail, c'est que la plupart des 
ecrivains qui lui ont fourni des mat^riaux ou des modeles 
appartiennent & notre pays. . . , 

70 Appendix B. [A.D. 1859 

[p. 3] Ces poesies [all, except the Canterbury Tales] ne sont ni des 
ceuvres originales ni de fiddles copies : veritables mosa'iques, 
elles se composent de passages emprunt6s a divers auteurs ou 
a divers Merits du meme auteur. Aucune page, prise separe- 
ment, n'appartient peut-etre a Chaucer ; 1'ensemble est a lui. 
II choisit, il traduit, il combine. Id6es, sentiments, de- 
scriptions, portraits, situations, tout est de provenance 
etrangere, presque toujours de provenance franchise. A ce 

[p. 4] titre, chacun de ces poemes est digne de notre attention. 

[p. 35] Chaucer . . . des sa jeunesse, avait fait du Roman de la 
Rose son livre de predilection. II en traduisit une partie, et il 
prit des inspirations continuelles. C'est au point que ce 
poete, qui sentait les beautes de la nature, qui savait les 
peindre, se contente souvent dans ses descriptions d'etre le 
copiste de G. de Lorris ; que cet erudit . . . reproduit 
1'histoire romaine telle que J. de Meung la lui transmet, 
alt6r6e par 1'imagination des conteurs ; que cet homme de 
genie, qui merite d'etre place entre Aristophane et Moliere, 
arrive a la vieillesse, toujours sous le joug de 1'imitation, et 
n'ayant guere compose que des poe'mes allegoriques. Quand 
il renonce a cette poesie de cour si fausse, si manier6e, et 
qu'il e"crit le Pelerinage de Canterbury^ drame vivant et popu- 
laire, on retrouve dans son oeuvre les traits saillants qui 
caracterisent la seconde partie du Roman de la Rose, de 
longues tirades contre les femmes et le ridicule jete" a pleines 
mains sur les ordres religieux. Sans doute il remonte aux 
sources premieres ou ont puise" ses maitres, sans doute il 

[p. 37] 6 tudie les ouvrages de leurs disciples, ses contemporains ; 
mais c'est a 1'ecole de G. de Lorris que son gout s'est forme 
ou, si Ton veut, alt6re" ; c'est a 1'ecole de Jean du Meung que 
s'est fa9onne son esprit. 

[pp. 41- [Sandras shows that Troylus, although translated from 
the Filostrato of Boccaccio, owes something to Benoit de 
Sainte-Maure, and that this love-tale was first related by 
him, and subsequently re-told by Boccaccio, Chaucer and 

[PP. so- [The Knightes Tale, translated from the Teseide of Boccac- 
cio. There is no proof that Boccaccio took his subject from 
the Greek.] Telle qu'elle se presente, avec les couleurs 
que Boccace parait lui avoir en partie conserves, je la 
rattacherais au cycle greco-romain ; je lui ferais une place 

1859] French Allusions. 71 

entre le Roman de Thebes et celui de Troie. Au lieu de nous 
laisser aller aux conjectures, il est plus sage de former des 
vceux pour la decouverte d'un texte qui nous dise que cette 
charmante fiction est nee de notre sol. 

[p. 66.] . . . L'imagination, dans Chaucer, est toujours 1'echo de 
1'erudition. Ce n'est pas dans le spectacle de la nature, dans 
le drame de la vie humaine telle qu'elle s'agite autour de lui 
et en lui_, qu'il puise directement ses inspirations ; il aime les 
livres, les vieux livres, d'ou sort science nouvelle comme d'un 
vieux champ 1>U nouveau. C'est avec les souvenirs de ses 
lectures qu'il compose. Ici, dans un sujet de pure fantaisie, 
[the Parlement of Foules], il a mis a contribution Cic6ron, 
Stace, Dante, Guillaurne de Lorris, Boccace, Alain de 1'Isle, 
G. de Machault, et peut-etre quelque Yolucraire qui a 
echapp6 a mes recherches. . . . 

[pp. 71- [Sandras prints the first lines of the rondeau which is sung 
by the birds [Parl. of Foules], l Qui bien aime a tart oublie/ 
and which he finds at the beginning of one of the two poems 
by Machaut called Le Lay de plourJ] 

[p. 74] ... Memo en imitant les Italiens, Chaucer s'est rapproch6 
autant que possible de nos trouveres. 

[pp. si- [Chaucer's debt to G. de Machaut in the Dream of Chaucer 


(Dit du Lyon) and to Marie de France (Lai d'Fliduc).'] 

[pp. 89- [His debt to the Roman de la Rose, to Machaut, and to 

95 1 

Froissart in the Boke of the DuchesseJ] 

[p. in] Chaucer,, par certains cotes, touche a la renaissance ; il 
domine les prejuges de son epoque ; par d'autres, il reste un 
homme du moyen-age. II n'a pas, comme son contemporain 
Petrarque, le vif sentiment, la parfaite intelligence de ce que 
fut 1'antiquite. II semble ne connaitre les auteurs anciens 
qu'a travers la nai've metamorphose que leur font subir nos 
trouveres. . . . 

[pp.i27- Conclusion de la l e partie. 

[p. iso] En resume, voici ce que Chaucer doit a 1'Italie : il a imit6 
le Filostrato et la These'ide, poemes qui sont, 1'un certainement, 
1'autre vraisemblablement d'origine franchise. Tres-circon- 
spect a 1'egard de Petrarque, il ne lui a pris qu'un sonnet, 
et s'est peut-etre souvenu du Trionfo delta Farna. Les 

Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1859 

emprunts qui nous sont etrangers sont ceux qui proviennent 
de la Divine Comedie; encore Chaucer, en cette occasion, 
s'est-il servi du rhythme et du style de nos trouveres, de 
meme que, dans Troilus et Cresseide, il a prefere notre vers 
elegiaque a 1'hendecasyllabe italien, le stance de J. de 
Brienne et de Thibaut, a 1'octave, et la naivete de nos 
rimeurs, a 1'elegance presque classique de son modele. 

Tyrwhitt avait soupgonne, d'apres le memoire du comte de 
Caylus, qu.'un. Dilie de Machault n'avait pas ete inconnu. . . . 

(p. isi] [a Chaucer]. Une lecture attentive . . . des poesies . . . 
de notre compatriote, m'a prouv6 qu'avec le Roman de la 
Rose, elles ont servi de modele a Geoffrey, pour plusieurs 
de ses compositions allegoriques. . . . [Chaucer imitates 
Machault], et sans doute parce qu'il voit en lui un autre 
G. de Lorris ; mais il releve cette fade poesie par sa verve 
caustique et d'heureux emprunts faits a nos auteurs de 1'age 
precedent, entre autres a Marie de France . . . Froissart et 
Chaucer offrent des passages d'une ressemblance frappante, 
. . . il est . . . difficile de se prononcer sur la priorite. . . . 

[p. 132] Des poe'tes frangais que Chaucer a mis a contribution, il n'a 
nomme que celui auquel il doit le moins, et qui avait le moiiis 
a lui preter, Gransson, gentilhomme qu'il connut a la cour de 
Richard n. 

[p. 135] 2 e Partie. Pelerinage de Canterbury. L'idee d'encadrer 
plusieurs histoires dans une narration, nous est venue 
d'Orient ; elle a ete popularised en Europe longtemps avant 
Chaucer par Pierre d'Alphonse, juif converti, auteur de la 
Disciplines dericalis, et par les nombreuses versions du 
Roman des Sept Sages. Ce sont des ouvrages qui paraissent 
avoir servi de modele au Pelerinage de Canterbury plutot 
que le Decameron, inconnu peut-etre a Geoffrey. Mais le 
poe'te anglais est superieur a ses devanciers, y compris 
Boccace, par la fable, qui a un denouement, et par la diversite 
des personnages qui entraine celle des histoires. 

[p. 138] C'est sur ce sujet [the Canterbury Pilgrimage], que le 
vieux Geoffrey a compost dans une langue claire, riche, har- 
monieuse, une ample comedie qui le place entre Aristophane 
et Moliere. Peintre, moraliste, poe'te, il embrasse dans son 

[p. 139] ceuvre toute la societe contemporaine. . . . Cette vaste com- 
position offre a la critique deux objets d'examen nettement 

1859] French Allusions. 73 

separes ; d'un cote, 1'introduction et les prologues qui pre- 
cedent les contes; de Fautre, les contes. Une distinction 
plus vraie encore consigte a etudier les caracteres, puis les 
situations. On voit alors clairement ce qui appartient au 
genie de Chaucer, dans le tissu de chaque histoire, le poete 
anglais n'est qu'imitateur : exposition, incidents, denoue- 
ment, il emprunte tout a nos ecrivains. Dans la peinture 
des personnages, il est inventeur . . , il a surtout pour 

[p. 140] modele la realite qui 1'entoure. 

tP ?4] 42 " [Description of the pilgrims.] 

tpp.m- On serait amene a cette conviction qu'en ce siecle, ou 
religieux et laics jouaient dans les eglises des farces grossieres, 
Chaucer creait la vraie comedie, qu'il en fagonnait la langue, 
qu'il enseignait 1'art de dessiner des caracteres. . . . On 
souscrirait peut-etre a cette assertion d'un critique anglais, 
que Geoffrey, dans la comedie, n'est pas inferieur a Shake- 
speare. . . . Toutefois, en reconnaissant tout ce qu'il y a 
d'originalite et d 'inspiration directe dans cette partie de 
1'oeuvre de Chaucer, il est juste de ne pas oublier que souvent 
nos trouveres ont trace les premiers lineaments des portraits 
qu'il acheve si bien. 

tPP-^ 97 - [The sources of the Tales.] 

[p. 197] Le resultat de ces investigations laborieuses [de plusieurs 
ecrivains] a ete de constater que le poete anglais ne doit 
rien au Decameron, et qu'il a puise, comme Boccace, a des 
sources frangaises. [This point is dealt with in detail. 
(1) Legends, The Prioresses Tale, seconde Nonnes T. (Jacques 
de Voragine), Man of Lawes T. ; (2) Breton lays, Clerkes T. 
W. of Bathes T., Franklin's T. ; (3) fabliaux, Phisiciens T. 
(of Jean de Meung), Maniciples T. (influence of Machault 
and Jean de Meung) Somnores T., (fabliau of Jacques de 
Baisieux), Milleres T., Marchantes T. (Latin fabliau), Nonne 
Preestes T. (Roman du Renard).] 

[p. 253] Conclusion de la 2 e partie. . . . Quelle est la part d'in- 
vention qui revient a Chaucer, 1 dans la fable : 2 dans les 
caracteres : 3 dans les contes ? 

Je regarde comme sans fondement 1'opinion de Tyr- 
whitt . . . que c'est du D6cameron qu'est venue 1'idee 

[p. 254] du Pelerinage de Canterbury. La Disciplina clericalis et le 
Roman des Sept Sages avaient deja donne 1'exemple de' 
rassembler dans un cadre commun plusieurs histoires. Dans 
de nombreux passages de nos fabliaux se trouvait decrite la 

Appendix, B. 

[A.D. 18G2 

coutume, qui regnait alors chez nous, d'egayer par des recits 
la table d'un hote. . . . 

2 On reconnait que c'est dans la peinture des caracteres 

[p. 255] que Chaucer a deploye le plus d'originalite, et a montre qu'il 
savait allier 1'observation la plus exacte, la reflexion la plus 
profonde, a une imagination vraiment puissante. . . . 
Toutefois, meme dans cette partie de son ceuvre, son inspira- 
tion n'est pas entierement degagee de reminiscences puisees 
chez nos trouveres. 

3 Chaucer n'est 1'inventeur d'aucun des contes inseres 
dans son poeme . . . j'ai constat6 que, dans les legendes, le 
poete suit ordinairement le texte; que, dans les lais bre- 
tons, il mele 1'erudition et la satire a 1'element chevaler- 
esque ; qu'enfin, dans les fabliaux, tout en se conformant au 
canevas primitif, il devient createur, a la maniere de 
la Fontaine. . . . 

[p. 257] Deux noms de poetes franc.ais me semblent caracteriser le 
genie du pere de la poesie anglaise. Dans ses poe'mes 
allegoriques et chevaleresques, Chaucer adopte le genre mis 
en vogue par G. de Lorris ; dans le Pelerinage de Canter- 
bury, 1'element qui domine, c'est la satire, et les traits en 
sont diriges contre les memes objets qu'avait attaques la 
verve erudite et impitoyable de Jean de Meung. 

[For critical reviews of Sandras's book, see Adolf Ebert's, of 1861, translated in 
Essays on Chaucer, Chaucer Society, 1869 ; F. J. Furnivall, Trial Forewords to 
Chaucer's Minor Poems, 1871, pp. 45-53, and Athenaeum, Aug. 3, 1872, p. 147.] 

1862-72. Chatelain, Jean Baptiste de. Beaute's de la Poesie anglaise, 
Londres, 1862, vol. i, Introduction, pp. xi, xiv, xv, xvi ; vul. v, 
1872, pp. vi, vii, xxi, 43. 

[Brief allusions to Chaucer ] 

1862. Le Clerc, Victor. Histoire litteraire de la France, outrage 
commence par des religieux benedictins de la congregation de St. 
Maur et continue par des membres de Vlnstitut (Acade'mie des 
Inscriptions et Belles-lettres'), tome xxiv, 1862, pp. 136, 40O401, 
500-501, 502, 503, 504, 505-10, 520. [See also above, 1856.] 

[p. 136] . . . 1'Angleterre a son Wiclef, apotre de la separation 
deux siecles avant 1'independance anglicane, et dont les 
enseignements se repandent sans obstacle, propages par le 
poete Chaucer, qui les recommande a la multitude. 

1862] French Allusions. 75 

[l)I 40ii" [^aucer's prioress, and the French which she speaks.] 

IPP 50i?~ [Chaucer satirises chivalry in Sir ThopasJ] 

[p. 505] De ces traductions sans nom, ou qui portent des noms peu 
connus, il est temps d'arriver a quelques noms ce!6bres. 
Chaucer avait beaucoup * translate ' ; c'est ce que proclame 

[p. 506] un de ses amis, le poete fran^ais Eustache Deschamps : 

Grant translateur, noble Geffroi Chaucier. 

N6 a Londres vers Tan 1330, mort en 1400, il avait vu la 
France, 1'Italie, et, comme ses meilleurs disciples, Gower et 
Lydgate, il avait mis a profit les poe'tes des deux pays : on ne 
croit pas qu'il eut etudie ceux de la Provence. 

[A list follows of his translations and imitations, pp. 

[p. 507] On sait que plusieurs nouvelles des autres pelerins, comme 
celle de Griselidis . . . viennent reellement de Boccace ; 
mais on n'avait pas fait une observation qui est de quelque 
importance dans notre sujet, c'est que diverses circonstances 
des nouvelles de Chaucer, qui ont passe jusqu'ici pour d'heu- 
reux changements de son invention, sont tout simplement 
traduites de nos fabliaux. On le louait aussi d'avoir le 
premier . . . Iaiss6 voir, dans son etrange figure de sir 
Thopas, le cote grotesque ou heroi'-comique de la chevalerie : 
nous pouvons affirmer aujourd'hui que dans ce genre qui 
a fait la gloire du Pulci et de 1'Arioste, il avait ete devance, 
ainsi que 1'auteur du Tournoi ridicule de Tottenham, par le 
Dit d'a ventures, par les faceties trop libres d'Audigier, par le 
Siege du chateau de Neuville, par le petit poeme sur Charle- 
magne a Constantinople, et meme par de grandes composi- 
tions telles que le Moniage Guillaume, Rainouart, Baudouin 
de Seburg. 

Ces nombreuses imitations de notre vieille poesie franaise 
n'avaient pas ete suffisamment rcmarquees dans Chaucer, 
parce qu'on s'etait preoccupe de ses rapports avec 1'Italie ; 
mais nous croyons que plus on comparera ses oeuvres avec 
celles de nos trouveres, plus on reconnaitra combien il leur 
ressemble. C'est une ressemblance fort naturelle de la parfc 
de celui qui disait : ' Des esprits superieurs se sont plu a 
" dieter " en fran^ais, et ils ont accompli de belles choses ' . . . 
(Test, of Love, prolog.). 



[A.D. 1862- 

Chaucer a tous les defauts des trouveres; il est inegal 
comme eux ; il s'abandonne a tous les hasards d'une imagina- 
tion capricieuse ; il ignore les conditions difficiles de 1'ordre et 
de la proportion, Tart de preparer et de Her entre elles les 
diverses parties d'un recit ; le style meme, qui ne manque ni 
de force ni d'adresse, abonde, comme chez ses maitres, en 
[p. 508] negligences et en trivialites. L'avantage de Chaucer est 
d'avoir ete toujours lu et compris d'un grand nombre de ses 
compatriotes, tandis que nos vieux poetes ont eu a subir, 
en France, un tel oubli, qu'on y a fait honneur de leurs 
inventions a des imitateurs etrangers. 

1862. Taine, Hippolyte. Chaucer et son temps, [four articles in the] 
Journal des Debats, December 16, 17, 18, & 24, 1862. 

I. En quoi Chaucer est du moyen age : poemes d'imagina- 

II. En quoi Chaucer est du moyen age : poemes d'amour. 

III. En quoi Chaucer est Frangais : poemes satiriques et 

IV. En quoi Chaucer est Anglais et original : ses portraits 
efc son style. 

[Recast in the Histoire de la litterature anglaise, tome i, 
1863, see below.] 

1863. Taine, Hippolyte. Ilistoire de la litterature anylaise, torn, i, 
chapitre 3, La nouvelle Langue, pp. 135-7, 166, 171-242 [con- 
taining] : 

I. Chaucer. Son education. Sa vie politique et mondaine 
En quoi elle a servi son talent. II est peintre de la 
seconde societe feodale. 

II. Comment le moyen age a degenere. Diminution de 
serieux dans les mo3urs, dans les ecrits et dans les reuvres 
d'art. Besoin d'excitation. Situations analogues de Tarchi- 
tecture et de la litterature. 

III. En quoi Chaucer est du moyen age. Poemes roman- 
tiques et decoratifs. Le Roman de la Rose. Tro'ilus et 
Cressida. Conies de Cantorbery. Defile de descriptions et 
d'evenements. La Maison de la Renomme'e. Visions et 
reves fantastiques. Poemes d'amour. Tro'ilus et Cressida. 
DeVeloppement exagere de 1'amour au moyen age. Pour- 
quoi 1'esprit avait pris cette voie. L'amour mystique. La 
Fleur et la Feuille. L'amour sensuel. Tro'ilus et Cressida. 

IV. En quoi Chaucer est Frangais. Poemes satiriques et 
gaillards. Contes de Canterbury. La, bourgeoise de Bath et 

1863] French Allusions. 77 

le mariage. Le frere queteur et la religion. La bouffonnerie, 
la polissonnerie et la grossierete du moyen age. 

V. En quoi Chaucer est Anglais et original. Conception 
du caractere et de 1'individu. Van Eyck et Chaucer sont 
contemporains. Prologue des Contes de Canterbury. 
Portraits du franklin, du moine, du meunier, de la bourgeoise, 
du chevalier, de 1'ecuyer, de 1'abbesse, du bon cure. Liaison 
des evenements et des caracteres. Conception de 1'ensem- 
ble. Importance de cette conception. Chaucer precurseur 
de la Renaissance. II s'arrete en chemin. Ses longueurs et 
ses enfances. Causes de cette impuissance. Sa prose et ses 
idees scolastiques. Comment dans son siecle il est isole. . . . 

[p. 172] [Yers le quatorzieme siecle, en Angleterre] . . . il y 
avait place pour un grand ecrivain. Un homme superieur 
parut, Jeffrey Chaucer, inventeur quoique disciple, original 
quoique traducteur, et qui, par son genie, son education et 
sa vie, se trouva capable de connaitre et de peindre tout un 
monde, mais surtout de contenter le monde chevaleresque 
et les cours somptueuses qui brillent sur les sommets. . . . 

[p. 173] Comme Froissart, et mieux que Froissart, il a pu peindre 
les chateaux des nobles, leurs entretiens, leurs amours, meme 
quelque chose d'autre, et leur plaire par leur portrait. . , . 

[p. 182] Chaucer decrit une troupe de pelerins, gens de toute con- 
dition qui vont a Cantorbery . . . qui conviennent de dire 

[p. 183] chacun une histoire. . . . Sur ce fil leger et flexible, tous les 
joyaux, faux ou vrais, de 1'imagination f^odale viennent 
poser bout a bout leurs bigarrures et faire un collier . . . 
Chaucer est comme un joaillier, les mains pleines ; perles et 
verroteries, diamants etincelants, agates vulgaires, jais 
sombres, roses de rubis, tout ce que 1'histoire et 1'imagination 
ont pu ramasser et tailler depuis trois siecles en Orient, en 
France, dans le pays de Galles, en Provence, en Italic, tout 
ce qui a rou!6 jusqu'a lui entrechoque, rompu, ou poli par le 
courant des siecles, et par le grand pele-mele de la memoire 
humaine, il 1'a sous la main, il le dispose, il en compose une 
longue parure nuanc6e, a vingt pendens, a mille facettes, et 
qui, par son eclat, ses varietes, ses contrastes, peut attirer et 
contenter les yeux les plus avides d'amusement et de 
nouveaut6. . . , 

[p. 200] [Love-poems. In writing of Troylus, Taine gives a quota- 
tion from The Cuckoo and the Nightingale, 11. 241-250, 


Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1863- 

wherein the nightingale weeps for sadness on hearing the 
cuckoo speak evil of love.] 

Eh bien, dit-il, use de ce remade, . . . 

Puis il commenca bien haut la chanson 

' Je blame tous ceux qui sont en amour infid&les.' 

C'est jusqu'a ces delicatesses exquises que 1'amour, ici 
comme chez Petrarque, avait porte la poesie : meme par 
raffinement, comme chez Petrarque, il s'egare ici parfois dans 
le bel esprit, les concetti et les-pointes. Mais un trait 

[p. 201] marque le separe a Finstant de Petrarque. S'il est exalte, il 
est outre cela gracieux, poli, plein de mievreries, de demi- 
moqueries, de fines gaietes sensuelles, et un peu bavard, tel 
que les Frangais 1'ont tou jours fait. C'est que Chaucer ici 
suit ses veritables maitres, et qu'il est lui-meme beau diseur, 
abondant, prompt au sourire, amateur de plaisir choisi, disciple 
du Roman de la fiose, et bien moins Italien que Frangais. 
La pente du caractere f rangais fait de 1'amour, non une pas- 
sion, mais un joli festin, arrange avec gout, ou le service est 
el&gant, la chair [sic] fine, 1'argenterie brillante, les deux 
convives pares, dispos, ingenieux a se prevenir, a se plaire, 
a s'egayer et s'en aller. Certainement dans Chaucer, & cote 
des tirades sentimentales, cette autre veine coule, toute 

[p. 202] mondaine. . . . Non seulement il est gai, mais il est moqueur 
d'un bout a 1'autre du recit [de Tro'ilus et Criseyde], il voit 
clair a travers les subterfuges de la pudeur feminine ; il en 
rit malicieusement et sait bien ce qu'il y a derriere ; il a 1'air 
de nous dire, un doigt sur les levres : * Chut ! laissez couler 
les grands mots, vous serez edifi6 tout a 1'heure.' . . . 

[p. 203] D'autres traits sont encore plus gais : voici venir la vraie 
litterature gauloise, les fabliaux sales, les mauvais tours joues 
au voisin, non pas enveloppes dans la phrase ciceronienne de 
Boccace, mais contes lestement et par un homme en belle 
humeur. Surtout voici venir la malice alerte, 1'art de rire 
aux depens du prochain. Chaucer 1'a, mieux que Rutebeuf, 

[p. 204] et quelquefois aussi bien que la Fontaine. II n'assomme 
pas, il pique, en passant, non par haine ou indignation pro- 
fonde, mais par agilite d'esprit et prompt sentiment des 
ridicules ; il les jette a pleines poignees sur les personnages. 
[Taine then deals with the Wife of Bath & the Monk.] 

1865] French Allusions. 79 

[p. 217] Pour la premiere fois, chez Chaucer, comme chez Van 
Eyck, le personnage prend un relief, ses membres se tien- 
nent, il n'est plus un fantome sans substance, on devine son 
^passe, on voit venir son action . . . encore aujourd'hui, 
apres quatre siecles, il est un individu et un type ; il reste 
debout dans la memoire humaine comme les creatures de 
Shakespeare et de Rubens. Cette eclosion, on la surprend 
ici sur le fait. Non-seulement Chaucer, comme Boccace, relie 
ses contes en une seule histoire, mais encore, ce qui manque 
chez Boccace, il debute par les portraits de tous ses conteurs, 

[p. 218] chevalier, huissier [etc.] ... environ trente figures dis- 
tinctes . . . chacune peinte avec son temperament . . . 
ses habitudes et son passe ... si bien qu'on trouverait ici, 
avant tout autre peuple, le germe du roman de mceurs tel 
que nous le faisons aujourd'hui. . . . 

ti>. 222] [Portrait of the Prioress.] Voici done la reflexion qui 
commence a poindre, et aussi le grand art. Chaucer ne 
s'amuse plus, il etudie. . . . Chaque conte est approprie au 
conteur. . . . Tous ces recits sont lies, et beaucoup mieux 
que chez Boccace, par de petits incidents vrais, qui naissent 
du caractere des personnages, et tels qu'on en rencontre en 
voyage. . . . 

[p. 225] On est sur le bord de la pensee independante et de la 
decouverte feconde. Chaucer y est. A cent cinquante ans 
de distance, il touche aux poetes d'Elisabeth par sa galerie 
de peintures, et aux reformateurs du seizieme siecle par son 
portrait du bon cure. 

1864. Sainte-Beuve, C.-A. [Review of Taine's Histoire de la 
Litterature anglaise, reprinted in] Nouveaux Lundis, tome viii, 
Paris, 1867, pp. 90, 92, 132. 

[p. 90] Chaucer, le premier en date des poe'tes et conteurs anglais, 
est un disciple des trouveres et auteurs de fabliaux; il y 
joint pourtant, dans le tour et la facon, quelque chose de bien 
a lui ; il a deja de ce qu'on appellera Vhumour et une grande 
vivacite naturelle de description : on 1'a heuresement com- 
pare a une riante et precoce matinee de printemps. 

1865. Circout, Adolphe de. [Review of The Origin and History of 
the English Language, etc., by G. P. Marsh, q. v. above, Pt. ii, sect, i, 
1862, in the] Eevue Britannique, August, 1865, pp. 474, 476. 

[p. 475] Chaucer occupe, dans la litterature anglaise, le meme rang 
que Dante dans celle de 1'Italie. De meme que son incom- 


Appendix B. 

[A.D. 186C- 

parable precurseur, il n'a rien invente, dans le sens absolu de 
ce terme . . . ses contemporains hors d'Angleterre ne le 
saluaient que du titre de ' grand translateur,' c'est pourtant 
sur les compositions originales de Chaucer, bien plus que sur 
sa version metrique du Roman de la Hose, que repose 1'edifice 
solide de sa reputation. Les Recits du pelerinage a Cantor- 
bery peuvent supporter la comparaison avec le Decamerone, et 
Chaucer, en tant que poete, 1'emporte certainement sur 
Boccace. . . . 

1866. Unknown. [Review of Taine's Histoire de la litterature anglaise 
translated from the Edinburgh Review of April, 1865, in the] Revue 
Britannique, January 1866, pp. 56-57, 59. 

[p. 56] La langue anglaise etait formee; un grand poete parut 
pour en montrer la richesse. Chaucer est un gentilhomme 
accompli qui sait le monde. . . . Gai et leger de tempera- 
ment comme un Frangais, il est pourtant de son pays. A 
des conceptions dramatiques, a un rude esprit de satire, il 
joint un gout passionne pour la nature et une veine de medi- 
tation serieuse qui caracterisent le genie anglais. 

1867. Larousse, Pierre. [Article * Chaucer' in the] Grand dictionnaire 
universel du xix'siede, tome iii, p. 1093, col. 1 and 2. 

Chaucer (Geqffroy), poete anglais, n6 a Londres en 1328, 
mort en 1400. II etait, suivant les uns, fils d'un rnarchand, 
suivant d'autres, issu d'une famille noble. Quoi qu'il en soit, 
il fit de bonnes etudes, a Cambridge et a Oxford [etc., the 
Court of Love\. . . . Independamment de grandes qualites 
poetiques, Chaucer annonga de bonne heure un esprit juste 
et profond, capable de s'appliquer aux sciences positives. 
Apres etre sorti des universites, Chaucer voyagea quelque 
temps en France et dans les Pays-Bas, puis il entra a la cour 
dans les pages d'Edouard HI. Cette cour etait alors la plus 
briliante et la plus polie de 1'Europe. . . . Chaucer s'attacha 
bientot au due de Lancastre . . . il epousa meme une des 
femmes de la duchesse, [et le roi] lui confia d'importantes 
missions diplomatiques et lui donna ensuite la place lucrative 
de controleur des douanes. A cette heureuse epoque de sa 
vie, Chaucer composa ses poemes si gais et qui semblent si 
bien appropries a Thumeur de son temps. L'esprit gal ant 
et guerrier qu'on y rencontre etait alors en vogue : aussi 
leur publication lui acquit-elle une grande renommee. Ses 
ouvrages furent g^neralement applaudis, excepte par les 

1867] French Allusions. 81 

monies, dont il attaquait les moeurs dissolues, comme tous 
les e"crivains du xiv e siccle ; . . . Les moines ameut6rent la 
populace de Londres centre Chaucer, en meme temps que 
centre le due de Lancastre, qui s'etait declare centre eux. 
L'hdtel meme du due fut saccage. Chaucer suivit les chances 
diverses de la fortune de son patron ; il subit 1'exil, la prison 
il fut enferme pendant trois annees a la Tour de Londres. 
On lui a fait le reproche d'avoir abandonne ses anciens amis 
et de s'etre rallie a la cour on 1'a accus6 meme d'avoir fait, 
pour quitter sa prison, de coupables revelations ; mais, comme 
ces pr^tendues revelations de Chaucer n'amenerent pour 
personne de resultats facheux, cette accusation tombe d'elle- 
meme. Chaucer, qui dans sa jeunesse avait traduit les Conso- 
lations de Boe'ce, n'en montrait pas plus de Constance et de 
resignation ; la prison le consumait : il voulut en sortir et se 
rapprocha d'une cour qui ne demandait pas inieux que de le 

Richard n regnait alors. Ce prince rendit au poete ses 
pensions, et I'admit aupres de sa personne ; mais Chaucer se 
retira bientot a Woodstock, pour y vivre dans la solitude, 
occupe" seulement de ses travaux litteraires. II y revit tous 
ses ouvrages, qu'il corrigea avec soin, se levant avec le soleil 
et jouissant de tous les charmes du delicieux sejour qu'il 
avait choisi. Henri iv, successeur de Richard, voulut 
ramener Chaucer a la cour ; le poete se rendit a Londres ; 
mais la mort 1'y attendait. II mourut le 25 octobre 1400. 
II fut enseveli dans 1'abbaye de Westminster, ce panth6on 
des illustrations de 1' Angle terre, ou les grands ecrivains 
dorment a cote" des rois et des grands capitaines. On peut 
y voir encore le monument dedie a Chaucer. 

Plusieurs critiques out reproche a Chaucer de s'etre servi 
d'une foule de mots frangais, et d'avoir vicie le pur et 
antique saxon : 'Us n'ont pas pris garde,' dit M. H. Lucas, 
'que depuis la conquete on parlait frangais a la cour 
d'Angleterre, et que les ecrivains qui ont devance" Chaucer 
ont ecrit en frangais lorsqu'ils n'ont pas ecrit en latin, II 
faut lui savoir gre" d'avoir ressuscite plutot la langue 
d'Alfred et d'E^bert.' 

. . . Son chef-d'oeuvre est la collection de contes en vers 
intitules Contes de Canterbury^ dans la forme du Decameron, 
et qui nous font connaitre les mceurs des diverses classes 
de la societ6 anglaise du xiv e siecle. On trouve dans ces 


82 Appendix B. [A.D. 1867- 

contes des portraits peints avec finesse et ve"rite, des traits 
satiriques centre le clerge qui rappellent le Partisan de 
Wiclef, beaucoup d 'imagination, et une naivete malicieuse 
a laquelle le langage du temps prete un charme particulier 
pour les Anglais. On a encore de Chaucer : Troile et 
Cressida, le Temple de la Renommee, une traduction libre du 
Roman de la Rose, et divers autres poe'mes remplis de 
reves, d'allegories et de dissertations morales ou theologiques 
dans le gout du temps ; et ou Ton peut relever des 
imitations de Boccace, de Petrarque, de Froissart et des 
troubadours, mais qui etincellent de beautes originales et 
vraies, Ses ceuvres ont etc" souvent reimprim^es. L'une 
dei? meilleures editions est celle de Harris Nicholas (Londres, 
1845), avec une vie de Chaucer. 

1867. Ampere, J. J. Melanges d'histoire litteraire, Paris, 18G7, pp. 94, 
352, 450, 454. 

[p. 4503 Les Renaissances. 

La litterature anglaise, au moyen age, ne nous offrira 
point un de ces sommets Sieves que nous ont montres 
Fltalie ou TEspagne, mais une gracieuse colline, semblable 
a celles qui forment la riante parure de TAngleterre ; et 
autour de cette colline nous apercevons serpenter a 1'horizon 
le cortege mele" des personnages si divers, et tous si 
vivement dessinds par Chaucer, des pelerins de Cantorbery. 
Us vont vers la vieille cathdrale et, chemin faisant, 
racontent des fabliaux un peu a la maniere de Boccace : 
cela est gracieux, aimable, mais n'a rien de la grandeur . . 
ni de cette montagne au sommet de laquelle etait Dante, ni 
meme de ce rocher de la vieille Castille dont la cime portait 
le chateau fort du Cid. 

1870. Circourt, Adolphe de. [Article on] Canterbury, [in the] Revue 
Britannique, June 1870, p. 393. 

. . . Canterbury, pendant le quinzieme siecle, vit a 
plusieurs reprises cent mille pelerins inonder son etroite 
enceinte. Geoffroy Chaucer et son continuateur anonyme 
nous ont transmis le tableau curieusement bizarre de leurs 
occupations, de leurs joyeuses cavalcades, de leurs disposi- 
tions d'esprit. 

1870. Pichot, Ame'dee. [Notice of the poems of W. Morris in the] 
Revue Britannique, June 1870, p. 561. 

1876] French Allusions. 83 

Son module est le vieux Chaucer dans le Pelerinage de 
Cantorbery . . . chaque mois [of the Earthly Paradise] 
fournit le texte d'un prologue qui rappelle heureusement 
tantot un avant-propos de Chaucer, tantot les gracieuses 
digressions de 1'Arioste. 

1873. Larousse, Pierre. Grand Dictionnaire universel du xix e siecle, 
tome x, 1873, p. 821, article 'Lydgate (John).' [Chaucer twice 

1875- Dantes, Alfred. [Article 'Chaucer' in the] Dictionnaire bio- 
graphique et biblioyraphique aJphabe'tique et methodique des homines 
les plus remarquables dans les lettres, les sciences et les arts chez tons 
les peuples, a toutes les epoques, p. 177. 

Chaucer (Geof.) 1328, Lond. 1400, Dunington. Poete 
angl., envoye en mission en Italie, puis en France, obtint les 
favours d'Edouard in et de Henri iv, mais fut persecut-6 
p. Richard II ; est considere comme le pere de la poesie angl., 
son style a de la vivacite et de 1'eclat. 

Contes de Canterbury, La Cour d'amour, Le Temple de la 
Renommee, Le Testament de I'amour, Tro'ilus et Cressida, Le 
Roman de la Rose, 

CEuv. ed. angl. p. Thomas, Lond., 1721, fo. fig.; p. 
Tyrwhitt, Oxford, 1798, 2. gr. 4; p. id. Lond., 1845, gr. 
8; 1830, 5, p. 8, et 1855, 8, 12; ed. fr. en vers. p. 
Chatelain, ib. 1857, 2, gr. 8, et 3, 12. 

[References to Godwin, Nicolas, Gomont, and four 

1875. Dantes, Alfred. Tableau chronologique . . des principaux 
evenements de Ihistoire du monde, depuis la creation jusqu'a nos 
jours [Supplement to the Dictionnaire biographiqiie], p. 18. 

1400. Deposition de Wenceslas. Aven. de Robert. 
Mort de Chaucer, poete anglais. 

1876. Chasles, V.-E. Philarete. Voyages d'un critique a travers la vie 
et les livres. L'Angleterre litteraire t Paris, 1876, pp. 4, 6-7. 

[p- 4 1 Les premieres ceuvres de talent que Ton rencontre dans la 
litterature anglaise avant le seizieme et pendant le seizieme 
siecle, les bons contes de Chaucer, la vision du laboureur 
Pierce, la prose concise et piquante de Bacon, portent ce 
cachet original de la langue et du genie anglais. 

li>. GJ D'epoque en e"poque, chacune des nuances du mouvement 
intellectuel en Angleterre s'est caracterisee d'une maniere 
nouvelle. Le style de Chaucer n'est pas plus celui de 
Shakespeare que celui de Walter Scott. 


Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1876- 

1876. Vapereau, G. [Notices on Chaucer. Gower, Lydyate and Chatter- 
ton] Dictionnaire universel des Literatures, pp. 440-2, 918-9, 

Chaucer (Geoffrey), celebre poete anglais, n6 en 1328, 
mort en 1400. Son nom sous la forme franchise, chaussier, 
semble indiquer une origine normande et, par consequent, 
une certaine noblesse ; lui-meme se donna pour Londenois . . . 
Chaucer etait d'un caractere aimable, port6 a la meditation, 
et jouissait avec delices des beautes de la nature . . . 

On distingue dans les oauvres de Chaucer deux influences 
principales, celle de la poesie frangaise predominante dans 
les premieres, et celle de la poesie italienne prenant le 
dessus dans les dernieres et les plus belles, 1'inspiration du 
poete restant d'ailleurs originale et bien anglaise. On y 
retrouve aussi celle des nouvelles idees de la reforme en 
matiere religieuse. . . . 

Parmi les ouvrages qui relevent de 1'influence franchise, on 
compte : le Roman de la Rose, la Cour d' Amour, VAssemblee 
des oiseaux, le Coucou et le Rossignol, la Fleur et la Feuille, 
le Songe de Chaucer, le Livre de la duchesse, la Maison de la 
Renommee ; on rattache a 1'influence italienne : la Legende 
des bonnes femmes, Tro'ilus et Creseide, et les Contes de 
Canterbury (Canterbury's Tales) [sic] la derniere de ses 
grandes productions et son chef-d'osuvre. . . . 

Le Roman de la Rose, qui ouvre la premiere [serie], est 
traduit du frangais. La portion de Guillaume de Lorris 
(5000 vers) est entierement traduite; celle de Jean de 
Meung est rapidement resumee. La meme ou le traducteur 
est le plus fidele, il ajoute des touches vigoureuses et 
poetiques au texte. . . , 

[A description of the other poems is given] . . . 

C'est dans ses contes de Canterbury, que Chaucer a 
montre tout son talent descriptif, et plus encore ce genie 
createur, ce don supreme de produire des personnages vrais, 
vivants. . . . 

Quant aux contes et recits que font ces personnages, 
Chaucer ne parait pas avoir pris la peine d'en inventer 
aucun; il les emprunte aux fabliaux frangais, au recueil 
cel&bre des Gesta Romanorum, a Boccace ; ils sont, les uns 
pathetiques, les autres satiriques ; tous les tons conviennent 
a Chaucer, qui sans doute n'est pas exempt de quelque 
grossierete, mais qui va de preference a tout ce qui est 
honnete, noble, eleve. . . . 

1878] French Allusions. 85 

Chaucer a ecrit en prose une traduction de la Consolation 
de Boece, une imitation du meme livre sous le titre de 
Testament d* Amour. 

Chatterton. ... La lecture de Chaucer et de Percy com- 
pleta son instruction d'antiquaire. . . . Ces oeuvres [the 
Rowley poems] n'avaient d'antique que 1'orthographe sur- 
chargee de consonnes et une partie du vocabulaire emprunt^e 
a Chaucer et a d'autres poetes des xiv e et xv e siecles. 

1877. Chasles, Emile. Extraits des dassiques anglais accompagne's tfune 
histoire de la litterature anglaise et de notices biographiques . . Paris 
1877, pp. 2, 3, 4-7, 8, 10. 

[p. 4] Apres la Vision de Ploughman, il faut citer les contes 
tout differents de Chaucer, qui sont trop celebres pour ne 
pas meriter une mention speciale. [Then comes pp. 4-5, 
a description of the pilgrims, translated from the Prologue.'] 

[p. 5] Ainsi debute 1'ouvrage celebre intitu!6 Canterbury Tales 
que Chaucer ecrivit dans sa vieillesse. ... La collection 
de ces contes forme un livre tres-piquant, tres-vari6 et qui 
aujourd'hui meme peut se lire avec un vif plaisir, tant 
1'ecrivain est observateur spirituel et peintre admirable. . . . 

[p. 0] [A short life of Chaucer.] 

[p. 10] L'inspiration de Piers Ploughman se retrouvera dans 
Bunyan et dans Milton, le trait pittoresque et familier de 
Chaucer dans Goldsmith. . . . 

1878. Jusserand, J. J. Le Theatre en Angleterre depuis la conquete 
jusqu'aux pre'decesseurs immediats de Shakespeare, Paris, 1878, 
pp. 25, 28, 66, 72, 84 n., 105, 108-10. 144, 145, 153, 155-56 n., 
160, 207 n., 216, 220. 

[p. 144] [The humour of the Middle Ages.] Ainsi, au Moyen 
Age, 1'entendait Chaucer. Esprit ingenieux et charmant, 
vraiment naif, de la m6me na'ivet6 malicieuse et rieuse que 
notre bon La Fontaine, il croit que les honnetes gens 
peuvent, sans grand mal, rire aux discours licencieux d'un 
meunier ivre ; Madame de Sevigne etait de son avis. . . 

[p. 145] Chaucer avait reuni dans un cadre unique une collection 
complete de portraits . . . et les figures souriantes, ou 
grondeuses, ou rejouies, montraient surtout comment les 
ames etaient faites. II nous restait a voir quelques-uns de 
ces personnages sortir de leur cadre, prendre la parole et 
vivre un instant, sur les planches, la vie que leurs originaux 
menaient dans la rue. Ce fut John Hey wood ... qui les 
fit monter sur la scene. 

86 Appendix B. [A.D. 1879- 

1879. Sarradin, A. Eustache Des Champs, sa vie et ses ceuvres, Paris, 
1879, note, pp. 315-317. 

Un fait assez curieux a noter, ce sont les relations de 
1'Angleterre et de la France au xiv e siecle. La situation 
respective des deux pays amena frequemment a la cour de 
Charles V ou de son fils des negociateurs anglais. Ce fut 
ainsi que le poete Chaucer vint en France au commencement 
de 1'annde 1377, charge d'une mission diplomatique. Des 
Champs dut le voir & cette epoque . . . [Deschamps' ballad 
to Chaucer is quoted]. . . . G. Chaucer n'a ecrit qu'en 
anglais ; mais son ami et son emule Jean Gower a ecrit 
en frangais. ... II est curieux de retrouver de 1'autre 
cote" de la Manche, toute la poetique en usage alors chez 
nous. . . . [Relations between the work of Machaut, 
Froissart and Chaucer]. 

1880. Hallberg, Eugene. Histoire des litteratures etrangeres, Littera- 
tures anglaise et slave depuis leurs orlgines jusquen 1850, p. 8. 
[See below, 1881, Jusserand.] 

1880. Jusserand, J. J. [Keview of Chaucer, by A. W. Ward 
(English Men of Letters series), 1879, in the] Revue Critique 
d' Histoire et de Litte'rature, November 1880, pp. 347-50. 

Si le lecteur ne demande pas une exactitude absolue dans 
les faits et une grande precision dans les raisonnements, le 
livre de M. Ward lui plaira . . . pp. 45-6 [of Ward]. Les 
qualites de Tame et du coaur de Chaucer sont divisees en 
deux categories : Jes vices et les vertus ; les premiers lui 
viennent de France, les autres d'Angleterre, parce que le 
genie des deux peuples est tout different. Sur ce point, 
aucune objection; seulement pourquoi voir la marque d'un 
esprit frangais dans Tindifference supreme d'un auteur a 
la licence qui peut regner dans ses ecrits? C'est faire de 
Shakespeare et de plusieurs autres des Frangais malgre eux. 

p. 56 [of Ward] M. W. considere le Romaunt of the Rose 
comme ceuvre authentique de Chaucer et en deduit beaucoup 
de conclusions sur le genie et 1'esprit de 1'auteur. On trouvera 
sa demonstration peu decisive. . . . 

1881. Guillon, F61ix. Etude Historique et biographique sur Guillaume 
de Lorris, Orleans et Paris, p. 100. 

Geoffrey Chaucer, 'le poete, 1'ami et 1'allie du roi Henri vi 
[sic], d'Angleterre,' dans The Romant of the Ross [sic], traduisit, 
entierement la partie du pob'me qui revient & G. de Lory. 

1882] French Allusions. 87 

1881. Jusserand, J. J. [Notice of Litteratures anglaise et slave . . . 
by Eugene Hallberg, Paris, 1880] Revue Critique d'Histoire et de 
Litterature, February 1881, pp. 102, 103. 

. . . Mieux vaut passer sous silence la declaration que 
1'auteur [M. Hallberg] a revu ' tous les faits, tous les noms 
et les dates principales de son livre,' d'apres * 1'encyclope'die 
de la litterature anglaise ' d'Allibone . . . Chaucer [parait-il] 
est ne en 1328 (p. 8); il est 1'auteur du Testament d' amour 
(p. 8) ... 

1881. Paris, Gaston. Histoire Litte'raire de la France . . . tome 
xxviii, 1881, p. 181. 

[Article on William de Wadington and his Manuel des 
Pe'ches.] Ces traits [neglect of French grammar, metre and 
orthography by the Anglo-French authors] se retrouvent 
d'ailleurs, ainsi que nous 1'avons dit, chez plus d'un des 
representants de cette etrange litterature, composee en 
franc.ais par des Anglais, fruit de 1'enseignement autant 
que de 1'imitation, moitie morte et moitie vivante, qui, nee 
sous I'influence de la litterature frangaise a la suite de la 
conquete, ne ceda que lentement le terrain a la reaction 
de la litterature nationale, et ne disparut qu'au moment 
oil deja, sous la plume de Chaucer, celle-ci brillait d'un 
vif eclat. 

1882. Boucher, Le"ori. Tableau de la Litterature anglaise, pp. 20-26, 
29, 33, 77, 97, 139, 149. 

[P. 20] L'oeuvre de Geoffrey Chaucer (1340-1400) presente en 
raccourci 1'image de la societe du xiv e siecle. C'est une 
veritable tapisserie de haute lice ou se dressent dans les 
attitudes les plus variees et sous les couleurs les plus eclatantes 
toutes les figures du monde chevaleresque, eccl^siastique et 
bourgeois qui s'agite sur le seuil des temps modernes, avec son 
ideal, ses gouts, ses passions, son ignorance et ses appetits. . . . 

[p. 23] (Contes de Canterbury.) Becits de guerre et d'amour, 
legendes pieuses et romantiques, contes gracieux et spirituels ; 

[p. 24] toute la poesie du moyen age qui va finir, s'y trouve repre- 
sentee dans ce qu'elle a de plus naif, de plus touchant et de 
plus satirique, depuis la pathetique aventure de Griselidia, 
type admirable d 'affection et de patience conjugales, jusqu'a 
la parodie meme de Fideal chevaleresque, ridiculis6 dans la 
chanson de Sir Thopas. . 


Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1883 

Admirable observateur de 1'etre humain et merveilleux 
conteur, joignant au don du rire celui des larmes, et la finesse 
a la naivete, Chaucer n'est pas seulement un poete dramatique 
avant le drame et comique avant la comedie, c'est encore et 
surtout le createur de la langue poetique, le premier qui ait 
su mettre de Fart et un grand art dans son ceuvre. 

1883. Baret, Adrien. Etude sur la langue anglaise au xiv e siede. 
These de Doctoral, Fac. des lettres de Bordeaux, Paris, 1883, 
chapitres iv x. 

Chapitre vi. Vie de Chaucer, et description de son influ- 
ence preponderate sur la formation de 1'idiome anglais. 
[M. Baret says that Chaucer was born in 1328, and he seems 
to regard the Testament of Love as authentic.] 
[p. no] [Chaucer] etait Anglais par le cosur, mais Frangais par 
1'esprit. II nous appartenait, a son insu sans doute, par la 
finesse satirique de son esprit, la multiplicite de ses aptitudes 
et la forme classique de ses conceptions. 

Ch. vii. ' The King's English.' feude de la langue de 
Chaucer, et ses emprunts au f rangais. 

[p. us] Constatons d'abord par quelques exemples que le melange 
des mots frangais n'y est pas fait au hasard, et qu'il depend 
toujours des exigences du sujet choisi par le poete. Dans le 
style familier, dans la peinture des moeurs populaires, meme 
lorsque le recit est une imitation des fabliaux frangais, 
Chaucer se garde bien de sortir du vocabulaire anglo-saxon. 

[M. Baret compares the Milleres Tale, 11. 312-26 with the 
Clerk's Prologue, 11. 15-25, or the Hous of Fame, ii, 11. 

Ch. viii. 'La Versification de Chaucer. 7 Maniere de 
scander ses vers ; ils sont bases sur Faccent tonique. Regies 
de I'accentuation chaucerienne. [This chapter is based on 
Skeat and Child.] 

Ch. ix. La Prononciation de la langue de Chaucer [based 
on Ellis]. 

Ch. x. Le Genie de Chaucer. II a le temperament 
dramatique. Son style. tude des Canterbury Tales. La 
comedie chez Chaucer. 

[P. 188] Chaucer . . . homme d'etude et d'observation, toujours 
froid, mais toujours attentif, se plait a etudier les moeurs de 
la societe qui 1'environne, et il parvient a les peindre avec 
un rare bonheur. Comme Homere, et La Fontaine, il sait 

1883] French Allusions. 89 

d'un seul mot animer une physionomie, eclairer tout un 
tableau. . . . 

[p. 189] . . . L'imagination n'occupe pas le premier rang dans sa 
poesie ; 1'enthousiasme y est rare ; il observe bien plus qu'il 

[p. 196] Chaucer possede deja toutes les qualites distinctives du 
genie anglais, mais le cote dramatique de son talent est 
surtout remarquable. . . . 

Quel que soit son sujet ... les personnages qu'il met en 
scene agissent beaucoup plus qu'ils ne parlent. . . , 

1883. Filon, Augustin. Histoire de la Literature anglaise depuis ses 
origines jusqu'd nos jours. Chapitre iv., I'Age de Chaucer. Vie 
de Chaucer, pp. 52-54. (Euvres diverses de Chaucer, pp. 54-55. 
Les contes de Canterbury, pp. 55-59. Chapitre v, De Chaucer a 
Spenser. Les heritiers de Chaucer, p. 61. 

tp. 43] On parle encore fran^ais en Angleterre ; mais quel 
f ran^ais ? Celui de Stratford Atte Bowe, que Chaucer met 
sur les levres de sa Prieure, et qui est reste proverbial. 
Enfin, en 1404, deux envoyes anglais en France, dont Tun 
est Sir Thomas Swynford, le neveu de la femme de Chaucer, 
declarent ' ne pas plus savoir le francos que 1'hebreu.' 

[p. 52] Vie de Chaucer. . . . Yoici Chaucer, synthese vivante des 

deux races, greffee sur une puissante originalite poetique. II 

est a la fois Anglais et Normand, et, en outre, il est lui-meme. 

. . . On s'accorde generalement a croire que Geoffrey 

Chaucer naquit en 1328 [reprinted in the edn. of 1896]. . . . 

[P. 53] Les lettres et les poetes de 1'epoque le consideraient 
comme leur chef et leur maitre. Sa renommee avait passe 
le detroit, comme le prouve cette dedicace d'un poete frangais 
[E. Deschamps], qui lui offrit ses vers : 

' Grant translateur, noble Geoffroy Chaucer.' 

Chaucer mourut en 1400, dans une petite maison qui 
dependait de Westminster, et, tout naturellement, on Ten- 
terra dans Tabbaye. Cette sepulture fit precedent, et crea 
une tradition. Chaucer est le plus ancien habitant du Poet's 
corner. . . . 

[p. 54] (Euvres diverses de Chaucer. On ne peut determiner la 


Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1883- 

date d'aucune des compositions de Chaucer ; neanmoins, s'il 
e"tait permis d'etablir des conjectures sur un fait qui manque 
lui-meme de certitude, on ferait deux parts de la vie litte- 
raire et de 1'ceuvre de Chaucer. On rangerait dans la 
premiere categorie les poemes qui portent la trace de 
1'influence romane et gothique, dans la seconde ceux qui 
offrent deja le reflet de la Renaissance italienne. 

[The Court of Love, Flower and Leaf, and Cuckoo and 
Nightingale are mentioned among his works.] 

tp. 55] Pope n'a pas dedaign6 d'imiter The House of Fame, et n'a 
pas reussi a Pegaler. Chaucer entendait le mot fame dans le 
double sens du latin fama, car il nous montre a la fois le 
, temple de la Gloire et la demeure de la Renommee. Dans la 
Legende des Bonnes Femmes, nous d6couvrons une m^thode 
different, un art nouveau. Plus de reve, plus de vision, plus 
d'allegorie, mais une serie de tableaux ou de r6cits, des types 
plus ou moins historiques, en tout cas dramatiques et humains 
autant que ceux de Shakespeare. . . . En traduisant, a son 
tour, ce sujet grec [Troilus and Cressida], deja retouche par 
1'art florentin, Chaucer lui enleve les derniers traits de sa 
physionomie originelle. II deguise un heros d'Homere en 
amoureux transi ; il transf orme en une coquette du Decameron 
la contemporaine d'Andromaque et de Nausicaa. . . . 

[p. 58] Les Contes de Canterbury. . . . Puis, les recits se succedent 
comme dans le Decameron de Boccace, auquel cette forme de 
poeme est empruntee. Mais combien est evidente la superio- 
rite de Chaucer ! Combien Tart est, chez lui, plus sensible 
et plus delicat ! Les jeunes gens et les jeunes femmes du 
Decameron vivent dans le meme milieu, ont memes idees, 
meme age, a peu de chose pres meme caractere. Ici, chaque 
conte est approprie au conteur, et Ton vient de voir combien 
les conteurs different. . . . Tous ces recits sont lies, et beau- 
coup mieux que chez Boccace, par de petits incidents vrais, 
qui naissent du caractere des personnages et tels qu'on en 

[P. 59] rencontre en voyage. . . . L'ensemble du tableau est si bien 
calcule, 1'aspect est si vivant et si gai, que le lecteur * se prend 
d'envie de monter a cheval par une belle matinee riante, le 
long des prairies vertes, pour galoper avec les pelerins jusqu'a 
la chasse du bon saint de Canterbury.' [Taine.] 

1883. BrunetiSre, F. [Review of Filon's Histoire de la literature 
anglaise] Revm des Deux Mondes, August 1883, pp. 699, 704. 

[Brief references to Chaucer and his Canterbury Tales.] 

1886] French Allusions. 91 

1883. Beljame, Alexandra. Le public et les hommes de lettres en Angle- 
tcrre au xvme siecle, Paris, 1883, p. 316. 

[Sir William Temple does not mention Chaucer among 
the modern poets in his Essay upon Ancient and Modern 
Learning, and Swift attributes to Shakespeare one of 
Chaucer's characters, the Wife of Bath.] 

1883. Dreyss, Charles Louis. Cfironologie universelle, 5 e e"dn, Paris, 
1883, tome i, a 1'an 1400 [1st edn., 1846]. 

1400. Mort du premier grand poete anglais, Chaucer: 
ses productions ressemblent un peu a celles de Boccace. 
Sectaire de Wiclef, apres avoir ete persecute sous Richard n, 
il etait rentr6 en faveur a 1'avenement des Lancastre, ses 

1883. Montegut, Eniile. Caracteres ge'ne'raux de la litterature anglaise 
[in] Essais sur la litterature anglaise, Paris, 1883, pp. 103, 104, 

[p. 104] II existe bien une periode anglo-normande ; mais, pendant 
toute cette periode, le genie saxon se cache ou se tait. . . . 
Cette periode se reduit, a proprement parler, a un seul nom, 
Chaucer. Celui-la est bien un Frangais si Ton veut, et on 
reconnait en lui un contemporain de Froissard. . . . 

[p. 105] Ainsi, pendant toute la periode anglo-normande, il ne 
saurait etre question de la combinaison du genie normand 
et du genie saxon, puisque ce dernier reste muet, et que le 
seul ecrivain qu'on puisse citer, Chaucer, n'est qu'un Frangais 
qui s'exprime en langue anglaise. 

1884. Jusserand, J. J. La Vie Nomade et les routes d'Angleterre au 
XIV siecle, Paris, 1884, pp. 6, 16, 17, 53, 69, 70, 104, 109, 118, 119, 
120, 121, 123, 132, 169, 176, 180, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 193, 195, 
200, 203, 204, 213, 218, 221, Appendice, pp. 265, 277-8, 281, 282, 
285, 286, 290, 291. 

1884. Rietstap, J. B. Armorial General Precede' d'un Dictionnaire 
des Termes du Blazon . . . tom. i, 2 e dn. . . . Gouda, p. 411, 
col. 1. 

Chaucer, Parti d'arg. et de gu. ; a la bande de Tun en 
1'autre, C. : une tortue pass, au nat. [Armes du poete 
anglais, Geoffrey Chaucer.] 

1886. Drumont, l^douard. La France Juive^ Paris, 1886, tome ii, 
pp. 381-91. 

[p. ssi] En constatant la persistance de ces sentiments de haine 
chez les Juifs, il est impossible de ne point parler un peu 


Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1887 

longuement de ce sacrifice sanglant, cette accusation mille 
fois prouvee [qu'ils tuerent les petits enfants] . . . 

[p 383] I] n'est pas un ecrivain du Moyen Age qui ne parle de 
ces faits comme d'une chose ordinaire. . . . 

[P. 384] Mais c'est Chaucer peut-etre qui est le plus interessant a 
consulter sur ce point. Le poete du xv e siecle [sic\, qui 
repose a Westminster et sur la tombe duquel on a grave 
quelques jolis vers de la Fleur et de la Feuille, fut le peintre 
exact des moeurs de son temps. Les Contes de Canterbury 
sont une sorte de Decameron auquel sert de pre"texte eb 

tp. 385] de cadre le pelerinage . . . Reunis par hasard, des pelerins 
de toutes les conditions . . . conviennent pour charmer 
1'ennui du chemin de conter tour a tour une histoire. 
Rien n'est plus touchant que le Recit de la Prieure. II est 
vraiment d'un charme si profond dans son mysticisme 
f^minin, que nous le traduisons presque en entier, en nous 
efforQant de respecter, autant que possible, la naivete de 
1'original. [There follows a translation of the Prioresses 
Tale, pp. 385-90.] 

1887. Gausseron, B.-H. [Article 'Chaucer* in] La Grande Encyclo- 
pedic, inventaire raisonne' des sciences, des lettres et des arts, tome x, 
p. 930. 

Chaucer (Geoffrey), poete anglais, ne probablement vers 
1340, etnonen 1328, suivant la date ordinairement adopted ; 
mort le 25 oct. 1400. Les travaux de la critique moderne 
et tout particulierement de ceux de sir Harris Nicolas, du 
Dr. Furnivall et des erudits qui composent la 'Chaucer 
Society' fondee en 1868, ont jete" quelque clarte sur les 
points obscurs de la vie de Chaucer. Son pere, negociant 
en vins (vintner) a Londres, faicait partie de la suite 
emmenee par la famille royale lors du voyage en Flandre 
et a Cologne, en 1338. Cette circonstance aide a com- 
prendre que Geoffrey Chaucer nous apparaisse, la premiere 
fois qu'il est fait mention de son nom dans un document 
(1357), en qualite de page attache a la maison de Lionel, 
due de Clarence, second fils d'Edward in. En 1359, il est 
dans les rangs de l'arme"e anglaise qui envahit la France, 
et dont Froissart a raconte 1'expedition. II y fut fait 
prisonnier, et recouvra sa liberte moyennant ran^on, quelque 
temps avant le traite" de Bretigny. Nous le retrouvons en 
1367 avec le titre de valet (valettus) du roi, qui lui accorde 
une pension et 1'emploie a des missions diverses hors 

1887] French Allusions. 93 

d'Angleterre en 1369 et en 1370. II etait marie des cette 
e"poque a la fille de sir Payne Roet, du Hainault, et sa 
femme, Philippa, avait une charge de dame de la chambre 
aupres de la reine. Apres une mission diplomatique en 
Italic (1372-1373), il fut nomme controleur des coutumes 
et subsides pour les laines et les peaux dans le port de 
Londres et, en meme temps que cette charge lucrative, 
remplit celle, plus honorifique, d'ecuyer du roi. Sa carriere 
de diplomate ne fut pas interrompue pour cela, et il eut 
encore a soutenir les interets de la cour d'Angleterre en 
Flandre, en France et en Italic. La mort d'Edouard in et 
I'avenement de Richard n (1377) n'ebranlerent point d'abord 
la fortune de Chaucer. II fut meme envoye a la Chambre 
'des communes par le comte de Kent. Mais bient6t sa 
charge de contrdleur lui fut retiree, sa femme mourut, et il 
se debattit des lors dans des embarras financiers dont il ne 
fut delivre que vers la fin de sa vie, par la faveur du roi 
Henri iv (1399), fils de son meilleur protecteur, le due de 
Lancastre, lequel etait devenu son beau-frere en epousant 
Catherine, veuve de sir Hugh Swynford et soeur de Philippa, 
sa femme. Nomme en 1389 secretaire des travaux du roi 
au palais de Westminster, a la Tour de Londres et aux 
autres chateaux de la couronne, il perdit cette place en 1391 
et dut accepter, avec un certain Richard Brittle, les fonc- 
tions de garde-forestier que Roger Mortimer, comte de 
March, leur offrait a North Petherton Park, dans le comte 
de Somerset. II n'etait pourtant pas completement oublie 
a la cour, car on le trouve en 1398, remplissant pour le 
compte du roi des missions secretes dans differentes parties 
du royaume. II mourut le 25 oct. 1400, et fut inhume dans 
la chapelle de 1'abbaye de Westminster, ou il inaugura ce 
qu'on a appele le ' Coin des poetes.' C'est, en efiet, comme 
poete que Geoffrey Chaucer s'est assure un renom immortel. 
II est, avec Gower, et bien au-dessus de lui, le veritable 
pore de la poesie anglaise. Le premier, il a su plier la 
langue vulgaire, sortie du fond saxon et tres fortement 
melangee d'elements franQais-normands, aux necessites et 
aux fantaisies d'une pensee raffinee ; il lui a donne la soup- 
lesse et la sonorite du rythme ; tout en lui conservant son 
caractere populaire de familiarite et d'energie, il en a fait le 
merveilleux instrument litteraire dont tant de genies divers 
se sont servis jusqu'a nos jours pour creer des chefs-d'reuvre. 


Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1887- 

La manure litteraire de Chaucer peut se diviser en trois 
periodes assez distinctes. Dans la premiere, il se montre 
disciple direct de nos trouveres. S'il n'est pas 1'auteur de 
la version anglaise du Roman de la Eose, que beaucoup lui 
attribuent, c'est du moins a cette periode que se rapportent 
A. B.C. ou la priere de Nostre Dame et la Complainte a 
la Pitie. Puis 1'influence italienne, que ses se jours repetes 
en Italic devaient le disposer a subir facilement, se fait 
de plus en plus sentir dans des oeuvres comme the Parlement 
of Foules, the Complaint of Mars, Anelida and Arcite, sa 
traduction en prose et en vers du De Consolatione de Boece, 
Tro'ilus and Criseyde, the House of Fame, the Legend of 
Good Women, the Complaint of Venus, etc. Enfin, il se 
montre lui-meme inventeur, createur et grand poete, lorsque, 
dans un cadre dont le Decameron a sans doute fourni 1'idee 
premiere, il nous presente le pittoresque, saisissant et amusant 
defile de tous les types caracteristiques de la societe anglaise 
de son temps, reunis a la taverne du Tabard, pres de London- 
Bridge, en route pour un pelerinage au tombeau de Thomas 
Becket, et profitant de leur rencontre pour se raconter les 
inoubliables histoires, qui, sous le titre de Canterbury Tales, 
font a jamais partie du tresor litteraire du genre humain. 
La premiere edition en fut publiee par Caxton, vers 1478, 
la meilleure est celle de Furnivall (f868). Un litterateur 
de plus d'excentricite que de talent, le chevalier de Chate- 
lain, a donne, dans ce siecle, un essai de traduction des 
Contes de Cantorbery, qui ne permet pas de dire que nous 
en possedions une version frangaise. 

1887, etc. Unknown.. La grande Encyclopedic . . . torne xiv, p. 
1146, col. 2 ; tome xviii, p. 284. col. 2 : tome xxx, pp. 89. col 2 
p. 1082, col. 1. 

[t. 14] [Article] Dryden (John) . . . Dryden entreprit alors la 
traduction en vers des ceuvres de Virgile (1697) qu'il fit 
suivre de ses Fables, morceaux imites de I'Jliade, des 
Metamorphoses d'Ovide, et des Contes de Boccace et de 

[t. is] [Article] Furnivall (Frederick James). II se consacra 
a sa sortie de 1'universite de Cambridge a Tetude de la 
litte>ature anglaise du moyen age, dont il edita nombre 
d'ceuvres ... six textes des Canterbury Tales de Chaucer 
(1868-75, 7 parties) ... II fut, en outre, 1'un des fondateurs 

1889] French Allusions. 95 

des societes suivantes. . . . The Chaucer Society (1868). . . . 
The Shettery [=Shelley] (1886), 

[t. so] [Article] Skeat (Walter William). . . . Parmi ses tres 
nombreux ouvrages nous citerons . . . une excellente Edition 
des cEuvres de Chaucer (1897, 7 vols.), . . . 

[Article] Tennyson (Alfred). . . . On lui fit a Westminster 
des obseques sornptueuses et on lui eleva un monument a 
cote de celui de Chaucer. 

1889. J., Ch. [Eeview of Skeat's Principles of English Etymology, 
Kcerting's Grundriss der Geschichte der englischen Litteratur, etc., 
in the] Revue Critique d'Histoire et de Litte'rature, December 
1889, pp. 425, 426. 

[The language of Chaucer and his importance for the 

[1889.] Simond, Charles [ps., i.e., P. van Cleemputte], Contes de 
Canterbury, traduits pour la premiere fois en francais, avec etude 
biographique et litte'raire par Charles Simond. Paris, Henri 
Gautier. [Nouvelle bibliotheque populaire & 10 cent., No. 129.] 

[A small booklet of 64 pages, containing only the Pro- 
logue, the Man of Lawes Tale, and the ClerJces Tale in 
French prose. There is a short biographical sketch, 
quoting Taine.] 
IP- 2 J II n'existe en prose frangaise aucune traduction complete 

des Contes de Canterbury ni des osuvres de Chaucer. 1 
note 1 ] 1 N us avons annonc dans la Bibliographic de la France 
la prochaine publication de notre traduction complete des 
Contes de Canterbury. La regrettable lacune se trouvera 
ainsi reparee. T. S. 

[This number was the only one which appeared, and the 
complete translation was never published. We add a 
specimen of the translation of the Prologue ;] 

Quand avril a, de ses douces averses, penetre" jusqu'au 
fond la secheresse de mars et baigne toute la glebe de cette 
liqueur par la vertu de laquelle est engondree la fleur : 
quand Zephyr aussi a, de sa douce haleine, souffle dans les 
bosquets et les bruyeres sur les tendres pousses ; quand le 
soleil rajeuni a, dans le Belier, depasse" la moiti6 de sa 
course ; quand les petits oiseaux font entendre leur melodie 
et dorment toute la nuit les yeux ouverts, tant la nature 
aiguillonne leur vaillance, alors les gens brulent de partir en 
pelerinages. . . . 


Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1890- 

1890. Paris, Gaston. La literature fran$aise au moyen dye, 2 edn., 
1890, pp. 114, 171, 228. 

[p. ii4] II est certain que Boccace et Chaucer, par exemple, ont 
parfois imite des fableaux frangais : mais il n'est nullement 
etabli que ce soit toujours le cas ; ces contes circulaient 
oralement dans toute 1'Europe (sans parler de leur admission 
dans les sermons et les livres pieux), et ils ont fort bien 
pu etre recueillis independamment par les poetes ou les 
nouvellistes des differents pays. 

1890. Boucher, Le"on. Histoire de la literature anglaise, Paris 1890, 
pp. 26, 28-39, 40, 41, 45, 46, 47, 49, 52, 53, 54, 58, 65, 124, 138, 
221, 243, 499. 

[p. 37] Ge"nie de Chaucer. Par les Canterbury Tales, Chaucer 
entre dans la phalange des rares crivains qui ont ete des 

cr^ateurs On sent ici 1'homme maitre de sa pensee, 

1'artiste maitre de son instrument et de sa main, On y 
sent aussi 1'observateur qui a vu de pres la vie, le poete 
qui, pathetiques ou comiques, sait choisir dans les traits 
innombrables de la physionomie humaine et peut leur 
donner, en les reproduisant, un caractere plastique et une 
forme distincte. 

[p. 38] ... Au don merveilleux entre tous de cr6er des etres 
poetiques qui produisent 1'illusion de la realite Chaucer unit 
le talent de peindre par des mots, avec 1'aspect exterieur de 
rhomme, la nature elle-meme. 

1892. Jusserand, J. J. L'Angleterre au temps des invasions [article 
in the] Revue des Deux Mondes, June 1892, pp. 571, 573-5. 

[1892.] Dietz, H. Lea Litte'ratures Etrangeres. Angleterre. Attemagne, 
pp. 29-30 [a short life of Chaucer], pp. 30-41 [his work]. 

1893. Jusserand, J. J. EEpopee Mystique de William Langland, 
Paris, 1893, pp. 2, 3, 4, 15, 18, 33, 39, 63, 66, 67, 93, 104, 105, 
107, 108, 142, 146, 148, 149, 155, 159, 174, 176, 177, 186, 198, 
202, 237, 238. 

[p. 104] Chaucer, avec son genie et ses merites de toute sorte, sa 
gaite et sa bonne grace, sa faculte d'observation et cette 
ouverture d 'esprit qui lui permet de sympathiser avec les 
specimens les plus divers de rhumanite, a trace une im- 
mortelle et incomparable peinture de 1'Angleterre au moyen 
age. Sur certains points cependant le tableau est in- 
complet, et il faut emprunter a Langland des traits pour 
1'achever. . . . 

1894] French Allusions. 97 

[p. 176] On a beaucoup reproch6 a ce dernier [Chaucer] d 'avoir 
donne, par son genie, droit de cite dans la laiigue anglaise a 
quantite de mots francais. Le reproche est injuste ; Chaucer 
ecrivit la langue de son temps, telle qu'elle existait, sans la 
modifier, la franciser ou la fausser \ et Langland, au besoin, 
en fournirait la preuve. . . . 

[p. 185] Langland est un vrai Anglais, comine Chaucer ; il .1'est 
peut-etre meine davantage. Un trait important manque a 
Chaucer : il n'est pas insulaire ; son esprit a des ramifications 

[p. 186] franchises et italiennes ; au fond assurement il est anglais 
et tres anglais ; par certains points cependant il est un peii 

1893. Jusserand, J. J. [Article on Chaucer ^from tlie] Revue des 
Deux Mondes of April 15, pp. 815-54 ; Etudes Anglaises. La 
vie et les oeuvres de Geoffrey Chaucer. [39 pagos, re-cast in the 
Histoire litte'raire du peuple anglais, 1894, pp. 269-349.] 

1893. Bedier, Joseph. Les Fabliaux, 1" 6dn., Paris, 1893, pp. 278, 
419. [A few words only on the Peeves Tale and the fabliau 

1894. Darmesteter, Mary (Madame). Froissart [in the series] Les 
Grands iZcrivains franf a -is : p. 19. 

Geoffrey Chaucer, page a la suite d'^douard in, com- 
mengait a tirer une langue belle et puissante du dialecte 
informe des pauvres. . . . 

Soyez surs que toute cette renaissance echappa au jeune 
Froissart. II n'etait pas homme de lettres : il prononce a 
peine le nom de Geoffrey Chaucer, son cadet de quelques 
mois, qui etait comme lui a la cour, et qu'il a du rencontrer 
plus d'une fois chez sir Richard Stury, et encore ne parle-t-il 
de lui que comme diplomate. 

1804. Jusserand, J. J. Histoire litteraire du pcuple an'/lai*. Paris, 
1894, torn. 1, pp. 124, 165-6, 220, 226, 232, 240, 245, 246 [chap- 
ter ii, CHAUCER], pp. 269-349, pp. 351, 354, 355, 360, 362, 363, 
367, 371, 373, 374, 379, 380, 382, 383, 384, 385, 390, 393, 399, 400, 
401, 403, 404, 411, 412, 413, 414, 423, 424, 435, 464, 478, 487, 488, 
496, 513, 514, 515, 516, 517, 518, 519, 521, 522, 523, 524, 525, 528, 
529, 530, 542. 

[pp. 269-349, a lengthy sketch of Chaucer's life and 
works, more especially of the House of Fame, Troilus and 
the Canterbury Tales] 

[p. 319] [Prologue to the Tales.] Yoici a present, dans un livre 
anglais, une foule d'etres vivants, pris sur le fait, aux 


98 Appendix B. [A.D. 1894 

mouvements souples, aux types varies comme dans la vie, 
[ P . 320] repr^sentes au naturel, dans leurs sentiments et dans leur 
costume, si bien qu'on croit les voir et que, lorsqu'on les 
quitte, ce n'est pas pour les oublier ; les connaissances faites 
1 au Tabart pres de la Cloche ' ne sont pas de celles qui 
s'effacent du souvenir ; elles durent toute la vie. 

Rien -de ce qui peut servir a accrocher, a ancrer dans 
notre memoire, la vision de ces personnages n'est omis. Un 
demi-vers, qui devoile le trait saillant de leur caractere, 
devient inoubliable ; leur posture, leurs gestes, leur costume, 
leurs verrues, le son de leur voix, leurs defauts de pro- 
nonciation : ' somwhat he lipsede for wantonnesse,' leurs 
tics, la figure rouge de 1'hote et jaune du bailli, leurs 
elegances, leurs fleches a plumes de paon, leurs cornemuses, 
rien n'est omis ; leurs chevaux et la maniere dont ils les 
montent sont decrits ; Chaucer regarde meme dans les sacs 
de ses personnages et dit ce qu'il y trouve. 

La nouvelle Angleterre a done son Froissart, qui va center 
des apertises d'armes et des histoires d'amour aux couleurs 
eclatantes, et nous promener de 93, de la, par les villes et par 
les chemins, pretant 1'oreille a tout recit, observant, notant, 
racontant? Ce jeune pays a Froissart et mieux que Frois- 
sart. Les peintures sont aussi vives et aussi claires, mais 
deux grandes differences distinguent les unes des autres : 
1'hurnour et la sympathie. Deja, chez Chaucer, Fhumour 
existe; ses malices penetrent plus profondement que les 
malices franQaises : il ne va pas jusqu'aux blessures, mais il 
fait plus que piquer 1'epiderme ; et, ce faisant, il rit d'un rire 
silencieux : * Un homme jadis etait fort riche, c'est pourquoi 
tout le monde vantait sa sagesse.' . . . 

[P. S2i] De plus, Chaucer sympathise ; il a un cceur vibrant que 
les larmes emeuvent et que toutes les souffrances touchent, 
celles des pauvres et celles des princes. Le role du peuple, 
si marque dans la litterature et la politique anglaises, 
s'amrme ici, des la premiere heure . . . Chaucer, des le 
quatorzieme siecle, est curieux de voir ce que c'est que 
1'homme dans un c cuisinier de Londres ' et que la femme 
dans une 'bourgeoise de Bath.' Combien de miserables 
perissent dans Froissart ! Que de sang, quelles hecatombes ! 
et combien peu de larrnes ! . . . 

tP 322] Ils [the lesser people] figurent dans le recit de Chaucer 
parce que Chaucer les aime ; il aime son laboureur . ., il 

1894] French Allusions. 99 

souffre a 1'idee des sentiers boueux que son pauvre cure suit 
1'hiver pour aller, par la pluie, visiter une chaumiere loin- 
taine ; la sympathie esfc large chez le poete ; il aime, comme 
il deteste, de tout cceur. . . . 

[P. sio] Ce bon sens, qui a fait donner aux contes de Cantorbery 
un agencement si conforme a la raison et a la nature, est une 
des qualits les plus eminentes de Chaucer. Elle parait dans 
les details comme dans 1'ensemble et lui inspire, au milieu de 
ses recits les plus fantaisistes, des remarques rassurantes qui 
nous montrent que la terre et la vie reelle ne sont pas loin et 
que nous ne courons pas le risque de tomber des nues. II 
rappelle, avec a-propos, qu'il y a une certaine noblesse, la 
plus haute de toutes, qu'on ne saurait leguer par testament ; 
que les echantillons corrompus d'une classe sociale ne doivent 
pas faire condamner toute la classe : ' Of every ordre some 
schrew is, pardee ' ; que, dans 1'education des enfants, il faut 
se garder de les traiter trop tot en hommes ; si on les mene 
avant 1'age aux fetes, ils deviennent effrontes, ' to soorie 

[p. S4i] rype and bold . . . which is ful perilous ' (Tale of the 
Doctor of Phisik, vers. 68). II s'exprime fort librement sur 
les grands capitaines qu'on eut qualifies de ' brigands ' s'ils 
avaient fait moins de mal. Cette derniere idee est indiquee 
en quelques vers d'un humour si vraiment anglais qu'ils font 
songer a Swift et a Fielding ; et Ton peut d'autant mieux en 
effet songer a Fielding qu'il a consacre tout son roman de 
Jonathan Wild-le-Grand a developper exactement la meme 
these. 1 

Enfin, a ce meme bon sens de Chaucer, on doit une chose 
plus remarquable encore : c'est que, avec sa connaissance du 
latin et du fran^ais, vivant dans un milieu ou ces deux 
langues avaient une grande faveur, il ecrivit uniquement en 
anglais : sa prose, comme ses vers, son trait sur 1' Astrolabe, 
comme ses contes, sont en anglais. II appartient a la nation 

1 But, for the tiraunt is of greter might 
By force of meyne for to sle doun right, 
And brenne hous and home, and make al playn, 
Lo, therfor is he cleped a capitayn ; 
And, for an outlawe hath no smal meyn6 
And may not doon so grete an harm as he, 
Ne bringe a centre to so gret mischief, 
Men clepen him an outlawe or a theef. 

Maunciple's Tale, vers. 123, t. iii, p. 256. Cf. le roman de Fielding, The Life 
of Mr. Jonathan Wild the Great, 1743. 

100 Appendix B. [A.D. 1894- 

anglaise et c'est pourquoi il ecrit dans cette langue; c'est 
assez pour lui d'une telle raison. . . . 

[p. 342] La meme sagesse fait encore que Chaucer ne se perd pas 
en vains efforts pour tenter d'impossibles reformes et pour 
marcher a contre courant. On le lui a reproche de notre 
temps; et certains, par amour des Anglo-Saxons, se sont 
indignes de la quantit6 de mots frangais que Chaucer 
emploie : que n'est-il remonte aux origines du langage 1 
Mais Chaucer n'etait pas de ceux qui, comme dit Milton, 
ferment les grilles de leur pare pour empecher les corneilles 
de s'en aller. II s'est servi du langage national, tel qu'il 
existait de son temps. 

[p. 345] Le meme bon sens optimiste et tranquille qui lui a fait 
adopter la langue de son pays et la versification usuelle, qui 
1'a empeche de reagir avec exces contre les idees regues, 1'a 
empeche aussi de se faire, par patriotisme, piete ou orgueil, 
des illusions sur sa patrie, sa religion ou son temps. II en 
fut cependant autant que personne, les aima et les honora 
mieux que pas un. L'impartialite de jugement de cet ancien 
prisonnier des Fra^ais est extraordinaire, superieure meme 
a celle de Froissart. . . . 

Chaucer, d'un bout a 1'autre de sa carriere, demeure le 
meme, et le fait est d'autant plus remarquable que sa tournure 
d 'esprit, son inspiration et son ideal litteraire deviennent de 
plus en plus anglais, a mesure qu'il prend des annees. II 
reste impartial, ou plutot, en dehors de la grande querelle, 
a laquelle cependant il avait pris part dans la realite; sea 
ceuvres ne contiennent pas un vers qui soit dirige contre la 
France, ni meme un seul eloge de son pays ou celui-ci soit 
loue en tant que rival heureux du notre. 

1894. Mezidres, A. Pre'decessenrs et Contemporains de SJiakespeare, 
Paris, 1894, pp. 11, 12. 

[p. ii] Rien . . . n'est plus conforme au genie des Anglo-Saxons 
que le melange du plaisant et du serieux. Us ont mis de 

[p. 12] tout temps de la gaiete dans les sujets les plus graves. C'est 
le trait commun de plus anciens et des plus recents de 
leurs ecrivains. Depuis Chaucer jusqu'a Byron et jusqu'a 
Thackeray, que de grandes et nobles oauvres variees par le 
badinage et meme par la bouffonnerie ! Les Contes de 
Cantorbe'ry sont aussi amusants que touchants. La plupart 

1895] French Allusions. 101 

des personnages y ont un cot6 serieux et un cote comique. 
La chaste sceur Eglantine, avec toutes ses vertus solides, 
parle, mange et marche en personne un peu ridicule. La 
marchande de Bath enterre joyeusement ses cinq maris 
dans le cours d'une dissertation tres grave sur le mariage. 
. . . L'indefinissable humour qui donne tant de prix a 
quelques-uns des ouvrages les plus celebres de la Grande- 
Bretagne n'est guere autre chose qu'une maniere plaisante 
et imprevue de presenter des idees serieuses. II y entre de 
Tim agination, du bon sens, de 1'observation ; mais a plus 
haute dose que tout le reste, il y entre de la gaiet6. 

1894. Lavisse Ernest, et Rambaud, Alfred N. Histoire Generate 
du iv e siecle a nos jours. Formation des grands e'tats, 1270-1492, 
torn, iii, chap, vii, 1'Angleterre, de 1272 a 1485, pp. 383-4. 

[P. 383] [English literature.] . . . C'est au moment meme oil la 
Chambre des communes se constitue definitivement que 
naquit Chaucer, le pere de la litterature anglaise (1340). 
. . . Les autres [ecrivains], ceux dont les ceuvres comptent 
vraiment, qui ont illustre la seconde moiti6 du xiv e siecle 
sont des moralistes, moralistes gaiement satiriques comme 
Chaucer, 1'ecrivain genial, le peintre charmant des mceurs 
de son temps, ou pompeux et declamatoires comme John 
Gower. . . . 

[p. 384] Les origines de Wycliffe sont fort obscures. II parait etre 
ne vers 1320 (vingt ans avant Chaucer). 

1895. Demogeot, Jacques Claude. Histoire des litte'ratures e'trangeres. 
Litteratures septentrionales, Angleterre, Allemagne, 2 e edn., Paris, 
1895, pp. 3-13, 24. [The first edn. appeared in 1880, and is 

[p. s] Chaucer, que les Anglais considerent comme le pere de 
leur poesie, n'est encore qu'un des echos de la poesie 
universelle du moyen age : c'est le frere puine de nos 
trouveres ; c'est un poete frangais et italien qui 6crit en 
anglais. . . . 

tp. c] Deux choses toutefois distinguaient deja les premiers 
poemes de Chaucer : d'abord un sentiment vif et personnel 
du monde reel . . . Ses descriptions de la nature sont aussi 
fraiches que leur modele. . . . 

[p. 7] Un autre trait distinctif qui pergait deja dans les composi- 

[p. 8] tions de la jeunesse de Chaucer, c'est un enjouement mali- 
cieux, une douce satire ; qui assaisonne d'un sel agreable les 



[A.D. 1895 

longues descriptions et les solennelles allegories. Dans son 
Tro'ilus, par exemple, poeme antique par le sujet, grave et 
touchant par les incidents et les passions des personnages, 
on entrevoit sans cesse, comme chez Pulci, comme chez 
1'Arioste, comme dans nos fabliaux, le sourire du iiarrateur 
qui s'amuse et pretend bien amuser les autres. . . . 

[Les Contes de Cantorbery est] Fouvrage qui seul assure a 
Geoffroy Chaucer une renommee durable . . . c'est la seule- 
ment qu'il se revele dans toute la force de son talent, 
affranchi du gout factice de ses protecteurs et de ses con. 
temporains . . . il ose etre tout a fait lui-meme, donner libre 
carriere a son humour, peindre ce qu'il a vu, dire ce qu'il a 
pense, et composer ainsi 1'un des plus charmants tableaux de 
genre qui aient jamais ete faits. 

1895. Morel, Leon. [Short study on the work of Chaucer in] James 
Thomson, sa vie et ses ceuvres, 2 me partie, pp. 214-19. 

[The author briefly recalls what importance the love of 
nature has had in the history of English literature.] . . . 

[p. 213] Pour savoir quel r61e a joue le monde des choses dans la 
literature anglaise, nous consulterons done seulement les 
plus grands parmi les maitres. . . . 

[p. 214] Geoffrey Chaucer. Le sentiment de la nature se montre, 
tres vif et tres precis, chez le plus vieux des grands poetes de 
1'Angleterre, chez ce Chaucer dont 1'ceuvre clot unelongue 
periode litteraire et ouvre Fere moderne de la poesie. . . . 

[p. 215] Le meme don de sympathie vibrante et de precision dans 
^observation, qui lui permet de comprendre les hommes au 
milieu desquels il vit et de les faire passer dans ses poemes 
si vivement crayonnes, si vrais et si vivants, le meme don 
Chaucer 1'applique a Fobservation de la nature. . . . 

Ce qu'il a surtout a'u cosur. . . . c'est Famour des choses 
de la campagne. II en retrace avec complaisance les aspects, 
meme les plus simples et les plus ordinaires. Son ceuvre est 
remplie des etres, des formes, des sons et des parfums de la 
nature rustique. Les pelerins des * Kecits de Cantorbery ' 
cheminent vraiment sur une route anglaise, au milieu des 
champs et des plairies, a travers les villages et les bourgs de 
la vieille Angleterre. Tout le poeme est baigne de grand air 
et de lumiere, et partout la nature fait un chaud et solide 
fond de tableau a la cavalcade bigarree. C'est un des 

1895] French Allusions. 103 

caracteres par lesquels le poeme se separe le plus profonde- 
ment de son modele italien. Tandis que les egoi'stes causeurs 
du ' Decameron ' sont, par le poete aussi bien que par leur 
propre decision, isoles du reste du monde, tandis qu'ils ne 
vivent qu'une existence toute mentale, les personnages de 
Chaucer doivent en partie leur relief et leur ve>ite drama- 
[P. 216] tique an contact toujours senti de la nature ambiante. . . . 

Qu'on se rappelle, entre mille traits analogues, cette breve 
notation d'une aurore : 

'L'alouette affairee, messagere du jour, salue de sa 
chanson le gris matin, et 1'ardent Phebus s'eleve si 
radieux que tout 1'orient rit a sa vue, et de ses rayons il 
seche, dans les bosquets toutes les gouttes argentees des 

tp. 217] . . . II y a manifestement la, dans la minutie de Fobserva- 
tion et dans la justesse de touche de la peinture, quelque 
chose que le moyen age n'avait pas connu, pas menie dans 
les vers gracieux, trop pares et trop spirituels, du rondeau 
celebre de Charles d'Orleans. 

C'est cette precision aigue de la vision qui sauve de la 
monotonie les descriptions si frequentes d'oiseaux, d'arbres 
et de fleurs: Dans une foret, Chaucer donne d chaque arbre 
sa physionomie propre. ... II voit tous les details des 
objets, et en meme temps il sympathise avec toutes les 
manifestations de la vie des choses. Yoyez ce que lui suggere 
une averse de printemps : 

[P. 218] ' Quand les douces ondees de la pluie tombent mollement, 
que le sol bien souvent exhale de bienfaisantes vapeurs, 
et que chaque plaine se pare richement d'une fralche 
verdure ; que les petites fleurs eclosent ga et la dans les 
champs et les prairies, si bonnes et si bienfaisantes sontces 
ondees, qu'elles renouvellent ce qui etait vieux et mort 
pendant 1'hiver; et, de toutes les semences, sortent les 
plantes ; si bien que chacun se sent, a la venue de la saison 
nouvelle, tout joyeux et leger.' 

Et cependant ces descriptions directes ne sont pas tout ce 
que revele chez Chaucer le sentiment de 1'amour de la 
nature. . . . / 

Tantot c'est une comparaison prolongee commc celle de 
Cressid avouant son amour : 

'Tel le jeune rossignol timide qui s'arrete d'abord quand 
il commenc.ait a chanter' [etc. Troilus, bk. hi, 177-181] 


Appendix B. 

[A,D. 1896 

Plus souvent encore, c'est une indication rapide telle quo 
celle qui complete la description du costume d'un jeune 
ecuyer : ' tout brode, comme une prairie pleine de f raiches 
fleurs blanches et rouges.' 

[p. 219] Ainsi, la nature, directement sentie, et rappelee avec un 
intarissable plaisir, figure partout dans I'o3uvre du pere de la 
poesie anglaise. . . . C'est la nature aimable et riante, telle 
qu'elle nous charme dans la jeune saison et dans les matinees 
radieuses. . . . On pourrait appliquer au poete le vers 
par lequel il resume le portrait du jeune seigneur : ' il avait 
toute la fraicheur du mois de mai.' 

1896. Bedier, Joseph. Histoire de la langue et de la litte'rature 
franfaise . . . publiee sous la direction de L. Petit de Julleville, 
tome ii, [Les Fabliaux], pp. 68, 77. 

1896. Langlois, Ernest. Ibid., tome ii, [Le Roman de la Rose], 
p. 150. 

1896. Petit de Julleville, L. Ibid., tome ii, [Froissart], p. 347. 

1896. Brunot, Ferdinand. Ibid., tome ii [la Langue frangaise], p. 526. 

Le poete Gower, apres avoir commence" par ecrire en 

fran^ais, se sert du latin, puis enfin de 1'anglais, et 1'immortel 

Chaucer, sans avoir des hesitations, 1'adopte et le consacre a 

la fois par son genie. 

1896. Legouis, fimile. Quomodo Edmundus Spenserus ad Chaucerum 
se fingens in edogis ' The Shepheardes Calender ' versmn heroicum 
renovarit ac refecerit [Thesis], Paris, 1896. 

1896. Jusserand, J. J. Histoire abre'ge'e de la litte'rature anglaise, 
Paris, 1896, pp. 44, 46-55 [on CHAUCER], 56, 57, 59, 62, 63, 65, 
66, 67, 68, 71, 87, 97, 102, 104, 105, 106, 108, 112, 126, 148, 157, 
195, 223, 262. 

[p. 49] En outre, la personnalite propre de Chaucer commence a 
paraitre dans ces ceuvres [* Lyf of Saint Cecile ' 1373 : ' Com- 
plainte of Mars' 1380, prose translation of the 'De Consola- 
tione' of Boethius, 'Parliament of Foules,' 'Troilus,' 1382, 
'Hous of Fame' 1383-4, 'The Legend of Good Women,'] 
sa bienveillance, son humour, sa sympathie indulgente pour 

[p. 50] tout ce qui est humain, ses dons d'observation, 1'art du 
dialogue familier, la vivacite de repartie, le soin de la forme : 
qualites que nous avions discernees a 1'etat embryonnaire 
dans la race celtique et qui ont passe main tenant, grace a la 
fusion intervenue, dans la race anglaise. 

Ces dons brillent surtout dans ' Troilus et Cressida ' 


1896] French Allusions. 105 

admirable poeme, roman et drame k la fois, plein de tendresse 
et en meme temps d'ironie douce, ou quelque reste des 
melancolies saxonnes s'allie a la gaiete franchise, ou Boccace 
(Filostrato) est imite et surpasse. . . . 

[p. 53] [Dans les contes de Canterbury] c'est toute PAngleterre 
qui nous est montree, jeune, printaniere, epanouie. Les 
genies des deux races d'autrefois se sont fondus ; le genie 
celtique et latin domine toutefois dans Chaucer. Nous le 
trouvons optimiste et indulgent, n'inclinant nullement vers 
le fatalisme et le desespoir. II voit les vices d'un regard 
clair et ne se fait pas d'illusion ; il tache de les guerir ; s'ii 
ne peut, il s'en console, et s'il ne peut s'en consoler, il s'en 
venge du moins par une epigramme. Ses epigrammes, il est 
vrai, font plus que piquer, elles penetrent : ce ne sont pas 
de simples amusements ; a son esprit petillant, a lafrangaise, 
se mele une forte dose ft humour anglais. 

II s'interesse aux humbles et les aime ; si ce sont des 
coquins, le pittoresque de leurs mceurs impures 1'amuse ; s'ils 

[p. 54] sont vertueux, ils lui inspirent une admiration attendrie 
(portrait du bon cure). Les ' gens de rien ' occupent dej& 
dans son ceuvre la place qu'ils devaient tenir dans tout la 
litterature anglaise et dans 1'histoire politique du pays. II 
voit d'une vue claire, il sent d'un coeur sensible. II traduit 
sa vision et son impression par le mot qui fait voir ou le 
mot qui touche, avec une justesse inconnue jusque-la dans 
son pays. II a un sens de la forme et de la mesure rare 
avant la Renaissance ; il blame les longueurs sans toujours 
les eviter ; mais c'est deja beaucoup de savoir que les 
longueurs sont un defaut, et le merite n'etait pas banal 
de son temps. II versifie avec soin ; la place des mots ne 
lui est pas indifferente, leurs sonority's le preoccupent. II 
a sur tous ces points des idees arretees, il n'ecrit pas au 
hasard; il veut, il choisit; bref, et pour la premiere fois 
dans 1'histoire des lettres anglaises, nous nous trouvons en 
presence d'un artiste. 

Avec cela, des moyens simples : nulle pretention ; il veut 
et choisit, et cependant garde un air de facilite : son vocabu- 
laire est le vocabulaire 'de tout le monde, sa prosodie de 
meme; ce sont cette prosodie et ce vocabulaire, ces vers 
rimes ovi les accents marquent la cadence, cette langue oil 
surabondent les mots frangais, dont nous avons expose plus 

106 Appendix B. [A.D. 1897- 

haut la formation. II les prit tels qu'il les trouva, et il les 

consacra par 1'usage qu'il en fit. . 


. Jusserand, J. J. Jacques I cr d'flcosse, fut-il poete ? fitude sur 
' I'authenticite du ' Cahier du Roi,' pp. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 note, 20-22. 

1898. Soult, Amelie (M lle ). Chaucer. Copie de la conference anglaise 
par laquelle Mile. A. Soult . . . devait inaugurer, a la Sorbonne, 
le l ir de'cembre 1897, les conferences en langue anglaise de la Socie'te 
de propagation des lanyues etrangeres en France. 

[A short biography of Chaucer, followed by a study of 
the Canterbury Tales; in English.] 

1898. Unknown. [Article ' Chaucer' in] Le Nouveau Larousse illustre, 
tome ii, p. 735 [short biographical notice]. 

1900. Legouis, finiile. Quel fut le premier compose par Chaucer des 
deux Prologues de la Leyende des Femmes Exemplairesf [extract 
from the Revue de I'enseignement des langues vivantes, Paris, April 
1900]. Le Havre, 1900. 

[M. Legouis maintains that the A text was composed 

1900. Lecoq, J. [Notice of Legouis, Quel fat le premier compose par 
Chaucer des deux prologues de la Legende des Femmes Exemplaires, 
in the] Revue Critique d'Histoire et de Litterature, 10 Dec. 1900, 
p. 467. 

1900. Lecoq, J. [Notice of Skeat's Chaucer Canon, in the] Revue 
Critique d'Histoire et de Litterature, 10 Dec. 1900, pp. 4G6-7. 

1903. Baynaud, Gaston. Introduction [to the] (Euvrts completes de 
Eustache Deschamps, Societe des Anciens Textes Franoais, tome xi, 
1903, Sujets des pieces, p. 213. 

Chaucer. Toute une ballade adresse a Chaucer fait allu- 
sion a une traduction anglaise du fioman de la Rose aujour- 
d'hui perdue, dont il etait 1'auteur. , Son poeme The Flower 
and the Leaf (Aldine edition, 1902, t. ix, p. 87), peut aussi 
etre rapproch6 des pieces consacrees par Deschamps a YOrdre 
de la Fleur et a YOrdre de la Feuille. 

1908. Harvey-Jellie, W. Les Sources du Theatre Anglais a Ve'poque 
de la Restauration [Tliesis], p. 32. 

Waller remit en lumiere les vers suivis, dont Chaucer 
s'^tait si rernarquablement servi. 

1907] French Allusions. 107 

1907. Gebhart, Emile. Merry Old England [article from the] Gaulois, 
Tuesday, April 23, 1907. [A review of the translation of the 
first series of the Canterbury Tales appearing in the Eevue Ger- 
manique, September, 1906. See below, under 1908.] 

La joyeuse vieille Angleterre ! Jene demandais pas mieux 
que de souscrire a ce signalement, qui s'impose a nous 
par I'autorit6 seculaire d'un proverbe ou d'une sentence 

Mais j'avais beau me f rotter les yeux, je ne distinguais 
pas tres clairement, dans la vieille litterature anglaise, ce 
trait caracteristique de gaiete nationale. Shakespeare n'est 
point d'humeur essentiellement joyeuse [M. Gebhart cites 
Macbeth, Hamlet and ' le gros FalstafT,' qui * n'est qu'un 
bouffon de taverne.' Sterne, Swift and Addison, and 
Hogarth and the other caricaturists of the eighteenth 
century, are not really happy (joyeux). In the history of 
the country itself, as in its literature and arts of design, 
reigns a terribly tragic note.] 

Et voila que toujours The Merry Old England s'obstine a 
se derober a nos yeux. 

Elle existe pourtant, bien originale et bien vivante, et 
c'est precisement aux annees memes de VAguto et dans les 
horreurs de la guerre de Cent Ans, qu'elle se revele de la 
maniere la plus inattendue et la plus aimable. Le premier 
grand poeme de la litterature anglaise, les Contes de Canter- 
bury de Geoffrey Chaucer, nous menageaient cette surprise. 
Les plus distingues de nos maitres anglicisants viennent 
d'en entreprendre la traduction, sous la direction de M. 
I^mile Legouis. . . . 

[A short biography of Chaucer and an account of his debt 
to Boccaccio's Decamerone follow.] 

L'imagination de Chaucer fut joliment creatrice. Voyez, 
en son Prologue, la variete individuelle, et le mouvement des 
personnages qui evoluent comme sur une scene de theatre 
bien reglee, la face franchement tournee vers le spectateur, 
avec leur allure propre, leur costume, leur geste professionnelj 
1'inoubliable trait particulier de leur visage. 

Voici vingt-neuf pelerins qui s'en vont a Canterbury, afin 
d'y venerer les reliques du grand eveque martyr. Le hasard 
les a reunis en une hotellerie du vieux Londres, a Tenseigne 


Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1907- 

du Tabard: ils representent,. en dehors de 1'aristocratie 
feodale, la societe anglaise de 1'epoque. . . . 

L'hote, un joyeux drille, ravi d'une clientele si choisie, se 
joint ail p^lerinage et propose a ses comperes de conter, le 
long du chemin, des histoires d'aventures ' du temps jadis.' 
. . . L'offre du rus6 aubergiste est acclamee par enthousi- 
asme. On tire a la courte paille. Au chevalier de parler 
le premier. C'est un lettre, ce chevalier. II a lu la Theseide 
de Boccace, et raconte amplement les chevaleries du due 
Thesee. Et chacun a son tour, paye son ecot. C'est un 
defil6 de contes de toutes les couleurs, surtout de couleurs 
assez crues, de fabliaux friands, de bons tours d'ecoliers, 
dont quelques-uns seront repris et tendrement ciseles a neuf 
par La Fontaine. Madame la Prieure, les clercs et les 
moines auront maintes fois 1'occasion de baisser les yeux, 
tout en cheminant vers la tombe de saint Thomas Becket. 

Gaietes de saveur toute gauloise, d'importation etrangere : 
je n'y reconnais pas encore un signe d'originalite. La 
grande invention de Chaucer, c'est le portrait meme de ses 
pelerins. La galerie qu'il nous fait parcourir est chose 
merveilleuse. Chaque figure du Prologue est 1'effigie d'un 
temperament moral; la demarche, le costume, la coiffure, 
le tour et le ton de la parole jusqu'aux menues confidences 
du poete sur le train intime ou les innocentes manies du 
personnage, tout concourt a la perfection du tableau. Mais 
notez ceci, qui est essentiel; Chaucer ne vise point a la 
caricature ; il a le sens necessairement mesure et discret du 
comique, et le grotesque n'est point pour le seduire. Ses 
couleurs ont la fraicheur du matin verdoyant de mai qui 
eclaire la marche du pelerinage, jamais elles ne sont violentes. 
II se trouvait jouir du plus charmant etat d'ame : la con- 
templation du monde 1'amusait ; il jugeait divertissants les 
visages et les actes quotidiens de ses semblables et n'en res- 
sentait ni colere, ni amertume, ni tristesse. II les caressait 
d'une ironie legere, et se gardait de les meurtrir d'une moquerie 
mechante. Soyez certains que cet homme ne s'ennuyait pas 
souvent et que, dans le cercle seigneurial ou Ton goutait la 
grace de son esprit, la melancolie fut une visiteuse assez rare. 

Je detache Timage de la 'simple et discrete' Prieure, 
M me Eglantine, dont le plus grand serment etait : * Par saint 
Eloi ! ' [A description of the Prioress follows.] 

1908] French Allusion*. 109 

La miniature est exquise. 

Cette allegresse de 1'imagination, assaisonnee de malice et 
de bonhomie, f ut-elle le don propre de Geoffrey Chaucer, ou 
bien repond-elle a 1'enjouement de la societe feodale anglaise, 
vers la fin du quatorzieme siecle 1 Nous saisirons enfin The 
Merry Old England, au moins dans les rangs cultives de 
1'aristocratie. Sinon, le vieux conteur representerait a lui 
seul la '-joyeuse vieille Angleterre.' Or, comme une hirondelle 
ne fait pas le printemps, je me trouverais lance de nouveau 
sur une mer d'incertitude. 

1907. Berger, P. William Blake, Mysiicisme et Poe'sie, pp. 87, 88. 

1908. Gebhart, fimile. Deux Contes de Geoffrey Chaucer [article from 
the] Journal des Debats, 11 March, 1908. [Review of the second 
series of the Tales appearing in the Eevue Germanique. See under 
1908 below.] 

. . . Je ne veux aujourd'hui que presenter au lecteur 1'ou- 
vrage si peu connu, chez nous, du Boccace anglais, invention 
charmante, qui a toutes les graces, les maladresses, les 
timidites et le joli pedantisme des creations de Fadolescence. 
Quand Chaucer a la bonne fortune de rencontrer quelque 
tragique tradition morale venue de Tite-Live, par exemple 
la mort de Virginie, il s'y complait avec cette joie que les 
poetes du moyen age ont savouree chaque fois qu'ils tou- 
chaient aux souvenirs de la Grece ou de Rome. Nos ai'eux, 
ravis de paraitre si savants, s'abandonnaient alors a de 
delicieux bavardages : 1'histoire romaine chez la portiere. 
Mais voici un conte, qui promettait beaucoup, mais qui finira 
raal, ou plutot qui ne finira pas du tout : le conte de sire 
Topaze ! Chaucer semblait s'abandonner a un souffle d'in- 
vention chevaleresque : ce petit jouvenceau de sire Topaze, 
ne en Flandre, 'par dela la mer,' fils de seigneur, brave, 
mignon, la face blanche comme pain de luxe, les levres rouges 
comme rose, les cheveux et la barbe d'un blond de safran, 
s'en allait chevauchant par les collines et les vallees, sous la 
futaie des forets profondes, la lance en arret, gaiement, folle- 
ment, le galop de son cheval chassait les chevreuils, les 
lievres et les sangliers hors de leurs retraites ; mais Topaze 
ne se souciait point des betes fauves : il attendait le chant 
des oiseaux. 

Get elan printanier a travers la vie, cette intelligence 


Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1908 

familiere des voix de la nature, du chant des oiseaux, 
faisaient vaguement penser au saint Julien 1'Hospitalier de 
Flaubert : cet amour pour une creature de reve, toute voilee 
de brouillard et de rayons de lune, nous acheminait vers la 
f eerie, vers les prestiges du roman chevaleresque, qui deja 
enchantait 1'imagination heroi'que de 1'Espagne. M. Legouis 
voit en effet, en ce conte, une imitation, mais une imitation 
ironique de cette litterature qui, au temps de Chaucer, 
degenerait deja en ballades ou poemes populaires semi 

Dans le vieux fabliau, ou les trois personnages essentiels 
sont le mari, la femme et 1'amant (tres souvent un moine de 
la race de Frere Jean des Entommeures), Chaucer se sent 
fort a son aise; dans 1'aimable conte du Marinier, oil le 
moine, doir> Jean, est le cousin meme du mari, il imagine 
des incidents et des discours franchement comiqties. Ceci 
est la bonne veine de la litterature bourgeoise du moyen age 
europeen. Apres tout, 1'invention de Chaucer n'y porte que 
sur le detail des episodes. Mais le don original du contour 
est une plaisante allegresse du recit; il s'amuse infiniment 
aux histoires contees par ses pelerins. Si le conte est une 
predication morale, il le renforce de toute 1'erudition possible, 
d'un veritable debordement d'exemples edifiants. .Dans le 
conte du moine defilent les plus tragiques mesaventures, 
d'Adam a Pierre le Cruel : Neron y occupe une place fort 
ample, et Ugolin s'y montre en toute 1'horreur de sa detresse. 
Ce dernier tableau est d'une reelle beaute, et fort curieux a 
etudier de pres : certains traits d'un pathetique profond, a 
peine indiqu6 par Dante, ont et6 saisis par 1'instinct poetique 
de Chaucer : 

Le geolier ferma la porte de la tour. 

II 1'entendit bien, mais ne dit mot. 

C'est le terrible Senzafar motto de la Cantica. Mais, tout 
aussitot, etourdi comme un ecolier, notre Anglais inflige au 
texte italien un etrange contresens : 

lo non piangeva : si dentro impietrai. 
* Je ne pleurais pas : tant.j'avais de pierre en dedans.' 

Helas! helas ! ' gemit 1' Ugolin de Chaucer, ' pourquoi 
suis-je ne?' 

* A ces mots, les larmes tomberent de ses yeux.' 

1908] French Allusions. Ill 

Le plus interessant morceau de cette seconde serie, au 
point de vue de 1'reuvre artistique, me semble etre le Conte 
du pretre de Nonnains, du Coq chanteclair et de la Poule 
Pertelote, un fabliau installe dans le monde de la volaille, un 
dementi inflige a la tradition triomphante de maitre Renard, 
Renard 1'invincible et 1'infaillible, et, me!6e a ce drame de 
basse-cour, une theorie de la divination et des songes d'apres 
les rneilleurs auteurs de 1'antiquite. Un pur bijou et, si le 
chapelain de ces petites nonnes avait, en son breviaire, beau- 
coup de contes, aussi agreables, on ne devait point s'ennuyer 
au couvent. 

1908. Hcepffner, Ernest. Introduction [to the] (Euwes de Guillaume 
de Machaut, Soc. des Anc. Textes Franc, ais, tome i, p. vii. 

Les oeuvres de Guillaume 6taient connues meme au dela 
du domaine de la langue francaise. Chaucer, le grand poete 
anglais, s'est inspire du Dit de la Fontaine amoureuse pour son 
Boke of the Duchesse et a fait des emprunts encores & d'autres 
poemes de Machaut. 

1908. Les Contes de Canterbury de Genffroy Chaucer. Traduction /ran- 
prise, a/cec une introduction et des notes. . . . Paris, Felix Alcan, 

[This appeared as No. 4 bis of the Revue Germanique for Sept. 1906, 1907 and 190^, 
and was re-issued in 1 vol. in 1908.] 

[p. v] La traduction a ete" ainsi repartie entre les professeurs 
agreges d'anglais dont les noms suivent : 

Prologue General. M. Cazamian, professeur adjoint 4 
1'Universite de Bordeaux. 

Conte du Chevalier. I re partie. M. Le"on Morel, charge 

de cours a la Sorbonne. 
II 6 partie. M. C.-M. Gamier, pro- 
fesseur au lyc^e Henri iv. 
Ill 6 et IV 6 parties. M. Bourgogne, 

professeur au lycee Condorcet. 

Prologue et Conte du Meunier. M. Delcourt, professeur au 
lycee de Montpellier. 

Prologue et Conte de I' Intendant.} M ' ^erocquigny, profes- 

Prologue et Conte du Cuisinier. seur a J Unlverslte de 

] Lille. 

Introduction, Prologue et Conte de I' Homme de Loi. M. W. 
Thomas, professeur a 1'Universite de Lyon. 

Prologue et Conte du Marinier. ^ M. Koszul, professeur au 
Prologue et Conte de la Prieure.f lycee de Lyon. 


Appeiidix B. 

[A.D. 1908 

Prologue et Conte de Chaucer sur\ _,, 

. rn , M. E. Legouis, profes- 

sire Thopaze. 

,, 7J .j, seur a la borboime. 

Prologue du Meilwee. J 

Conte de Chaucer sur Mellibee. M. Bastide, professeur au 
lycee Charlemagne. 

Prologue et Conte du Moine. M. Charles Petit, professeur 
au lycee d' Amiens. 

Prologue, Conte et Epilogue duPretrede Nonnains. M. C. 
Cestre, maitre de conferences a 1'Universite de Lyon. 

,-, ., i if i > fM. Clermont, profes- 

Conte et Epilogue du Medecin. IT 

Prologue et Conte du PardonneurA 

( de-Sailly. 

Prologue de la Femme de Bath. M. Derocquigny, profes- 
seur a 1'Universite de Lille. 
[i>. vi] Conte de la Femme de Bath. ^M. E. Wahl, professeur au 

Prologue et Conte du Frere.) lycee Janson-de-Sailly. 

Prologue et Conte du Semoneur. M. Bauchet, professeur 
au lycee d'Evreux. 

Prologue et Conte du Clerc. M. R. Huchon, maitre de 
conferences a 1'Universite de Nancy. 

Prologue, Conte et Epilogue du Marchand. M. La vault, 
professeur au lyce Janson-de-Sailly. 

Conte et Epilogue de I'Ecuyer. M. Bahans, professeur au 
lycee de Pau. 

Prologue et Conte du Franklin. M. P. Berger, professeur 
au lycee de Bordeaux. 

Prologue et Conte de la Seconde Nonne. M. Vallod, pro- 
fesseur au lycee de Nancy. 

Prologue et Conte du Valet du Chanoine. M. Castelain, 
professeur adjoint a 1'Universite de Poitiers. 

Prologue et Conte du Manciple.YM.. Bastide, professeur au 

Prologue et Conte du Gure. J lycee Charlemagne. 

[p. viii Avertissement. Les traducteurs ont adopte" les regies 
suivantes : 

1 Emploi du texte des Contes de Canterbury, public" par 
Mr. W. W. Skeat dans son Student's Chaucer . . . le meilleur 
texte existant, presque dcfinitif. Ce texte a etc suivi fidele- 
ment, mais non servilement, et les traducteurs ont cru devoir 
s'en separer, en de tres rares occasions, surtout en ce qui 
concerne la ponctuation adoptee par la critique. . . . 

1908] French Allusions. 113 

2 Notes re"duites au strict necessaire. . . . 

3 Traduction lincaire, vers pour vers, d'ou un style sans 
doute moins coulant, mais en revanche plus fidele et peut- 
etre plus savoureux. . . . 

[p. viii] L'accueil fait a la premiere moitie de ce livre permet de 
croire qu'il vient a son heure et comble une lacune en fin 
devenue sensible. Le premier Groupe des Contes, paru en 
fascicule dans un numero supplemeritaire de la Revue 
Germanique, a ete honore par 1' Academic franchise d'une 
partie du prix Langlois. . . . 

II est d'ailleurs difficile de ne pas voir un indice signale du 
progres des etudes de langues vivantes chez nous, dans le 
nombre, la competence et le zele des collaborateurs qui se 
sont unis spontanement en vue de mener a bien une ceuvre 
longue, delicate, exigeant la connaissance de la vieille langue 
anglaise, et toute desinteresse"e. 

La Societe pour V Etude des Langues 

et Literatures modernes. 

[pp. ix.-xxxii.] Introduction, par M. Emile Legouis. [See 

1908. Legouis, Emile. Introduction [to the] Contes de Canterbury de 
Geoffroy Chaucer, traduction frangaise . . . Paris, 1908, pp. ix.- 

[p. ix] L'ceuvre dont la traduction est donnee dans ce volume a 
deja ete & plus d'une reprise celebree chez nous par la critique. 
En des pages nombreuses et brillantes, tour a tour Taine et 
M. Jusseraiid, pour ne parler que d'eux, ont proclame" que 
les Contes de Canterbury etaient non seulement le premier 
chef-d'oeuvre en langue anglaise, mais encore 1'un des poemes 
capitaux de 1'Europe avant la Renaissance, qu'ils pourraient 
bien meme en etre de tous le plus vivant, le plus varie et le 
plus rejouissant. Nul des lecteurs de leurs belles etudes qui 
n'ait senti 1'attrait du vieux livre dans leurs citations et a 
travers leurs analyses. Or c'est un indice curieux (et inquie- 
tant aussi) de notre tournure d'esprit que le manque persistent 
d'une version accessible de ces Contes si bien loues, 

[p. x] Les Contes de Canterbury sont done restes pour la France 
un de ces chefs-d'oeuvre qu'on salue de tres loin et qu'on 


114 Appendix B. [A.D. 1908 

ignore. C'est ainsi qu'il manque au lecteur desinteresse un 
des livres de jadis qui peuvent le plus pour son amusement ; a 
1'historien un tableau unique de la vie populaire du xiv e 
siecle ; au litterateur un des plus remarquables prolongements 
a 1'etranger de notre poesie nationale, et avec cela une O3uvre 
qui, fondee sur le passe, fait mieux qu'aucune prevoir le 
progres de la litterature europeenne. 

II est un autre regret auquel le manque de cette traduction 
peut justement donner lieu. Faute de lire les Contes de 
Canterbury les Fra^ais se sont refuse la seule entree de plain- 
pied qui leur fut possible dans la litterature anglaise . . . 
Ce pas est a peine franchi que la communion devient parfaite : 
fp. xi] pensees, sentiments, histoires, plaisanteries, tours d'esprit et 
de style, on y retrouve ce qu'on a laisse derriere. On y est 
chez soi, avec 1'agrement d'etre en meme temps hors de chez 
soi; on y apprend selon des modes familiers des choses 
curieuses sur un pays different. . . . Nul ecrivain anglais 
ne nous communique au meme degre que Chaucer le sens de 
cette entente cordiale primitive. Ce n'est certes pas que nous 
songions a le revendiquer comme notre ; il nous est preferable 
que ses vers et ses contes aient essaim6 de chez nous pour 
former au dehors une ruche nouvelle, riche et prolifique. 
Ainsi pouvons-nous dans la suite, apres avoir sejourn6 quelque 
temps aupres de lui, passer mieux prepares aux autres grands 
poetes anglais, vrais indigenes ceux-la et parfois tres etrangers 
a notre esprit, mais qui ont tous ete a quelque degre ses 
eleves, et tous ont salue en lui le maitre et le pere. 

[p. xviii] La galerie des portraits qui mene aux contes est la seule 
partie de I'edifice qui ait ete achevee definitivement, ou 
presque definitivement. Les vingt-neuf compagnons de 
roate de Chaucer y figurent fixes en des traits et des couleurs 
que les annees n'ont fait, semble-t-il, qu'aviver. . . . 

Us sont la une trentaine appartenant aux professions les 
plus dissemblables. 

[p. xix] Nul doute que Chaucer, en quete de conteurs distincts, ne 
se soit d'abord avise de cette differenciation la plus facile et la 
plus nette qui consiste dans le contraste des professions. 
Cela fait etfaisait surtout alors- unebigarrure de couleurs 
et de costumes dont 1'ceil est saisi d'emblee, une suite d'habi- 
tudes et de tendances que 1'esprit entend a demi-mot. II 

1908] French Allusions. 115 

suffisait de noter les traits generiques, les caracteres moyens 
de chaque metier, pour obtenir deja des portraits fortement 
accuses et qui ne risquaient pas d'etre confondus. Plus d'une 
fois le poete s'en tient a un simple releve des indices pro- 
fessionnels. . . . Neanmoins il va souvent au dela ; ces 
signes de metier qu'il n'omet jamais, efc qui donnent a tous 
les pelerins une generalite par quoi ils sont vraiment repre- 
sentatifs, il lui arrive de les resserrer et de les diriger en 
inclinant soit k 1'idealisation, soit a la satire. Aussi vrai que 
son Chevalier est le parangon des preux, que son Cure de 
village est le modele des bons pasteurs, que son Clerc 
d'Oxford est le type de 1'amour desinteresse de 1'etude, 
inversement son Moine, son Frere, son Semoneur, son Par- 
donneur, rassemblent les traits les moms estimables de leurs 
congeneres. Parfois aussi une generalisation d'une autre 
espece vient croiser et enrichir celle du simple metier : 
1'Ecuyer est en meme temps la Jeunesse : le Laboureur est 
encore la Charite parfaite chez les humbles ; la Drapiere de 
'Bath est du meme coup 1'essence de la satire centre la 

[p. xx] Enfin il ne s'en tient pas la ; il vivifie et rajeunit les de- 
scriptions convenues ou les generalisations anterieures en 
ajoutant des details que lui fournit 1'observation directe. 
II superpose les traits individuels aux generiques ; il donne, 
meme quand il peint le type, Fimpression de peindre une 
personne unique, rencontree par hasard. . . . Cette com- 
binaison des divers elements est chez lui d'un dosage variable, 
extremement adroit sans qu'il y paraisse. Un peu plus de 
generalite, et ce serait le symbole fige, 1'abstraction froide ; 
un peu plus de traits purement individuels, et ce serait la 
confusion ou 1'esprit s'egare faute de points de repere. 

La vraisemblance est d'autant mieux obtenue que nulle 
trace d'effort ou de composition ne se revele : 

Ses nonchalances sont ses plus grands artifices. 

Les details semblent se succeder au petit bonheur : les 
traits de costume ou d'equipement alternent avec les notations 
de caractere ou de moralite. Cela parait a peine trie et 
ordonne. Ajoutez que la naivete des precedes rappelle sans 
cesse celle des peintres primitifs, par je ne sais quel air de 
gaucherie, par la raideur inexperte de certains contours, par 
une insistance sur des ininuties qui fait d'abord sourire, par 

116 Appendix R [A.D. 1908 

la recherche des couleurs vives et en meme temps par I'unique 
emploi des teintes plates a 1'exclusion des tons degrades. La 
presentation des pelerins est faite avec une simplicite mono- 
tone dont le plus rude artiste ne se contenterait pas aujour- 
d'hui. Un a un, en des cadres ranges a egale distance Tun 
de 1'autre, places sur le meme plan, et tous a la meme hauteur, 
ils nous regardent tous de face. . . . 

[p. xxiij Chaucer a done pu rivaliser avec le peintre. . . . Mais le 
poete a des ressources ref usees au peintre ; il dispose des sons 
comrne des couleurs. Chaucer use de cet avantage avec un 
egal bonheur. II nous fait entendre les grelots qui, a la 
bride du beau cheval brun monte par le Moine, tintent au 
vent siffleur 'aussi clair et aussi fort que la cloche d'une 

Mieux encore, ces portraits acheves, Chaucer s'est avise 
de les faire descendre de leur cadre. II ne? passe pas du 
[p.xxiii] portrait au conte sans intermediate. . , . Les prologues et 
les epilogues particuliers ramenent sans cesse 1'attention des 
contes aux pelerins qui les disent ou les ecoutent, et soulignent 
le dessein du poete : faire de chacun de ces recits I'expression 
naturelle et vraisemblable de tel ou tel individu, 

A pelerins divers de costume et de caractere il preta des 
contes differents de fond et de forme. Son poeme est une 
sorte d'Arche de Noe ou cles specimens de tous les genres 
litteraires alors existants ont trouve place, chacun y gardant 
la singularity de sa physionomie. La prose, les distiques, les 
stances, se succedent et se croisent. 

[p. xx; V ] Tl fallait encore et ce n'etait pas le moins difficile de la 
tache attribuer a chaque pelerin celui de ces contes qui 
convenait a sa caste et a sa nature. Cela encore Chaucer 
Fa fait admirablement ou il a eu le temps de le faire, et la 
reussite est telle dans les parties achevees de son poeme 
qu'on peut, qu'on doit admettre qu'il y eut triomphe d'un 
bout a 1'autre s'il avait mene 1'oeuvre a sa conclusion. . . . 

[p. xxv] Certes le conte n'est plus to u jours, dans 1'abstrait, si bon, 
si rapide, si lestement et habilement tourne qu'il pourrait 
1'etre, ni si sou vent releve de spirituels mots d'auteur. . . . 

1908] French Allusions. 117 

Ainsi, pris a part, le conte de la Bourgeoise de Bath est in- 
ferieur en aisance, en dexterite et en brillant a Ce qui plait 
aux Dames de Voltaire. Mais le conte tel qu'il est dans 
Chaucer ne sort pas de la bouche du poete ; il emane d'une 
commere qui y met sa philosophic de la vie et s'en fait un 
argument ; il lui sert a proclamer son idee des rapports entre 
mari et femme. Vu de cette maniere, il prend une richesse 
et un comique qui font paraitre minces et sans portee les 
vers agiles du poete franQais. D'ailleurs ce conte n'est ici 
que parcelle la moins importante et savoureuse de cette 
immense confession que nous fait la Bourgeoise. Du role 
principal il a passe a celui d'accessoire. , 

Enfin, dernier pas, Chaucer va jusqu'a nous offrir des 
histoires dont il nous permet de nous moquer, si meme il ne 
nous invite pas a les juger en soi fastidieuses ou ridicules. 
Le Moine essaie de compenser sa mine trop fleurie de joyeux 
veneur, sa carrure de grand * engendreur,' en psalmodiant la 
plus lugubre des complaintes sur la fin tragique des illustres 
de ce monde ; il est assez cuirasse d'embonpoint et d'indiffe- 
rence, lui, pour soutenir avec calme le choc de ces infortunes 
anciennes ; mais le bon cceur du Chevalier souffre et proteste ; 
PAubergiste bailie et declare que ' ce conte ennuie toute la 
compagnie/ Le chapelet funebre ne sera pas e"grene jusqu'au 
9 bout, et le Moine rentrera dans le silence, apres avoir par la 
force soporifique de sa parole retabli Popinion de sa gravitd 
dans Pesprit des pelerins. Chaucer non plus ne pourra pas 
mener au tefme le conte qu'il s'est attribue. L'Aubergiste 
sense le rabrouera pour ce qu'il chante une ballade de cheva- 
lerie qui rime beaucoup mais ne rime a rien. Somm6 de dire 
une histoire ou il y ait moins d'assonances et plus de doctrine, 
[p.xxixjil se vengera de son critique sournoisement en lui obeissant 
a la lettre. II renoncera aux vers et repetera en prose la 
redoutable et interminable allegorie ou Dame Prudence 
prouve a son epoux, par tous les Peres de PEglise et tons les 
docteurs du sto'icisme, qu'il doit prendre en douceur les maux 
peu communs dont il est afflige. Dans ces trois cas, il serait 
malavise, le lecteur qui chercherait son plaisir dans Pexcellence 
des contes, au lieu de Pextraire, comme le poete, de leur 
absurdite ou de leur ennui. 



Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1908- 

Ainsi se transforment les contes, simplement par la justesse 
de 1'attribution, alors que, pour le reste, ils conservent visible 
leur marque d'origine. Mais il faut se garder de croire qu'a 
1'interieur meme des contes nul progres ne se rev&le. . . . 
La meme faculte vivifiante qui donna corps et ame aux 
pelerins court et circule dans beaucoup des recits qu'ils 
font. Ici sans doute 1'apport de Chaucer est tres inegal 
selon les cas. ... II faut convenir que Chaucer est tres 
faiblement original dans la partie serieuse, proprement 
poetique, des Contes de Canterbury. L'histoire de ce 
genre qu'il ait le plus remaniee est surement la Theseide de 
Boccace. . . . 

Mais ailleurs Chaucer est ou traducteur litteral, comme 
pour le conte de Mellibee, ou adaptateur tres voisin du 
modele comme pour le sermon du cure, pour la vie de sainte 
Cecile [etc.]. . . . 

[p. xxx] Tout autre est le cas pour les histoires comiques et realistes 
analogues a nos fabliaux. Ici 1'enrichissement est tel qu'on 
pourrait parler de creation. Et cela reste en partie vrai, 
meme si nous comparons Chaucer avec 1'auteur du Decameron, 
qui sut inf user a un genre originairement si sec tant de chaleur 
et de rougeur de sang. Mais tandis que Boccace, gardant la 
concision du genre, ne depasse guere le tableau de moeurs, 
Chaucer, moins dense et moins passionne, s'avance progressive- 
ment vers 1'etude des caracteres ; il reproduit a 1'interieur de 
plus d'un de ces contes cet effort pour saisir 1'individu qui 
fait la gloire de son Prologue. Boccace mene au rbman 
picaresque; Chaucer montre deja la voie a Moliere et a 
Fielding. C'est a ce point que chez lui 1'intrigue, 1'anecdote 
initiale, qui f ut le tout du fabliau et qui reste le principal 
dans Boccace, passe a 1'arriere-plan, s'efface, n'est plus guere 
qu'un pretexte. Des le Conte du Meunier on s'en ape^oit a 
1'importance que prennent les portraits : celui de 1'etudiant, 
celui du clerc Nicolas, celui d' Alison. Mais le plus caracteris- 
tique a cet e"gard est le Conte du Semoneur. Tout ce qui 
importe, ce sur quoi Chaucer s'etend, c'est la mise en scene 

[p.xxxi]du Frere mendiant, ses facons a la fois patelines et familieres, 
ses extraordinaires efforts d'eloquence pour arriver a escroquer 
1'argent de son malade. Quand on atteint la grosse farce 
primitive, le meilleur du conte est acheve, et plus des deux 
tiers en est dit. Ce qui fut 1'unique raison d'etre du fabliau 
de Jacques de Basiu n'est plus ici que la simple conclusion 

1909] French Allusions. 119 

d'une e"tude de caractere ensemble tres approfondie et 
merveilleusement comique. 

[p. xxxii] Sans cesse nous eprouvons en lisant les Contes de Canterbury, 
surtout les contes plaisants, 1'impression que quelque chose 
est en train de naitre. Un levain d'observation et de verite 
fermente a 1'interieur de genres fixes, qui eurent leur per- 
fection speciale, mais etroits et condamnes. Ce travail qui 
s'opere, c'est le theatre moderne, voire le roman moderne, 
qui donnent leurs premiers signes manifestos d'existence. 

Get Anglais du xiv e siecle, parfois empetre" dans une 
syntaxe enfantine, encore imbu de scolastique, la memoire 
surchargee de citations et d'autorites bibliques ou profanes, 
ayant sur sa tete un ciel astrologique plus etrange aux regards 
europeens d'aujourd'hui que celui de 1'hemisphere sud, ce 
' translateur ' docile d'oeuvres disparates et souvent elles- 
memes surannees, se trouve en verite avoir ouvert une ere 
nouvelle. C'est qu'en lui le desir de voir et de comprendre la 
vie a passe avant 1'ambition de la transformer. PoHe exile 
pour peche" d'humour des regions les plus hautes de la poesie, 
la curiosite 1'a decidement emporte chez lui sur la foi, et la 
joie des yeux ou de 1'intelligence sur celle de 1'enthousiasme. 
Les paroles qu'il a entendues lui ont paru toujours rejouis- 
santes, et meme veridiques, du moins comme indices de la 
nature et de la pature de qui les disait. II mene le groupe, 
sans cesse accru, des contemplateurs qui accepteront comme 
un fait, avec une indulgence amusee, sans pretendre a reteindre 
1'etoffe d'une couleur unique, 1'entrecroisement des fils de 
diverses nuances dont se compose le tissu bigarre d'une 
societe. II a sans doute juge certaines couleurs plus belles 
que d'autres, mais c'est sur le contraste de toutes qu'il a 
fonde a la fois sa philosophic de la vie et les lois de son art. 

1909. Unknown. [Review of the translation of the Canterbury Tales 
in the] Revue .Universitaire, January 15, 1909. [Very brief.] 

1909. Maury, Lucien. [Review of the translation of the Canterbury 
Tales in the] Revue Bleue of January 23, 1909, pp. 120-122. 


Voici une etonnante nouvelle : les contes de Chaucer 
n'etaient pas traduits en fra^ais ! depuis le temps que ces 

120 Appendix B. [A.D. 1909- 

contes sont populaires en Angleterre ! Depuia le temps 
qu'ils constituent 1'un des monuments de la litterature britan- 
nique, et, sans doute, de la litterature europeenne ! Eh bien ! 
non, nul ne s'etait encore rencontre pour franciser ce livre 
celebre, tandis que par milliers les plus mediocres ouvrages . . . 
passaient dans notre langue. Le cas est surprenant. . . . 

Etait-ce done 1'enormite de la tache qui decouragea les 
bonnes volontes ? Elles ne f urent certes point deroutees par 
1'etrangete de ces recits; bien au contraire; tous ceux de 
nos Francais qui en ont parle ont vante la grace limpide 
et le charme accessible de ces vieilles aventures ; la matiere 
n'en est guere originale, et si Anglais qu'il soit, Chaucer parut 
toujours tres voisin, par son art et son humeur de nos anciens 
conteurs. . . . Et peut-etre ce fait suffit-il a expliquer 1'espece 
de defaveur dont son ceuvre, sinon son nom, souffrit en 
France ; pourquoi demander a autrui ce que nous possedions 
nous-memes 1 ? . . . 

Enfin voici une traduction . . . qu'il etait scandaleux que 
nous n'eussions point : vingt et un professeurs d'anglais Font 
faite : . . . rajeunir Chaucer c'eut ete le trahir ; ses vingt 
traducteurs le rajeunissent le moins possible ; ils ne tiennent 
point la ridicule gageure de muer entierement son anglais 
hesitant et savoureux en francais du xiv e ou du xv e siecle ; 
mais ils se souviennent des emprunts que nous fit Chaucer ; 
emprunts est-ce assez dire? quand souvent des passages et 
parfois des recits entiers sont passes presque mot pour mot 
de 1'un de nos fabliaux ou de nos romans dans le texte 
de Canterbury. . . . Recourir a ces fabliaux . . . recourir 
merne a Petrarque, a Stace etait indique . . . s'inspirer 
du latin et des formes oubliees du francais . . . extraire 
des ecrits de Jacques de Basiu (ou Boisieux) . . . du Roman 
de la Rose . . . des termes, des tournures et des metaphores, 
etait legitime ; labeur minutieux, qui fut accompli avec plus 
ou moins de bonheur, ... a qui nous devons ga et la de 
prestigieuses reussites et au total un Qhaucer frangais qui 
n'est point indigne du Chaucer anglais. 

Hatons nous de temoigner notre gratitude aux vingt 
traducteurs de ce merveilleux livre. 

1910] French Allusions. 121 

1910. Legouis, fimile. Geoffroy Chaucer [in the series Les Grands 
Ecrivains Etrangers], Bloud, Paris, 1910. 

[This is the first book written in French on Chaucer as 
man and artist, giving an account of his environment and his 
poetical development; with a detailed study of the poems. 
The following is a table of the contents.] 

Chapitre I. Biographic du poete. 

I. Vie de Chaucer. 
II. Son caractere. 

III. Relation de son ceuvre avec 1'histoire de son temps. 
IV. Son patron Jean de Gand. 

Chapitre II. Sa formation poetique. 

I. Etat de la langue anglaise vers 1360. 
II. Chaucer a 1'ecole de nos trouveres. 

III. Sa poesie lyrique. 

Chapitre III. Les poemes allegoriquea. 

I. Le Livre de la Duchesse. 

II. Le Parlement des Oiseaux. 

III. La Maison de Renommee. 

IV. La Legende des Femmes Exemplaires. 

Chapitre IV. Chaucer et ITtalie. 

I. Influence de Dante, Petrarque et Boccace sur Chaucer. 
II. Troilus et Crisede. 

Chapitre V. Les Contes de Canterbury. 
Sources et ^Elements. 

I. Origine et conception de 1'ceuvre. 

II. Le realisme de Chaucer. Chaucer historien. 

III. Limites de son impartialite. L'art et la satire. 

IV. Sources de ses Contes. 

Chapitre VI. Les Contes de Canterbury. 

I. A 1'auberge du Tabard. 

II. Premiere journee de route : 

[Here follows a detailed examination and criticism of all 
the Canterbury Tales, illustrated with charming translation? 
into French verse of portions of the poems.] 


Appendix B. 

[A.D. 1910 

Chapifcre VII. Les Contes de Canterbury. 
Etude Litteraire. 

I. Les Portraits. 
II. La Mise en mouvement des Pelerins. 

III. Adaptation des Contes aux conteurs. 

IV. Valeur des Contes. 
V. Le style. 


1385?] Addenda to Appendix B. 123 


[1385 ?] Froissart, Jean. Le Paradys d' 'Amour. (Oeuvres. Poesies 
ptabliees par M. Aug. Scheler, 1870-72, 3 vols., vol. i, pp. 1, 2.) 

Je sui de moi en grant merveille 
Comment je vifs quant tant je veille, 
Et on ne porvit en veillant 
Trouver de moi plus traveillant, 
Car bien sacies que par veillier 
Me viennent souvent travillier 
Pensees et merancolies 

Et nonpourquant n'a pas lone terme 
Que de dormir oc voloir ferme, 
Car tant priai a Morpheus 
A Juno et a Oleiis 

Et le doulc dieu fist son commant, 

Car il envoia parmi 1'air 

L'un de ses fils, Enclirnpostair . . . 

[The whole of this, the opening passage of the poem, 
closely resembles that of The Boke of the Duchesse, and 
' Enclimpostair ' is Chaucer's * Eclympastey re. ' Baron Kervy n 
de Lettenhove (Froissart, 1857, 2 vols., vol. ii, p. 264, 
q. v. below) dates the Paradys d' Amour in 1385 ; The Boke 
of the Duchesse cannot be much later than 1369.] 

1584. Thevet, Andre. Pout traits et Vies des Hommes Illustres. See 
above, 1735. 

1699. Scudery, Madeleine de. [Translation of Chaucer. See above, 
pt. i, 1700, Dryden, and Introduction to App. B., pp. 2, 3.] 

1764. Thiroux d'Arconville, M. G. C. Melanges de Poe'sie Ang- 
loise . . . pp. 131-2 n. Henry et Emma, poeme de Prior, imite 
de La Belle Brune de Chaucer. [Prose translation.] 

[Translator's note :] Chaucer, Poete Anglois, naquit a 
Londres en 1328, & fut protege par le Due de Lancastre 
et par les Hois Edouard in & Richard. Ayant donne dans 
les erreurs de Wiclef il fut oblige de sortir d' Angleterre : 

124 Addenda to Appendix B. [A.D. 1834- 

y etant retourne quelquels terns apres il fut mis en prison, 
mais il y resta peu de terns. II epousa la sceur de la 
Duchesse de Lancastre, & mourut en 1400, age de 72 ans; 
il fut enterre dans 1'Eglise de Westminster. II nous reste 
des Ouvrages de Chaucer en prose et en vers. Parmi ces 
derniers qui sont en grand nombre, on estime surtout la 
Piece intitulee Le Testament d' Amour. 

1834. Desclozeaux, Ernest. Article ' Chaucer,' [in the] Dictionnaire 
de la conversation et de la lecture, 1833, etc., vol. xiii, 1834, 
pp. 433-6. See above, 1853. 

1835. S[pach], L[ouis]. Chaucer, [in] Encycfope'die des Gens du 
Monde, pp. 594-6. 

[An article of three columns laying the usual stress on 
Chaucer's imitation of French and Italian writers.] 

1842. Bouillet, Marie- Nicolas. Dictionnaire unnerselle d'Jiistoire et 
de ge'ographie, art. Chaucer, p. 366. 

[A short conventional biography. Troilus imitated 
from the Roman de la Rose. Chaucer's works now very 
difficult to understand.] 

[The B.M. has the 1st edn., 1842, the llth, 1856, the 20th, 1864, the 28th, 1884, 
and the 32nd, 1901, the last 'refondu sous la direction de L.-G. Gouraigne.' The 
article is slightly revised by 1856, but no error is corrected. The sentence about 
Chaucer's difficulty is deleted by 1864. The article in 1884 is practically iden- 
tical, but by (and probably in) 1901 it is much enlarged and improved, though 
1328 is still given as the birth-date, and the Complaint of Venus is included in the 
list of works.] 

1850. F[org-ues], E. D. La Poesie humoristique [q.v. above, p. 61]. 

[This article is translated by Forgues from The Extractor, 
and is a review of Leigh Hunt's Wit and Humour. Forgues' 
translation of the Prologue, mentioned above, we have not 
found, and it was perhaps never published.] 

1853. Dreyss, Charles Jjouis. Chronologic universelle, p. 419. 

[The Chaucer reference appears in this edition. Entered above, p. 91, from 
that of 1883.] 

1854. Brunet, G. Chaucer, [in] Hoefer's Nouvclle Biographic Generate, 
vol. x, pp. 118-19. 

[Entered above, p. 63, under 1856.] 

1908-7] Addenda to Appendix R 125 

[n.a. 1857?] Comte, Auguste. Calendrier Positiviste. 

8 mois (Dante, 1'Epopee moderne) 2 [July 17] Boccace, 

[Not in 1st edn., 1849. Comtc died in 1857.] 

1857. Kervyn de Lettenhove, J. M. B. C., Baron. Froissart, Brux- 
elles, 2 vols., vol. i, pp. 57 n. [Philippa de Roe't], 226-9 [Froissart 
and Chaucer] ; vol. ii, pp. 56-7 [the Canterbury Pilgrims ; Sir 
Thopas], 195 [the French of Madame Eglantine], 196 [Chaucer 
borrows from Froissart],* 264 [Enclimpostair. See above, 1385? 
Froissart], 289 [the Empty Purse; Chaucer's verses inferior to 
those of Froissart]. 

1858. Eietstap, J.-B. Armorial general, Gouda, 1858-61, livr. v, vi, 
1858, pp. 240-41, armes du poke anglais Geoffrey Chaucer. 

[Entered above, p. 91, from the edn. of 1884.] 

1865. Bouillet, M. N. Atlas Universel d Histoire et de Geographic. 
p. 207. 

1400. Mort du premier grande poete anglais, Chaucer. 

1880. Demogeot, J.-C. Histoire des Literatures etrangeres. See 
above, 1895. 

1881. Beljame, Alexandre. Le Public et les hommes de lettres en 
Angleterre au xviii e siecle. 

[Entered above from 2nd edn., 1883, which is identical.] 

1888. Paris, Gaston. La Litterature franqaise au moyen age. 

[The Chaucer references in this, the 1st, edn. are identical with those in the 2nd 
1890, entered above.] 

1889. Meyer, Paul. [Introduction to the] Contes moralises de Nicole 
Bozon . . . publies . . . par L. Toulmin Smith et Paul Meyer, 
Paris, 1889, pp. xiii, xxiv, Ivii. 

[p. xiii, Chaucer's Pardoner knew well the liking which 
the lay folk had for the old tales ; p. xxiv, Bozon would say, 
like Chaucer's Pardoner : Radix malorum est cupiditas ; p. 
Ivii, English literature takes its first flight with Chaucer.] 

1894. Bemont, Charles, is the author of the section cited from Lavisse 
and Ram baud's Histoire generate. 

1906-7. Les Contes de Canterbury. Traduction. See above, 1908, 



THE work done on Chaucer by scholars in modern Germany is 
so vast that it would need a volume to itself to deal at all 
adequately with it. Here, therefore, owing to pressure of both 
time and space, it has been left almost wholly unrecorded. But 
the lack of this record here, from about the year 1880, is of com- 
paratively little importance, owing to the many admirable biblio- 
graphies, books of reference, and magazine indexes which exist 
in German. Since the year 1879, practically every book and 
monograph and article on Chaucer has been recorded and com- 
mented on in the Jahresbericht icier die Erscheinungen auf dem 
Gebiete der germanischen Philologie, Berlin, 1879 (in progress). In 
addition, there is the valuable Chaucer bibliography in Korting's 
Grundriss der geschiclite der englischen Litteratur, Miinster. i. W., 
1887, 1893, and 1905, and the large amount of close and accurate 
information on Chaucer bibliography and criticism in Chaucer, a 
Bibliographical Manual, by E. P. Hammond, New York, 1908. In 
this last-named book a summary is given of the more important 
articles on Chaucer in German periodicals j and references to 
German dissertations and monographs on Chaucer, and in many 
cases to reviews of these, are to be found on pp. 74, 81, 237-8, 
273, 275, 279, 282, 288, 365, 376, 378, 475-80, 491, 501, 503-4. 
Full lists of German dissertations have been published monthly 
since 1889 in the Bibliographische Monatsbericht iiber neu-erschie- 
nene Schul- und Universitdtsschriften, Leipzig. In addition, the 
principal German philological periodicals and reviews, many of 
which contain a large number of Chaucer articles, are fully 
indexed, and in many cases have special detailed index volumes. 
See, for instance, below 

1846 ff. Archiv fur das Studium der neueren S]/rachen und 

1859 ff. Jahrbuch fur romanische und englische Sprache und 


1877 ff. Englische Studien. 

1878 ff. Anglia. Zeitschrift filr englische Philologie. 


Appendix C. 127 

It would, therefore, be a comparatively easy matter, with the help 
of these and other books, to compile a formidable mass of German 
critical work on Chaucer during the past thirty or forty years, 
and it would be useful to have it all together. Here, however, 
are given a selection of the more interesting German references 
before 1860. From these it will be seen that there was fuller and 
more accurate knowledge of Chaucer in the 17th and 1 8th centuries 
in Germany than in any other foreign country. Specially interest- 
ing are the remarks by Ludolf in 1691, by Bodmer in 1743, by 
Herder in 1777 and 1796, and the long original critical essay, 
probably by Eschenburg, in 1793. This latter is the best account 
of Chaucer given by any foreign writer in the 18th century. The 
praise of the Knightes Tale, of the poet's 'powerful yet flowing 
verse,' of his originality in Troilus, of the Squieres and Milleres 
Tales, and, above all, of the connecting links or Prologues in the 
Canterbury Tales, shows first-hand knowledge and real appreciation 
of a kind which at this date is rarely found, even in England. 

Wieland's debt to Chaucer's Marchantes Tale in Oberon (1780) 
is generally known, but Seume's translation of Chaucer's Complaint 
to his Purse (c. 1801), Breyer's excellent paraphrase of Godwin's 
Life (1812), and Tieck's use of the folio Chaucer in one of his 
novels may not be so familiar to English readers. 

The article on Chaucer by Meyer in 1845 is specially worthy 
of remark. It is unusually good, accurate and fresh, written with 
undoubted first-hand knowledge of Chaucer's writings, his prede- 
cessors and followers, editions of his works, and the facts about his 
life so far as they were known in 1845. The Chaucer article in 
the latest edition of Meyer's Lexikon (1897) is entirely re-written, 
and although full of accurate and useful information, it lacks the 
feeling of really close knowledge and appreciation of the poet's 
work which the original article gives. 

After 1860, up to 1900, only a few of the more important 
works on Chaucer are entered in the following list, such as Hertz- 
berg's and von Diiring's translations, ten Brink's critical writings, 
a few monographs, and the reviews which contain so much valuable 
Chaucer research and criticism. For the more recent important 
German work on Chaucer, the names of Ballmann, Brandl, Fliigel, 
Kaluza, Koch, Koelbing, Schipper and Zupitza are specially to be 


1574. Gesner, Conrad. Bibliotheca, instituta et collecta pnmum a 
Conrado Gesnero. Zurich, 1574, p. 214, col. 2. 

Galfridus Chaucerus Anglus, eques auratus, Boethium de 
consolatione Philosophise transtulit in linguam Anglicam 
poemate vario. Scripsit Trophseum Lombardicum lib. i. 
De principum ruina. Emblemata morali'a. Amatoria 
carmina. De curia Yeneris. Chryseidse testamentim. 
Chryseidse querimoniam. Laudes bonarum mulierum. 
Cleopatrse vitam. Vitam Thysbes Babylonicse. Vitam 
Didonis Carthaginensis. De Hypsipyle & Medea. Yitam 
Lucretise Romance. De Ariadna Cretensi. De Philomela 
Atheniensi. De Phyllide Thrace?isi. De Hypermestra 
Aegyptia. Somnium Chauceri. Yolucrum conglobationem. 
Yrbanitatis florem. Misericordiae sepulturam. De Angea 
& Telepho. Choream Dominarum. De astrolabij ratione. 
Querimoniam Nigri militis. Fceminarum encomion. Nar- 
rationes diuersorum. De Troilo & Chryseida. De C^eyce 
& Halcyone. In obitwft Blanchiae ducissoe. Tragoadias, 
item Comoadias multas, ac elegias poeniataque varia. Claruit 
anno Domini 1450. 

[In the edition of 1583 this notice is precisely similar.] 

1654. Q,u<mstedt, Joannes Andreas. Dialogus de Patrhs Illustrium 
doctrina et scriptis virorum. Wittebergje, 1G54, pp. 84, 85. 

In Oxoniensi agro est Woodstock oppidum, quod cum nihil 
habeat, quod ostentet (verba sunt Gul. Camdeni in Britan. 
p. 155) Homerum nostrum Anglicum GALFKEDUM CHAUCERUM, 
alumnum suum fuisse gloriatur. De quo & nostris Poetis 
Anglicis (pergit idem) illud vere asseram, quod de Homero 
& Graecis ille Italus dixit : 

Hie ille est, cujus de gurgite sacro 
Combibit arcanos Vatum omnis turba furores. 

A.D. 1574-1691] German References. 129 

Ille enim extra omnem ingenii aleam positus, & Poetastros 
nostros longo post se intervallo relinquens, 

jam monte potitus, 
Kidet anhelantem dura ad fastigia turbam. 

Haec ille. Opuscula ejus varia recenset Conrad. Gesnerus 
in BiU. 

[The passage is identical in the 2nd edition of 1691.] 
1678. Konig, G. M. Bibliotheca vctiis et nova, Altdorfi, 1G78, p. 186. 

CHAUCERUS (Galfr.) Anglus, A. 1400. obiit. Vid. Ohilinus, 
vol. 2. pag. 102. Quenst. pag. 84. 

[For the Qnenstedt reference tee above, 1654. Ghilinus is Girolamo Ghilini, 
Teatro d'Huomini Letterati, Yen. 1647.] 

1682. Morhof, D. G. Unterricht von der Teutschen Sprache and Poesie, 
Kiel, 1682, p. 238. 

Der Aelteste Englische Poet wird von dem Ubersetzer des 
Rapini gesetzet Geoff ry Chaucer, der im Jahr 1400 gelebet. 
Selbiger ist mit nnter den Chymischen Poeten, und findet 
sich in dess Ashrnols seinen Tractat ein Getichte [sic], dessen 
Uberschrifft The Tale of the Chanons Yeoman; worimien 
er von dieser Kunst handelt. Sein Bildnusz und sein 
Epitaphium, welches in der Kirchen zu Westmiinster zu 
finden, hat er dabey abmahlen lassen. Dieser gebraucht 
sich vieler alten Worter und Redensarten, die nicht mehr 
gebrauchlich seyn. 

[There were subsequent editions of this work in 1700 
and 171 8. The notice of Chaucer is repeated in them with 
slight verbal alterations.] 

1691. Ludolf (or Leutolf), Hiob. Jobi Ludolfi alias Leutholf dicti 
ad suam Historiam dEthiopicam ante hac editam Commentarius 
. . . Francofurti ad Moenum, 1691, p. 440. 

L. iii, c. 6, 1ST. Ixxi. 

Seldenus id etiam olim in Britannia inter Christianos in 
usu fuisse docet, producto veteri rhythmi Galfredi Chauceri, 
qui sub Eduardo tertio floruit, de uxore sua Bathoniensi 
ante fores templi quinquies maritata, Anglice sic ceciuit: 

(She lozis it toorthi) tommm all her libe 
8)ubaub0 at th^ Qthurrh ixrre hali she ffbe. 

Id est : 

Sie war ein wiirdig Weib in allem ihrem Leben 
Der Manner fiinft' bekam sie f iir der Kirch Thiir eben. 

[For the Selden reference see above, pt. i, 1G46.] 

130 Appendix C. [A.D. 1694- 

1694. Benthem, II. L. Enyelcindischer Kirch- und Schulen-Staat, 
'Liineburg, 1694, p. 595. 

[In a list of Gelekrte of the fourteenth century :] 

Geoffrey Chawcer, ein grosser Poet, welchen die Engelander 
fur ihren Homerum halten. 

[This notice was much extended in a second edition. See 

1700. Unknown. [A review of Dryden's Fables Ancient and Modern, 
1700, in] Ada Eruditorum, Leipzig, July 1700, p. 321-4. 

[ P . 321] Quae in laudem Chauceri, poetarum Anglorum communis 
velut patris, pneposuisse in titulo hujus open's videtur 
auctor Johannes Dryden, ex Virgilii JEneid. Lib. 5 : [11. 55-56.] 

Nunc ultro ad cineres ipsius, & ossa parentis 
(Haud equidem sine mente reor, sine Numine Divum.) 
Adsunius ; 

non sine omine Angli jam ad ipsum Auctorem applicaie 

[p. 323] . . . Inde Ovidium quoque cum Chaucero poeta Anglo 
adinodum vetusto comparat, & utrumque ait patriam linguam 
percoluisse, utrumque fuisse ingenuum, festivum, amantem, 
utrumque Philosophiae, Philologiae, Astronomiae operam 
dedisse ; facilem utrique esse dictionem, sed neutrurn pro- 
priis inventis multum excellere : Ovidium quippe Grae- 
corum fabulas descripsisse, Chaucerum Italorum f ui temporis 
poemata in suum usum convertisse ; aliqua tamen Chaucerum 
invenisse, Ovidium, quantum constet, nihil prorsus. Neque 
minus praestare Chaucerum in affectibus atque actionibus 
personarum ad vivum describendis, atque ipsa verborum 
simplicitate, cum natura rerum minus saepe ferre videatur 
verborum & sententiarum nexus, quales apud Ovidium 
ubique ferme offendas. Quid quod Chaucerum eodem loco 
Anglis habendum putat, quo Graeci Homerum, & Virgilium 
Ilomani habebant ? . . . [and another page of this epitome 
of the Preface dealing with Chaucer]. 

1704. Unknown. [A review of The London Spy, id est Explorator 
Londinensis, Londini, 1703, in] Ada, Eruditorum, Leipzig, June 
1704, p. 284. [Describing Dryden's funeral.] 

Postquam itaque in templum Abbatise Westmonasteriensis 
ventum esset, cantatum est epiccdium, & postrema a 

1725] German References. 131 

quodam ejus templi Sacerdote persoluta sunt, demumque 
funus, magna cum honoris significatione, medio loco inter 
Chaucerum & Coulseum, insignes Anglorum Poetas, Epicum 
alterum, alterum Lyricum, tumulatum est ; quo in loco ut 
splendidum monumentum, tantoque viro dignum erigatur, 
Nobiliores quidam Angli procurabunt. 

1709. Unknown. [A review of A New View of London, 1708, in] 
Ada Eruditorum, Leipzig, March, 1709, p. 112. 

[Account of Westminster Abbey, and the poets buried 
there.] Proximi sunt Cowlejo Poetse alii, Galfridus Chaucer, 
A. 1400, Edmundus Spencerus, A. 1596 [etc.]. 

1715. Mencke, Johann Burchard. Compendioses Gelehrten- Lexicon, 
Leipzig, 1715, p. -466. 

Chaucer (Godfried, oder Galfried) ein in der Mathematic, 
studiis elegantioribus und Poesie wohl erfahrener Hitter, 
von "Woodstock in Engeland, wurde wegen seiner schonen 
Verse der Englische Homerus genannt, schrieb im Engl. 
laudes bonarum mulierum, vitam Cleopatrse, vitam Lucretia3 
Romanse, und andere Schrifften, welche zu London zusam- 
men gedruckt sind, und st. 1400. 

[The notice is similar in the subsequent editions of 1726 
and 1733. In 1750-3 this work was republished as Jocher's 
Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon, and the Chaucer notice in it 
has slight additions (vol. i, p. 1855, col. i). In the list of his 
works, after * vitam Lucretise romance ' is added : ' amorum 
Troili de Chriseidae libros 2, welche letztern Franc. 
Kingston [sic] in lateinische Yerse gebracht, nebst andern 
Schriften,' etc. The alternative date 1402 is added for 
Chaucer's death. The later edition of this Lexicon, 1787- 
1822, is merely supplementary of names up to then 

1722. Unknown. [A review of Joseph Trapp's Praelectiones Poeticae 
in schola naturalis Philosophiae Oxonii kabitae : in] Ada Erudi- 
torum, Leipzig, March, 1722, p. 130. 

Immaturum enim Drydeni Angli judicium censet quo 
ille Chauceri poema, pulcrum sane, Iliada ^Eneidaque 
aequare imo superare contendit. 

1725. Unknown. [A review of The Survey of Cornwall, etc., by Richard 
Carew, 1723, in] Ada Eruditorum, Leipzig, March, 1725, p. 121-2. 

[p. 121] Utque probet, veteres Graecos & Romanes pares in 


Appendix G. 

[A.D. 1727- 

Anglia habuisse, Platoni Thomam Smith, lonibus Thomam 
Morum, Ciceroni Aschamum, Varroni Chaucerum . . . ornnes 
prrestantissimos illius sevi scriptores Anglos, opponit. 

1727. Unknown. [A review of J. Dart's Westmonasterium, or the 
History and Antiquities of the Abbey-Church of St. Peter's, West- 
minster : in] Acta Eruditorum, Leipzig, June, 1727, p. 243. 

Galfridus Chaucer, pater Poetamm Angl. cujus vitam 
prolixiorem Noster nuperse ejus Operum editioni prsemisit, 
natus Londini A. 1328, denatus est Oct. 25 A. 1400. 


1730. Unknown. Allgemeines Historisches Lexicon, 3te Aufl., I. Teil, 
Leipzig, 1730, p. 958. 

CHAUCER, (Godfried oder Galfredus) em Hitter, gebiirtig 
von Woodstock in Engelland, wurde wegen seiner schonen 
verse der Englische Homerus zugenannt. Hiern'achst war er 
auch in der mathematic und in den studiis elegantioribus 
wohl erfahren. Er starb an. 1400. Seine Engellandische 
schrifften sind an. 1561 zu London zusammen gedruckt 
worden ; er hat aber geschrieben, laudes bonarum mulierum ; 
vitam Cleopatrse ; vitam Lucretise Romance ; urbanitatis 
florem ; misericordise sepulturam ; de astrolabii ratione, &c. 
Leland, Balxus & Pitsseus de script. Angl. Gesnerus, 
Camden, &c. 

[This notice is quoted from the third edition the only 
edition which the British Museum possesses but a notice 
on Chaucer also appeared in the first edition, Leipzig, 1709. 
Possibly the notice in the first edition was the same as that 
in Mencke's Lexicon (see above, 1715), as Mencke virtually 
based his work on the older Historisches Lexicon.'] 

1732. Bentheim, H. L. Neu-erb'ffueter Engldndischer Kirch und 
Schulen-Staat, 2nd Edition, Leipzig, 1732, pp. 861-2. 

Geoffrey Chaucer, machte zwar die Adeliche Geburt und 
der Ritter-Orden, zu der Zeit gnug ansehnlich, aber seine 
Gelahrtheit [sic] und Dicht-Kunst hat ihn der Vergessenheit 
entzogen, und so hochberiihmt gemachet, dass er noch der 
Engelandische Homerus insgemein genennet wird. Doch 
findet man heutiges Tages keinen sonderlichen Geschmack 
mehr an seiner Schreib-Art, weil er seine Reimen mit vieleii 
Frantzosischen oder Normannischen Wortern bespicket hat ; 

1777] German References. 133 

Dennoch aber haben die Engelander Ursache ihn annoch 
lioch zu halten, well er das Eiss in der Dicht-Kunst ihren 
Landes-Leuten zuerst gebrochen hat. 

[For the first edition of this work, see above, 1694.] 

1743. Bodmer, J. J. Sammlung critischer, poetischer und anderer 
geistvollen Schriften, siebendes Stiick. Zurich, 1741-4, pp. 46-7. 

Das Metrum [des mittelhochdeutschen hofischen Epos] 
1st demjenigen gantz gleich, welches der Englische Schaser 
noch in dem 14ten Saeculo gebraucht hat, da uns aber 
verborgen ist, wie man es gelesen, oder gesungen habe. 
Schaser schriebt zum Ex. : 

It stood upon so high a rock 
Higher standeth none in Spayne, 
What manner stone this rock was 
For it was like a lymed glass 
But that it schon full more clere 
But of what congeled matere 
It was, I niste redily. 

IHous of Fame, Book iii, 11. 26-7 ; 33-7.] 

Die Engellander haben sich von diesem Sylbenmasse nicht 
irre machen lassen, dass sie den Innhalt und die Erfindungen 
darunter aus dem Gesichte verlohren hatten, ihre heutigen 
Poeten finden noch ietzo die Perlen darinnen, und wissen sie 
geschickt herauszunehmen. Sie halten Schasers poetisches 
Naturell noch ietzo in Hochachtung, da sie seine Sprache 
haben untergehen lassen. Wir aber haben unsre Schaser 
mit ihrem Zahlmasse, ihrer Sprache und ihrer Poesie, unter 
die Banke geworffen. 

1777. Herder, Johjirm Gottfried Von Aehnlichkeit der mittlern 
enylischen und deutschen Dichtkunst, [published in] Deutsches 
Museum, Band ii, pp. 425-6. 

[P. 425] Wenn nun auch hier England und Deutschland grosse 
Gemeinschaft haben, wie weiter w'aren wir, wenn wir diese 
Volksmeynungen und Sngen auch so gebraucht hatteii, wie 
die Britten und unsre Poesie so ganz darauf gebaut ware, 
als dort Chaucer, Spenser, Shakespear auf Glauben des 
Volks baueten, daher schufen und daher nahmen. Wo sind 


Appendix C. 

[A.D. 1780- 

unsre Chaucer, Spenser und Shakespeare ? Wie weit stehen 
unsre Meistersanger unter jenen ! . . . 

[p. 426] Ich sage nur so viel : Hat ten wir wenigstens die Stiicke 
gesammlet, aus denen sich Bemerkungen oder Nuzbarkeiten 
die Art ergaben aber wo sind sie 1 Die Englander mit 
welcher Begierde haben sie ihre alte Gesange und Melodien 
gesammlet, gedruckt und wiedergedruckt, genuzt, gelesen ! 
Ramsay, Percy und ihres Gleichen sind mit Beyfall aufge- 
nommen, ihre neuern Dichter Shenstone, Mason, Mailer [sic] 
haben sich, weingstens schbn und mlissig, in die Manier 
hineingearbeitet : Dryden, Pope, Addison, Swift sie nach 
ihrer Art gebrauchet: die altern Dichter, Chaucer, Spenser, 
Shakespear, Milton haben in Gesangen der Art gelebet, 
andre edle Manner, Philipp Sidney, Selden, und wie viei 
miiste ich nennen, haben gesammlet, gelobt, bewundert ; 
aus Sainenkornern der Art ist der Britten beste lyrische, 
dramatische, mythische, epische Dichtkunst erwachsen ; 
und wir wir iiberfiillte, satte, klassische Deutsche wir? 
Man lasse in Deutschland nur Lieder drucken wie sie 
Ramsay, Percy u. a. zum Theil haben drucken lassen, und 
hb're, was unsre geschmackvolle klassische Kunstrichter 
sagen ! 

1780. Wieland, Christoph Martin. Oberon, em Gedicht in vierzehn 

[The whole of the 7th song of Oberon is taken from 
Chaucer's Marchantes Tale. Wieland himself names Chaucer 
not Pope as his source, see 1796 below, but although 
Wieland undoubtedly knew Chaucer's original version (pro- 
bably in Tyrwhitt's edn. of 1775-8), he unquestionably 
also follows Pope's modernisation in the main. For the 
question of Wieland's debt to Chaucer and Pope respectively, 
see Das Quellenverhaltniss von Wieland's Oberon, von Dr. Max 
Koch, Marburg, 1880, pp. 52-5.] 

1793. [Eschenburg-, J. J. ?] Gottfried Chaucer, [in] Charaktere der 
vornehmsten Dichter oiler Nationen; nebst kritischen und histori- 
schen Abhandlung iiber Gegenstande der schoncn Kiinste und Wis- 
senschaften, von einer Gesellschaft von Gelehrten. Leipzig, 1793, vol. 
ii, pp. 113-139. 

[This long and careful essay (27 pp.) is, so far as I know, 
by far the best eighteenth-century account of Chaucer 
written by any foreign writer. It is written with evident 
knowledge of Chaucer's work at first hand, and is no mere 
repetition of what others have said. The poems, and 

1793] German References. 135 

Chaucer's sources, are discussed in detail, with accuracy 
and insight.] 

tp. us] Mit dem klassischen Alterthum war Chaucer nicht unbe- 
kannt ; das beweisen seine haufigen Anspielungen auf Stellen 
der Alten. Aber ihre Dichtkunst war wenigstens nicht 
das Vorbild seiner Nachahnmng. Dazu war seine Welt- 
kenntoiss und seine Belesenheit zu mannigfaltig. Aus den 
franzosischen und italienischen Dichtern entlehnte er das 
meiste. Aus ihnen schopfte er nicht nur den Stoff, sondern 
die ganze Behandlungsart seiner beyden und vornehmsten 
Gedichte, The Knight's Tale, und The Romaunt of the Rose. 

[i.ii9] Unter Chaucer's Hand erhielt diese Dichtung (The 
Knight's Tale) viele neue Schonheiten. Einige vorziigliche 
Gernalde und Beschreibungen, z. B. die von den Tempeln 
des Mars, der Yenus, und der Diana, und manche darein 
verwebte Allegorien, haben durch die freye und edle Manier 
des brittischen Dichters mcht wenig gewonnen. Nicht genug 
indess, dass er manch Neues und Eignes hinzuthat ; er liess 
auch viel Mattes und Weitschweifiges hinweg, welches die 
Lesung des italienischen Originals so oft ermlidend macht. 
Auch entledigte er sich der Einf ormigkeifc und des Zwanges der 
Stanzen, und wahlte das freyere Metrura des zehnsylbigen 
lamben, von dessen gliicklicher Bearbeitung er in diesem 
Gedichte das erste Muster gab. Bekanntlich hat Dryden 
diess Gedicht in seiner Erzahlung, Palamon und Arcite, 
modernisirt ; aber Chaucer's kraftvoller und dabey sehr 
fliessender Vers hat nicht wenig Antheil an dem Verdienste, 
welches sich der Vortrag des neuern Dichters nun um so 
leichter erwerben konnte. . . . [Romaunt of the Rose, 
sources and characteristics.] 

[p. 122] Eine andre vorziiglich merkwiirdige Arbeit Chaucer's ist 
sein erz'ahlendes Gedicht, Troilus und Kressida . '. . [His 
sources, * Lollius ' and Guido de Colonna.] Aber auch hier 
ist das Eigenthiimliche des englischen Dichters unverkerm- 
bar ; und er zeigte hier vornamlich seine Stark e in lebhafter 
Erregung des Mitgefiihls. . . . 

[The Hous of Fame. Pope's rendering is inferior.] 
IP. 123] Am beriihmtesten indess von alien Werken unsers 


Appendix O. 

[A.D. 1793 

Dichters sind seine Canterbury-Tales. Die Veranlassung zu 
diesen Erzahlungen ist ganz sinnreich ausgesonnen. [De- 
scription of the setting, and the improvement on Boccaccio's 
Decameron, in that Chaucer's personages are drawn from 
many different parts of the country, and from different 
classes and trades.] 

{P. 124] Freylich aber sind diese Erzahlungen, von Seiten ihres 
innern Gelialts, ziemlich ungleich, und nicht alle von 
gleichem poetischen Yerdienst. Yon ihrer Erfindurig gehort 
dem englischen Dichter wohl nur wenig eigen. Die schonste 
darunter, nachst der schon angefiihrten Knight's- Tale, ist 
ohne Zweifel, The Squirr' s-Tale [sic]. [Description of this 
and of the Clerkes Tale.} . . . 

[p. 126 ] In der komischen Gattung sind The Tale of the Nonnes 
Priest und January and May, durch Dryden's und Pope's 
Modernisirungen, die bekanntesten geworden ; obgleich The 
Miller's Tale mehr achte komische Laune hat ... In den 
ineisten iibrigen Erzahlungen Chaucer's ist mehr komische, 
als ernsthafte Wendung; und die Naivetat des Tons ist 
darin nicht weniger anziehend, als die Wahrheit und Leb- 
haftigkeit der ganzen Darstellung. 

Mehr aber noch, als in den Erzahlungen selbst, stromt 
die ergiebige launigte Ader unsers Dichters in den Prologen, 
womit er jede Mahrchen einleitet. 

[p. 127] Hier fand er zu treffenden Sittengemalden iiberall Gele- 
genheit ; und diese sind wirklich meisterhaft entworfen, und 
mit treffender Satyre untermischt. Man bewundert den 
eindringenden Scharfsinn in diesen charakteristischen Schil- 
derungen eben so sehr, als ihre gliickliche Auswahl und 

Dabey sind sie durchaus original und einheimisch, nicht 
flach, sondern ausserst individuell, und mit immer reger 
Lebhaftigkeit ausgefiihrt. Unter andern sticht der Charakter 
des Wirths von der Herberge der erzahlenden Pilger sehr 
vorthielhaft hervor. Seine Zwischenreden und Bemerk- 
ungen, womit' er die Erzahlungen zuweilen unterbricht, 
sind iiberaus treffend ; und er ist beinahe eben das, was der 
Chor auf der griechischen Biihne war. . . . 

[Chaucer's language and verse is then discussed.] 

1796] German References. 137 

1796. Herder, Johann Gottfried von. Briefe zu Beforderuny der Hu- 
manitat, achte Sammlung, Brief 98. (Herder's Sammtlicne Werke, 
herau?gegeben von Bernhard Suphan, Berlin, 1877-1913, Band 
xviii, pp. 100, 102, 107 [Passing references to ' Chaucer's Reime']. 

[p. loo] Der Unterschied, den das Fragment zwischen Poesie aus 
Reflexion und . . der reinen Fabel-poesie macht, ist mir aus 
der Geschichte der Zeiten, auf die das Fragment \veiset, 
ganz erklarlich worden. So lange namlich der Dichter 
nichts seyn wollte, als Minstrel, ein Sanger, der uns die 
Begebenheit selbst phantastisch vors Auge bringt und solche 
mit seiner Harfe fast unmerklich begleitet, so lange ladet 
der gleichsam blinde Sanger uns zum unmittelbaren An- 
schauen derselben ein. Nicht auf sich will er die Blicke 
ziehen . . . er selbst ist in der Vision der Welt gegenwartig, 
die er uns ins Gemiith ruft. 

Dies war der Ton aller Roman zen- und Fabelsanger dei 
mittleren Zeit, und (um bei der Englischen Geschichte zu 
bleiben, aus der das Fragment Beispiele holet) es war noch 
der Ton Gottfried Chaucers, Edmund Spensers und ihres 
Gleichen. Der erste in seinen Canter bury- Tales erzahlt 
vollig noch als ein Troubadour; er hat eine Reihe ergbtz- 
ender Mahrchen zu seinem Zweck der Zeitkiirzung 
und Lehre, charakteristisch fiir alle Stande und Personen, 
die er erzahlend einf iihrt, geordnet ; Er selbst erscheint 
nicht eher, als bis an ihn zu erzahlen die Reihe kommt, 
da er denn seinem Charakter nach, als ein Dritter auftritt. 

1796. Wieland, Christoph Martin. An den Leser, [prefixed to] Oberon. 
Sammtliche Werke, Leipzig, 1794-1802, 42vols.,vol. xxii, pp. ii, iii. 

[p. ii] Aber der Oberon, der in diesem alten Ritterromane die 
Rolle des Deus ex machina spielt, und der Oberon, der dem 
gegenwartigen Gedichte seinen Nahmen gegeben, sind zwey 
sehr verschiedene Wesen. Jener ist eine seltsame Art 
von Spuk, ein Mittelding von Mensch und Kobold, der Sohn 
Julius Casars und einer Fee, . . . der meinige ist mit dem 
Oberon, welcher in Chaucer's Merchant 's-Tale und Shake- 
speare's Midsummer- Night's- Dream als ein Feen- oder 
Elfenkonig (King of Fayries) erscheint, eine und eben 
dieselbe Person ; und die Art, wie die Geschichte seines 
Zwistes mit seiner Gemahlin Titania in die Geschichte 

[p. iii] Hiions und Rezia's eingewebt worden, scheint mir (mit 

138 Appendix C. [A.D. 1801- 

Erlaubniss der Kunstrichter) die eigenthiimlichste Schon- 
heit des Plans und der Komposizion dieses Gedichtes zu 

[c. 1801?] Seume, Johann Gottfried. Chaucer an seine leere Bb'rse 
[a translation of Chaucer's Compleint bo his Empty Purse]. (Seume's 
Sammtliche Werlce, Leipzig, 1826, Band vi, pp. 98, 99.) 

[The following is the first stanza.] 
Geliebte, der keine Geliebte mehr gleicht, 
Ach Liebe, \vie bist Du so leer ; 
Wie bist Du so winzig und jainmerlich leicht ; 
Das macht mir das Leben so pchwer. 
Und lieber schon war' ich zur Bahre gebleicht ] 
Erbarme Dich meiner, und sei wieder schwer, 
Sonst leb ich nicht mehr. 

1812. Breyer, Carl Wilhelm Friedrich. Leben Geoffrey Chaucer's des 
Vaters der englischen Dichtkunst. Nach dera Englischen Herrn 
William Godwins frey bearbeitet, Jena, 1812. 

[This is an admirably done paraphrase of Godwin's Life 
of Chaucer (1803), retaining all the essentials relating to 
Chaucer and his work, and omitting the superfluous, as 
Breyer indicates in his preface. Some twenty-one irrelevant 
chapters are entirely omitted, and others are vastly reduced, 
so that Breyer's version is a little volume of 146 pages 
(_!_ 39 pages of quotation from the Romaunt of the Rose), 
whereas Godwin's forms two large volumes of 489 + 642 

Vorbeiicht. Es ist allerdings ein sehr angenehmes Ge- 
schenk, welches Hr. William Godwin mit seiner ohnlangst 
erschienenen Schrift : Life of Geoffrey Chaucer, nicht nur 
seinen Landsleuten, den Englandern, sondern den Freunden 
der Poesie und Historic iiberhaupt, gemacht hat. Nur der 
Form, in welcher der beriihmte Verfasser dies Geschenk 
darbrachte, miissen wir unsern Beyfall versagen. [It is 
not only a life of Chaucer, but an historical account 
of the fourteenth century in England, there are too many 
long digressions in it.] . . . 

Was wir dem deutschen Publikum hier liefern, ist daher 
im strengen Sinne des Worts eine freye Bearleitung des 
englischen Originals. Indem wir al)es Ueberfliissige weg- 
schnitten, machten wir, so viel es uns rnoglich war, den 

1822] German References. 139 

Yater der englischen Dichtkunst zum Mittelpunkt unsrer 
ganzen Erzahlung. 

1822. Tieck, Johann Ludwig. Des Lebens Ueberfluss, Ludwig Tieck's 
gesammelte Novellen, vermehrt urid verbessert, 1838-42, neue 
Folge, Breslau, Band 1, 1842, pp. 23, 24, 39, 104, 105, 106. 

[In this story, a rare copy of Chaucer, printed by Caxton, 
becomes the means of tracing the eccentric scholar, who was 
forced to sell it in his poverty. The following are some of 
the passages where the Chaucer is referred to.] 

[p. 23] Er nahm das Tagebuch wieder vor und schlug ein Blatt 
zuriick. Er las laut : Heut verkauf te ich dem geizigen 
Buchhandler mem seltenes Exemplar des Chaucer, jene alte 
kostbare Ausgabe von Caxton. Mein Freund, der liebe, 
edle Andreas Vandelmeer, hatte sie mir zu meinem Geburts- 
tage, den wir in der Jugend auf der Universitat feierten, 
geschenkt. Er hatte sie eigens aus London verschrieben, 
sehr theuer bezahlt und sie dann nach seinem eigensin- 
nigen Geschmack herrlich und reich mit vielen gothischen 

[p. 24] Verzierungen einbinden lassen, Der alte Geizhals, so 
wenig er wir auch gegeben hat, hat sie gewiss sogleich nach 
London geschickt, um mehr als das Zehnfache wieder zu 
erhalten. Hatte ich nur wenigstens das Blatt herausge- 
schnitten, auf welchem ich die Geschichte dieser Schenkung 
erzahle und zugleich diese unsre Wohnung verzeiclmet hatte. 
Das geht nun mit nach London oder in die Bibliothek eines 
reichen Mannes. Ich bin dariiber verdriesslich . Und dass 
ich dies liebe Exemplar so weggeben und unter dem Preise 
verkauft habe, sollte mich fast auf den Gedanken bringen, 
dass ich wirklich veramt sei oder Noth litte; denn ohne 
Zweifel war doch dieses Buch das theuerste Eigenthum, was 
ich jemals besessen habe, und welches Angedenken von 
ihm, von meinem einzigen Freunde ! O Andreas Vandel- 
meer ! Lebst du noch ? Wo weilest du ? Gedenkst du 
noch mein 1 

[He tells his wife that his friend Andreas went to the 
East, and he heard that he had died there of cholera. He 
continues to read pages in his diary an account of the 
stress of poverty which led him to part with his Chaucer.] 

[P. 39] So werde ich also nun doch meinem Chaucer, von Caxton 


Appendix G. 

[A.D. 1827- 

gedruckt, verstossen und das schimpfliche Gebot des knau- 
sernden Buchhandlers annehmen miissen. Das wort " ver- 
stossen " hat inich immer besonders geriihrt, wenn geringere 
Frauen es brauchten, indem sie in der Noth gute oder 
geliebte kleider versetzen oder verkaufen mussten. Es 
klingt fast wie von Kindern. Verstossen ! Wie Lear 
Cordelien, so ich meinem Chaucer. 

[They grow poorer, and are brought to great straits, until 
one day a stranger drives up to the door in a magnificent 
carriage and pair. It is the scholar's friend Andreas, who 
has tracked him through the Chaucer.] 

[p. 105] Aber nun lass uns auch verniinftig sprechen, sagte Andreas. 
Dein Kapital, welches Du mir damals bei meiner Abreise 
anvertrautest, hat in Indien so gewuchert, dass Du Dich 
jetzt einen reichen Mann nennen kannst ... In der Freude, 
Dich bald wiederzusehen, stieg ich in London ans Land, 
weil ich dort einige Geldgeschafte zu berichtigen hatte. Ich 
verfiige mich wieder zu meinem Biicherantiquar, um fur 
Deine Liebhaberei an Alterthiimem ein artiges Geschenk 
auszusuchen. Sieh da, sage ich zu mir selber, da hat ja 
Jernand den Chaucer in demselben eigensinnigen Geschmack 

[p. 106] binden lassen, wie ich die Art damals fur Dich ersann. Ich 
nehme das Buch in die Hand und erschrecke, dennes ist das 

1827. Kannegiesser, Carl Ludwig. Gottfried Cliaucers Canterbury sche 
Erzahlungen, (AuBwahl) iibersetzt von Kannegiesser, 2 vols., 
Zwickau. (Taschenbibliothek auswartiger Klassiker.) 

[Yol. i, Prologue and Knightes Tale', vol. ii, Frankeleyns 
prologue and Tale, Pardoneres prologue and Tale, Doctor's 
[i. e. Phisiciens\ prologue and Tale, Cokes Tale, i. e. Gamely n, 
not the real Cokes Tale. In verse.] 

1837. Groneman, Sarus A. J. de Ruever. Diatribe in Johannis Widijfi, 
Reformationis prodromi, Vitam, Inyenium, Scripta. Trajecti ad 
Rhenum, 1837, p. 231-2 n. 

Chaucerus poijmate pulcro depinxit presbyterum quendam 
ruralem, quern cum adumbrabat, ob oculos eum habuisse 
Wicliffura, multi putant. [He then quotes a portion of 
Chaucer's description of the parson from the Prologue, 
11. 477-84, 491-5, 524-8 

1845] German References. 141 

1 A good man there was of religion,' etc.] 

1844. Fiedler, E. Canterburysche Ezahlungen, vol. i [no more pub- 
lished], Dessau, 1844. 

[With an introduction and notes. The Tales of the Knight, 
Miller, Reeve, Cook and Man of Law are translated into 
German verse.] 

1845. Meyer, J. [Article Chaucer in] Das grosse Conversations- Lexicon 
fur die gebildeten Stande. Hildburghausen, 1840-55, vol. vii, pt. ii, 
1845, pp. 47-49. 

coi 4 2i Chaucer, Geoffroy, der Yater der englischen Dichtkunst 
genannt. Wie eifrig bes. engl. Biographen iiber C.'s Lebens- 
umstande auch nachgeforscht haben, so ist doch bis jetzt 
noch Vieles dunkel geblieben. Das J. 1328 wird gewohnl. 
als das seiner Geburt bezeichnet [etc., a full life, based 
on Leland, Godwin, the Testament of Love, etc.]. 

co'i 4 2] ^*' s Werke sind in verschiedenen Handschriften aufbe- 
wahrt, was ihre fortw'ahrende Popularitat bezeugt, und nach- 
her haufig gedruckt worden. Eines der ersten Produkte von 
Caxtons Presse ist eine Ausgabe der Canterbury-Erzahl- 
ungen. . . . Als Beweis von C.'s Popularitat in Schottland 
mag gelten, dass eine der friihesten Arbeiten der schottischen 
Presse seine "Klage des schwarzen Hitters" war, die 1508 
von Chapman und Myllar . . . gedruckt wurde. [Thynne's 
1532 edn. noted and Tyrwhitt's edn. of the C. Tales much 
praised, " ein Muster der Akkuratesse und kritischen 

C.'s Yerdienste als Dichter sind nicht gewohnlicher Art, 

col 4 ?] a ^ er indeni w i r si zu wiirdigen suchen, miissen wir das 
Zeitalter betrachten, in welchem er lebte und dichtete. C. 
musste die Sprache erst schaffen, in der er schrieb ; auch in 
England herrschte die Unsitte, dass man am liebsteii in 
fremden Zungen sprach und dariiber die eigene Mutter- 
sprache vernachlassigte . . . [an account of earlier English 
14th century poetry, Piers Plowman, Gower.] C. mag schon 
als Dichter bekannt geweseii seyn, als Langland seine Yi- 
sionen schrieb, sein grosstes Werk f'allt aber zwanzig Jahre 

Sein Hauptverdienst in Bezug auf die Yersifikation 
besteht darin, dass er sie natiirlicher, regelmassiger und 


Appendix C. 

[A.D. 1846- 

gedrangter maclite, indem er die Alliteration abschaffte 
und den unregelmassigen Alexandriner in eine Kunst- 
gerechtere Form brachte. Sein Versmass, die zehn-und- 
achtsylbige Zeile, ist fast von alien englischen Dichtern, von 
Spencer bis Byron, beibehalten worden. 

In C.'s Schriften fiihlt man nicht nur seinen eigenen 
persohnlichen Charakter und Geist, sondern auch den 
Enifluss seines Yerkebrs mit der Welt. [His followers 
imitated his style and manner, but were quite unable to 
catch his spirit and character. It is noteworthy that C. 
translated many French and Italian works into English, but 
always in such a way that they had far more the character 
of original works than of translations.] Lebhaf te Phantasie, 
Eleganz und Schonheit der Beschreibungen bezeichnen alle 
seine Werke ; aber all die Anmuth und Schonheit seiner 
allegor. Schriften bleibt weit hinter seinem Talent zuriick, 
das Leben der Menschen zu schildern, wie er es in den 
unsterblichen Canterbury-Erzahlungen that. In diesem 
Werke . . . bringt er einen bunten Haufen allerhand 
" siindhaf ten Volkes " zusammen . . . [description of the C. 

Nichts iibertrifft die Kunst, mit welcher die Lebensart 
u. die Eigenthiimlichkeiten der Pilger in der Haupteinleitung 
geschildert sind. Jede einzelne Erzahlung ist ein wahrer 
Schatz von Humor und ein Zeugniss genauester Kenntniss 
der menschlichen Natur ; dieses Werk C.'s bleibt stets eine 
der schonsten Zierden der engl. Literatur. 

1846, ff. Archiv fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Littera- 
turen, herausgegeben von Ludwig Herrig und Heinrich Viehoff. 
Quarterly. Elberfeld und Iserlohn, Braunschweig. In progress. 

[A good many Chaucer articles have appeared in this from 
time to time, see, for instance, General-Register zum Archiv, 
Bd. 1-50, herausgegeben von Ludwig Herrig, Braun- 
schweig, 1874, p. 25, and General-Register, Bd. 51-100, 
von Hermann Springer, 1900, p. 67. Two early articles 
are here named, see 1847, 1849, and those by Koeppel 
on Chaucer Sources in vols. 84, 86, 87, 90, 101, and a paper 
by Koch on The Parlement of Foul es in vols. Ill, 112, may 
also be noted.] 

1847. Fiedler, E. Zur Beurthettuiig des Chaucer, [on Chaucer's debt to 
Latin writers,] in Archiv fiir das Studium der neueren Sprachen und 
Litteraturen, vol. ii, pp. 151-169 and 390-402. 

[p. 49, 
col. 2J 

1856] German References. 143 

1847. Gesenius, F. W. De Lingua Chauceri. Diss. Bonn, pp. 87. 

[For a summary of this, see Early English Pronunciation, 
by A. J. Ellis, 1867-71, vol. iii, pp. 664-671.] 

1849. Gesenius, F. W. Probe eines Chancerschen Manuscriptes der 
Nationalbibliothek in Paris [in] Archiv fiir das Studiurn der neueren 
Sprachen und Litter at uren, vol. v, pp. 1-15. 

1853. Behnsch, Ottomar. Geschichte der Englischen Sprache und 
Litteratur von den altesten Zeiten bis zur Einfuhrung der Buch- 
druckerknnst, Breslau 1853, pp. 180-97. 

[A good short account of Chaucer and his work; his 
knowledge of versification is upheld and vindicated, in con- 
tradistinction to the view of English writers, e. g. R. 
Chambers in the Cyclopaedia of English Literature, 1844, 
who is quoted as stating that Chaucer, whenever it suits 
him, " makes accented syllables short, and short syllables 
emphatic." Behnsch points out the different accentuation of 
the French words used by Chaucer (nature, corages, etc.). as 
well as the sounding of the final "e," and shows how much 
this affects the proper scansion of his verse.] 

1856. Hertzberg-, Wilhelm. Die Erzahlung des Weibes von Bath, ans 
Gottfried Chaucer's ' Canterbury-ErzahJungen.' Translated into 
German heroic verse, [in] Deutsches Museum, hrsg. von Robert 
Prutz, No. 6, Feb. 7, 1856, pp. 193-202. 

Geoffrey Chaucer's Leben und Schriftstellerischer Character [in] 
Deuteches Museum, No. 8, Feb. 21, 1856, pp. 271-89. 

[A very good account of Chaucer's life and work.] 

[p. 288] Chaucer's Charakteristiken losen eins der schwerigsten 
Probleme der Kunst : sie sind individuell und typisch zu- 
gleich; das heisst, sie machen auf uns einestheils den Eindruok 

[p. 289] einer concreten lebendigen Personlichkeit und stellen doch 
andererseits eine ganze classe von Personen dar, und da sie 
die Darstellung der aiissern Erscheinung an Eigenthiimlich- 
keiten des menschlichen Geistes knupfen, die zu alien Zeiten, 
wenn auch unter andern Formen wesentlich dieselben 
bleiben, so werden wir dadurch unwillkiirlich und wie 
durch magischen Zwang in diejenigen Zeiten und Sitten 
zuriickversetzt, deren Schilderung die nachste Aufgabe des 
Dichters ist. . . . 

Ich habe schon bemerkt, dass die komischen Erzlihl- 
ungen vortremich, zum Theil meisterhaft angelegt sind ; 
Chaucer's Hauptstarke liegt aber doch in den komischen 


Appendix C. 

[A.D. 1856- 

Charakter-Zeichnungen. Es steht ihm jeder Grad der Satire 
zugebote. Den Hochmuth, die Unverschamtheit, vor allem 
aber die Heuchelei geisselt er mit den scharfsten Hieben. 
Das kleine Gebrechen, das Steckenpferd, die Thorheit 
er straft sie allerdings auch schon, indem er sie schildert, aber 
er straft sie lachend oder vielmehr lachelnd. Es 1st niclits 
Superkluges, keine Selbstiiberhebung in dieser Ironie, es 
liegt darin das gutmiithige Einverstandniss, dass Jedermarm 
hienieden, dass auch er, der Dichter, sein Packchen Thor- 
heit trage, dass mit Alle des Buhms mangeln, den wir haben 
sollen, nicht bios weil wir allzumal Sunder, sondern auch 
mehr oder weniger allzumal Narren sind. Und hier- 
mit glaube icb, auf den feinsten und merkwiirdigsten Zug 
in Chaucer's dichterischem Charakter hingewiesen zu haben 
auf einem Zug, der von alien Dichtern der Welt zuerst 
bei ihm zur klaren Entfaltung gekommen, der seitdem 
der eigenste und vielleicht der liebenswiirdigste Zug des 
englischen Volks-charakters geworden ist : Chaucer ist der 
erste Humorist. 

[The above excellent criticism is embodied in the 
1 Einleitung ' to Hertzberg's translation of the Canterbury 
Tales which was published ten years later. See below, 1866.] 

1856. P., R. \A review of] Englische Dichter, erne Auswahl englischer 
Dichter in deutschen Ubersetzungen von 0. L. H . . . r [in] 
Deutsches Museum, No. 43, Oct. 23, 1856, p. 623. 

[A passing allusion to Chaucer's times, and to the life of 
him in an earlier number (No. 8) of the Deutsches Museum, 
q.v. above, 1856.] 

1859, ff. Jahrbuchfur romanische und englische Sprache und Litteratur, 
Berlin, 1859. [In progress.] 

[Many Chaucer articles ; a few early ones are here men- 
tioned, see below, 1859, 1867, 1875.] 

1859. Ebert, Adolf. Die JEnglischen Mysterien [in] Jahrbuch fur ro- 
manische und englische Sprache und Litteratur, Berlin, Jan. 1859, 
pp. 150, 155, 166. 

[p. 150] [The national originality of the characters in the mystery 
plays is remarkable, as in Chaucer's Milleres Tale.] 

[p. 155] [The individual character drawing in the mysteries reminds 
one of the creations of the great master Chaucer.] 

1866J German References. 145 

1859. Rapp, Carl Moritz. Vergleichende Grammatik, Stuttgart und 
Tiibingen, vol. iii, pp. 166-179. 

[For a summary of this see Early English Pronunciation, 
by A. J. Ellis, 1867-71, vol. iii, pp. 672-77.] 

1860. Pauli, Reinhold. Bilder am Alt-England, Gotlia, 1860, chap, 
vii, Zicei Dichter, Gower und Chaucer. 

[An English translation of this book was published in 1861.] 

[pp. 184-188. Chaucer's Life.] 

[pp. 193-196. His early poems.] 

[pp. 196-208. The Canterbury Tales, a detailed account.] 

[p. 208. Conclusion.] Auf dem Gebiete, das er sich so 
kbstlich abgesteckt und mit lebendigen Gestalten auszufiillen 
gewusst, in einer Sprache, die fortdauert und niemals ganz 
veralten kann, kommen ihm darum auch nur sehr wenige 
nahe ; in edit poetischem Realismus hat ihn selbst Shakspere 
nicht iibertroffen. Dabei versteht er mitten in der Mannig- 
[p. 209] faltigkeit seiner Darstellung, wie es der Dichter soil, Mass 
und Einheit inne zu halten. Das stimmt sehr gut zu seinem 
Benehmen gegeniiber den grossen politischen und religiosen 
Fragen seiner Zeit, die ihn niemals in die Enge getrieben wie 
Gower oder in das entgegengesetze Extrem fortgerissen, iiber 
die er vielmehr, so weit wir davon urtheilen konnen, im 
eigenen Herzen ,sich vollig klar gewesen und sie daher 
objectiv, wie seine ganze Natur angelegt war, zu behandeln 
trachtete. Edel und reich ausgestattet wie er selber ist also 
auch die Leistung, die ihn unsterblich macht. Zwar darf er 
sich den wenigen Auserwahlten, die den herrlichsten Lorber 
tragen, nicht ebenbiirtig an die Seite stellen, aber den 
Ehrennamen : Vater der englischen Poesie tragt ^Niemand 

1866. Hertzberg, Wilhelm, Chaucer s Canterbury-Gcschichten iiber- 
setzt in den Versmassen der Urschrift und (lurch Einleitung und 
Ainnerkungen erlautert von Wilhelm Hertzberg, Bibliothek aus- 
landischer Klassiker, 41, Hildburghausen, 1866. 

[A good and close translation of the whole of the Canterbury 
Tales, with the exception of Meliboeus and the Parson's Tale.] 

Yorwort, pp. 5-10. [Dated Bremen, 1865. Th<? writer's 
object and method in doing this translation is stated, with 
some account of earlier work on Chaucer in England and in 


146 Appendix C. [A.D. 1867- 

Einleitung. Geoffrey Chaucer's Zeitalter, Leben und 
schriftstellerischer Charakter, pp. 13-64. 

[A good account of Chaucer's times and life, he is shown* 
definitely not to be the author of the Testament of Love, 
therefore that poem can not be accepted as a biographical 
source (pp. 36, 37). There follows a good deal of interest- 
ing and original literary criticism and appreciation, some of 
which had already been printed in the Deutsches Museum 
Feb. 21, 1856, and is here quoted under that date.] 

[Here are two specimens of the translation. Prologue, 
11. 447-57.] 

[p. 79] Ei.n gutes Weib war da ; sie war nicht vveit 

Von Bath ; doch etwas taub, das that mir leid. 
Als Tuchfabrik war so beriihmt ihr Haus, 
Sie stach am Markte Gent und Cypern aus. 
Kein Weib im Kirchspiel, die sich untersing, 
Dass sie vor ihr zum Messehoren ging. 
Und that es Eine, wurde sie so schlimm, 
Dass die der Andacht ganz vergass vor Grimm. 
Hb'chst prachtig sass ihr auf dem Ivopf der Bund, 
Ich schwore traun, er wog beinah zehn Pf und, 

[p. so] Zum mindesten, wie sie ihn Sonntags trug. 

tp. 463] Herrschaf ten, leiht mir euer Ohr, 

Ein wahres Lied trag' ich euch vor 

Yon Kurzweil und von Spass ; 
Es that vor allem Ritterchor 
Sich in Turnei und Schlacht hervor 
Der edle Herr Thopas. 

Er war geboren an fernem Strand, 
Jenseit des Meers in fliim'schen Land, 

Zu Popering am Gestade. 
Sein Yater war von gutem Stand, 
Er war der Herr in diesem Land, 

So wollt' es Gottes Giiade. 

1867. Hertzberg, Wilhelm. Nachlese zu Chaucer [in] Jahrbuch fur 
rornanische und englische Litteratur, Leipzig, 1867, Bd. viii. 
Heft 2, pp. 129-169. 

[Various points about Chaucer's life are discussed. 

1870] German References. 147 

Hertzberg disagrees with Mr. Bond's theory that in the 
dream in the Book of the Duchesse John of Gaunt's marriage 
to Blanche of Lancaster is commemorated. He criticises 
and praises Sandras's ' Etude,' which has just appeared, and 
Kissner's Dissertation on Chaucer's relation to Italian litera- 
ture (1867). He adds some remarks arising out of his own 
translation of Chaucer sent him by two German scholars, 
Herr Dr. Duroy of Hamburg, and Herr Pastor Carow.] 

1867. Kissner, Alfons. Chaucer in seimn Beziehungen zur italienischen 
Literatur, Diss., Marburg, 1867. 

1867. Lemcke, Ludwig. Kritische Anzeigen : Zur Literatnr iiber 
Chaucer, [in] Jahrbuch fiir romanische und englishe Litteratur, 
Leipzig, 1867, Band viii, Heft 1, pp. 94-110. 

[A long and careful review of recent Chaucer work ; i. e. 
Chaucer's Poetical Works, Bell and Daldy, 1867, 6 vols. ; 
Hertzberg' s translation of the Canterbury Tales, 1866, and 
Kissner's book on Chaucer's relation to Italian literature, 

1867. Matzner, Eduard. Altenenylische Sprachproben . . . unter mit- 
wirkung von Karl Goldbeck, Berlin. 1867, vol. i, part 1, pp. 
336-347. [For part 2 see below, 1869.] 

[pp. 336-338. Notes on Chaucer's life and work, 
pp. 338-343. The Wyf of Bathes Tale. 400 lines. 
pp. 344-346. The Romaunt of the Rose. 11. 2721-2966. 
p. 347. Rondel. * Your two eyn will sle me sodenly.'] 

1867. ten Brink, Bernhard. Zum Romaunt of the Rose, [in] Jahrbuch 
fiir romanische und englische Litteratur, Leipzig, 1867, Bd. viii, 
Heft 3, pp. 306-14. 

1869. Matzner, Eduard. Altenengllsche Sprachproben .... Berlin, 
1869, vol. i, part 2, pp. 273-415. 

[pp. 373-5. Notes on The Tale of Melibeus and on 

pp. 375-415. The Tale of Melibeus.] 

L869. Petzold, E. Ueler Alliteration in den Werken Chaucers, mit 
Ausschluss der Canterbury Tales, Diss., Marburg. 

L870. ten Brink, Bernhard. Chaucer. Studien zur Geschichte seiner 
Entivicklung und zur Chronologic seiner Schriften, Minister, 1870. 

[This and Professor Child's Essay (Observations on the 
Language of Chaucer, 1863) are perhaps the most remark- 
able and epoch-making single pieces of work on Chaucer 

148 Appendix C. [A.D. 1871- 

published in the 19th century. Here the development of 
Chaucer's genius under external influences was first fully 
discussed, and his work was for the first time divided into 
' periods/ 

See a sketch on ten Brink's life and work by Kb'lbing, 
with a full bibliography of his writings, in Englische Studien, 
xvii, 186-7.] 

1871. ten Brink, Bernliard. Prolog zu den Canterbury Tales : Versuch 
einer Kritischen Ausgabe, Marburg. [Beigabe der Marburger 
Universitatschrift diem natalem . . . imperatoris ac regis Guili- 
elmi I.] 

1871. Zupitza, Julius. Chaucer, The Book of the Tales of Caunterbury. 
Prolog (A 1-858). Mit Varianten zum Gtbrauch bei Vorlesungen 
herausgegeben, Marburg, 1871. Second edition, Berlin, 1882, 
reprinted 1896. 

1872. Lange, P. Chaucer s Einfluss auf die Origin aldichtung des 
Schotten Gaicain Douglas, Diss., Leipzig. 

1872. Mamroth, F. Geoffrey Chaucer, seine Zeit und seine Abhangig- 
Iceit von Boccaccio. Berlin. 1872. 

[Of little value.] 

1873. Lechler, Gotthard. Johann von Wiclif und die Vorgeschichte dzr 
Reformation, vol. i, pp. 408, 409, 453, 454 ; vol. ii, p. 4 note 2. 

1875. Lindner, F. Die Alliteration bei Chaucer [in] Jahrbuch fur 
ronmmsclie mid englische Litteratur, Neue Folge, Bd. ii, Leipzig, 
1875, pp. 311-335. 

[This paper, revised, altered and translated into English, 
is in the Chaucer Society Essays, 1876, part in.] 

1877, if. Englische Studien, Heilbronn, 1877-1900; Leipzig, 1900 to 
present. Quarterly. [In progress.] 

[This periodical contains a large number of valuable 
Chaucer papers. In the Index (General-Register zu Band 
1-25, Leipzig, 1902), three and a quarter pages are taken up 
with references to articles and notes on Chaucer. 

Among the more important are the following : 

Kolbing, E. Zu Chaucer's Coecilien-legende, i, 215. 

Zu Chaucer. The Knightes Tale, ii, 528. 

Zu Chaucer's Sir Thopas, xi, 495. 

Byron und Chaucer, xxi, 331. 

Zwei Bemerkungen zu Chaucer's C. Tales, 

xxiv, 341. 
Zu chronologie Chaucer's schriften, xvii, 189. 

1879] German References. 149 

Koch, J. Ein Beitrag zur kritik Chaucers, i, 249, and see 
vii, 238, 162, etc. 

Brandl, A. Ueber einige historische anspielungen in den 
Chaucer-dichtungen, xii, 161. 

Rambeau, A. Chaucer's 'House of Fame' in seinem ver- 
haltniss zu Dante's * Divina Commedia,' 
iii, 209. 

ten Brink, B. Zur chronologic von Chaucer's Schriften, 
xvii, 1. 

Zwei stellen in prolog der Canterbury Tales, 
xxiv, 464. 

Bischoff, 0. Ueber zweisilbige senkung und epische casur 
bei Chaucer, xxiv, 353, xxv, 339. 

See, for a fuller list, Chaucer, by E. P. Hammond, 1908, 
p. 546.] 

1878, f. Anglia, Zeitschrift fur englishe Philologie, Halle, 1878. 
Quarterly. [In progress.] 

[A very large number of Chaucer articles, many of great 
value, by Schoepke, Bech, Lange, Uhlemann, Graef, Koeppel, 
Liicke, Fliigel, Ballmann, Koch, and others, have appeared 
in Anglia. The more important are named by E. P. Ham- 
mond in Chaucer, a, bibliographical manual, 1908, p. 543 ; 
and they are practically all referred to as they appear in the 
Jahresbericht (see below, 1879). 

With Anglia (1886) was published an 'Uebersicht' of 
books on English language and literature, for 1885-6, 
giving full reference to Chaucer articles, and (in 1889) for 
1888. This Uebersicht has appeared yearly since 1894, 
which latter issue covered 1891. See also 1890, Anglia 

1878. Schoepke, 0. Dryden's Uebertragungen Chaucer's im Verhcilt- 
niss zu ihren Originaleu, Diss., Halle. 

[See also Schoepke in Anglia, ii, pp. 314-53, Dryden's 
Bearbeitungen Chaucerscher Gedichte.] 

1879. Wvilker, R. Altenglisches Lesebuch, Halle, 2 vok, 1874- 
187 ( J. 

[Vol. ii, 1879, contains the Squieres Tale, text from 
Morris; an extract from Troilus and from the Persones Tale 
and passages from Boethiu*.] 

150 Appendix C. [A.D. 1879- 

1879. WUrzner, A. Ueber Chaucer's Lyrische Gedichte. Steyr. 

1880. Koch, J. Ausgewcihlte kleinere Dichtungen Chaucer's in Vers- 
maasse des Originals in das Deutsche iibertragen, und mit 
Erorterungen versehen. Leipzig. 

[Containing Pity, Words to Adam, Parlement of Foules, 
Truth, Gentilesse, Stedfastnesse, Fortune, Bukton, Scogan, 

1880. Schrader, K. A. Das altenglische Eelativpronomen, mit be- 
sonderer Beriicksichtigung der Sprache Chaucers t Diss., Kiel. 

1881-1888. Schipper, Jacob. Englische Metrik in historischer und 
systematischer Enturickelung dargestellt t 3 vols., Bonn, vol. i, 
Altenglische Metrik, 1881, ch. viii. Der gereimte fiinftaktige, 
jambisclie Vers vor und bei Chaucer, pp. 434-483 [and many 
Chaucer references all through this volume]. 

[For references to reviews of the above, and for an excellent 
brief summary of Schipper' s analysis of Chaucer's verse, see 
Chaucer, by E. P. Hammond, 1908, pp. 476-478.] 

1883. Lange, J. A. Max. Untersuchungen uber Chaucer's Bolce of the 
Duchesse, Diss., Halle. 

1883-6. During, Adolf von. Geoffrey Chaucer's Werke, 3 vols. 
Strassburg, 1883-86. 

[Vol. i, Hous of Fame, Legend of Good Women, Parle- 
ment of Foules. Yols. ii and iii, the Canterbury Tales. In 
verse, with full critical remarks and appreciations, and some 
notes. No more was published.] 

1883. Willert, H. The Hous of Fame: Einleitung und Text-verhalt- 
nissy Diss., Berlin. 

1884. ten Brink, Bernhard. Chaucer's Sprache und Verskunst, Strass- 

[For reviews of this work, see Chaucer, by E. P. Hammond, 
1908, p. 478; ten Brink's book was translated into English 
in 1901, by M. B. Smith, as The Language and Versification 
of Chaucer .] 

1887. Einenkel, Eugen. Streifziige durch die mittelenglische Syntax 
unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung der Sprache Chaucer's ... Mit 
einem Worterbuch von W. Grote, Minister i.W. 

1887, Korting, Gustav. Grundriss der Geschichte der Englischen 
1893 Litteratur, Minister i.W., 1887, chap, viii, pp. 154-70. 

1905 [This work, containing a valuable Chaucer bibliography, 
giving references to most of the important German work 

1890] German References. 151 

on Chaucer, was re-issued in 1893 somewhat enlarged, and 
again in 1905, considerably enlarged and brought up to date. 
In this last issue of 1905, the Chaucer bibliography is in 
chap. 12, pp. 176-95.] 


1888. Graef, Ado'f. Das perfektum bei Chaucer, Diss., Kiel, 1887, 
pp. 96, published Frankenhausen, 1888, pp. 102. 

1888. Heussler, [Hans?] Die Stelluncj von Subjekt und Pradekat 
in der Erzdhlung des Melibeus und in der des Pfarrers in Chaucer's 
Canterbury Tales, Diss., Wesel. 

1888. Kunz, Siegfried. Das Verhaltnis der Handschriften v on Chaucer's 
"Legend of Good Wornm,' 1 Diss., Breslau. 

1888. Willert, H. G.Chaucer. The Hous of Fame : Text, Varianten, 
Anmerkunyen. Berlin. 

1889. Freudenberger, M. Ueber dasFchlen des Auftalds in Chaucer's 
heroischem Verse, Leipzig. 

1889. Meyer, Carl F. H. John Gower's Bezichunyen zu Chaucer und 
Konig Eichar.l II., Diss., Bonn. 

1889. ten Brink, Bernhard. Geschichte der enylischen Litteratur, vol. ii, 
part 1, Berlin, 1889. 

[The first volume of this history was published in 1887 ; 
vol. ii, part 1, which contains the study of Chaucer, in 1889 ; 
and part 2 of vol. ii, was in the press when ten Brink died 
suddenly in January, 1892 ; it w T as then corrected and edited 
by Brandl, Strassburg, 1893. The Chaucer portion is vol. 
ii, part 1, book 4, section v-xv (end of book 4), pp. 33-214 
of the 1893 edition. It is extremely valuable, as ten Brink 
combined close and scholarly textual knowledge with real 
literary appreciation. This volume was translated into 
English by W. Clarke Robinson in 1893, Bonn's edn., vol. ii.] 

1890. Haeckel, W. Das Sprichwort bei Chaucer, Leipzig. 

1890, ff. Beiblatt zur Anylia. [Full title] Mitteilungen aus dem ge- 
earnmten gebiete der englischen sprache und litteratur. Monat- 
scliriftfiirdenenglischenunterricht . . . herausgegeben vonEwald 
Fliigel, Halle. [In progress.] 

[This contains reviews of bcofcs, and has many Chaucer 
articles and notes, as well as valuable lists of articles in 
reviews, etc.] 


Appendix G. 

[A.D. 1891- 

1891. Ballerstedt, E. Ueber Chaucer's Naturschilderungen, Diss., Got- 

1891. Lange, H. Die Versicherungen bei Chaucer, Diss., Halle. 

1892. Crow, C. L. Zur Geschichte des kurzen Reimpaars im Mittel- 
englischen . . . Chaucer's House of Fame, Diss., Gottingen. 

1892. Hagedorn, H. Ueber die Sprache einiyer nordlicher Chaucer- 
schuler, Diss., Gottiogen. 

1893. Graef, Adolf. Das futurum und die entwicklung von schal und 
u'il zu futurischen tempusbildern bei Chaucer, Flensberg. (In 
Jahresbericht der Flensburger Handelsclmle.) 

1893. Kaluza, Max. Chaucer and der Rosenroman. Eine litterar- 
geschichtliche Studie, Berlin. 

1893. Klaeber, F. Das Bild lei Chaucer, Diss., Berlin. 

1893. Paul, Hermann. Grundriss der Germanischen Philologie. Strass- 
burg, 3 vols. 1891-93, vol. ii, 1893, part i (2nd ed., 1897). 

[Contains articles on : 

(i) Mittelenglishe Litteratur by A. Brandl, Chaucer, pp. 

672-682 (not of much value). 

(ii) Englische Metrik by J. Schipper (continual reference to 

1896. Morsbach, Lorenz. Mittelenglische Grammatik. Part i. Halle 
(Sammlung kurzer grammatikeu germanischer dialekte, No. vn). 

1897. Bischoflf, 0. Ueber ziveisilbige Senkung und epische Casur bei 
Chaucer, Diss., Konigsberg. 

[See some account of this in Chaucer, by E. P. Hammond, 
p. 499.] 

1897. Schade, Arthur. Ueber das verhaltniss von Popes "January 
und May" und "The Wife of Bath, her Prologue" zu den 
entsprechenden abschnitten von Chaucer s Canterbury Tales, Diss., 

1898. Hampel, E. Die Silbenmassung in Chaucer's funftaktigem Verse, 
teil I, Diss., Halle. 

1899. Fischer, R. Zn der kunstformen des mittelalterlichen Epos, 

[Hartmann's Iwein, the Niebelungenlied, Boccaccio's Filo- 
strato and Chaucer's Troilus.] 






AND ALLUSION (1357-1900) 












Swcnir Series, No. 56. 



The references are to the parts as originally issued by the Chaucer Society. 
The following table shews their relation to the volumes of the Cambridge 

re-issue : 

Chaucer Society. 

Part II \ 

Part III J 

Part IV \ 

PartV / 

Part VI (Introduction) ... 

Vol. I. 

Vol. II. 

Vol. III. 
Vol. I. 

In the index, in contradistinction from the text, modern spellings of book 
titles have been adopted where possible. 

Abbess, the Prioress ; so called in error. 

See Prioress. 
A. B.C. See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. 

(g.) LI 
A Beckett, G. A., The Canterbury 

Pilgrim^ (opera), 1884, iii. 135. 
Adam, B., Lennce Redeviva (1676?), 

claims C. as a native of Lynn, i. 

Adam Scrivener. See Chaucer, G. 

[vm. Works. (g.) 2.] 
Adams, J., The Pronunciation of the 

English Language, 1799, i. 501. 
Addison, J., An Account of the Greatest 

English Poets, 1694, his condemna- 
tion of C. in, introd. xxx, i. 266. 
Spectator, No. 73, 1711, i. 314. 
Adolphus, J. L., Memoranda, 1827, ii. 

Aikin, J., General Biography (Chaucer), 

1801, ii. 1; (Gower), 1803, ii. 6. 
Letters to a Young Lady, 1804, 

ii. 14. 
Akenside, M., For a Statue of Chaucer 

at Woodstock, in Dodsley (a. 1758), i. 

Alcseus, ps., letter in Gentleman's 

Magazine, Aug. 1740, i. 386-7. 
Alchemy. See Chaucer, G. [vm. 

Works. (f.) 15. Canon's Yeoman's 


Alcilia. See C., J. 
Aldgate, the dwelling above, leased 

to C., 1374, i. 3 ; to Richard Forster, 

1386, i. 8; the lease discovered by 

H. T Riley, 1859, iii. 51. 
Allen, T., The History and Anti- 
quities of London, 1828, ii. 168. 


Allgemeines Historisches Lexicon, 1709, 

1730, v. 132. 
Alliteration, the mark of Northern poets 

in C.'s time (Sir W. Scott, 1804, 

1814), ii. 19, 65. 
Allusions, classified, introd. Ixxiii sqq. ; 

collected by Sir T. P. Blount, 1690, 

i. 262 ; F. J. Furnivall calls for an 

editor of, 1888, iii. 138. 
Alves, R., Sketches of a History of 

Literature, 1794, i. 495. 
Amadis de Gaul, review of Southey 

and Rose's, 1803, ii. 13. 
Amatory Poetry, selected from Chaucer, 

Lidgate, etc., 1737, i. 378. 
Ames, J., MS. notes and letter, 19 Aug. 

1741, i. 389. 
Typographical Antiquities, 1749, 

i. 398-9; ed. by Herbert, 1785-90, 

i. 477-8, 483, 491 ; by Dibdin, 1810- 

19, ii. 49, 58, 81, 114. 
Ampere, J. J., Histoire de la litterature 

francaise au moyen age, 1841, v. 

Melanges d'histoire litteraire, 1867, 

v. 82. 
Ancient Songs, ed. by Ritson, 1790, i. 

Ancient State of the Jews in England 

(in London Magazine), 1820, ii. 

Anderson, R., his Poets of Great 

Britain, preface to, 1795, i. 496, ed. 

of C., with Life, in, 1793, i. 494. 
Andrews, J. P., letter on Donnington, 

1759, i. 475-6. 
Anelida and Arcite. See Chaucer, G. 

[vm. W orks. (g.) 3.] 



Angelo, H., Reminiscences, 1828, ii. 

Anglia, 1878, etc., v. 149; Beiblatt 

zur, 1890, etc., v. 161. 
Anglorum Speculum, by G. S., 1684, 

i. 257. 
Anne, of Bohemia, patroness of C. (H. 

Lawrance, 1840), ii. 227. 
Anstis, J., History of the Officers of 

Arms (MS.) [a. 1745], i. 391. 
Anthologies and series of poets, C. in- 
cluded in, see Chaucer, G. [vm. (k.)] 
Antiquarius, letter in Gent's Mag., 

1780, iv. 96. 
'ATro^-n/j.ovvTo<f>i\os, verses in Coryat's 

Crudities, 1611, i. 185. 
Apology for Women, by W. H[eale], 

1609, i. 183-4. 
Arbuthnot, J., Critical Remarks on 

Capt. Gulliver's Travels, 1735, 

imitates C., iv. 86-7. 
Architecture, illustrated from C., by 

Ruskin, 1849, ii. 280; by J. H. 

Parker, 1853-9, iii. 15; by T. 

Wright, 1862, iii. 66. 
Archiv fur das Studium der neueren 

Sprachen und Litteraturen, articles 

in, 1846, etc., v. 142. 
Armour, 1858-9, iii. 48. 
Armstrong, J., Taste, 1753, iv. 91. 
Arnold, M., Maurice de Guerin, 1863, 

on C.'s couplet, iii. 67. 

The Study of Celtic Literature, 

1866, C. not read in schools, iii. 82. 

The Study of Poetry, 1880, iii. 


his estimate of C. as lacking in 

seriousness, a survival, introd. Ixi. 

Arnold, T., A Manual of English 
Literature, 1862, iii. 60. 

Ascham, R., Report of the Affairs of 
Germany, 1552, i. 91. 

The8c\oolmaster,16&3-&,i. 97-98. 

Toxophilus, 1544, quotes C. 

against gaming, i. 85, introd. xx. 

Ash, J., A New and Complete Diction- 
ary of the English Language, 1775, 
i. 441.' 

Ashby, G., Active policy of a Prince 
[c. 1470], invocation to C., i. 54-5. 

Ashmole, E., marginal notes on 
Cook's T., etc., and Scogan's Moral 
Ballad [a. 1692], i. 264. 

Theatrum Chemicum Britann- 

icum, 1652, i. 227. 

Ashton, P., ded. to his transl. of 
A Short Treatise upon the Turks' 
Chronicles, 1546, C.'s terms out of 
use, i. 87. 

Assembly of Fowls. See Chaucer, G. 

[vin. Works. (g.)] 
Astle, T., Catalogue of the Harleian 

MSS., 1759, i. 416, 424. 

The Origin and Progress of 

Writing, 1784, i. 476. 

Astrolabe, Treatise of the. See Chaucer, 

G. [viii. Works. (g.) 5.] 
Astrology and Alchemy (Quarterly 

Review), 1822, ii. 140. 
Astronomy, A. E. Brae on C.'s, 1851, 

1870, iii. 4-6, 107. 
Astronomies Aphorismi [c. 1500], 

i. 65. 
Astrophil, ps., In Praise of Chaucer, in 

Gent's. Mag., 1740, i. 387-8. 
Athenian Mercury, 1691, i. 263 ; 1693, 

i. 265-6. 
Atkins, J., To Mr. J. S[mith] upon 

Penelope and Ulysses, in Wit 

Restored, 1658, i. 234. 
Atterbury, F., letter to Pope, 2 Aug., 

1721, i. 361. 
Atticus, Stanzas on Poetry (in Gent.'s 

Mag.), 1775, iv. 94. 
Aubrey, J., Anecdotes [a. 1697], i. 

Brief Lives, 1669-96, i. 245-6. 

An Idea of Education, 1683-4, 

i. 256-7. 

Miscellanies, 1696, i. 267. 

Austin, S., verses in Naps upon 
Parnassus, 1658, i. 235. 

B., Geoffrey Chaucer (in Dublin Univ. 
Mag.), 1859, iii. 48-9. 

B., letter by, in Memoirs of the 
Society of Grub Street, 1730, i. 372-3. 

B., A. See Brome, A. 

B., C., note on Pope's modernizations 
(in Gent.'s Mag.), 1749, i. 399. 

B., C., General Remarks upon the best 
British Poets (in Gent.'s Mag.), 1818, 
ii. 94. 

B., G. (W. Baldwin, or B. Googe?), 
Ship of Safeguard, 1569, i. 103-4. 

B., H., poem to C. in Works, 1598, 
i. 148-9. 

B., J. See Barry, J. 

B., 0., Questions talked of by two old 
Seniors, 1594, i. 140. 

B., R., A New Ballad to such as write 
in Metres, 1570, iv. 37-8. 

B., T., commendatory verses, in Dray- 
ton's England's Heroical Epistles, 
1695, i. 267. 

B., T. See Blount, T. 

Babington, G., Exposition of the Com- 
mandments, 1583, i. 124. 



Bagehot, W., CJiarles Dickens, 1868, 

iii. 41. 
Bagford, J., letters to T. Hearne, 

1709, i. 297. 
his researches on Chaucer, 1709, 

i. 302-9. 
Bahans, , transl. Squires T. into 

French, 1908, v. 112. 
Bailey, N., An Universal Etymological 

Dictionary, 1721, i. 356. 
Bailly, H. See Host, the. 
Baker, Sir R., Chronicle, 1643, i. 

222-3 ; 1665, iv. 75. 
Theatrum Triumphans, 1670, i. 

Balade de visage saunz peynture. See 

Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. (g.) 14. 

Baldwin, W., Beware the Cat [1561], 

i. 95. 

See B., G. 
Bale, J., lllustrium Majoris Britannice 

Scriptorum Summarium, 1548, iv. 

19-21 ; 2nd ed., 1557-9, i. 95, iv. 

notes by [c. 1550-57], 1562, i. 

91, iv. 28-9. 
his life and account of C., legends 

started by, introd. cvi. 
Ballad of Good Counsel. See Chaucer, 

G. [vm. Works. (g.) 29. Truth.] 
Ballads, C.'s, Lydgate not acquainted 

with, i. 42. 
Ballerstedt, Ueber Chaucer's Natur- 

schilderungen, 1891, v. 152. 
Bancks, J., Miscellaneous Works, 1738, 

calls C. the Hogarth of his age, i. 

Bandinel, B. (?), Douce Catalogue 

(Bodleian), 1840, ii. 226. 
M alone Catalogue (Bodleian), 

1836, ii. 202. 
Bannatyne MS., nine poems, falsely 

attributed to Chaucer in, 1568, i. 

poems from, containing C. reff., 

1568, iv. 36-7. 
notes to, by Lord Hailes, 1770, 

i. 436. 
Baret, A., Etude sur la langue anglaise 

au XIV" Siecle, 1883, v. 88-9. 
Barbim, R. H., Ingoldsby Legends 

( Grandpapa's Story The Witches' 

Frolic], 1838, ii. 221. 
Barker, W., verses in Kynaston's 

Troilus, 1635, i. 207-8. 
Barkham, J., MS. note in MS. Laud 

misc. 600 [by J. B. ?], a. 1642, i. 


Barnes, B., Four Books of Offices, 1606, 

i. 177. 
Barnfield, R., Poems in divers 

Humours, 1598, i. 156. 
Barrett, afterwards Browning, Eliza- 
beth Barrett, letters to Robert 

Browning, 1845, ii. 259; to R. H. 

Home, 1840, ii. 226-7; 1845, ii. 258; 

to J. Kenyon, 1843, ii. 246; to Mrs. 

Martin, 1843, ii. 246-7. 
The Lost Bower, and A Vision of 

Poets [1838-44], ii. 252. 
modernization of Anelida and 

Arcite by, 1841, ii. 235. 
notes on heroic metre, 1826, ii. 

reviews The Book of the Poets, 

1842, ii. 242-3. 
had a bust of C. in her room, ii. 

Barrett, W., letters to and from Dr. 

Ducarel, 1772, i. 437. 
Barrington, D., Observations on the 

earliest Clocks (in Annual Register), 

1779, i. 455-6. 
Barry, J., A Funeral Elegy on King 

James [c. 1625], i. 200. 
Barry, J., painter, Account of Pictures 

at the Adelphi, 1783, i. 472. 
Basse, W., Epitaph on Shakespeare, 

[c. 1622], i. 196. 

Bastide, , transl. Melibeus, Man- 
ciple's T. and Parson's T. into 

French, 1908, v. 112. 
Bath, the Wife of. See Wife of Bath ; 

see also Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. 

(f.) 35, 36.] 
Bauchet, , transl. Sompnour's T. 

into French, 1908, v. 112. 
Baxter.N., Sir Philip Sydney's Ourania t 

1606, i. 177. 
Baynes, J., An Archaeological Epistle 

to J. Milles, on his ed. of the Rowley 

poems [by J. Baynes?], 1782, i. 465. 
Baynes, T. S., The Text of Chaucer, 

1870, iii. 98-107. 

Beath, the Wife of. See Wife of Bath. 
Beatniffe, R., The Norfolk Tour, 1786, 

i. 483. 

Beattie, J., Dissertations, on C.'s lan- 
guage, 1783, i. 472-3. 
Beaumont, F., letter to Speght (1597) 

urging him to edit C., printed in 

Works, 1598, i. 145-6, introd. xxii. 
The Triumph of Honor, 1608, iv. 

his name will take up all 

Chaucer's room (J. Earle, [1616]), 

i. 192. 


and Fletcher, J., The. 

Coxcomb [1610], i. 184. 
> The Woman's Prize [c. 1615], 

i. 191. 
use of ' armipotent ' by (L. 

Hunt, 1855), iii. 21. 
Becke, E., preface to his ed. of the 

Bible, 1549, wishing it were as much 

read as the Cant. Tales, i. 88. 
Bedell, W., Bishop, The Shepherd's 

Tale of the Powder-Plot [1605], 

imitation of C. ( ?) in, iv. 56. 
A. Clogie's life of [1675-6], iv. 76. 
Bedier, J., Lea Fabliaux, 1893, v. 97; 

in Petit de Julie ville, 1896, v. 104. 
Behnsch, 0., Geschichte der englischen 

Sprache und Litteratur, 1853, v. 143. 
Beith, the Wife of. See Wife of Bath. 
Beljame, A., Le public et les hommes de ' 

lettres en Angleterre au XVIII" 

Siecle, 1881-83, v. 91, 125. 
Bell, J., C's Works in Bell's Poets, 

1782, i. 464-5; Tyrwhitt's text 

pirated in, i. 474-5 ; praised by 

Leigh Hunt for including C. and 

Spenser, ii. 169. 
Bell, R., his ed. of C.'s Works, 1854-6, 

reviewed, iii. 35-6, 51-2, 69-60; 

revised, 1878, iii. 123. 
Bell, W., of Ulcomb, MS. notes (by 

W. B.?), c. 1785, i. 480-1. 
Belle Dame sans Merci, la, see Ross, R. 
Beloe, W., Anecdotes of Literature, 

1807-12, ii. 67; iv. 103. 
B6mont, C., chapters on Engl. lit. in 

Lavisse and Rambaud's Hist, gen., 

1894, v. 126. 
Bentheim, or Benthem, H. L.,Engeldnd- 

ischer Kirchund Schulen-Staat, 1694, 

v. 130; 1732, v. 132-3. 
Bentley, S., Excerpta Historica, 1831, 

ii. 180-1. 
Berger, P., transl. Franklin's T. into 

French, 1908, v. 112. 

William Blake, 1907, v. 109. 

Berington, J., A Literary History of 

the Middle Ages, 1814, ii. 61. 
Berkenhout, J., Biographia Literaria, 

1777, i. 447. 
Bernard, J. P., and others, A General 

Dictionary, 1734-41, 1736-7, i. 378. 
Berners, Juliana, Hawking and Hunt- 
ing, ed. by J. Haslewood, 1810, ii. 

Berthelet, T., Address to the Reader, 

in Gower'BConfessio Amantis. 1532, 

i. 77-8. 
Bcryn, the Tale of. See Chaucer, G. 

[vm. Works. (1.) Spurious. 3.] 

Betham, P., pref. to his transl. of 

Purlilia's Precepts of War, 1544, i.86. 
Betterton, T., Prol. and Reeve's T. 

modernized by [a. 1710], i. 312. 
Tales modernized by, in Ogle, 

1741, i. 389-90. 
the modernization of Prol. 

published as his said to be reallv 

Pope's, by J. Warton, 1797, i. 500. 
Bibliography of Chaucer. See Chaucer, 

G. [vn. Bibliography.'] 
Bibliotheca. See King, W. 
BibliothecaAnglo-Poetica. See Griffiths, 

Bibliotheque Britannique, 1796-7, v. 

Billam, J., letter to W. Herbert, 4 Aug. 

1786, i. 483. 
Biographia Britannica, 1748, 1757, 

1760, 1784, i. 395-6, iv. 92, i. 476. 
Biographical Sketches of Eminent 

English Poets, 1851, iii. 8. 
Biography of C. See Chaucer, G. 

[i. Biography.] 
Birch, T., The Heads of Illustrious 

Persons, 1743, iv. 88. 
ed. Spenser's Faerie Queen, 1761, 

i. 402 ; letter concerning this ed., by 

J. Upton, 1751,1. 403-5. 
Birds in C., C. J. Fox on, 1800, iv. 102 ; 

W. J. Courthope on, 1870, iii. 107-8. 
Birth of King Arthur, the, ed. by 

Southey, 1817, ii. 92. 
Bischoff, O., Ueber zweisilbige Senkung 

und epische Cdsur bei Chaucer, 

1897, v. 152; articles in Englische 

Studien, v. 149. 
Black, W. H., ed. Paraphrase of the 

Seven Penitential Psalms, 1842, ii. 

Blades, W., The Life and Typography 

of William Caxton, 1861-3, iii. 55. 
Blake, W., A Descriptive Catalogue of 

Pictures painted by, 1809, ii. 42-6; 

'the finest criticism of C.' (Lamb, 

reported by Crabb Robinson, 1810), 

ii. 49. 
work on, by P. Berger, 1907, v. 

109; by Swinburne, 1868 ('1866' 

in text), iii. 85. 
For his 'Canterbury Pilgrims' 

see Chaucer, G. [v. Illustrations. 1.] 
Blanchard, E. L. L., Harlequin and 

Friar Bacon, a Pantomime (bringing 

in C. as a character), 1863, iii. 67. 
Blankenburg, F. von, Litterarische 

Zusdtze zu J. G. Sulzers Allgemeine 

Theorie der Schonen KunstCj 1796, 

v. 153 (in Cambridge issue only). 


Bliss, P., notes, etc.,c. 1833, ii. 187-9. 
Blount, T., Glossographia, 1656, i. 

Blount, Sir T. P., Censura Celebriorum 

Authorum, collection of reff. to C., 

1690, i. 262. 

De He Poetica, 1694, i. 267. 

Boccaccio, G., for general comparisons 

of, with C., see Chaucer, G. [n. 

(g.)]; for the framework of Decam. 

and C. T., see ib. [vm. (f.) 12]; 

for Teseide and Knight's T., and 

for Filostr. and Troilus, see ib. [vm. 

(f.) 20, (g.) 28]; see also Italian 


Bodenham, J., Belvedere, 1600, i. 161. 
Bodleian Library, catalogue of the, by 

T. James, 1605, i. 175; 1620, i. 193; 

by T. Hyde, 1674, i. 249; MSS. in 

(Wanley, 1705), i. 292-3; 1839, ii. 

225; for the Douce and Malone 

collections, see Bandinel, B. 
Bodmer, J. J., Sammlung Schriften, 

1741-4(1743), v. 133. 
Boethius, C. 's transl. of. See Chaucer t 

G. [vin. Works. (g.) 6.] 
Bokenam, O., The Lives of Saints, 

[1443-7?], i. 46. 
Boker, G. H., letter to R. H. 

Stoddard, 7 Jan., 1850, ii. 282. 
Bolton, E., Hypercritica [1618?], does 

not allow Chaucer for practic 

English, i. 192. 
Bond, Sir E. A., New Facts in the Life 

of Geoffrey Chaucer, 1866, iii. 82. 
Book of the Duchess. See Chaucer, G. 

[vm. Works. (g.) 7.] 
Booth, D., An Analytical Dictionary 

of the English Language, 1822-35, 

and Introduction, 1806, ii. 136. 
Borrow, G., Wild Wales, 1862, iii. 

Bossewell, J., Works of Armory, 1572, 

i. 108-9. 
Boswell, J., The Life of Samuel 

Johnson, 1791, rejects the Life of C., 

1756, from Johnson's Works, i. 492. 
Book of the Poets, the [a. 1841], ii. 241 ; 

reviewed by E. B. Barrett, ii. 242-3. 
Boucher, J., Glossary of Archaic and 

Provincial Words, 1804, 1832, ii. 15, 

Proposals for printing Linguae 

Anglicance veteris Thesaurus [1803?], 

ii. 6. 
Boucher, L., Histoire de la litterature 

anglaise, 1 890, v. 96. 
Tableau de la Litterature anglaise, 

1882, v. 87-8, 

Bouillet, Marie N., art. Chaucer, in 
Diet. univ. d'hist. et de geog., 1842, 
v. 124. 

Atlas univ. d'hist. et de geog., 

1865, v. 125. 

Bourgogne, , transl. part of Knight's 

T. into French, 1908, v. 111. 
Bowyr, A., Writing-book [1653?], i. 

Boyd, H., Woodstock, 1777, in Poems, 

1793, i. 447-8. 
Boys, T., Chaucer Difficulties (notes 

in N. andQ.), 1857-8, iii. 40-1, 45-7. 
Boyse, S., Account of the Life of, in 

Annual Register, 1764, i. 425. 
i Cook's and Squire's Tales 

modernized by, 1741, i. 389-90. 
his modernization of Squire's T. 

concluded by Ogle and Sterling, 

1785, i. 479. 
Braddon, Mary E., Asphodel, 1881, iii. 

Bradshaw, H., Librarian of Camb. 

Univ., The Skeleton of Chaucer's 

Canterbury Tales, 1867-71, iii. 87. 
his projected Attempt to ascertain 

the state of Chaucer's Works, 1865, 

iii. 75. 
his projected edd. of Works, 

1864-79, iii. 71-2. 
prints Prol. A to the Legend of 

Good Women, 1864, iii. 72. 
Bradshaw, H., Poet, The Holy Life, 

and History of Saint Werburge, 1513, 

Bradwardine, T., Archbishop, De 

Causa Dei, ed. 1618, i. 192-3. 
Brae, A. E., astronomical notes in 

N.andQ., 1851, iii. 4-6. 
ed. The Treatise of the Astrolabe, 

1870, iii. 107. 
Braham, R., epistle, prefixed to 

Lydgate's Troy Book, 1555, i. 93-4. 
Brand, J., Observations on Popular 

Antiquities, 1813, ii. 60. 
Brandl, A., Ueber einige historische 

Anspielungen in den Chaucer - 

dichtungen, v. 149. 
Brathwait, R., Chaucer's Incensed 

Ghost, 1617, i. 192. 
A Comment upon the Miller's 

Tale [and the} Wife of Bath, 1665, 

i. 242. 
The English Gentleman, 1630, 

i. 202. 

Nature's Embassies (Omphale), 

1621, iv. 108 (in Cambridge issue 


Whimzies, 1631, i. 204, 



a lost poem in praise of tobacco, 

attributed to Chaucer, answered 

by, 1617, iv. 65. 

a lover of C., introd. xxxv-vii. 

Braune, G. M., The Persone of a Toun, 

1859, iii. 49. 
Bray, Anne E., Life of Thomas Stothard, 

reviewed, 1852, iii. 11. 
Bray, W. See Manning, 0. 
Brayley, E. W., Beauties of England 

and Wales, 1810, ii. 48. 
(with J. Britton), The History and 

Antiquities of the Abbey, West- 
minster, 1818-23, ii. 94-5, 141. 
History of the Palace of West- 
minster, 1836, ii. 202. 
Brazil, the dye, C.'s mention of, not 

understood, 1810, ii. 50-51. 
Breton, N., The Arbor of Amorous 

Desires, 1597, i. 144. 

Pasquil's Fools-cap, 1600, i. 162. 

Brewer, E. C., Poetical Chronology of 

Inventions, 1846, ii. 267. 
Breyer, C. W. F., Leben Geoffrey 

Chaucers, 1812, v. 138-9. 
Bridges, J., letter to T. Hearne, c. 

5 June, 1716, i. 343. 
Bridgwater House Library, catalogue of, 

by J. P. Collier, 1837, ii. 210-11. 
Brigham, N. See Chaucer, G. [i. (e.) 

7. Tomb,] 
Bright, James W., review of Chaucer's 

Minor Poems, 1888, ed. W. W. 

Skeat, 1889, iii. 139. 
Bright, John, Speech on Abolition 

of Capital Punishment, 1850, ii. 

Brinchele, J., will of, bequeathing 

Boethius and C. T., 1420, i. 25. 
Brink, B. ten, articles in Englische 

Studien, v. 149. 
Chaucer' s Sprache und VersJcunst, 

1884, v. 150. 
Chaucer- Studien, 1870, v. 147-8; 

the first Attempt to fix the chrono- 
logy of C.'s works, introd. Ixxi. 
Geschichte der englischen Lit- 

teratur, 1889, transl. into English, 

1893, v. 151. 

ed. Prol C.T., v. 1871, 148. 

Zum Romaunt of the Eose, 1867, 

v. 147. 

British Biography, 1766, i. 429-30. 
British Warrior, The, 1706, i. 293-4. 
Brito, ps. See Goldsmith, O. 
Britton, J. See Brayley, E. W. 
Broke, A. See Brooke. 
Brome, A., A Canterbury Tale, 1641, 

i. 219, 

Brome, W. (Urry's executor and 

part publisher 'of Works, 1721), 

letter to T. Rawlins, June 23, 1733, 

offering copies of Urry, i. 375; to 

T. Hearne, 17-Jf, 1716, transmitting 

Sloane's and Bagford's MSS., i. 

341-2, 344. 
Bromley, H., A Catalogue of Engraved 

British Portraits, 1793, i. 494. 
Brooke, A., Romeus and Juliet, 1562, 

influence of Troilus upon, iv. 29-33. 
Brooke, H., Constantia (modernization 

of Man of Law's Tale), 1741, i. 

389-90; reprinted with original, 

1778, i. 449. 
Brooke, Stopford A., The Descriptive 

Poetry of Chaucer, 1871, iii. 111-12. 
Brown Bread and Honour, 1716, the 

title derived from Wife of Bath's 

Prol., i. 345. 
Brown Dozen of Drunkards, a. 1648, 

iv. 71. 
Brown, Ford Madox, Chaucer at the 

Court of Edward III. (picture), 

1845-51, ii. 259. 
Brown, T., Letters from the Dead to the 

Living [a. 1704], i. 291-2. 
Browne, M., ps., Chaucer's England, 

1869, iii. 97. 
Browne, W., Britannia's Pastorals, bk. 

3 [1626-43], i. 200. 
The Shepherd's Pipe, 1614, i. 

catalogue (by W. B.?) of poems 

in MS. Add. 34,360 [c. 1640], i. 


influence of Chaucer on, iv. 62. 

Browning, Elizabeth B. B. See 

Barrett, afterwards Browning, E. B. 
Browning, R, letters to E. B. 

Barrett, 1846, on T. Powell's plagi- 
arisms, ii. 267-8; to A. Domett, 

1846, ii. 267. 
compared with C. by Landor, 

1846, ii. 273; this referred to by 

Browning, ii. 267. 
Life ofStrafford (by R. B.?), 1836, 

ii. 202. 
Bruckner, J., Criticisms on the 

Diversions of Purley, 1790, i. 490-1. 
Brunet, G., art. Chaucer, in Hoefer's 

Nouv. Biog. gen., 1854, v. 63, 124. 
Brunetiere, F., reviews A. Filon's 

Histoire de la Litterature anglaise, 

1883, v. 90. 
Brunot, F., La Langue francaise, in 

Petit de Julleville, 1896, v. 104. 
Bruyn, Elizabeth, will of, bequeathing 

C. T., 1471, i. 56. 


Bryant, J., Observations upon the 
Poems of Thomas Rowley, 1781, i. 
459 ; confuted by Malone, ib. 463. 

Brydges, Sir S. E., The British 
Bibliographer, 1810-12, ii. 48, 57. 

Censura Literaria, 1809, ii. 46. 

Desultoria, 1811, ii. 52. 

Restituta, 1815-6, ii. 68-9. 

Preface to Phillips' Theatrum 

Poetarum, 1800, iv. 102. 

Bubb (Dodington), G., verses, in G. 
Stubbes's The Laurel and the 
Olive (wrongly entered in Ch. Soc. 
issue under G. Stubbes), 1710, i. 313. 

Budgell, E., modernization of The 
Sompnour's Tale (by E. B.?) [1733], 
iv. 86. 

Bukton, Envoy to. See Chaucer, G. 
[vin. Works. (g.) 8.] 

Bullar, J., Selections from the British 
Poets, 1822, ii. 137. 

Bullein, W., Dialogue against the 
fever Pestilence, 1564, i. 08. 

Bulwer, E., 1st Lord Lytton, letter to 
his son, 1860, iii. 53. 

Burgh, B., translation of Cato's 
Disticha Moralia [c. 1450], iv. 6. 

Burke, E., letter to Malone, 8 April, 
1796, i. 498. 

Burlington, C., The Modern Universal 
British Traveller, 1779, i. 456. 

Burne-Jones, Sir E. C., read C. at 
Oxford, 1855, iii, 25-6; designs for 
L. G. W. (glass at Peterhouse, 
Cambridge), 1862-4, iii. 61, 72; for 
Chaucer's Dream (water-colour), 
1865, iii. 75; 'The Prioresses Tale' 
(oil-painting), 1858, iii. 41; illus- 
trations for the Kelmscott ed. of 
Works, 1896, iii. 150 (in Cambridge 
issue only), introd. Ixx. 

Burney, C., A General History of 
Music, 1782, i. 465. 

Burns, R., for comparisons of with C., 
see Chaucer, G. [ii. (g.) Compari- 
sons with other writers.] 

Burrow, R., discovered the Sanscrit 
origin of the Astrolabe (J. 0. 
Halli well-Phillips, 1840), ii. 227. 

Burrowes, A. D., The Modern 
Encyclopaedia, 1837, ii. 210. 

Burton, R., quotes C. on love, in The 
Anatomy of Melancholy, 1621, etc., i. 

Butler, C., Rhetoricce libri duo, 1600, 
i. 162. 

Butler, S. (author of Hudibras}, 
Hudibras, addition to [1678?], iv. 77. 

Remains [c. 1667], i. 243. 

Butler, S. (author of Erewhon], The 

Wife of Bath, 1891, in Notebooks, 

iii. 140. 
Byrom, J., Shorthand Journal, for 

22 May, 1736, is asked Jo put the 

character of the Good Parson into 

verse, i. 377. 
Byron, G. G. N., Lord, read Chaucer as 

a boy (Moore, 1830), ii. 178. 

Childe Harold, 1809, ii. 46. 

Hints from Horace, 1811, con- 
demning C.'s indecency and his 

verse, ii. 52. 
letter to John Murrav, 20 Jan., 

1819, ii. 110. 
List of Poets, 1807 (C. obscene 

and contemptible), ii. 29. 
The Vision of Judgment, 1821, 

quoting The Wanton Wife of Bath 

as C.'s, ii. 131. 
Bysshe, E., The Art of English Poetry, 

1 702, i. 290-1. 

C., J., Alcilia, 1595, i. 142. 

Verses to Mr. Mason, 1749, iv. 90. 

C., R., Epistle dedicatory to English 

ed. of H. Estienne's A World of 

Wonders, 1607, iv. 60. 
Caesar, Sir J., The Ancient State of 

the Court of Requests, 1596, i. 143. 
Caius, J., De Antiquitate Cantabri- 

giensis Academics, 1568, i. 101. 
Caius, T., Vindictce Antiquitatis Acad- 
emics Oxoniensis [c. 1570], i. 104. 
Calais, C. at, 1360, i. 1. 
Calf hill, J., Answer to the Treatise of 

the Cross, 1565, i. 99. 
Callander, J., ed. Two Ancient 

Scottish Poems, 1782, i. 465. 
Cambridge, C. a student at, see 

Chaucer, G. [i. Biog. (e.) 2.] 
learned men in read and com- 
mend C., c. 1560-70 (F. Beaumont, 

1597), i. 146, introd. xxii. 

Book-rarities in, by C. H. Harts- 

horne, 1829, ii. 172. 
Camden, W., Annales, vol. 2, 1627, i. 

Britannia, 1586, i. 128-9; 5th 

edn., 1600, i. 162, Reges tfc alii 

Westmonasterii sepulti, 1600, i. 163. 
< Remains concerning* Britain, 

1605, quotes N. P. T., i. 175. 
note, quoting N. P. T., 1616, i. 

Campbell, T., Chaucer (in Brewster's 

Edinb. EncycL), 1830, ii. 177-8. 
Chaucer and Windsor, 1836, ii. 



Specimens of the British Poets, 

1819, ii. 110-13; reviewed, ii. 117, 

Campion, T., The Third and Fourth 
book ofiAyres [1617?], claims that 
his vain ditties are more accept- 
able than C. T., iv. 65. 

Canon's Yeoman's Tale, see Chaucer, 
G. [vni. Works. (f.) 15.] 

Canterbury, Chequer Inn at, see 
Chequer Inn. 

Canterbury gallop, 1826, iv. 105. 

Canterbury pace, 1648, i. 225. 

Canterbury Pilgrims, The, described by 
Blake, 1809, ii. 42-6; by Washing- 
ton Irving, 1822, ii. 137-8; by J. 
Saunders, 1845, ii. 263-4; Dry den 
saw them as distinctly as if he had 
supped with them at the Tabard, 
1700, i. 274; Hogarth's characters 
resemble the (Lamb, 1811), ii. 54; 
permanent types (Clough, 1852), 
iii. 8 ; their distinct characterisation 
(H. H. Milman, 1855), iii. 24-5. 
See also Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. 
(f.) G. T., and esp. Prol] For 
pictures of, see Chaucer, G. [v. 
Illustrations.] See also under the 
individual Pilgrims. 

Canterbury story, or Canterbury tale, 
meaning (1) a fable, 1535, i. 81; 
[1549?], i. 88; 1565, i. 99; 1575, 
i. Ill; 1579, i. 116; 1580, i. 119; 
1589, i. 130; 1607, iv. 60; 1621, 
i. 195; 1662, i. 239; 1763, i. 424; 
1795, i. 497-8 ; survives in America 
as a 'Canterbury,' 1855, iii. 27; 
summary of references for, introd. 

(2) a frivolous story, 1549, i. 88, 

89; 1578, i. 116; (a comedy), 1605, 
i. 175. 

(3) a dull and long-winded fiction, 

1575, i. Ill; 1631, i. 204; 1709- 

10, i. 31] ; 1724, i. 366; 1737, i. 
383; 1753, i. 408. 

Carew, R., The Excellency 'of the 

English Tongue [1595-6?], i. 142. 
Carew, T., criticism of, 1821, ii. 135. 
Carey, H^ Epilogue for Mr. Gibber's 

Love in a Riddle, in Poems, 3rd ed., 

1729, i. 370-71. ' 
Carey, W., Critical Description of the 

Procession of Chaucer's Pilgrims 

to Canterbury, painted by Slothard, 

1808, ii. 35-7. 
Reminiscences of Stothard, 1836, 

11. 203. 

Carlisle, F. Howard, 5th Earl of. See 

Carlyle, T., Past and Present, 1843 
(C. not the first English poet), ii. 

Carter, Edmund, The History of the 
County of Cambridge, 1753, quoting 
Dry den's Reeve's T. as C.'s, i. 406. 

Carter, Elizabeth, letter to Mrs. 
Montagu, 3 Sept., 1774, confessing 
that she never read C., i. 438. 

Cart wright, W., The Ordinary [c. 
1634], i. 206. 

verses in Kynaston's Troilus, 

1635, i. 208. 

Cary, H. F., The Early French Poets, 
1821-4, compares C. with Marot, 
ii. 131-2. 

ed. Dante's Inferno, 1805-6, ii. 

23; The Vision (1st complete ed.), 
1814, ii, 61. 

The Life of Dante (in The 

Vision, translated by H. F. C.), 1819, 
ii. 114. 

letter to, W. Birch, has read C. 

through, 1818, ii. 95; to Anna 
Seward, 1792, calling C., Spenser 
and Milton our greatest poets, iv. 
99; controverted by Miss Seward> 
i. 494; 1806, ii. 27. 

Case, M. P., Chaucer and his Times t 
1854, iii. 15-17. 

Cassander, T., ps. See Bruckner, J. 

Castelain, , transl. Canon's Yeo- 
man's T. into French, 1908, v. 112. 

Catalogue of Books, sold by B. White, 
1768, i. 430-1. 

Catalogue de la Bibliotheque d'un 
Amateur. See Renouard, A. A. 

Catalogues, early, entries of C.'s works 
in, introd. Ixxxvii-viii. 

Catcott, A. S., The Court of Love 
modernized by, 1717, i. 345. 

Catling, J., Conversation with Nolle- 
kens, 1780, iv. 96. 

Cato, Dionysius, Disticha Moralia, tr. 
by B. Burgh [c. 1450], iv. 6. 

Cavendish, Margaret, Duchess of New- 
castle, Poems, 1664, has robbed 
Chaucer and Shakespeare of their 
fame (W. Cavendish, Duke of N., 
1664), iv. 74. 

Cavendish, W., author of The Life of 
Wolsey, ' Chaucer ' in his library, 
1540, i. 82. 

Cavendish, W., Duke of Newcastle, 
Phanseys, 1645, i. 223. 

verses in the Duchess of New- 
castle's Poems, 1664, iv. 74, 



Caxton, W., printed The. Book of 
Courtesy [a. 1477], i. 57 ; Assembly 
of Fowls, etc. [1477-8], Anelida 
and Arcite, etc. [1477-8], C. T. 
[1477-8], Boethius [a. 1479], with 
epilogue, i. 58; Troilus [c. 1483], 
i. 60 ; House of Fame [c. 1483], with 
epilogue, and C. T. (2nd edn.) [c. 
1483?], with proem, i. 61-3. 

transl. The Recuyell of the 

Histories of Troy, inserting a refer- 
ence to Troilus, 1474, iv. 8. 

imperfection of his edns. of C. T. 
(F. Thynne, 1598), i. 155. 

lives of, by J. Lewis, 1737, i. 

380-81; by C. Knight, 1844, ii. 
256; by W. Blades, 1861-3, iii. 55. 

Proposals for an Account of 

ike Books printed by (R. Minshull, 
[1741?]), i. 389. 

his praise of C., and work for 

for him, introd. xiv, cxv. 

Cazamian, L., transl. C. T. ProL into 
French, 1908, v. 111. 

Cestre, C., transl. Nuns' Priest's T. 
into French, 1908, v. 112. 

Chalmers, A., Works of C., ed. by, 
1810, ii. 48-9. 

his statement that C.'s popu- 
larity has gone by, controverted 
by Southey (?), 1814, ii, 66. 

Chalmers, G., Henryson's Robene and 
Makyne and Testament of Cresseid, 
ed. by, 1824, ii. 149. 

notes to Sir DavidLyndsay, 1806, 

ii. 27. 

Poetic Remains of Scottish Kings, 
1824, ii. 149. 

Chambers, R., The Book of Days, 
1863-4, iii. 67. 

Encyclopaedia of English Litera- 
ture, 1843, iv. 106. 

Chances of the Dice [c. 1440], i. 44-5. 

attributed to Chaucer by Stowe, 

1598, i. 159. 

Chanoun Yemannes Tale. See Chaucer, 
G. [vm. Works. (f.) 15.] 

Chapman, G., Achilles' Shield, 1598, 
on C.'s importation of new words, 
i. 156. 

Sir Giles Goosecap, Knight (by 

G. C.?), 1606, the plot drawn from 
Troilus, i. 177-8; influence of C. 
in, iv. 5760. 

Chappell, W., The Ancient Minstrelsy 
of England, 1838, ii. 221. 

Charaktere der vornehmsten Dichter 
(by J. J. Eschenburg ?), 1793, v. 

Charon, L. M., see Chaudon, L. M. 
Charteris, H., preface to his edn. of 

Sir D. Lindsay's Works, 1568, i. 

Chasles, E., Extraits des classiques 

anglais, 1877, v. 85. 
Chasles, V. E. P., Etudes sur la lit- 

terature et les mosurs de I'Angleterre 

du XIX' Siecle, 1850, v. 60-1. 
Literature anglaise (in Revue dea 

Deux Mondes, 1842), v. 54. 
Voyages d'un critique, 1876, v. 

Chateaubriand, F. R. de, Essai sur la 

Litterature anglaise, 1836, v. 10, 49; 

reviewed by A. F. Villemain, v. 10, 

50; in Edinb. Review, ii. 220-1. 
Chatelain, J. B. de, Beautes de la 

Poesie Anglaise, 1862-72, v. 74. 
L'Hostellerie du Tabard (poem), 

1866, iii. 82. 
transl. C. T., 1857-61, v. 12, 

criticized by B. H. Gausseron, 

1887, v. 12, 94. 
transl. The Flower and the Leaf, 

1855, iii. 20; v. 62-3. 
finds the original of the Squire's 

Tale (A. H. Clough, 1858), iii. 41. 
Chatterton, T., Poems by Thomas 

Rowley [a. 1770], i. 432-5; MS. 

extracts, notes, and articles, ib. 
ed. by Tyrwhitt, 1777, i. 432-3; 

reviewed, 1777, i. 448; Tyrwhitt's 

Appendix to, 1778, i. 451. 
ed. by J. Milles, 1782, i. 468. 

Works, reviewed by Scott, 1804, 

ii. 16-17. 

controversy over, 1781-2, i. 

459, 463, 465-9, 472-3; 1811, ii. 

Life of, by G. Gregory, 1789, i. 

487 ; in Biog. nouv. des contemp., v. 

for comparisons of with Chaucer, 

see Chaucer, G. [n. (g.) Compari- 
sons with other writers.] 

Chaucer, Alice, see Chaucer, G. [i. 
Biog. (d.) 3.] 

Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

. I. Biography. 

(a) Evolution. 

(b) Life Records. 

(c) General Accounts of C. 

(d) Family, etc. 

(e) Phases and Episodes, 
(/) Portraits, 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

II. Criticism. 

(a) Evolution. 
(6) General. 

(c) Language. 

(d) Verse. 

(e) Prose. 

(/) Qualities found in C. 

(g) Comparisons of C. with 

other writers. 
(h) Influence of C. on other 


III. Modernizations. 

IV. Imitations. 
V. Illustrations. 

VI. Manuscripts. 
VII. Bibliography. 
VIII. Works. 

(a) Relative popularity of. 
(6) 19th century edd. of. . 

(c) Chronology of. 

(d) Canon of. 

(e) Editions of complete or 

nearly complete Works. 
(/) Canterbury Tales. 

1-13 : general. 

14-36 : separate tales. 
(g) Other works. 
(h) Selections. 
(i) Lost works. 
(k) Appearance in Antholo- 


(I) Spurious works. 
IX. C. a character in fiction and 

X. Book-titles taken from C. 


(a) Evolution: 

introd. ci-xiii. ; T. R. Louns- 
bury, 1891, iii. 140^. 

(b) Life-Records : 

set out chronologically, i. 1-14, 
iv. 3 ; printed by J. Rymer in 
Fadera, 1708-9, i. 297, 311; 
Exchequer issues printed 1837, 
ii. 211 ; discovered by Sir N. H. 
Nicolas, dispose of the C. -legend, 
1845, ii. 262, introd. cxii ; printed 
in N. and Q., 1865, iii. 79-80; 
gradual publication of, introd. 
Ixxii; modern discoveries of, 
collected in 1900, introd. cxiii. 

(c) General Accounts of C. : 
1. English : 

b J. Leland [c. 1545], iv. 13- 

19; Bale, 1548-57, iv. 19-27; 

I. (a-c.) 

R. Holinshed, 1577, i. 114-15; 
Stowe, 1600, i. 164-5; Pits, 
1613, i. 191, iv. 63-5; T. 
Fuller, 1655, i. 230-1 ; E. Leigh, 
1656, i. 233; H. Wharton, 1687, 
iv. 78-80; G. Jacob, 1720, i. 
349; J. Dart, 1721, i. 358-61; 
in BiograpJiia Britannica, 1748, 
i. 395-6; London Magazine, 
1753, i. 407; A New Biographi- 
cal Dictionary, 1761, i. 421; 
British Biography, 1766, i. 429; 
by J. Berkenhout, 1777, i. 447; 
in Encyclopedia Britannica, 
2nd and later edd., 1778, etc., i. 
452-4 ; by R. Anderson (?). 1793, 
i. 494; by W. Godwin, 1803, 
ii. 6-9 ; A. Rees, 1819, ii. 1 18-9 ; 
in Encyclopaedia Edinensis, 
1827, ii. 167-8; Worthies of the 
United Kingdom, 1828, ii. 171; 
by T. Campbell, 1830, ii. 177-8; 
C. Cowden Clarke, 1835, ii. 194; 
C. G. Cunningham, 1835, ii. 
194-5; S. A. Dunham, in Lard- 
ner, 1836, ii. 204-5; in the 
Penny Cyclopaedia, 1837, ii. 219; 
by L. Schmitz, 1841, ii. 234, 238 ; 
C. Cowden Clarke (in Encycl. 
Brit.), 1842, ii. 244; R. Cham- 
bers (in Encycl. of Eng. Lit.), 
1843, iv. 106; Sir N. H. Nicolas, 
1843-4,. ii. 262; J. Saunders, 
1845,- ii. 266; C. D. Deshler (in 
his Selections), 1847, ii. 274; in 
North British Rev., 1849, ii. 
281-2; English Cycl., 1856, iii. 
36-7 ; The Westminster Review, 
1866, iii. 85 ; by Sir A. W. Ward, 
1879, iii. 124-6; A. W. Pollard, 
1893, iii. 144-5. 

2. French : 

in Moreri's Grand dictionnaire 
historique, 1674, 1681, 1707, 
1740, v. 18-20, 23 ; by A. 
Yart, 1749, v. 24-6; 1753-6, 
v. 29-30; J. G. de Chauffepie, 
1750, v. 27-9; in Journal 
Stranger, 1755, v. 32-4; by 
L. M. Chaudon, 1766, v. 34; 
revised, 1791, v. 37; transl. into 
English, 1777, i. 449; in Le 
Journal Anglais, 1775, v. 35-6; 
by A. J. U. Hennet, 1806, v. 
38-9; J. B. Suard in La Bio- 
graphie Universelle, 1813, v. 
40-1; E. J. de Lecluze, 1838, v. 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. I. (d-e.) 

51-3; H. Gomont, 1847, v. 55- 
(50; A. Geffroy, 1857, 1903, v. 
G5-6; P. Larousse, 1867, v. 
80-2; B. H. Gausseron, 1887, 
v. 92-4; E. Legouis, 1910, v. 

3. German : 

by C. W. F. Breyer (based on 
Godwin), 1812, v. 138-9; in 
Meyer's Grosse Conversations- 
Lexicon, 1845, v. 141-2; by 0. 
Behnsch, 1853, v. 143; W. 
Hertzberg, 1856, 66-7, v, 143- 
7; R. Pauli, 1860, v. 145. 

(d) Family, etc. : 

1. Genealogy : 

Glover's pedigree, introd. cvii; 
Vertue's, described by Gray, 
1760, i. 417-18; J. Skelton, 
1823, ii. 147-8; S. Bentley, 
1831, ii. 180-1; the surname, 
1855, iii. 28; Stowe, 1600, i. 
164-5; Fuller, 1655, i. 230; of 
Walloon descent (R. Verstegan, 
1605), i. 176. 

2. Arms and Seal : 

Arms : T. Robson, 1830, ii. 179; 
J. B. Rietstap, 1858, 1884, v. 
91, 125. Seal: 1409, i. 19; J. 
Hunter, 1850, ii. 284. 

3. Other holders of the name : 

records of, contributed by F. 
Thynne, introd. cvii. Walter 
le C., 1292-3, iii. 31 ; Richard C., 
vintner, supposed to be C.'s 
father by Stowe, 1598, i. 159; 
by J. P. Malcolm, 1803, ii. 11; 
' Sir ' John, his father (T. Allen, 
1828), ii. 168; Philippa, his 
wife, Stowe, 1600, i. 164-5; 
Anna Jameson, 1829, ii. 172; 
S. Bentley, 1831, ii. 180-1 ; Sir 
N. H. Nicolas, 1844, ii. 256; 
her annuity, 1374, i. 3 ; Thomas, 
his son, 1409, i. 19; Stowe, 
1600, i. 164-5; T. Gascoigne, 
1434-57, i. 43; P. Le Neve, 
1701, i. 289; Vertue, i. 418; 
Sir N. H. Nicolas, 1826, ii. 163; 
Alice de la Pole, Duchess of 
Suffolk, his grand- daughter, i. 
486, ii. 181, iv. 66; first stated 

by Leland to be C.'s sister, 
introd. cv; by Pits, 1613, iv. 
64-5; see also Ewelme. 

(e) Phases and Episodes : 

1. Birth : 

Leland [c. 1545], iv. 13; Pits, 
1613, iv. 63; H. Wharton [c. 
1687], iv. 78; Encycl. Brit., 
1778, i. 452; C. Cowden Clarke, 
1842, ii. 244; his noble birth, 
first stated by Leland, introd. 
cv; his birth in London, first 
stated by Speght (from Testa- 
ment of Love), introd. cvii. For 
his birth at Woodstock, see 
Woodstock. For the date of 
c. 1340, see below [i. Biog. (e.) 5. 
Scrope-Grosvenor Controversy.] 

2. Education : 

at Oxford, Leland [c. 1545], iv. 
13; Leland the first to state 
this, introd. cv; Pits, 1613, iv. 
63; W. Covell, 1595, i. 141-2; 
G. Powel [1604], i. 174; G. 
Jacob, 1720, i. 349; at Cam- 
bridge, first stated by Speght 
(from Court of Love), introd., 
cvii; G. Jacob, 1720, i. 349; 
Penny CycL, 1837, ii. 219; 
doubted by H. Wharton [c. 
1687], iv. 78 (see also Court 
of Love); in France, Leland 
[c. 1545], iv. 13; Pits, 1613, 
iv. 63; at Temple, Leland 
[c. 1545], iv. 14; Pits, 1613, iv. 
63-4; H. Wharton [c. 1687], 
iv. 78; Hazlitt, 1826, ii. 161; 
L. Hunt, 1835, ii. 197; while 
there is fined for beating a 
Franciscan friar, Speght' s story 
doubted by F. Thynne, 1598, i. 
154; alluded to by Fuller, 1655, 
i. 230; by Chatterton, 1770, i. 
434; by De Quincey, 1841, ii. 
229; by G. H. Kingsley, 1865, 
iii. 77-8; suggested by Lamb 
as a subject for Haydon to 
paint, 1827, ii. 165. 

3. His diplomatic and other journeys 

abroad : 

Prisoner, ransomed from the 
French, 1359-60, i. 1 ; at Calais, 
1360, i. 1 ; journey to Italy in 
1368, and meeting with Petr- 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

arch, first suggested by Speght, 
introd. cvii; R. Lowth, 1759, 
i. 416; T. Warton, 1775, i. 441 ; 
D. H., 1803, ii. 9; Z., 1803, ii. 
14; W. Carey, 1808, ii. 36; 
Landor, 1829, ii. 172-6; A. F. 
Villemain, 1830, v. 45-7 ; Milton 
[1638-9] (without mention of 
Petrarch), i. 219; goes abroad, 
1370, i. 2; to Genoa and 
Florence, 1372-3, i. 2-3 ; abroad 
on the King's service, 1376-8, 
i. 4-6; to France and Italy, 
1380, i. 6; H. Wharton [c. 
1687], iv. 78; his mission to 
Montreuil, 1377, Froissart, i. 
20; Stowe, 1592, i. 136. 

4. Appointments, annuities, grants, 

etc. : 

his first annuity from the Crown, 
1367-89), i. 1-2 ; Esquire in the 
King's Household, 1369, i. 2; 
Comptroller of Custom of Wools 
and Wines in the Port of 
London, 1374, i. 3 ; granted an 
annuity by John of Gaunt, 1374, 
i. 3 ; granted a daily pitcher of 
wine, 1374, i. 3; appoints a 
Deputy Controller of Customs, 
1384-5, i. 7; receives Commis- 
sion of the Peace for Kent, 

1386, i. 7 ; returned as Knight 
of the Shire for Kent, 1386, i. 
7-8; for C.'s Knighthood see 
below, 5 ; is succeeded as 
Controller of Customs and 
Petty Customs, 1386, i. 8; 
Commissioner in respect of the 
abduction of Isabella atte Halle, 

1387, i. 8; Clerk of the Works 
from 1389, i. 9-13; Commis- 
sioner for survey of Kentish 
shoie of the Thames, 1390, i. 9; 
Sub-Forester of North Pether- 
ton, 1390-1, i. 11; granted an 
annuity of 20 by the king, 1394, 
i. 12; granted a butt of wine 
yearly, 1398, i. 13; granted an 
additional annuity of 40 marks, 
1399, i. 13. 

5. Other Episodes : 

in household of the Duchess of 
Clarence, 1357, i. 1 ; marriage 
(see above: (d.) 3); his Aldgate 
lease, 1374, i. 3; this found by 
H.T, Riley, 1859, iii. 51; For- 

ster's lease of the same, 1386, i. 
8; "raptus" of Cecily Chaum- 
paigne, 1380, i. 6; a witness in 
the Scrope-Grosvenor case, 1386, 
i. 8 ; this discovered by Godwin 
(Scott, 1804), ii. 17-18; G. 
Ormerod, 1819, ii. 118; N. H. 
Nicolas, 1832, ii. 185-6; Un- 
known, 1836, ii. 209-10; as- 
saulted and robbed at Hatcham, 
1390, i. 10-11; action for debt 
against, 1398, i. 12-13; his 
Westminster lease, 1399, i. 13- 
14; facsimile of, 1752, iv. 91; 
visits to Spalding Priory with 
John of Gaunt, i. 322 ; a knight, 
introd. cviii; Bale, 1548, iv. 19; 
1579, i. 119; Greene, 1590, i. 
131; G. Powel [1604], i. 174; 
1606, i. 177 ; H. Peacham, 1622, 
i. 197; Pits, 1613, iv. 64; E. 
Leigh, 1656, i. 233; Aubrey, 
1669, i. 245; E. Phillips, 1675, 
i. 250; H. Wharton [c. 1687], 
iv. 78; G. Jacob, 1720, i. 349; 
Sir N. H. Nicolas, 1845, ii. 262; 
a Knight of the Garter, C. 
Gildon, 1721, iv. 84; poet 
laureate, the phrase used of C. 
by Lydgate, i. 17 ; in modern 
sense by E. Phillips, 1675, i. 
250, introd. cviii; in Dryden's 
patent, 1670, i. 247; by W. 
Howell [1679;], i. 254; G. 
Jacob, 1720, i. 349; friendship 
with Gower, etc., see Gower, 
J. ; income, Encycl. Brit., 1778, 
i. 453 ; disgrace, imprisonment, 
flight, stated by all biographers 
accepting the Testament of Love, 
including Speght, 1598, introd. 
cvii; H. Wharton [c. 1687], iv. 
79; Encycl. Brit., 1778, i. 453; 
C. Cowden Clarke, 1835 (re- 
peated in 1870), 1842, ii. 194, 
244; G. G. Cunningham, 1835, 
ii. 194-5 (see also Usk, T., 
Testament of Love] ; a Wycliffite 
and Reformer, see below : [n. 
(f.) 6], and Wycliffe, J. ; person- 
ally known and valued by 
Richard II, Henry IV and V 
(Leland [c. 1545]) iv. 18, introd. 
cv; H. Peacham, 1622, i. 197; 
most of his career not literary ; 
his late development (A. W. Pol- 
lard, 1894), iii. 145; retirement 
to Donnington, see Donning- 


Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

ton Castle : to Woodstock, see 

6. Death : 

Leland [c. 1545] (without date), 
iv. 18; Bale, 1548 (1450), iv. 20; 
Holinshed, 1577 (1402 or 1400), 
i. 114; E. Phillips, 1675 (in reign 
of Henry VI), i. 250, nourished 
1402, G. Powel [1604], i. 174; 
died 1440 [c. 1700], i. 144; for 
his pious death-bed, see below : 
[vni. Works. (g.) 29. Truth.] 

7. Tomb and Epitaph : 

(Surigo's epitaph) [a. 1479], i. 
69-60, quoted by Leland [c. 
1545], i. 87; account of by 
Caxton,1479, i. 59 ; T. Berthelet, 
1532, i. 78; Brigham's inscrip- 
tion on, 1556, i. 94; Leland [c. 
1545], iv. 18-19; J. Foxe, 1570, 
i. 107; D. Rogers [c. 1570], i. 
107; Holinshed, 1577, i. 114; 
W. Lambarde [c. 1585], i. 126; 
Stowe, 1598, i. 159 ; W. Camden, 
1600, i. 163; W. Warner, 1606, 
i. 178; Pits, 1613, iv. 65; R. 
Commaundre (quotes epitaph) 
[a. 1613], i. 186; W. Vallans, 
1615, i. 190-1; W. Basse [c. 
1622 ?], i. 196; B. Jonson (quot- 
ing Basse), 1623, i. 198; J. 
Weever, 1631, i. 204 ; [c. 1680 ?], 
i. 255; Keepe, 1681, i. 255-6; 
1682, iv. 77 ; (Dryden buried in 
or near), 1700, i. 286-8 ; E. Hat- 
ton, 1708, i. 296 ; J. Strype, 1720, 
i. 352 ; Dart, 1723, i. 363 ; Catling 
[c. 1780], iv. 96 ; J. Gough, 1786- 
96, i. 483; C. Burlington, 1779, 
i. 456; J. P. Malcolm, 1802, ii. 
4; G. W. L. in Gent: 8 Mag., 
1808, ii. 38 ; P. in Gent's Mag., 

1822, ii. 138; E. W. Brayley, 

1823, ii. 141 ; T. Allen, 1828, ii. 
168 ; N.B., in Gent's Mag., 1849, 
ii. 279; J. P. Collier, 1850, ii. 
283; appeal by Committee for 
the repair of, 1850, ii. 283; M. 
N. S., in N. and Q., 1850, ii. 
286; 1851, iii. 4-5, 7; in Gent.'s 
Mag., 1858, iii. 43; H. Poole, 
1881, iii. 133; payments made 
at, 1566, i. 99; 1585, i. 128; 
1596, i. 143; 1833, ii. 188; 
introd. Ixxxv-vi; other poets 
buried near, introd. Ixxxv and 

I- M.) 

see Cowley, A. ; Dray ton, M. ; 
Dryden, J. ; Hall, R. ; Phillips, J., 
and Spenser, E. 

(f) Portraits: 

1. Original or supposed : 

those exhibited in the National 
Portrait Exhibition, 1866, iii. 
86; Belvoir (I. Eller, 1841), ii. 
233; Bodleian, 1792, i. 493; 
exhibited in London, 1866, iii. 
86 ; a copy from Hoccleve's, ib. ; 
Chastleton, T. Gray, 1760, i. 417- 
8; Clarendon (Hyde's), 1689, 
i. 261; Cotton (now burnt), i. 
23 ; Donnington, J. P. Andrews, 
1759, i. 416 ; removed to Buckle- 
bury (Unknown, 1783), i. 476; 
Ellesmere, Walpole's Anecdotes, 
ed. Dallaway, 1826, ii. 160-61 ; 
Gatacre, 1821, ii. 135; Har- 
bottle, 1836, ii. 209; Harleian 
(MS. 4826), verses on the mutila- 
tion of [c. 1540], i. 82-3; Har- 
leian (another) bought from 
Sykes, 1726, i. 368; Hoccleve's, 
i. 23; T. Hearne, 1711, i. 315, 
and 1716, i. 343-4; J. Bridges 
(as " in Mr. Murray's custody "), 
1716, i. 343; Gray, 1760, i. 
417-18; Vertue on (Walpole, 
1762), i. 423; B. W. Proctor, 
1824, ii. 151-2; J. Elmes, 1825, 
ii. 156 ; copied by Pope (Spence, 
1728-58), i. 413; print from, in 
Speght, 1598, i. 147; another (?), 
owned by M. Tyson, 1792, i. 
494; Lansdowne, H. Ellis, 1812, 
ii. 58, and 1819, ii. 115; Llan- 
shaw, given to B. Dyke, 1803, 
exhibited in London, 1866, iii. 
86 ; this a copy from Hoccleve's, 
ib.; Phillips, J. Elmes, 1825, 
ii. 156; rejected by Hazlitt, 
1829-30, ii. 172; Royal MS. 
(Reg. 17. D.G.), i. 23; Wood- 
stock, Aubrey, 1669, i. 245; in 
possession of T. Warton (J. 
Skelton, 1823), ii. 147; another, 
1792, iv. 99. 

2. Engraved : 

in Speght's ed., after Hoccleve, 
1598, i. 147; verses by F. 
Thynne upon, 1602, i. 170; 
mentioned, 1792, i. 494; Hou- 
braken, 1741 (Birch, 1743), iv. 
88; Vertue (Walpole, 1763), i. 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

424; Gray, 1760, i. 417-18; in 
j a Catalogue of Engraved British 
Portraits, byH. Bromley, 1793, 
i. 494 ; see also above : Original : 
3. Modern : 

by Barry, 1783, i. 472 ; by Ford 
Madox Brown, 1845-51, ii. 259; 
by Burne Jones, 1874, iii. 61; 
casts of statue of Chaucer pur- 
chasable (Dodsley, 1761), iv. 93 ; 
proposal to erect a statue in 
Houses of Parliament, 1845, ii. 
260; the natural portrait in an 
" Egyptian pebble " ( J. van 
Rymsdyk, 1778), iv. 95; (I. 
D'Israeli), 1793, iv. 100; verbal, 
in Greene's Vision [1592], i. 137. 

(a) Evolution: 

introd. cxxiv, etc., cxl-cxliii; 
traced by J. H. Hippisley, 
1837, ii. 213-14; by T. S. 
Baynes, 1870, iii. 99-107; 
vagueness of early praises, 
introd. cxxxi ; growth of 
knowledge in 18th and 19th 
centuries, introd. xli, xlix- 
Ixxii; various aspects illustra- 
ted by analysis of allusions : 
literary, introd. Ixxiv-v, moral, 
ib. Ixxix-lxxx; as authority 
or precedent, ib. Ixxx; C.'s 
reputation traced by R. H. 
Home, 1841, ii. 235-8; fluctu- 
ated like Dante's, introd. cxliii- 
iv ; C. praised or talked of, but 
neglected, G. Sewell, 1720, i. 
351-2; H. Headley, 1787, i. 
486; 1836, ii. 208; A. Smith, 
1862, iii. 65-6; in France, E. 
Legouis, 1908, v. 113-114; in 
the 16th cent. C. chiefly re- 
garded as a moral poet, introd. 
xix-xxi, as a learned poet, ib. 
xcv; in the 16th-18th as a 
comic and indecent poet, ib. 
xxi, liii-iv, in the early 19th as 
an historian of manners, ib. 
Ivii; present day reasons for 
admiring, ib. cxxix; some 
workers and editors, ib. cxiv- 
cxxiv; T. S. Baynes, 1870, iii. 
99-107 ; Furnivall appeals for 
an editor of the praises of C., 
1888, iii. 138. 



General, selected : 

W. Webbe, 1586, i. 129 ; Dryden, 
1700, i. 272-85; Warton, 1774, 
i. 439-41 ; J. J. Eschenburg (?), 
1793, v. 135-7; Southey, 1814, 
ii. 66-7 ; C.B., 1818, ii. 94 ; S. T. 
Coleridge, 1818, ii. 95-6; H. 
Hallam, 1818. ii. 97; Hazlitt, 
1818,ii. 98-106 ; Campbell, 181 9, 
ii. 110-3; Hazlitt, 1824,ii. 150; 
in Retrosp. Rev., 1824, ii. 153-5 ; 
H. Neele, 1827, ii. 166 ; Southey, 
1831,ii. 183; L. Hunt, 1835, ii. 
195-6 ; H. Hallam, 1837, ii. 212 ; 
H. Hippisley, 1837, ii. 212-17; 

A. F. Villemain, 1830, v. 45-7; 
1837, v. 50; D'Israeli, 1841, 
ii. 231--3; E. B. Barrett- 
Browning, 1842, ii. 242-3; 
Thoreau, 1843, ii. 250-2; L. 
Hunt, 1844, ii. 253-5; Christo- 
pher North, 1845, ii. 262-3; 
L. Hunt, 1846, ii. 269-71; 
M. P. Case, 1854, iii. 15-17; 
H. H. Milman, 1855, iii. 23-5; 
Unknown, 1859, iii. 51-2; 
E. G. Sandras, 1859, v. 69-74; 
in Nat. Rev., 1862, iii. 66; 
Taine, 1862-3, v. 76-9; A. 
Smith, 1863, iii. 70-1; F. D. 
Maurice, 1865, iii. 78-9; T. S. 
Baynes, 1870, iii. 98-107; J. R. 
Lowell, 1870, iii. 108-11; F. J. 
Furnivall, 1873, iii. 113-4; 
J. R. Green, 1874, iii. 117-9; 
Sir A. W. Ward, 1879, iii. 
124-6; M. Arnold, 1880, iii. 
126-30; A. C. Swinburne, 
1880, iii. 131-2; T. R. Louns- 
bury, 1891, iii. 140-4; A. W. 
Pollard, 1893, iii. 144-5; J. J. 
Jusserand, 1894, v. 97-100, and 
1896, v. 104-6; W. P. Ker, 
1895, iii. 148-50; E. Gebhart, 
1907-8, v. 107-11; E. Legouis, 
1908, v. 113-19; see also above : 
i. (c.) 

Language .* 
1. General : 

B. Jonson, 1640, iv. 70; E. 
Coles, 1676, iv. 77; E. Gibson, 
1691, iv. 80-81; L. Welsted, 
1724, i. 367; T. Morell, 1737, i. 
381-2; Gray [1760-1 ?], i. 418- 
21; Tyrwhitt, 1775, i. 442-6; 
Horne-Tooke, 1786, i. 486; J. 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

Cassander (J. Bruckner), 1790, 
i. 490-1; G. Ellis, 1801, ii. 1; 
J. Sherwen, 1811, ii. 55; J. 
Boucher, 1832, ii. 184; W. 
Hunter, 1832, ii. 185; E. Guest, 
1842, ii. 244 ; G. L. Craik, 1851, 
iii. 1 ; F. M. N. (in Gent.' a Mag.), 
1852-3, iii. 10; M. P. Case, 
1854, iii. 15-17; L. E. Edman, 

1861, iii. 56; F. J. Child, 

1862, iii. 61-2; P. P. Marsh, 
1862, iii. 63-4; A. Baret, 1883, 
v. 88-9; B. ten Brink, 1884, 
v. 150; E. Einenkel, 1887, v. 
150; L. Morsbach, 1893, v. 
152; (of L.G.W.) J. M. Manly, 
1890, iii. 139; (of Troilus) G. L. 
Kittredge, 1894, iii. 148. 

2. Monosyllables : 

E. Elstob, 1715, i. 338. 

3. Dialects: 

Lancashire, Gaskell, 1848, iv. 
106; W. A. Part, 1867, iii. 93; 
Norfolk, E.G.R., in N. and Q., 
1856, iii. 32; Northern, R. 
Garnett the elder, 1836, ii. 205. 
For other special points see 
Notes and Queries, passim, in 
pt. iii. 1853-67 ; also numerous 
German dissertations, v. 150- 

4. Pronunciation : 

Gray, [1760-1], i. 418-21; 
Unknown, 1771, i. 436-7; 
Tyrwhitt, 1778, i. 444-5; J. 
Adams, 1799, i. 501; A. J. 
Ellis, 1869-89, iii. 97-8; also 
many entered above as [n. 
(c.) 1, General.} 

5. Held obsolete or rude (including 
those who excuse while admit- 
ting the charge) : 

So held from later 16th cent., 
introd. xxvi, etc. ; ignorance of 
C. in 18th cent., ib. xli-iii; 
decline of the belief, ib. li-iii; 
it survives Tyrwhitt, ib. Iv-ix; 
analysis of notable references 
which assert, deny, or excuse 
this, ib. Ixxxiv ; Skelton, 
[1507 ?] (men would amend it), 
i. 69; Surrey [c. 1542], i. 84; P. 
Ashton, 1546, i. 87; T. Wilson 
(' The fine courtier will talk 

II. (c.) 

nothing but Chaucer '), 1553, i. 
91; Sir P. Sidney, 1581, i. 122; 
A. Hall, 1576, i. 112; introd. 
xxvii; B. Melbancke, who 
uses his obsolete words, 1583, 
iv. 107 (in Cambridge issue 
only); Puttenham [1584-8], i. 
126; W. Webbe, 1586, i. 129, 
introd. xxvii; Spenser, 1590-6, 
i. 133; 121 words explained by 
P. Greenwood, 1594, i. 41 ; W. 
Covell, 1595, i. 142; Sir R. 
Dallington, 1598, i. 156; Mar- 
ston, 1598, i. 158; 'old and 
obscure words explained ' by 
Speght, 1598, i. 147, 149; S. 
Daniel, 1599, i. 160, introd. 
xxviii; T. Middleton [1613 ?], i. 
187; E. Bolton [1618?], i. 192; 
Ben Jonson [1620-35 ?], i. 193- 
4; H. Peacham, 1622, i. 197, 
introd. xxix; J. Earle, 1628, i. 
201 ; J. Sidnam [c. 1630], i. 203 ; 
Sir F. Kynaston, 1635, i. 207; 
W. Barker, 1635, i. 207; E. 
Foulis, 1635, i. 211; S. Daniel, 
1646, i. 224 ; R. Brathwait, 1665, 
i. 242; Cowley [n.a. 1667J, iv. 
75; Waller, 1668, i. 244; 
Spenser's revival of, condemned 
by Sir T. Culpeper, 1671, i. 247- 
8; E. Phillips, 1675, i. 250; 
Dry den, 1679, i. 254, 1697, i. 
269, and 1 700, i. 282; E.Howard, 
1689, i. 262; Addison, 1694, i. 
266; Sir T. P. Blount, 1694, i. 
267; Jabez Hughes [c. 1707], i. 
294; John Hughes, 1715, i. 
340-1 ; E. Bysshe, 1702, i. 290; 
T. Brown [a. 1704], i. 291 ; Pope 
[1709], i. 310-11; J. Dennis 
[1711], i. 314-15; W. Nicols, 

1711, i. 317; J. Oldmixon 
[1712?], i. 322-3; W. King, 

1712, iv. 82 ; Unknown, 1730, i. 
373; Unknown, 1731, i. 373; 
H. Dairy mple (?), 1761, i. 421 ; 
Unknown, 1763, i. 424; Un- 
known, 1772, i. 437; V. Knox, 
1779, i. 457-8; Hayley, 1782, 
i. 466; J. Beattie, 1783, i. 473; 
Seward, 1792, i. 494; fl, 1804, 
ii. 23; W. Irving, 1807, ii. 30; 
Southey, 1811, ii. 55; J. H. 
Hippisley, 1837, ii. 216; J. 0. 
Halliwell-Phillipps (Diet. of 
Archaic Words), 1847, ii. 274; 
'B.,' 1859 (C. 'resembles an 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. II. (c-d.) 

antique Stilton ') , iii. 49; M. 
Arnold, 1861-2, iii. 54-5. 

6. Held not obsolete or rude : 

by Skelton, 1507, i. 69; F. 
Beaumont, i. 145-6; Sir A. 
Cokayne, 1658, i. 236; Pinker, 
ton, 1785, i. 478-9; L. Hunt, 
1823, ii. 144-5; S. T. Coleridge, 
1834, ii. 190-1; analysis of 
notable references to this effect, 

introd. Ixxxiv. 

7. C. praised for refining English : 
introd. xxxi, Ixxxii; Lydgate 
[1400J-1430, i. 14, 15, 19, 24, 37, 
etc.; Hoccleve, 1412, i. 21- 
2; Caxton [a. 1479], i. 58 and 
[c. 1483 ?], i. 62; Dunbar, 1503, 
i. 66; Skelton [1507?], i. 69 
and 1523, i. 74; H. Bradshaw, 
1513, i. 71; J. Rastell(?) 
[1520], i. 73; R. Copland, 1530, 
i. 77; Sir B. Tuke, 1532, i. 79- 
80; Leland [c. 1545], iv. 14; 
R. Braham, 1555, i. 93; G. 
Gascoigne, 1576, i. 112; R. 
Holinshed, 1577, i. 114; E. 
Kirke, 1579, i. 117; Sidney 
[1581?], i. 121; W. Webbe, 
1586, i. 129; Spenser, 1590-6, 
i. 133 ; F. Beaumont, 1597,i. 145 ; 
Speght, 1598, introd. Ixxxii; 
G. Wharton, 1652, i. 228; T. 
Fuller, 1655, i. 230 ; E. Phillips, 
1675, i. 250; T. Rymer, 1692, 
i. 265, introd. xxxi; Sir T. P. 
Blount, 1694, i. 267; Unknown, 
1707, i. 295; J. Lewis, 1737, 
i. 380; Burke, 1796, i. 498; 
Wordsworth, 1800, iv. 102; 
Southey, 1831, ii. 183; J. H. 
Hippisley, 1837, ii. 216; Un- 
known, 1837, ii. 220; M. P. 
Case. 1854, iii. 15-16; Landor 
[c. 1861], iii. 57. 

8. C. corrupted English, generally, 
or specifically, by importing 
French (or Provencal) words : 

notable references asserting and 
denying this, introd. Ixxxiii; 
asserted by Chapman, 1598, i. 
156; R. Verstegan, 1605, i. 176, 
introd. Ixxxiii; A. Gil, 1619, i 
193 ; E. Phillips, 1658, i. 236 ; S. 
Skinner [a. 1667], i. 243; T. 
Rymer, 1692, i. 265; Dryden, 
1700 (Proven9al words), i. 273; 

ii. 155; Pope [1734-6] (Pro- 
vengal words), i. 377; W. Oldys, 
1738, i. 384; J. B. Le Blanc, 
1745, v. 24 ; Percy, 1765, i. 427 ; 
Warton, 1778, i. 454; Encycl. 
Brit., 1778 (Provengal words), 
i. 454; T. D. Whitaker, 180$ 
(' The great poet wrote the 
language of no age'), ii. 25; 
A. Baret, 1883, v. 88-9; J. P. 
Thommerel, 1841, v. 53-4; J. J. 
Jusserand, 1893, v. 96-7. 

9. The importation minimised or 
excused : 

G. Tooke, 1647, i. 225; T. 
Fuller, 1655, i. 230; J. Oldham, 
1681, i. 256; in BiograpUa 
Britannica, 1748, i. 395-6; 
Warton, 1778, . 454-5; Un- 
known, 1850, ii. 287; R. C. 
Trench, 1855, iii. 28; T. S. 
Baynes, 1870, iii. 107. 

10. The importation denied (directly 
or implicitly) : 

by Betham, 1544, i. 86; Nashe, 
1592, i. 136; Johnson, 1755, 
i. 410-11; Tyrwhitt, 1775, i. 
442-3; Warton, 1778, i. 454; 
J. Pinkerton, 1786, i. 484; 
Campbell, 1819, ii. Ill; G. L. 
Craik, 1851, iii. 1; G. P. 
Marsh, 1862, iii. 63, and 
(romance words mostly used 
for rhymes), 1858-9, iii. 44. 

(d) Verse: 

1. thought irregular : 

the secret of it lost in the 
16th and 17th centuries, introd. 
xxv-xxviii ; belief in its rough- 
ness prevails in 18th cent., ib. 
xlvii-xlix, Iv-vii; thought ir- 
regular by Bodenham, 1600, i. 
161-2; Dryden, 1700, i. 276-7; 
S. Wesley, 1700, i. 289; Un- 
known, 1707, i. 295 ; J. Hughes, 
1715, i. 341; J. Dart, 1721, i. 
360; J. J. Bodmer, 1743, v. 
133; R. Lloyd, 1751, i. 402; 
T. Gibber, 1753, i. 406-7; H. 
Dalrymple ( ?), 1761, i. 421; 
Unknown, 1777, i. 448; Un- 
known, 1778, i. 453; Un- 
known, 1780, i. 459; R. Alves, 
1794, i. 495; A. Seward, 1798, 
i. 500; Byron, 1811, ii. 52; 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

J. B. Suard, 1813, v. 40-1; 
Landor, 1861, iii. 57; for 
other references see, above : 
[n. (c.) Language.] 

2. thought rhythmical : 

by Gascoigne, 1575, introd. 
xxvii, i. 110; R. Farmer, 1767, 
i. 430; Coleridge, 1803, ii. 11- 
12 (but see the next section, 
1817); Southey, introd. Ivii, 
1803, ii. 11-12; 1807 (doubt- 
fully), ii. 34; 1831, ii. 183; 
1836, ii. 206-7; G. F. Nott, 
1815-16, ii. 73-7; I. D'Israeli, 
1841, ii. 232; R. F. Weymouth, 
1862, iii. 66. 

3. thought only apparently irre- 
gular, or, more definitely, metri- 
cal ; praised in general terms : 
by J. Metham, 1448-9, i. 47; 
Henryson, 1475, i. 56; Sir B. 
Tuke, 1532, introd. xvii, i. 79- 
80 ; Puttenham [1584-8], i. 126 ; 
Speght, 1602, i. 169; Dekker 
[1607], i. 179; T. Yalden, 1693, 
i. 266; Pinkerton, 1786 (regular 
only in stanza, not in couplet), 
i. 485; P. Neve, 1789, i. 489; 
Unknown, 1707, i. 295; Urry 
(according to T. Thomas), 
1721, i. 357; T. Morell, 1737, 
i. 381-2; T. Gibber, 1753, i. 
406; Gray [1760-1?], introd. 
Iii, i. 418-21; Warton, 1774, i. 
440; Tyrwhitt, 1775, introd. 
liv-vi, i. 442-6 ; R. Henry, 1781, 
i. 460; W. Tytler, 1783, i. 475; 
Unknown, 1816, ii. 85; Cole- 
ridge, 1817,ii. 85-7 ; 1834, ii. 190 
(but see the preceding section, 
1803); Campbell, 1819, ii. Ill; 
L. Hunt, 1823, introd. Ivii-lviii, 
ii. 144-5; 1832, ii. 185; 1835, ii. 
196; C. G. Cunningham, 1835, 
ii. 194-5; E. Guest, 1838, ii. 
222-4; O. Behnsch, 1853, v. 
143; Landor, 1856, iii. 30 (but 
see section (d.) 1 above, 1861); 
Bulwer, 1860, iii. 53 ; G. L. 
Craik, 1861, iii. 56; J. R. 
Lowell, 1870, iii. 109; M. 
Arnold, 1880, iii. 127-8; A. 
Baret, 1883, v. 88-9; H. C. 
Coote, 1883, iii. 133-4; introd. 

n. (d-f.) 

4. Final e discovered : 

by T. Morell, 1737, i. 382; 
Gray [1760-1?], i. 419; Tyr- 
whitt, 1775, i. 443; Coleridge, 
1817, ii. 86; E. Guest, 1838, ii. 
222; A. H. Clough, 1854, iii. 

5. decried : 

by Unknown, 1855, iii. 28; and 
see (d.) 1 above. 

6. Hiding rhyme : 

Gascoigne, 1575, i. Ill ; Putten- 
ham [1584-8], i. 126; (Sir 
Thopas's) F. Thynne, 1600, i. 
166; Gray [1760-1?], i. 420; 

E. Guest, 1838, ii. 223. 

7. Couplet: 

not suitable for sustained high 
poetry, ace. to M. Arnold, 1863, 
iii. 67. 

8. Stanza: 

one attributed to him by W. 
Thompson, 1757, iv. 109 (in 
Cambridge issue only). 

9. Alliteration : 

F. Lindner, 1873, v. 148. 

10. Miscellaneous : 

J. Schipper, 1881-8, 1893, v. 
150, 152; B. ten Brink, 1884, 
v. 150; M. Freudenberger, 
1889, v. 151 ; C. L. Crow, 1892, 
v. 152; O. Bischoff, 1897, v. 
152 ; E. Hampel, 1898, v. 152. 

(e) Prose: 

W. Gray, 1835, ii. 195 ; E. Guest, 
1838, ii. 223-4; T. Thomas's 
and T. Keightley's theory that 
it is blank verse, 1721, 1860, 
1862, i. 498-9, iii. 54, 65; his 
Boethius opens with two hexa- 
meters (J. P. Collier, 1865), iii. 
75-6; see also below [vm. 
Works. (f.) 23, Melibeus.] 

(f) Particular qualities found in C.: 

list of critical references, introd. 

1. Realism : description of man- 
ners : 

Book of Courtesy, 1477, i. 57; F. 
Beaumont, 1597, i. 146; Dry- 
den, 1700, i. 274-6; J. Dart, 




Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

1721, i. 361; Pope, 1728-30, 
1. 370; T. Morell, 1737, i. 382; 
J. Bancks (' the Hogarth of 
his age '), 1738, i. 383; Thom- 
son, 1744, i. 391; Warton, 
1774, i. 440; E. B. Greene, 
1782, i. 466; Crabbe, 1812, ii. 
57-8; Hazlitt, 1817, ii. 87-9; 
T. Campbell, 1819, ii. 113; 
Keats, 1819, ii. 118; J. H. 
Hippisley, 1837, ii. 216; L. 
Hunt, 1844, ii. 255; Unknown, 
1845, ii. 266-7; Unknown, 1849, 
ii. 281-2; A. Edgar, 1852, iii. 
9; A. Smith [n.a. 1863], iii. 71; 
J. R. Lowell, 1870, iii. 109; 
J. R. Green, 1874, iii. 118-9; 
A. W. Ward, 1879, iii. 125-6; 
T. R. Lounabury, 1891, iii. 141. 

2. Observation of Character : 

R. Ascham, 1552, i. 91 ; Dry- 
den, 1700, i. 278-9; J. Hughes, 
1715, i. 340; G. Jacob, 1720, 
i. 349; G. Ogle, 1739, i. 385-6; 
'Astrophil,' 1740, i. 387; 
Warton, 1774, i. 440; Blake, 
1809 (' as Newton numbered 
the stars, so C. numbered the 
classes of men'), ii. 42-6; 
I. D'Israeli, 1841, ii. 231; L. 
Hunt [n.a. 1849], ii. 279; H. H. 
Milman, 1855, iii. 24-5; J. W. 
Hales, 1873, iii. 115. 

3. Humour : ' wit ' (in its various 
senses) : 

supposed by many to be his 
only virtue, 16th-18th cent., 
introd. liii-iv ; held to be chiefly 
a comic and obscene poet, 
after Tyrwhitt, ib. Iv, lix-lxi; 
W. Stevins [c. 1555], i. 92-3; 
, R. Robinson [1574], i. 109; 
' Simon Smel-Knave ' [1591 ?], 
i. 134; R. Hakluyt, 1598, i. 
157; S. Pick, 1638, i. 219; 
E. Phillips, 1675 (wit not C.'s 
real worth), i. 250 ; J. Evelyn, 
1685, i. 258; Unknown, 1673, 
i. 266; Addison, 1694 (C. * tries 
to make his readers laugh in 
vain'), i. 266; S. Cobb [a. 
1700], i. 271; J. Gay, 1712, i. 
319; S. Croxall, 1715, i. 337; 
G. Jacob, 1720, i. 349; J. 
Madan, 1721, i. 362; 'Astro- 
phil,' 1740, i. 387; T. War- 

II. (f.) 

ton, 1754 (C. the first humorist 
in English), i. 409-10, introd. 
cxxxix.H. Dalrymple(?), 1761, i. 
421 ; T. Percy, 1765, i. 427 ; Un- 
known, 1772, i. 437; T. Warton, 
1774, i. 440; C. Burney, 1782, 
i. 465; W. Bell (?) (misplaced 
jocoseness), [c. 1785], i. 480-1; 
Gilbert White, 1789, iv. 98; its 
simplicity, R. H., 1820, ii. 122-3 ; 
L. Hunt, 1846, ii. 269-71; W. 
Hertzberg, 1856, v. 144 ; A. G. K. 
L'Estrange, 1878 (denying it), 
introd. Ix. ; Swinburne, 1880, 
iii. 131 ; his wit, variations in 
the meaning of the term, introd. 
xcvii-viii; gradual recognition 
of C.'s humour, ib. cxxxviii-ix. 

4. Indecency : frivolity : 

his reputation for, introd. xxi; 
supposed in 16th-18th cents, to 
be his chief characteristic, ib. 
xlv; survival of this belief in 
early 19th cent., ib. Ix; ex- 
emplified in references by Tyn- 
dale, 1528, iv. 11; E. Becke, 
1549, i. 88; Cranmer [1549?], 
i. 88-9; Latimer, 1549, i. 89; 
A. Scott, 1562, i. 97 ; T. Drant, 
1567, i. 100; J. Wharton, 
1575, i. Ill; T. Procter, 
1578, i. 116; W. Fulke, 1579, 
i. 116; Sir J. Harington, 1591, 
i. 134; T. Campion, [1617?], 
iv. 65; T. Jordan, 1657, iv. 72; 
Dryden, 1680-3, i. 254-5, 1700, 
i. 279-80; Lady M. Wortley 
Montagu [1713-14], i. 329; 
Pope, 1737 ('Chaucer's worst 
ribaldry is learned by rote), 
i. 383; A. Yart, 1753-6, v. 
29; Cowper, 1781, i. 459; 
Anna Seward, 1806, ii. 28; 
Byron, 1807,' ii. 29, 1811, ii. 52; 
H. Richman [c. 1810], ii. 49; 
S. T. Coleridge, 1818, ii. 95; 
K. H. Digby, 1826, ii. 161; 
J. P. Collier, 1833, ii. 187; Un- 
known, 1841, ii. 241; Card. 
Wiseman, 1855, iii. 29, introd. 
Ixi. ; E. Fitzgerald, 1856, iii. 29. 
(By the use of the phrase 
' Chaucer's jest ') : G. Whet- 
stone, 1576, i. 113, 1578, i. 
116; 'A.,' 1592, i. 138; He- 
turn from Parnassus [1597], i. 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

144-5; N. Breton, 1597, i. 144, 
1600, i. 162; 'ATroS^/iowT^iAoy, 
1611, i. 185; Melismata, 1611, 
i. 185; ('Chaucerism'), Nashe, 
1592, i. 135; (' Chaucer's saw '), 
E. Phillips, 1658, i. 236. Mini- 
mised or denied by: F. Beau- 
mont, 1597, i. 145-6; Field and 
Hunt, 1811, ii. 54; Lowell, 1870, 
iii. Ill ; A. W. Ward, 1879, iii. 
125. His regret for, recorded 
by T. Gascoigne, 1434-57, i. 43. 

6. Moral purpose : satire : 

belief in, in the 16th cent., 
introd. xx-xxi, xciv-v; J. 
Shirley [c. 1450], i. 49; S. 
Hawes, 1506, i. 67; R. Ascham, 
1544, i. 85-6; J. Northbrooke, 
1577, i. 115; T. Lodge, 1579, i. 
117; Babington, 1583, i. 124; 
W. Webbe, 1586, i. 129; F. 
Beaumont, 1597, i. 146; S. 
Harsnet, 1603, i. 173; J. Flet- 
cher [1613 ?], i. 187; J. Prynne, 
1633, i. 206; Unknown, 1691, i. 
263; J. Dart, 1720, i. 360; Un- 
known, 1775, v. 36; Hazlitt 
(who would like to meet him), 
1826, ii. 161; Ruskin, introd. 
Ixiv; J. R. Lowell, 1870, iii. 
Ill ; A. W. Ward, 1879, iii. 125. 

6. Anliclericalism : 

his works escape condemnation 
by Parliament, 1542-3, i. 152; 
H. Charteris, 1568, i. 102; J. 
Foxe, 1570, i. 104-7; L. 
Humphrey, 1582, i. 122; R. 
Scot, 1584, i. 124-5; S. Hars- 
net, 1603, i. 173; G. Powel 
[1604], i. 174; T. Fuller, 1655, 
i. 230; Dryden, 1700, i. 278; 
T. Hearne, 1709, i. 307-8; C. 
Dodd, 1737, i. 380; 1823, ii. 
148; Lytton, 1826, ii. 163; H. 
Gomont, 1847, v. 58-9; H. H. 
Milman, 1855, iii. 25, see also 
below, Wycliffe, J. 

7. Piety: 

C. leaves Oxford a * sanctus 
theologus,' first stated by Leland 
[c. 1545], iv. 13; 'his zeal for a 
purer religion,' H. Wharton, c. 
1687, his piety, ' Astrophil,' 
1740, i. 387; Unknown, 1775, 
v. 36; E. B. Browning, 1843,ii. 

II. () 

246; J. R. Lowell, 1845, ii. 261, 
1870, iii. 108; H. H. Milman, 
1855, iii. 24; Ruskin, introd. 

8. Impiety : 

C. Dodd, 1737, i. 380; A. Yart, 
1753-6, v. 29; K. H. Digby, 
1826, ii. 161. 

9. Pathos : 

Unknown, 1696, i. 268; Astro- 
phil, 1740, i. 387; T. Warton, 
1762, introd. xliv, Iii, i. 423, 
1774, i. 440, 1782, i. 470; N. 
Drake, 1805, ii. 24; J. B. 
Trotter, 1811, ii. 56; Hazlitt, 
1818, ii. 99; Campbell, 1819, 
ii. 112; Scott, 1829, ii. 176; 

D. O'Sullivan, 1830, v. 45; I. 
D'Israeli, 1841, ii. 231 ; E. B. 
Browning, 1842, ii. 243; 
Thoreau, 1842, ii. 251; L. 
Hunt, 1843, ii. 254-5; F. J. 
Furnivall, 1873, iii. 113-4; 
J. W. Hales, 1873, iii. 116; 
M. Arnold, 1880, iii. 127; 
Swinburne, 1880, iii. 131. 

10. Sublimity: 

T. Usk [c. 1387], i. 8; G. 
Harvey, 1593, i. 140; A. Yart, 
1753-6, v. 29; T. Warton, 1762, 
i. 423; C. Lamb, 1820, ii. 127. 

11. Want of sublimity or of serious- 
ness : 

T. Rymer, 1674, i. 249; Un- 
known, 1839, ii. 226; C. B., 
1818, ii. 94; H. Hallam, 1818, 
ii. 97; Unknown, 1839, ii. 226; 
Thoreau, 1843, ii. 251; J. J. 
Ampere, 1867, v. 82; J. R. 
Lowell, 1870 (his 'gracious 
worldliness '), iii. 108; Un- 
known, 1 873, iii. 1 1 7 ; M. Arnold, 
1880, iii.' 128; W.Morris, 1887, 
iii. 137-8; T. R. Lounsbury, 
1891, iii. 141-2; E. Legouis, 
1908, v. 119. 

12. Love of nature : 

J. Bossewell, 1572 (love of the 
daisy), i. 108-9; J. Dart, 1721, 
i. 358-9; C. J. Fox, 1800 (sing- 
ing of birds), iv. 102 ; Coleridge, 
1818, ii. 95; L. Hunt, 1820, ii. 
124-5, 1844, ii. 253; N. Drake, 
1828, ii. 168; M. P. Case, 1854, 


Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

iii. 16; Ruskin, 1856 (C.'s love 
of forests and hatred of the sea), 
iii. 33-4; Card. Wiseman, 1855 
(C.'s love of nature associated 
with wantonness), iii. 29; this 
denied by L. Hunt, 1859, iii. 49; 
S. A. Brooke, 1871, iii. 111-2; 

A. W. Ward, 1879, iii. 126; 
L. Morel, 1895, v. 102. See also 
Flower and the Leaf, the. 

13. Happiness : cheerfulness : 
Spenser, 1590-96, i. 133; T. 
Dekker [1607], i. 178; Cole- 
ridge, 1817, ii. 85, 1834, ii. 190; 
Unknown, 1842 (' Chaucer's 
blithe old world, for ever 
new '), ii. 246; Furnivall, 1873, 
iii. 114; Swinburne, 1880, iii. 

14. Learning : 

often mentioned in 16th cent., 
introd., xcv-vi; by Hoccleve, 
1412, i. 21 ; Sir B. Tuke, 1532, 
i. 79; G. B., 1569, i. 103; 
Foxe, 1570, i. 105; Holinshed, 
1577, i. 114; Spenser, 1579, i. 
118; Puttenham [1584-8], i. 
125; G. Harvey [c. 1585], i. 
127; Churchyard, 1587, i. 130; 
Cobbler of Canterbury, 1590, i. 
132; Hakluyt, 1598, i. 157; 

F. Thynne, 1598, i. 155; 
Speght, 1598, i. 147, 1602, i. 
169; Harsnet, 1603, i. 173; 
Stowe, 1603, i. 174; Selden, 
1612 (C.'s knowledge 'trans- 
cending the common rode'), 
i. 186; Freeman, 1614, i. 188; 
Basse [c. 1622], i. 196; Un- 
known, 1622, i. 198; Webster, 
1624, i. 199; Milton, 1641 ('our 
learned C.'), i, 221 ; E. G., 1646, 
i. 225; E. Leigh, 1656, i. 232; 

B. Whitelock [a. 1675], i. 251 ; 
H. Wharton [c. 1687], ' vir extra 
contro versiam doctissimus ' ), iv. 
79; E. Howard, 1689, i. 262; 
Dryden, 1700, i. 274; E. Hat- 
ton, 1708, i. 296; J. Grainger, 
1769, i, 431 ; R. Henry, 1781, 
i. 460; G. Dyer [1811], ii. 53; 

G. F. Nott, 1815-16, ii. 77-80; 
E. G. Sandras, 1859, v. 71. 

16. Universality : 

Unknown, 1755, v. 33: Un- 
known, 1756, i. 412; W. Ros- 

H. (f-g.) 

coe, 1824, ii. 152; H. Neele, 
1827, ii. 166; L. Hunt, 1844, 
ii. 255; G. P. Marsh, 1858-9, 
iii. 44. 

16. Prolixity : 

Pinkerton, 1786, i. 484; Camp- 
bell, 1819, ii. 112; Unknown, 
1846, ii. 273; A. Smith, 1862, 
iii. 65; Unknown, 1873, iii. 117. 

17. Brevity: 

Lydgate, 1430, i. 42; Caxton 
[c. 1483], i. 61-2, introd. xiv; 
J. Rastell(?) [1520], i. 73; Sir 
B. Tuke, 1532, i. 80, introd. 

18. Eloquence : 

the common opinion [c. 1400- 
1550], introd. xciii-iv; Lyd- 
gate [c. 1403, etc.], i. 17, 19, 
24, 27, 35; J. Walton, 1410, 
i. 20; Hoccleve, 1412, i. 21; 
James L, 1423, i. 34; Un- 
known [c. 1440], i. 45; J. 
Shirley [c. 1450], i. 49; Un- 
known [1450-60 ?], i. 53 ; Un- 
known [a. 1477], i. 57; Caxton 
[a. 1479], i. 58; Dunbar, 1503, 
i. 66; Hawes [1503-4], i. 66; 
H. Bradshaw, 1513, i. 71; 
Douglas, 1513, i. 71-2; Skelton, 
1523, i. 74; Unknown [1525?], 
i. 75; J. Grange, 1577, i. 107 
(in Cambridge issue only). 

19. Facility: 

Landor, 1811, iv. 103-4; J. R. 
Lowell, 1870, iii. 110; T. R. 
Lounsbury, 1891, iii. 143. 

20. Artificiality: 

Anna Seward, 1806, ii. 28; 
Unknown, 1877, iii. 122-3. 

21. Heaviness : 

Unknown, 1861 ('wanting in a 
certain lightness of touch, con- 
ciseness and melody '), iii. 60. 

22. Originality: 

J. R. Lowell, 1871 ('one of the 
most purely original of poets'), 
iii. 111. 

(g) Comparisons of, with other Writers. 
Some of these writers are 
merely equalled with or pre- 
ferred to Chaucer by enthusi- 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

astic admirers. The numerous 
passages from early writers 
given in the text in which 
Chaucer is mentioned in com- 
pany with Gower, Lydgate, 
Surrey, Spenser, etc., without 
comment are omitted here; 
see introd. Ixxiii-iv. 17. 

1. Beaumont : J. Earle [1616], i. 

192. 18. 

2. Boccaccio : D. Rogers [c. 1570], 

i. 107; Dryden, 1700, i. 273-4, 19. 

283-4; J. C. Dunlop, 1814, ii. 
61-3; Macaulay, 1815, ii. 72; 20. 
H. Gomont, 1847, v. 59-60; 
(Troilus and Philostrato), W. M. 
Rossetti, 1873, iii. 116-17; 
for comparisons of the frame of 
the Decameron and the Canter- 
bury Tales, see below: [vin. 21. 
Works. (f.) 12.] 

3. Browning, R. : Landor, 1846, 
ii. 273. 

4. Burns : N. Drake, 1828, ii. 168 ; 22. 
Landor, 1846, ii. 272; M. 
Arnold, 1880, iii. 130. 23. 

5. Cavendish, Margaret, Duchess of 
Newcastle: W. Cavendish, D. 24. 
of N., 1664, iv. 74. 

6. Chatterton : in Biog. nouvelle des 25. 
contemp., 1822, v. 43. 

7. Cicero : Bale, 1562, iv. 28. 

8. Crabbe: J. R. Lowell, 1845, ii. 26. 
261. 27. 

9. Dante : Unknown, 1842, ii. 246 ; 
Swinburne, 1880, iii. 131-2. 28. 

10. Dryden : Wordsworth, 1805, ii. 

26; Unknown, 1855, iii. 28. 29. 

11. Dunbar: (excelled C. at all 
points) Pinkerton, 1786, i. 484; 
D. Irving, 1804, ii. 15 ; N. Drake, 
1828, ii. 168; Scott, 1829, ii. 

176; 1830, ii. 179. 30. 

12. Ennius: B. Googe, 1565, iv. 34; 31. 
Hakluyt, 1598, i. 157; Dryden, 

1697, i. 269; S. Wesley, 1700, i. 
289 ; J. Hughes [c. 1707], i. 294 ; 
T. Ruddiman, 1710, i. 313. 

13. Gower (mere collocations of the 
names omitted) : introd. xviii- 
xix, Ixxiii; Pymlico, 1609, i. 
184; S. Turner, 1825, ii. 158. 

14. Henry, the Minstrel : D. Irving, 

1804, ii. 15. 32. 

15. Hogarth: J. Bancks, 1738, i. 

383; C. Lamb, 1811, ii. 54. 33. 

16. Homer: Leland[c. 1545], iv. 15; 
Camden, 1586, i. 128; B. Vul- 34. 

\ H. fo.) 

canius, 1586, iv. 187 (in Cam- 
bridge issue only); Unknown, 
1830, ii. 179-80; De Quincey, 
1838-9, ii. 221, 1841, ii. 229- 
30; Unknown, 1842, ii. 246; 
(for archaic diction) M. Arnold, 
1861-2, iii. 54-5. 
T. Howell : J. Keeper, 1568, i. 

Keats: Landor, 1846, ii. 272, 
1848, ii. 278. 

La Fontaine : J. J. Jusserand, 
1878, v. 85. 

Lydgate (mere collocations of the 
names omitted) : introd. xviii- 
xix, Ixxiii ; preferred to C. by 
Hawes, introd. xviii; equalled 
with him by J. Lawson, 1581, 
i. 120. 

Marot : D. Rogers [c. 1570], i. 
107; L. M. Chaudon, 1791, v. 
37; H. F. Cary, 1821-4, ii. 

TheMeistersinger: Herder, 1777, 
v. 133^. 

W. Morris : A. C. Swinburne, 
1867, iii. 94. 

Ossian : H. D. Thoreau, 1843, 
ii. 250. 

Ovid: Dryden, 1700, i. 272-6; 
Dryden 's comparison ridiculed 
by T. Brown [a. 1704], i. 291-2. 
Pope : Hazlitt, 1821, ii. 132-3. 
Allan Ramsay : A. F. Tytler, 
1800, i. 504. 

Ruiz de Hita : G. Ticknor, 1849, 
ii. 280. 

Shakespeare : Hazlitt, 1817, ii. 
87-9, 1818, ii. 105; Coleridge, 
1834, ii. 190; FitzGerald, 1859, 
iii. 49; J. W. Hales, 1873, iii. 

Skelton: Pymlico, 1609, i. 184. 
Spenser: F. Thynne, 1600, i. 
166; Spenser preferred by C. 
Fitzjpeffrey, 1601, i. 167; R. R., 
1605, i. 176; J. Hughes, 1715, 
i. 340; W. Thompson, 1745, 
i. 391-2; Southey, 1811, ii. 55; 
Landor, 1811, iv. 103, [n.a. 
1841] (' C. worth a score or two 
of Spensers'), ii. 239; Hazlitt, 
1818, ii. 98, 1826, ii. 161-2. 
Varro : R. Carew [1595-6 ?], i. 

Villon : A. C. Swinburne, 1880, 
iii. 131-2. 
Wyatt : Surrey [1542], i. 84. 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

(h) Influence of, on other poets : 

on Arthur Broke, iv. 29-33; 
on William Browne, iv. 62; 
on Lyly, iv. 41-2; on Shake- 
speare, i. 396 ; iv. 45-6 (see also 
Shakespeare, W.); on Spenser, 
i. 118-19; on Surrey, iv. 19; on 
Wyatt, iv. 12; on the author 
of Sir Gyles Goosecappe (Chap- 
man ?), iv. 57-60. 


(a) General: 

See also below (b) 10, Dryden. 

1. Praised or defended : 

as saving C. from oblivion, by 
C. B., 1749, i. 399; H. Dalrym- 
ple ( ?), 1761, i. 421 ; as superior 
to originals, by Walpole, 1774, 
i. 439, 1781, i. 464; as incite- 
ment to read originals, by 
Leigh Hunt, 1855, iii. 22-3; 
called for by J. Dart, 1718, i. 

2. Condemned : 

by W. Harrison, 1706, i. 293; 
T. Warton, 1754, 1762, 1774, 
i. 409, 423, 439-40 ; Unknown, 
1826, ii. 164; Landor [n.a. 
1841], ii. 238-9, introd. Iviii; 
Unknown, 1847, ii. 275. 

3. Criticized : 

by Leigh Hunt, 1817, ii. 89, 
introd., Ixvi; J. Johnstone, 
1828, ii. 169-170; E. B. Brown- 
ing, 1840, ii. 226-7; R. H. 
Home, 1841, ii. 237; J. Saun- 
ders, 1845-7, ii. 264-6; introd. 

(b) Particular: 

1. Bell, R., 1841, ii. 234. 

2. Betterton, T. [a. 1710], i. 312; 
see below : Pope. 

3. Browning, E. B., 1841, ii. 235. 

4. Budgell, E., see Grosvenor. 

5. Catcott, A. E., 1717, i. 345. 

6. Clarke, C. Cowden, 1833, ii. 187; 
1835, ii. 194. 

7. Cobb, S., 1725, iv. 84. 

8. Cooke, W., 1774, i. 438. 

9. Dart, J., 1718, i. 346. 

10. Dryden, J., 1700, i. 272-85; 
praised by J. Hughes [c. 1707], 
i. 294; Walpole, 1775, iv. 94; 

II. (h.)- III. (b.) 

C. Reeve, 1785, i. 479; con- 
demned by W. Harrison, 1706, 
i. 293; Southey, 1803, ii. 12; 
Hazlitt, 1815, 1818, ii. 70, 
105-6; Lowell, 1845, ii. 261; 
A. Smith (Dryden and Pope 
* committed assault and battery ' 
on C.), 1862, iii. 65; criticized 
by Johnson, 1779-81, i. 456- 
7; Scott, 1808, ii. 39-41; 0. 
Schoepke, 1878, v. 149; spoken 
of as if the originals, by J. 
Aikin, 1804, ii. 14-15. 

11. Dunkin, W. [a. 1765], iv. 93. 

12. Grosvenor [i.e. E. Budgell ?] 
[1733], iv. 86. 

13. Harte, W., 1727, iv. 84. 

14. Haweis, M. E., 1876, iii. 121. 

15. Home, R. H., and others, in 
Chaucer Modernized, 1841, ii. 
234-8 ; Landor declines to con- 
tribute to, ii. 238-9 ; reviewed, 
ii. 241 ; Wordsworth on, ii. 
228-9, 242, introd. Ivii-lix. 

16. Hunt, Leigh, Pardoner's Tale, 
1820, ii. 126, 1845, ii. 260, 1855, 
iii. 22-3; Squire's Tale, first 
version, 1823, iv. 105; second 
version, 1841, ii. 235, 1855, ii. 
144, iv. 105. 

17. Jackson, A., 1750, i. 401. 

18. Johnstone, J., 1827, ii. 165. 

19. Lipscomb, W., Pardoner's Tale, 
1791, i. 493; C.T., 1795, i. 

20. Markland, J., 1728, i. 370; in 
Ogle, 1741, i. 389-90. 

21. Maynwaring, A., 1709, i. 310. 

22. Milnes, M., 1844, ii. 256. 

23. Ogle, G., Clerk's Tale, 1739, i. 
384-6; with others, C.T., 1741, 
i. 389-90. 

24. Penn, J., 1794, i. 495-6. 

25. Pitt-Taylor, F., 1884, iii. 135-6. 

26. Pope, A., January and May, 
1709, i. 310; used by Wieland 
in his Oberon, 1780, v. 134. 

The Temple of Fame, 1711, 
i. 318, attacked by J. Ralph, 
1728, iv. 84-5; praised by Dr. 
Johnson, 1779, i. 457; J. War- 
ton, 1782, i. 471. 

Wife of Bath's ProL, 1714, 
i. 330. 

Franklin's Tale, lines on 
love, paraphrased from, in 
Eloisa to Abelard, 1717, i. 346, 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

Knight's Tale, etc., line on 

r'ty paraphrased from, 1711, 

Prol C.T., Pope wrote the 
modernization of, published as 
Betterton's, i. 500.,_ 

General : praised by C. B., 
1749, i. 399; by Roscoe, 1824, 
ii. 152; condemned by Theo- 
bald, 1732, i. 374; by A. Smith, 
1862, iii. 65; their relation to 
their originals discussed by A. 
Schade, 1897, v. 152. See also 
above, Dry den. 

27. Powell, T., 1841, ii. 228, 234; 
his plagiarisms, 239-40, 267-8. 

28. Saunders, J., 1845-7, ii. 264-6. 

29. Sewell, G., Hoccleve's Letter of 
Cupid (as C.'s), 1718, i. 347-8, 
1720, i. 350; Song of Troilus, 
1720, i. 350-52. 

30. Storr, F., and Turner, H., 1878, 
iii. 123. 

31. Thurlow, E., Lord, Knight's 
Tale, 1822, ii. 140; The Flower 
and the Leaf, 1823, ii. 148. 

32. Trinitarius, 1800, i. 504. 

33. Tytler, H. W., 1828, ii. 171. 

34. Wordsworth, W., 1801-2, ii. 2-3, 
5; 1841, ii. 234. 

35. Z., Z. A. [i.e. It. H. Home 1 !], 
1841, ii. 234, 239-40. 

36. Anon., 'sonnet' (source uniden- 
tified), 1737, iv. 87; Sompnour's 
Tale, 1769, iv. 94; Miller's 
Tale, 1791, i. 493; Clerk's Tale, 
1794, iv. 100; Squire's Tale, 
1796, i. 499; L.G.W., Ariadne, 

1803, ii. 13; Squire's Tale, 

1804, ii. 21; C.T., etc., 1811, 
ii. 56; Truth, 1815, ii. 80-81; 
Clerk's Tale, 1837, ii. 219; 
Parson, 1841, ii. 240-1; Clerk's 
Tale, 1845, ii. 266. 


(a) Imitation in general : 

introd. xlvii-ix ; condemned 
by Ascham, 1563-8, i. 97-8; 
by Ben Jonson [1620-35?], i. 

(b) Particular Imitators : 

1. Arbullmot, J. ( ?), 1735, iv. 

2. Baynes, J. ( ?), 1782, i. 465. 

III. (b.)- IV (b.) 

3. Brome, A., 1641, i. 219. 

4. Brooke, A., 1562, iv. 29-33. 

5. Bullein, W., 1564, i. 99. 

6. Chatterton, T. [a. 1770], i. 
432-5; the controversy over, 
1781-2, i. 459, 463, 465-9, 
472-3 ; see also Chatterton, T. 

7. Drayton, M., 1593, i. 139. 

8. Fagan, C. G., 1883, iii. 134-5. 

9. Fenton, E., 1717, i. 345. 

10. Fielding, H. ( ?), 1752, iv. 90- 

11. Frere, J. B. ( ?) [c. 1787], ii. 21, 
iv. 107 (in Ch. Soc. issue), 109 
(in Cambridge issue). 

12. Gay, J., 1717, i. 345. 

13. Gough, E., 1764, i. 425. 

14. Greene, E. B., 1782, i. 466. 

15. Harris, J. [a. 1758], i. 412. 

16. Hunt, Leigh, 1858, iii. 43. 

17. James, F., 1635, i. 212-3; 1638, 
i. 218-9. 

18. Keats, /., 1819, iv. 104, introd. 

19. Ker, W. P., 1891, iii. 140. 

20. Mason, W., 1744 (quoted as 
1747), i. 393-4. 

21. Mathias, T. J., 1782, i. 466-7. 

22. Mennis, Sir J., and Smith, J., 
1655, i. 231. 

23. N., B.(1), 1789, i. 487-8. 

24. Pope, A., 1727, i. 369. 

25. Prior, M. (Erie Robert's Mice, 
etc.), 1712, i. 323-4 ; condemned 
by Armstrong, 1753, iv. 91; 
another [1718?], i. 347. 

26. Skeat, W. W., 1900, iii. 151-2 
(in Ch. Soc. issue), 152 (in 
Cambridge issue). 

27. Smith, J. See above, Mennis, J. 

28. Spenser, E., 1579, 1590-96, i. 
118, 132-3; praised by S. 
Cobb [a. 1700], i. 271; con- 
demned by Ben Jonson [1620- 
35 ?], i. 193-4, introd. xxvi. 

29. Starkey, A., 1859, iii. 51. 

30. Sivift, J. (lost), ii. 65, iv. 88. 

31. Thompson, W. [c. 1745], i. 

32. Taylor, J. (the Water Poet), 
ref. to by Southey, 1831, ii. 184. 

33. Thurlow, E., Lord, 1823, ii. 148. 

34. Warton, T., sen., 1747, i. 394, 
iv. 89. 

35. Wharton, R., 1804-5, ii. 22. 

36. Anon. [1597], i. 144; 1746, iv. 
89; 1772, i. 437; 1791, iv. 99; 
1796, i. 499. 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 


1. Blake, W., 'The Canterbury 
Pilgrims ' ; described by him- 
self, 1809, ii. 42-6; admired 
by Lamb, 1810, ii. 49, 1824, ii. 
151 ; condemned by A. Cun- 
ningham, 1830, iv. 106; by 
T. F. Dibdin, 1836, ii. 203-4; 
original oil sketch for, owned 
by R. C. Jackson, 1864, iii. 
74; selections from C.T. Prol. 
printed to illustrate, 1812, ii. 
56; used as the sign of the 
Tabard Inn, 1812, iv. 104. 
See also below, 9. Stothard. 

2. Burne Jones, Sir E. C., 
Prioress's Tale, 1858, iii. 41; 
Assembly of Fowls (' Cupid's 
Forge'), 1861, iii. 55; L.G.W. 
(designs), 1862, iii. 61, praised 
by Ruskin, 1867, iii. 93; (glass 
at Peterhouse), 1864, iii. 72; 
Isle of Ladies (' Chaucer's 
Dream'), 1865, iii. 75; Works 
(Kelmscott ed.), 1896, iii. 150 
(in Cambridge issue only), in- 
trod. Ixx. 

3. Corbould, E., Cant. Tales, 1853, 
iii. 12. 

4. Dixon, R. W., Merchant's Tale 
( ?) (' A Wedding Scene '), 1855, 
iii. 21. 

5. Hamilton, W., Knight's Tale 
(' The Death of Arcite '), 1790, 
iv. 98. 

6. Hooper, W. H., engraved wood- 
cuts after the Ellesmere MS. 
for the Six Text C.T., 1868, iii. 
95; after Burne Jones for the 
Kelmscott Works, 1896, iii. 150 
(in Cambridge issue only), in- 
trod. Ixx. 

7. Jeffereys, J., ' The Canterbury 
Pilgrims ' [c. 1780 ?], i. 458-9. 

8. Mortimer, J. H., Cant. Tales, 
[n.a. 1779], i. 447, iv. 96. 

9. Stothard, T., ' The Canterbury 
Pilgrims,' praised by F. Douce, 
1807, ii. 31; by J. Hoppner, 
1807, ii. 32; proposals for 
printing the engraving after, 
by R. H. Cromek, 1808, ii. 37; 
condemned by Blake, 1809, ii. 
46; exhibited in all great 
towns, the engraving widely 
sold, ii. 203; at Abbotsford, 
1827, ii. 164-5; preferred to 

V, VI, VII. 

Blake's by T. F. Dibdin, 1836, 
ii. 203-4; suggested to de 
Lecluze his translation of C.T. 
Prol., 1838, v. 51-3. See also 
above, 1. Blake. Other illustra- 
tions of Chaucer, ii. 203, iv. 106. 

10. Waller, J. G., window in West- 
minster Abbey, 1868, iii. 97. 

11. Anon., 1824, ii. 149. 


i. 26-64; iv. 4-8; those used 
by Thynne, including one in- 
scribed ' examinatur Chaucer,' 
i. 151; Sir H. L'Estrange's, 
1669-96, i. 245; H. Wanley, 
1697, iv. 81, 1705, i. 292-3; T. 
Hearne, 1709, 1711, i. 297-300, 
306-7, 316-17; J. Urry, 1712, 
1721, i. 325-6, 358; Sir H. 
Sloane, 1715, i. 335; Sloane's 
and Bagford's lent to Hearne 
for Urry's ed;, i. 341-2; Tyr- 
whitt, 1775. i. 442; the Har- 
leian, 1769, 1808, i. 416, 424, ii. 
41-2; Todd, 1810, ii. 50; Dib- 
din, 1817, ii. 87; Furnivall (?), 
1865, iii. 76; to be printed by 
the Chaucer Society, 1867, iii. 
89-90, 95-6; T. S. Baynes, 
1870, iii. 99, 103-5: and see 
below, viii., under the separate 
works. ^ 

Rarity of early bibliographical 
references, introd. Ixxxix; lists 
and references by Lydgate, 
1430, i. 3-43; Hawes, 1506, 
i. 67; Leland [c. 1545], iv. 17; 
Bale, 1548, 1557, iv. 19-20, 
22-4; F. Thynne, 1598, i. 155; 
Stow, 1598, 1600, i. 159-60, 
165; Pits, 1613, iv. 65; Bag- 
ford, 1709, i. 297; Hearne, 
1708-15, i. 296-337; Ames, 
1749, i. 398-9; Herbert, 1785- 
90, i. 477-8, 483, 491 ; Griffiths, 
1815, ii. 69; Dibdin, 1809-24, 
iv. 103, ii. 49, 69, 87, 149-50; 
Watt [a. 1819], ii. 120; Harts- 
horne, 1829, ii. 172; Scott [n.a. 
1832], ii. 186; Heber sale, 
1834-6, ii. 193; Lowndes, 1834, 
ii. 192; King's Library cata- 
logue, 1834, ii. 193; Douce, 
1840, ii. 226; Collier, 1865, 
iii. 75-6. 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

(a) Relative 'popularity of: 

introd. Ixxvi-ix. 

(b) Table of 19th cent. edd. of (com- 
plete and separate) : 

introd. Ixxi. 

(c) Chronology of : 

ten Brink, 1870, v. 147-8, 
introd. Ixxi-ii; criticized by 
Minto, 1874, iii. 119; Furnivall, 
1873, iii. 113; Koch, 1890, 
iii. 139. 

(d) Canon of : 

Skeat, 1900, iii. 150-1 (in Ch. 
Soc. issue), 151 (in Cambridge 
issue) ; introd., Ixxii. See also 
below : [vm. (1.) Spurious.] 

(e) Editions of Complete (or nearly 

Complete) Works : 
Pynson, 1526, i. 75; Thynne 
(Godfray), 1532, i. 78; this 
really the first English miscel- 
lany, iii. 87 ; Thynne (Bonham), 
1542, i. 83; Thynne (Bonham, 
etc.) [c. 1545], i. 86; Stowe, 
1561, i. 96; this the beginning 
of a projected collection of old 
authors, i. 100; Speght, 1598, 
i. 147; F. Thynne's Animad- 
versions on, 1598, i. 149-55; 
Speght's 2nd ed., 1602, i. 168; 
1687, i. 259; this readvertised 
in 1689, i. 262; Urry's, in pre- 
paration, 1714-15, i. 330-37; 
published, 1721, i. 353-61; 
Brome's letter on, 1733, i. 375 
[see also Urry] ; Entick s pro- 
posals for an ed., 1736, i. 377- 
8; one projected by Dr. John- 
son [c. 1750], i. 401 ; in Bell's 
Poets, 1782, i. 464-5; the 
Canterbury Tales in this ed. a 
piracy from Tyrwhitt, 1783, 
i. 474; in Anderson's Poets, 
1793, i. 494; a lost ed., 16mo., 
1807, ii. 29; in Chalmers' 
English Poets, 1810, ii. 48-9; 
in British Poets, 1822, ii. 136; 
Moxon, 1843, ii. 246; Aldine 
ed., 1845, ii. 258; Bell's 
annotated ed., 1854-6, iii. 15; 
ed. projected by Aldis Wright, 
Henry Bradshaw, and Furni- 
vall, 1864, iii: 71-2; Aldine 

VIII. (a-f.) 

ed., 1866, iii. 81 ; ed. by R. 
Bell, 1878, iii. 123; by Oilman, 
Boston, 1878-80, iii. 123-4; 
by Skeat, 1894-7, iii. 146-8; 
the Kelmscott, 1896, iii. 150 
(in Cambridge issue only), 
interest aroused by, introd. 
Ixx; the Globe, 1898, iii. 150; 
Diiring's uncompleted German 
version, 1883-6, v. 150. 

(f ) Canterbury Tales : 

1. Manuscripts : 

various, i. 26, 32-3, 36, 50-52, 
54 ; Harl. 7334 used by Wright, 
1847-51, ii. 274; rhyme index 
to Ellesmere MS., 1875, iii. 95; 
note in Laud MS., i. 221 ; those 
used for Chaucer Soc.'s Six- 
Text ed., iii. 89, 95-6; see 
above : vi. 

2. Early records of copies : 
bequeathed by J. Brinchele, 
1420, i. 25-6; Eliz. Bruyn, 
1471, i. 56; J. Parmenter, 
1479, i. 60 ; Margaret, Countess 
of Richmond, 1509, i. 71. 

3. Editions (English) : 

Caxton, 1st ed. [1477-8], i. 58; 
incorrectness of this ed. pointed 
out to Caxton, i. 62; 2nd ed. 
[c. 1483], i. 61; Pynson [c. 
1492], i. 64-5; Wynkyn de 
Worde, 1498, i. 65; Pynson, 
1526, i. 75; Tyrwhitt, 1775-8, 
i. 442-6, 451; this the first 
good tekt, introd. liv; 2nd 
ed., 1798, i. 500; Cumberland 
[1820?], ii. 121; reprint of 
Tyrwhitt, 1822, ii. 136; 1824, 
with other poems, illustrated, 
ii. 149; Dove's Classics [n.a. 
1841], ii. 229; Wright, 1847- 
51, ii. 274, 1853 (repr., 1860), 
iii. 12 ; illustr. by E. Corbould, 
1853 (repr. 1878, 1882), iii. 12; 
Tyrwhitt, repr. with mem. by 
Gilfillan, 1860, iii. 52-3; Six- 
text print (Chaucer Soc.), 1868- 
77, iii. 95-6 ; various, discussed 
by T. S. Baynes, 1870, iii. 104-5. 

4. Editions (French) : 

J. B. de Chatelain, 1857-61, 
v. 12, 66-9; P. van. Cleem- 
putte, unfinished [1869], v. 95; 


Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

E. Legouia, 1906-8, v. 13-14, 
111-113; reviewed, v. 107-11, 

6. Editions (German) : 

C. L. Kannegiesser (select), 
1827, v. 140 (in Ch. Soc. issue), 
139 (in Cambridge issue) ; E. 
Fiedler (four tales only), 1844, 
v. 141; W. Hertzberg, 1866, v. 

6. Abridgments for children : 

C. Cowden Clarke, 1833, 1870, 
ii. 187; M. E. Haweis, 1876, 
iii. 121; F. Storrs and H. 
Turner, 1878, iii. 123. 

7. Modernizations : 

G. Ogle and others, 1741, i. 
389-90; W. Lipscomb, 1795, 
i. 496-7; anon, (unpublished) 
[n.b. 1811], ii. 56; R. H. Home 
and others, 1841, ii. 234-8; sig- 
nificance and effect of, introd. 

8. Sequels : 

Lydgate's Siege of Thebes, i. 26- 
32; H. J. Richman [c. 1810], ii. 
49; R. Warner upon this, 1830, 
ii. 180; see also below (1.) Spuri- 
ous Works, 3 and 8. 

9. Rhyme-Index : 

to Ellesmere MS., by H. Cromie, 
1875, iii. 95. 

10. Summaries : 

B. Twyne [1608-44], i. 181. 

11. The Characters : See under the 
name of each, and also below, 
under the separate Tales. 

12. Frame and Order of the Tales : 
links, i. 26, 32-3, 36, spurious, 
i. 50-52 ; improbabilities noted 
in by J. Dixon, 1865 (N. do 
#.), iii. 79; H. Bradshaw, 
1867-71, iii. 87; the scheme 
imitated in The Cobbler of 
Canterbury, 1590, i. 131; held 
original by F. Beaumont, 1597, 
i. 146; by T. Warton, 1782, 
i. 470; by A. P. Stanley, 1855, 
iii. 27; criticized by Crabbe, 
181 2, ii. 57 ; by Unknown, 1825, 
ii. 158; comparisons with the 
framework of the Decameron : 
J. J. Eschenburg (?), 1793, v. 

VIII. (f.) 

136; Unknown, 1825, ii. 158; 
E. Desclozeaux, 1853, v. 61; 
A. Filon, 1883, v. 90; L. Morel, 
1895, v. 102-3; E. Legouis, 
1908, v. 118. 

13. Criticisms : 

In this heading and other separ- 
ate works below, minor refer- 
ences are only indexed for the 
early period. 

the conception taken from 
Gower's Confessio Amantis (W. 
Gray), 1835, ii. 195; references 
by *Lydgate, i. 26-32, 39; 
Caxton's praise of [c. 1483], 
i. 62 ; Skelton can report them, 
1507, i. 69; M. Hanmer finds 
good decorum observed in 
them, 1576, i. 112; as also do 
F. Beaumont, 1597, i. 146 ; G. 
Harvey [1598-1600?] iv. 49; 
and Speght, 1598, iv. 52 ; this 
denied by Le Roux de Lincy, 
1847, v. 60; held original by 
Hawes, 1506, i. 67; by Putten- 
ham [1584-8], i. 125 ; and by H. 
Peacham, 1622, i. 197; praised 
in The Cobbler of Canterbury,- 
1590, i. 131; they should be 
translated into Latin, as well as 
Troilus (S. Evans), 1635, i. 210; 
here is God's plenty (I}ryden), 
1700, i. 279; their vividness 
(G. Jacob), 1720, i. 349; T. 
Morell, 1737, i. 382; Dryden, 
1700, i. 274; praised by J. 
Warton, 1782, i. 1470 ; one of 
the most extraordinary monu- 
ments of human genius (W. 
Godwin), 1803, ii. 8-9; improb- 
ability of pilgrims of different 
classes forming a travelling 
intimacy (G. Crabbe), 1812, i. 
57 ; two or three of the tales 
worth all that our Augustan 
age produced (Miss Mitford), 
1815, i. 72; praised by Campbell, 
1819, ii. 113 ; depict middle and 
low life, unlike C. 's earlier poems 
(J. H. Hippisley), 1837, ii. 217 ; 
dates of composition and publi- 
cation of (De Quincey), 1841, ii. 
229-30; humour in (Leigh 
Hunt), 1846, ii. 269-71 ; value 
of as social history (A. Edgar), 
1852, iii. 9 ; drawing of ecclesi- 
astical types in (H. H. Milman), 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

1855, iii. 24-5 ; his other poems 
only remembered thanks to (F. 

D. Maurice), 1865, iii. 79 ; and 
(Unknown), 1877, iii. 122 ; also 
( J. C. Demogeot), 1895, v. 102 ; 
contrasted with Piers Plowman 
by J. R. Green, 1874, iii. 119; 
excluded by Ruskin from his 
planned ed. of C., introd. Ixv. ; 
criticized by French writers : 

A. Yart, 1753-6, v. 29 ; J. B. A. 
Suard, 1813, v. 41; A. F. 
Villemain, 1830, v. 46-7; H. 
Gomont, 1847, v. 56-60; G. 
Brunet, 1856, v. 63; E. G. 
Sandras, 1859, v. 72-4; H. 
Taine, 1863, v. 77 ; G. Vaper- 
eau, 1876 (all the tales bor- 
rowed), v. 84; L. Boucher, 
1882 (variety and dramatic 
quality of the C.T.), v. 87-8 
(C. in them a creator), v. 96; 

B. H. Gausseron, 1887, v. 94; 
J. J. Jusserand, 1895, v. 105; 

E. Legouis, 1908, 1910, v. 113- 
19, 121-2 ; by German writers : 
J. J. Eschenburg (?), 1793, v. 
135-6 ; J. Meyer, 1845, v. 142 ; 
W. Hertzberg, 1856, v. 143-4 ; 
R. Pauli, 1860, v. 145; E. 
Kolbing, 1877, etc., v. 148; 
Most general criticisms of C. 
are largely based on the Tales : 
see above : n (a). 

14. Prologue: 

edited separately by T. Morell, 
1737, i. 381-2, by ten Brink, 
1871, v. 148; by J. Zupitza, 
1871, etc., v. 148; with 
Knight's Tale and Nun's Priest's 
Tale, by R. Morris, 1867, iii. 
86; selections printed to illus- 
trate Blake's Pilgrims, 1812, ii. 
56; modernization of, pub- 
lished as by T. Betterton [a. 
1710], i. 312; this really by 
Pope, i. 500; translated into 
French prose by E. J. de 
Lecluze, 1838, v. 51-3; by E. 
Forgues [c. 1850], v. 61, 124; 
illustrations of (in MS.) by 

F. J. Furnivall, 1857, iii, 37-8 ; 
praised by G. Ogle, 1739, i. 
385-6 ; by T. Warton, 1774, i. 
440 ; analysed by Blake, 1809, 
ii. 42-6 ; one of his few original 
works (H. Hallam), 1818, ii. 

VIII. (f.) 

97; E. FitzGerald, 1851, iii. 
1-2 ; E. Forgues, 1850, v. 61 ; 
J. J. Jusserand, 1894, v. 97-8; 
E. Gebhart, 1907, v. 107-8. 

Criticisms and analyses of the 
Prologue are also embodied in 
nearly all criticisms of the C. T. 
at large, q. v. above : viu. (f.) 
13 ; see also Canterbury Pil- 
grims, the individual Pilgrims, 
and for representations, above : 
v. Illustrations,. 

15. Canon's Yeoman's Tale : 
quoted by T. Norton [c. 1477], 
i. 57-8; in alchemical MSB. 
(Sloane 1098, 1723) [c. 1550], 
i. 90; quoted and summarized 
by R. Scot, 1584, i. 125; Lord 
Coke values as illustrating the 
Statute against alchemy [n.a. 
1634], iv. 66; the source of 
Erasmus's Alcumnistica and Ben 
Jonson's Alchymist (J. Wilson, 
1662), i. 240; -shows C. an 
alchemist (F. Thynne, 1576), 
i. 113; mentioned by Ashmole, 
1652, i. 227; quoted, 1822, ii. 

16. Clerk's Tale : 

edited by W. Aldis Wright, 
1867, iii. 87; MS. of, at Naples 
recorded by D. Laing, 1843, ii. 
248; modernized by G. Ogle, 
1739, i. 384-6; anon., 1794, iv. 
100; by H. W. Tytler, 1828, 
ii. 171; anon. 1837, ii. 219; 
anon, (abridged), 1845, ii. 
266; translated into French, 
1813, v. 41-3; the subject 
dramatized in Woman's Love, 
1828, ii. 171; its relation to 
Petrarch and Boccaccio dis- 
cussed by J. P. Collier, 1841, 
ii. 229; retold by R. Radcliffe 
[a. 1559], i. 95; references and 
quotations by Lydgate [1403 ?], 
i. 17, 18, 36; by J. Metham, 
1448-9, i. 47; in A Remedy 
for Sedition, 1536, i. 81-2; by 
F. W., 1612, i. 185. 

17. Cook's Tale : 

colophon to, in MS. Hengwrt, 
[c. 1420], i. 26; spurious con- 
clusion of, added in Works, 
1687, i. 260. 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

18. Franklin's Tale : 
modernized by R. Wharton, 
1804-5, ii. 22; Beaumont's 
Triumph of Honor based on 
[1608?], iv. 61; ref. to by 
Lydgate [1403?], i. 18; quoted 
by T. Walkington, 1607, i. 180; 
by Dekker, 1613, iv. 62; lines 
on love from, modernized by 
Pope, 1717, i. 346. 

19. Friar's Tale : 

modernized by J. Markland, 
reprinted by Ogle, 1741, i. 389- 
90 (cf. 1728. i. 370) ; the source 
of, found by T. Wright, 1847, 
ii. 275. 

20. Knight's Tale : 

edited by T. Morell, 1737, i. 
381-2; by R. Morris (with 
ProL and N.P.T.), 1867, iii. 
86; modernized, and praised, 
by Dryden, 1700, i. 284-5; by 
Lord Thurlow, 1822, ii. 140; 
translated into French by A. 
Yart (from Dryden), 1753-6, v. 
30; by H. Gomont, 1847, v. 60; 
prologue to, in prose, by J. 
Shirley [a. 1456], i. 53-4; taken 
in part from Statius (W. Harte, 
1727), iv. 84; newly discovered 
to be from the Teseide (Warton, 
1782), i. 470; the source of a 
play by R. Edwards, 1566, i. 99; 
of one, perhaps the last, pro- 
duced by Henslowe, 1594, i. 
141 ; of the Midsummer Night's 
Dream (Steevens, 1773), iv. 94; 
of Fletcher's Two Noble Kins- 
men [1613?], i. 187; ref. to 
by Lydgate [1402-3], i. 16-17; 
quoted in Cuckoo and Night- 
ingale, [c. 1403], i. 16; in 
Greeting on New Year's Morn- 
ing [c. 1440], i. 46 ; by Skelton 
[1507?], i. 69; contrasted with 
Sir Thopas by Wyatt [a. 1542], 
i. 83-4; quoted by J. Bosse- 
well, 1572, i. 109; criticized 
by A. Yart, 1753-6, v. 30; by 
Dr. Johnson, 1779, i. 456; by 
J. J. Eschenburg ( ?), 1793, v. 
135; by Hazlitt, 1818, ii. 99- 
103; by Leigh Hunt, 1820, 
ii. 124-5; compared with Dry- 
den's version by Scott, 1808, 
ii. 39-40. 

VIII. (f.) 

21. Man of Law's Tale : 
modernized by H. Brooke, as 
Constantia, in Ogle's C.T., 
1741, i. 389 ; this reprinted with 
original, 1778, i. 449; derived 
from Emare (J. Planta, 1802), 
ii. 4; from Gower (W. Gray, 
1835), ii. 195; criticized by 
Ruskin, 1856, iii. 33-4. 

22. Manciples Tale : 
modernized by Wordsworth, 
1801-2, ii. 3, 5; by Leigh 
Hunt, 1841, ii. 234; ref. to in 
The Institution of a Gentleman, 
1555, i. 94; by F. Thynno 
[a. 1608], i. 180. 

23. Melibeus : 

MSS. of [1420-30], i. 33 ; retold 
by R. Radcliffe [a. 1559], i. 95 ; 
held by T. Thomas, 1721, and 
by T. Keightley, 1860, 1862, 
to be written in blank verse, i. 
498-9, iii. 54, 65; this doubted 
by Steevens, 1796, i. 498-9; 
held by E. Guest to be in 
' cadence,' 1838, ii. 224. 

24. Merchant's Tale : 
modernized by Pope, as January 
and May, 1709, i. 310; source 
of, found by T. Wright, 1843, 
ii. 252; is the source of Wie- 
land's Oberon, 1780, v. 134; 
reff. to, by Lydgate [1403 ?] and 
[1430], i. 18, 36; by Sir R. 
Maitland [c. 1576], i. 113; by 

0. B., 1594, i. 140; by Bp. 
Hall, 1598, i. 158; by A. 
Niccholes and H. Peacham, 
1615, i. 190; by Beaumont 
and Fletcher [c. 1615], i. 191; 
by Dekker, 1623, i. 198; by 
S. Marmion, 1641, i. 220. 

25. Miller's Tale : 

modernized by S. Cobb, 1712, 

1. 319; the same, 1725, iv. 84; 
reprinted by Ogle, 1741, i. 389; 
another, 1791, i. 493 ; reviewed, 
1792, ib.; R. Brath wait's 
comment upon, 1665, i. 242; 
summarized in part by S. 
Rowlands, 1620, i. 194; called 
C.'s masterpiece by J. Pinker- 
ton, 1786, i. 485; supposed by 
Sir S. E. Brydges to be, in 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

common with Masuccio's tale, 
taken from an earlier fabliau, 
1812, ii. 57. 

26. Monk's Tale : 

passages from, summarized by 
Lydgate [1400], i. 14; de- 
scribed by, 1430, i. 42-3 ; Trin. 
Coll. MS. of [c. 1470], iv. 7-8; 
the story of Ugolino from, 
modernized by T. Powell or 
Leigh Hunt, 1845, ii. 240; re- 
lation of this story to Dante's, 
L. Hunt, 1846, ii, 268-9; E. 
Gebhardt, 1908, v. 110. 

27. Nuns' Priest's Tale : 

edited (with Prol. and K.T.) 
by R. Morris, 1867, iii. 86; 
modernized by Dry den, 1700, 
i. 285; by T. Powell or Leigh 
Hunt, 1841, ii. 239-40; reff. 
to, by Lydgate, 1444, i. 46; 
in Cokelbie Sow [1440 ?], i. 44 ; 
by Skelton [1507 ?], i. 68-9; in 
Tales and Quick Answers [c. 
1540], i. 83; by Drant, 1567, 
i. 100; by Shakespeare, in 
Henry IV, pt. i. [1596-7], i. 
144, and in Winter's Tale 
[1610-11], i. 185; by Stowe, 
1600, i. 164; by Camden, 1605 
and 1616, i. 175, 191; by 
Heywood and Rowley [1607-9], 
i. 180; by T. Walkington, 1607, 
i. 180; by B. Twine, as 'the 
prettiest tale of all' [1608- 
44?], i. 182-3; quoted by T. 
Nash, 1633, i. 205; by W. 
Cartwright [c. 1634], i. 206; 
by J. Cleveland [a. 1658], i. 
235; Garrick's reading of [c. 
1770], i. 436; Dr. Johnson 
thought hardly worth Dryden's 
revival, 1779-81, i. 456 ; thought 
' foolish if not worse ' by W. 
Bell [c. 1785], i. 481; praised 
by Scott, 1808, ii. 41; ref. to 
by W. J. Thorns, 1844, ii. 257; 
its fall from popularity after 
the 1 7th cent., introd. Ixxviii. 

28. Pardoner's Tale : 
modernized by Lipscomb, 1792, 
i. 493; this reviewed, ib. ; 
modernized by Leigh Hunt, 
1845-55, ii. 260, iii. 22-3; by 
the same ( ?}. 1820. ii. 126; 

VIII. (f.) 

quoted by Heywood, his Four 
P.P. influenced by, 1533, i. 80- 
81 ; quoted for its moral against 
gaming, etc., by R. Ascham, 
1544, i. 85-6 ; in The Institution 
of a Gentleman, 1555, i. 94; 
and by J. Northbrooke, 1577, 
i. 115. 

29. Parson's Tale : 

MSS. of [c. 1420-30], i. 32; 
modernized, with his character 
from Prol, 1841, ii. 240-1; 
the Retractation at the end of : 
texts of noted by T. Hearne, 
1709, i. 306-9; E. Young [c. 
1730], iv. 85; H. D. Thoreau, 
1842, ii. 245; for the prose of, 
see above, n. (e.), and also above, 
ix. (f.) 23, Melibeus. 

30. Prioress's Tale : 

MSS. of [c. 1420-35], i. 33; 
modernized by Wordsworth, 
1801, ii. 3; by J. Johnstone, 
1827, ii. 165; translated into 
French by E. Drumont, 1886, 
v. 92 ; painting after, by Burne 
Jones, 1858, iii. 41; ref. to 
by Rossetti [c. 1854], iii. 19; 
by M. Arnold, 1880, iii. 128. 

31. Reeve's Tale: 

modernized by Betterton [a. 
1710], i. 312 ; the plot that of 
the Miller of Abingdon [c. 
1500], iv. 8; its source found 
in a fabliau by T. Wright, 
1844, ii. 257-8; also by V. 
Leclerc, 1856, v. 64; dialect 
in, is that of Craven, Yorkshire 
(T. D. Whitaker, 1805), ii. 26; 
quoted in The Institution of a 
Gentleman, 1855, i. 94. 

32. Sir Thopas : 

MSS. of [c. 1420-30], i. 26, 32 ; 
imitated by Drayton, 1693, 
i. 139 ; by *Atro5r)/ji.ovv rAfyiXos, 
1611, i. 185; condemned by 
Skelton, 1510-23, iv. 10-11; 
by Wyatt [a. 1542], i. 83^; 
by F. Thynne, 1600, i. 165-6; 
praised as a parody by Hurd, 
1762, i. 422, 1765, iv. 93-4, 
introd. Iii; and by Percy, 1765, 
i. 427-9; quoted by J. Bosse- 
well, 1572, i. 109; by Spenser, 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

1599, i. 161 ; by D. Lloyd, 1648, 
iv. 71 ; the name used by Lyly, 
1591, i. 134. 

33. Sompnour's Tale : 
modernized by E. Budgell 
("Grosvenor") [1733], iv. 86; 
imitated by Anon., 1769, iv. 
94; an answer to the Prologue 
to, by Gay, 1717, i. 345. 

34. Squire's Tale : 

modernized by Boyse and 
Ogle, 1741, i. 390; this con- 
cluded by Sterling, 1785, i. 
479; modernized by J. Penn, 
1794, i. 495-6; by an Un- 
known, 1804, ii. 21; modern- 
ized and concluded by R. 
Wharton, 1804-5, ii. 22; con- 
tinued by J. Lane, 1614, i. 
189; spurious conclusion to, 
added in Works, 1687, i. 260; 
reported by E. Phillips to be 
complete in Arundel House, 
1675, i. 250; from an Arabian 
fiction, according to Warton, 
1785, i. 479 ; the original of, said 
by Clough to have" been found 
at Paris by de Chatelain, 1858, 
iii. 41; ref. to by Lydgate 
[1403?], [c. 1421-5], i. 17-18, 
34; by Spenser, 1590-96, and 
1599, i. 132-3, 161 ; by Milton 
(as "the story of Cambuscan 
bold ") [1632 ?], i. 204. 

35. Wife of Bath's Prologue : 
modernized by Pope, 1714", i. 
330; the source of Maid 
Emlyn, 1520, iv. 11; ref. to, 
by Lydgate [c. 1430?], i. 35; 
in The Chances of the Dice [c. 
1440], i. 45 ; its effect on wives 
(Skelton, 1507), i. 69; will ever 
be talked of (Nashe, 1592), i. 
136; ref. to, by Selden, 1646, i. 
225; the title of Brown Bread 
and Honour, 1716, taken from, 
i. 345. 

36. Wife of Bath's Tale : 
modernized by Dryden, 1700, 
i. 283-5; translated into 
French, 1757, repr. 1770, v. 
34; into German by W. 
Hertzberg, 1856, v. 143-^; 
retold by R. Johnson, 1612, 
iv. 62; R. Brathwait's com- 

VIII. (f-g.) 

ment upon, 1665, i. 242; 
praised by Scott, 1808, ii. 41; 
quoted by Hoccleve, 1421-2, 
i. 33; in The Pilgrim's Tale 
[1536-40?], i. 82; in The 
Institution of a Gentleman, 1555, 
i. 94; by J. Bossewell, 1572, 
i. 108; by R. Scot, 1584, i. 
125; by S. Harsnet, 1603, i. 
173; by Ritson, 1831, ii. 182; 
by Leigh Hunt, 1834, ii. 191-2. 
See also Fairies. 

(g) Other separate Works : 

1. A. B.C.: 

Sion Coll. MS. of, iii. 53; 
added to Speght's 2nd edn., 
1602, i. 168; quoted by 
Lydgate [1426], i. 34-5 ; transl. 
from Deguilevile (de Chatelain, 
1857), v. 69. 

2. Adam Scrivener : 

Shirley's MS. of [c. 1450], i. 48; 
ref. to, by Ben Jonson, 1614, 
i. 189; by F. J. Child, 1862, 
iii. 61-2. 

3. Anelida and Arcite : 
Caxton's edn. of [1477-8], i. 
58; modernized by E. Barrett 
Browning, 1841, ii. 235; reff. 
to, by Lydgate [1402-3, 1430], 
i. 16, 39. 

4. Assembly of Fowls. See below : 
Parliament of Fowls. 

5. Astrolabe : 

MS. Egerton, 2622, i. 255; 
MS. Sloane, 314 [c. 1560?], 
i. 95; ed. by A. E. Brae, 1870, 
iii. 107; "amended" version 
of, by W. Stevins [c. 1555], 
i. 92-3; ref. to, by Lydgate, 
1430, i. 38; praised by Oxford 
mathematicians, 1608, i. 181 ; 
by H. Peacham, 1622, i. 197; 
by R. Henry, 1781, i. 460; 
from a Sanscrit original (Halli- 
well-PhJllips, 1840), ii. 227; 
from Messahalah (Selden 
[1612]), i. 186; see also 

6. Boethius : 

Shirley's MS. of, and prol. to 
[c. 1450], i. 49; Caxton's ed. 
of [a. 1479], i. 58; ref. to, by 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

Lydgate, 1430, i. 38; a copy 
bequeathed by J. Brinchele, 
1420, i. 25. 

7. Book of the Duchess : 

B.M. MS. of, i. 166 ; ref. to, by 
Lydgate, 1430, i. 38; quoted 
by J. Bossewell, 1572, i. 108; 
Froissart's Paradys d* Amour 
partly imitated from, v. 123; 
J. A. M. Lange on, 1883, v. 

8. BuJdon, Envoy to : 

MS. of [c. 1445], i. 47, printed 
by Notary [1499-1502], i. 65. 

9. Complaint of Mars : 
Shirley's MS. of [c. 1450], i. 
48; modernized by R. Bell, 
1841, ii. 234. 

10. Complaint of Venus : 
Shirley's MSS. of [c. 1450], i. 
48 ; Bodleian MS. of [c. 1488], 
i. 64 ; modernized by R. Bell, 
1841, ii. 234. 

11. Complaint to his Purse : 

MSS. of [c. 1450], i. 50; printed 
with Anelida and Arcite by 
Caxton [1477-8], i. 58; transl. 
into German by J. G. Seume 
[c. 1801], v. 138. 

12. Complaint to Pity : 

MSS. of [c. 1440, c. 1450], i. 45, 
50; tells the story of C.'s 
unhappy love (F. J. Furnivall, 
1873), iii. 113; this disputed 
by W. Minto, 1874, iii. 119. 

13. Former Age : 

Cambridge MS. of [c. 1420], 
i. 26. 

14. Fortune: 

Shirley's and other MSS. of, 
[c. 1430-40], i. 43 ; printed by 
Caxton with Parliament of 
Fowls [1477-8], i. 58; by 
Pynson with Troilus, 1526, 
i. 75. 

15. Gentilesse : 

Shirley's MSS. of [c. 1450], i. 
47-8; printed by Caxton with 
Parliament of Fowls [1477-8], 
i. 58; quoted by Scogan [c. 
1407], i. 19; quoted by J. 
BosseweU, 1572, i. 108. 




VIII. (g.) 

House of Fame : 
Caxton's ed. and praise of [c. 
1483], i. 61; Pynson's ed. of, 
1526, i. 75 ; H. Willert's ed. of, 
1888, v. 151; for the imitation of 
by Pope in the Temple of Fame : 
see Pope, A.; ref. to by Lyd- 
gate, 1439, i. 44 ; held original 
by Hawes, 1506, i. 67; ref. to 
in Tales and Quick Answers 
[c. 1540], i. 83 ; by W. Baldwin 
[1561], i. 95-6; quoted by J. 
BosseweU, 1572, i. 109; drawn 
on by Shakespeare (?) in Titus 
Andronicus ([1589-90 ?]), i. 131 ; 
reminiscences of, in Peele's 
Honour of the Garter, 1593, i. 
140; ref. to, by F. Thynne, 
1600, i. 166; Inigo Jones 
followed in designing scenery 
for Ben Jonson's Masque of 
Queens [1609], i. 184; a source 
for Ben Jonson's Staple of 
News [1625?], i. 199; criticised 
by Campbell, 1819, ii. 112-13 r 
in the Penny Magazine, 1832, 
ii. 187; by H. Gomont, 1847, 
v. 56; its relation to Dante 
studied by A. Rambeau, v. 
149; its short couplet studied 
by C. L. Crow, 1892, v. 152; 
foreshadowed the Crystal 
Palace, 1851, 1854, iii. 4, 19- 

Lack of Steadfastness : 
earlier headline to, in MS. 
Bodl. [c. 1445], iv. 5; quoted 
by M. Hanmer, 1576, i. 113. 

Legend of Good Women : 
MSS. of, criticised by S. Kunz, 
1888, v. 151; MS. Bodl. [c. 
1488], i. 64; MS. of Prol. 
(Text B) belonging to S. Pegge, 
1758, i. 413-14; Prol. (Text A) 
printed from Cambridge MS. 
by H. Bradshaw, 1864, iii. 72 ; 
three tales from, modernized 
byT. Powell (?) 1841, ii. 234; 
Ariadne, in part modernized, 
1803, ii. 13 ; quoted by Edward, 
2nd Duke of York [1406-13], 
i. 18; described by Lydgate, 
1430, i. 39-40; said by Hawes 
to be a translation, 1506, i. 67; 
quoted by Gavin Douglas, 
1513, i. 72; by J. Bossewell, 


Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

1572, i. 108-9; ref. to, by W. 
Heale, 1609, i. 184; by J. 
Fletcher [1634], i. 206; sug- 
gested Tennyson's Dream of 
Fair Women, 1832, ii. 186; 
expositions of, by Ruskin, 
1867, iii. 93; Observations on 
the Language of, by J. M. 
Manly, 1890, iii. 139; essay 
on the two Prologues to, by 
E. Legouis, 1900, v. 106; this 
reviewed by J. Lecoq, ib. 

19. Marriage. See above : Bukton. 

20. Merciless Beauty : 

first printed by Percy from 
Pepysian MS., 1765, i. 427, ii. 

21. Minor Poems : 

Aldine ed. of, with Rom. Rose 
and Troilus, 1846, ii. 267; 
Chaucer Society's Parallel- 
Text ed. of, 1871-3, iii. 113; 
ed. by W. W. Skeat, 1888, 
reviewed by J. W. Bright, 
1889, iii. 139; a Critical Ed. of 
some Minor Poems, ed. by 
J. Koch, 1883, iii. 135; trans- 
lated into German by J. Koch, 
1880, v. 150. 

22. Mother of God : 

Entered here by an error. See 
Hoccleve, T. 

23. Parliament of Fowls : 

Bodl. MS. of, i. 64, ii. 225; 
printed by Caxton [1477-8], i. 
58; by Pynson, 1526, i. 75; by 
de Worde, 1530, i. 76 ; ref. to 
by Lydgate, 1430, i. 38 ; remin- 
iscences of, by J. Hey wood, 
1533, i. 81 ; ref. to by Spenser, 
1590-G, i. 133; by Stowe [c. 
1600], i, 164; criticized by J. 
Koch, v. 142; illustration of, 
by Burne Jones, 1861, iii. 55; 
The Book of the Howlat imitated 
from (A. Thomson [a. 1803]), 
ii. 5-6; exposition of, by Rus- 
kin, 1865, iii. 81. 

24. Proverbs: 

MSS. of [c. 1450], i. 50. 

25. Romaunt of the Rose : 

first printed entire as C.'s by 
Thynne, 1532, i. 78; with 

VIII. (g.) 

Troilus and Minor Poems 
(Aldine ed.), 1846, ii. 267; C. 
stated to have translated Rom. 
Rose, by Lydgate [1430], i. 
38; in Pilgrim's T. [c. 1536- 
40], i. 82; by G. B., 1569, i. 
103; by R. Corbet [a. 1635], 
i. 206; by A. The vet (quoting 
Bale), 1735, v. 22; C. stated 
to have transl. half of, by H. 
Peacham, 1622, i. 197; author- 
ship discussed by B. ten Brink, 

. 1867, v. 147; G. L. Kittredge, 
1892, iii. 144; M. Kaluza, 1893, 
v. 152; influence of the original 
Rom. Rose on Cant. Tales 
asserted by E. G. Sandras, 
1859, v. 70. 

26. Rosamounde : 

discovered and printed by 
Skeat, 1891, iii. 139; parody of 
by W. P. Ker, 1891, iii. 140. 

27. Scogan, Envoy to : 

MSS. of [c. 1445], i. 47 ; printed, 
with Parliament of Fowls, etc., 
by Caxton [1477-8], i. 58. 

28. Troilus: 

printed by Caxton [c. 1483 ?], 
i. 60; by W. de Worde, 1517, 
i. 72; by Pynson, 1526, i. 75; 
with Rom. Rose and Minor 
Poems (Aldine ed.), 1846, ii. 
267; bks. i-iii paraphrased 
by J. Sidnam [c. 1630], i. 203; 
Kynaston's Latin version of 
bks. i, ii, 1635, i. 207; verses 
upon this, i. 207-15; reviewed 
in Retrosp. Rev., 1825, ii. 159; 
the song from bk. i, modernized 
by G. Sewell, 1720, i. 350-2; 
extract from bk. v, modernized 
by Wordsworth, 1801, ii. 3, 
printed 1841, ii. 234; con- 
tinued by Henry son in The 
Testament of Cresseid, 1475, 
i. 56; this often treated as 
C.'s, iv. 1-3, 9-62 passim ; 
dramatized by W. Cornish, 
1516, iv. 10-11; by N. 
Grimoald [a. 1559], i. 95; 
by Shakespeare, his debt dis- 
cussed by H. E. Rollins, iv. 
56, and denied by Theobald, 
1729-30, i. 371; Shakespeare's 
debt to, in The Merchant of 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

Venice, iv. 107 (in Ch. Soc. 
issue, 108 (in Cambridge issue) ; 
in The Merry Wives of Windsor, 
i. 161 ; dramatized by Dekker 
and Chettle in a lost play, 1599, 
iv. 53 ; in a Welsh play [c.1610], 
iv. 61; ballad on [1566], iv. 
34; imitated in The Return 
from Parnassus [1597], i. 144; 
the early popularity of, noticed 
by T. Campbell, 1819, ii. 112; 
note on, by H. E. Rollins, iv. 
1-3; to 1700 C.'s most popular 
poem, and to 1750 the most 
often referred to, introd. Ixxvi- 
vii, Ixxix ; carried in the bosom 
a New Testament in the hand 
(Sir J. Elyot), 1533, i. 80; C. 
chiefly known by, according to 

^ H. Reynolds [1632?], i. 205; 

Instances of Troilus, given as a 
Christian name [1600 ?], iv. 53 ; 
compared with Boccaccio's 
Philostrato, by W. M. Rossetti, 
1873, iii. 116-7; Observations 
on the Language of, by G. L. 
Kittredge, 1894, iii. 148; a 
copy of, among John Paston's 
books [1482?], i. 60; praised 
by Sidney [1581 ?], i. 122 ; by 
Peele, for its pathos [a. 1596 ?], 
i. 143 ; spoken of as immoral 
by Sir T. Elyot, 1533, i. 80; 
by N. Breton, 1597, i. 144; 
C. made it ' ; long or that he 
died," according to Lydgate, 
1412, i. 24; said by Lydgate to 
be translated from a book called 
Trophe in Lombard tongue, 
1430, i. 37 ; so translated by C. 
as to be his own (H. Peacham, 
1622), i. 197; the first English 
heroic poem, its verse-form 
(H. C. Coote, 1883), iii. 133-4; 
the first great modern romance, 
a tragic novel (W. P. Ker, 
1895), iii. 149-50; originally 
intended for one of the C.T. 
(Southey, 1812), ii. 59; mis- 
cellaneous quotations from, re- 
ferences to, and criticisms of 
(including references to Henry- 
son's continuation, i.e. to 
Cressid's leprosy) : a body of 
allusions, 1501-1612, iv. 9-62, 
passim ; also : by Gower, 
1376-9, i. 4, introd. xi; by 
Usk in The Testament of Love 

VIII. (g.) 

[c. 1387], i. 8; ref. in The Gest 
hystoriale of the destruction of 
Troy [a. 1400], i. 14; by Lyd- 
gate, 1430, i. 37 ; in The Chances 
of the Dice [c. 1440], i. 45; J. 
Metham, 1448-9, i. 47 ; ref. to 
in Unto my Lady the Flower of 
Womanhood [1450-60?], i. 53; 
by Hawes, 1506, i. 67; Skelton, 
1523, i. 74; in la Conusaunce 
Damours [1525?], i. 75; R. 
Wyer (?) [n.b. 1536], iv. 107 
(in Cambridge issue only); by 
T. Bertbelet, 1532, i. 77 ; Mar- 
garet Roper or Sir T. More, 1535, 
i. 8J ; Wyatt [a. 1542], i. 83- 
4 ; Sir D. Lindsay [1548 ?], i. 88 ; 
in Lucres 'of Scene [1549?], 
i. 89; by T. Howell [1567- 
8?], i. 100; Gascoigne, 1575, 
i. 110; Wl :tstone, 1576, i. 
113; Lyly [1578], i. 115; E. 
Kirke, 1579, i. 117; T. Howell, 

1581, i. 120; R. Stanihurst, 

1582, i. 122; B.Melbancke,1583, 
iv. 107; J. C., 1595, i. 142; 
A. Scoloker, 1604, i. 175; R. 
Tofte, 1615, iv. 108 (in Cam- 
bridge issue only) ; R. Brath- 
wait, 1621, iv. 108 (in Cam- 
bridge issue only) ; Sir F. 
Kynaston, 1642, i. 222; W. 
Godwin, 1803, ii. 6-8; criti- 
cized by Campbell, 1819, 1830, 
ii. 112, 177-8; J. P. Collier, 
1832, ii. 184; Hartley Coleridge 
[n.a. 1848], ii. 276; W. W. 
Lloyd, 1856, iii. 30-1; R. 
Fischer, 1899, v. 152. 

29. Truth ("Fie fro the pres" or 
" Ballade of Good Counsel ") : 
MSS. of, i. 48, 63, 85, iv. 7; 
printed with Parl. of Fowls, 
etc., by Caxton [1477-8], i. 58; 
printed (under " Uncertain 
Authors") in TotteVs Mis- 
cellany, 1557, i. 94; first com- 
pletely printed by F. J. Furni- 
vall, 1867, iii. 88; modernized 
by W. Harte, 1727, iv. 84; 
by Unknown as C.'s " dying 
ode," 1815, ii. 80-1; by M. 
Milnes, 1844, ii. 256; para- 
phrased in a hymn by W. J. 
Fox, 1841, ii. 233; ref. to, 
by Beaumont and Fletcher 
[1610], i. 184. 



Chaucer, Geoffrey. 

(h) Selections : 

curious lack of these, introd. 
xci-iii; an ed. of, proposed by 
Pinkerton, 1783, i. 473; San- 
ford's, 1819, ii. 119; Southey's, 
1831, ii. 183; Deshler's, 1847, ii. 
274; see also below: (k) Ap- 
pearance in Anthologies. 

(i) Lost Works : 

several mentioned by Lydgate, 
1430, i. 38^2; Warton, 1787, 
i. 487 ; his lost songs regretted 
by Ritson, 1790, i. 491. 

(k) Appearance in Anthologies : 

Leigh Hunt's Characteristic 
Specimens, 1835, ii. 195-6; 
various, 1851-76, iii. 8 ; reasons 
for non-inclusion in, introd. 

(1) Spurious Works : 

1. Collective : 

those attributed to him by 
Leland [c. 1545], iv. 17, introd. 
cvi; by Bale, 1548, iv. 19-20; 
those printed in the various 
editions, 1526-1721, i. 78-9; 
those attributed to C. in Ban- 
natyne MS., 1568, i. 102-3; 
F. Thynne wishes they were 
distinguished from the genuine, 
1598, i. 154-5. 

2. Belle Dame sans Herd. See 
Eos, R. 

3. Beryn, the Tale of : 

MS. Northumberland [a. 1450], 
iv. 5-6; first printed by 
Urry, 1721, i. 79; quoted by 
T. Wright, 1845, ii. 267. 

4. Chaucer's Dream : 

See uelow : 9. Isle of Ladies. 

4*. Chronicle: Shirley's MS. of 
[1450], i. 48. 

5. Court of Love : 
See Court of Love. 

6. Cuckoo and Nightingale : 
MSS., etc., 1403, i. 16; first 
printed in C.'s works by 
Thynne, 1532, i. 79; modern- 
ized by W. Cooke, 1774, i. 438 j 
by Wordsworth, 1801, ii. 3, 
printed, 1841, ii. 284; art. on 
and reprint of, in Free-Thinker, 
1720, i. 353. 

i VIII (h.), IX, X. 

7. Flower and the Leaf, The : 
See Flower and the Leaf. 

8. Gamelyn, The Tale of : 

Urry accepts and prints for 
the first time, i. 331 ; said by 
Johnson to be the source of As 
You Like It, 1765, i. 426; 
modernized by H. W. Tytler, 
1828, ii. 171 ; ref. to, by Keats, 
1818, ii. 107. 

9. Isle of Ladies (Chaucer's 
Dream) : 

first printed by Speght, 1598, 
i. 79; admired by Ruskin, 
who prepared an ed. of it as 
genuine, introd. Ixv ; illustrated 
by Burne Jones, 1865, iii. 75. 

10. Jack Upland. See Jack Upland. 

10*. Letter of Cupid. See Hoc- 
cleve, T. 

11. Ploughman's Tale. See Plough- 
man's Tale. 

12. Testament of Love. See Usk, T. 

13. Epitaph on Edward III. : 
attributed to C. by W. Win- 
stanley, 1660, i. 238. 


In Webster's City pageant,.! 624, 
i. 198-9 ; in Gay's Wife of Bath, 
1713, i. 326-8 ; in James White's 
Adventures of John of Gaunt, 
1790, i. 492; in Lander's 
Imaginary Conversations, 1829, 
ii. 172-6 ; in The CourtMagazine, 
1835, ii. 198-201; in Blan- 
chard's Harlequin and Friar 
Bacon, 1863, iii. 67. 

Cobbler of Canterbury, 1590, i. 
131 ; Chaucer's Incensed Ghost 
(Braithwait), 1617, i. 192; A 
Canterbury Tale (Brome), 1641, 
i. 219; Chaucer's Ghost, 1672, i. 
248; Chaucer Junior, Canter- 
bury Tales, 1686, iv. 77 ; Chau- 
cer's Whims, 1701, i. 289 ; Brown 
Bread and Honour, 1716, i. 345 ; 
Canterbury Tales (Lee), 1798, i. 
499; Canterbury Tales (N. 
Drake), 1802, ii. 4. See also 
introd. Ixxxvi-vii. 



Chaucer, John, Philippa, Richard, 
Thomas, and Walter. See Chaucer, 
G. [i. Biog. (d.) 3.] 

Chaucer, Junior, Canterbury Tales (jest- 
book), 1686, iv. 77. 

Chaucer Society, the, Manifesto of, 
by F. J. Furnivall, 1867, iii. 
88-90; publications, iii. 95, 
sqq., criticized, iii. 104-5; 
praised by T. S. Baynes, 1870, 
iii. 100-101, 104-5; its founda- 
tion, aims and achievement, 
introd. Ixix-lxxii. 

Chaucer's Ghost, 1672, i. 248. 

Chaucer's Incensed Ghost [by R. 
Brathwait], 1617, i. 192. 

Chaucer's Love-Poetry (Cornhill), 1877, 
iii. 122-3. 

Chaucer's Whims, 1701, i. 289. 

Chaudon, L. M., art. Chaucer in 
Nouveau Dictionnaire historique- 
portatif, 1766, v. 8, 34; revised, 
1791, v. 37; transl. into English, 
1777, i. 449. 

Chauffepie, J. G. de, Nouveau Diction- 
naire historique et critique, 1750, v. 

Chaumpaigne, Cecily, releases C. in 
respect of her ' raptus,' 1380, i. 6. 

Chepman, W., and Myllar, A., print 
Lydgate's Complaint of the Black 
Knight as The Maying or Disport 
of Chaucer, 1508, i. 70. 

Chequer Inn, Canterbury (T. Wright, 
1845), ii. 267. 

Chesterfield, P. D. Stanhope, 4th Earl 
of. See Stanhope. 

Chetwood, K., To the Earl of Eos- 
common, 1684, i. 257. 

Child, F. J., English and Scottish 
Ballads, 1857-9, iii. 37. 

Observations on the Language 

of Chaucer, 1862, iii. 61-2. 

projects an ed. of C., 1853-4, 

iii. 12, 17. 

gives 50 to start the Chaucer 

Society, 1867, iii. 89. 

importance of his work, introd. 


Childe Harold in the Shades, 1819, ii. 

Chivalry, romances of, ridiculed by C. 

See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. (L) 

32. Sir Thopas.] 

Kurd's Letters on, 1762, i. 421-2. 

influence of, upon C. (Chr. North, 

1845), ii. 263. 

Choyce Drollery, 1656, i. 234. 
Christine. See Pisan, C. de. 

Christopher, a, explained, 1839, ii. 

Chronicle, attributed to C. by Shirley. 

See Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. (I.) 

Spurious. 4*.] 
Church, R., ed. Spenser's Faerie 

Queene, 1758-9, i. 413. 
Churchyard, T., Churchyard's Chips, 

pt. 1, 1575, iv. 38-9. 
A Praise of Poetry, in A Musical 

Consort, 1595, i. 141 ; iv. 47. 
The Worthiness of Wales, 1587, 

i. 130. 
verses, in Skelton's Works, 1568, 

i. 102. 
Cibber, T., The Lives of the Poets, 

1753, i. 406-7; advertisement of, 

by Dr. Johnson (?), i. 407, iii. 10, 

iv. 91. 
Cicero, for comparisons of Chaucer 

to, see Chaucer, G. [n. (g.) Com- 
parisons with other writers.] 
Circourt, A. de, Canterbury, in Rev. 

Britann., 1870, v. 82. 
reviews Marsh's Origin and 

History of the English Language, 

1865, v. 79-80. 
City's Warning Piece, The [16431, 

i. 223. 
Clanvowe, Sir T., The Cuckoo and the 

Nightingale; see Chaucer G. [vm. 

Works. (1.) Spurious. 6.] 
Clarence, Duchess of, C. in household 

of, 1356-9, i. 1, iii. 82. 
Clarendon, E. Hyde, Earl of. See 

Clarke, C. Cowden, art. Chaucer in 

Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1842, ii. 


The Riches of Chaucer (modern- 
ized selections), ed. by, 1834, ii. 
194; reviewed by L. Hunt, 1835, 
ii. 196-7. 

Tales from Chauter in Prose, 

1833, ii. 187; reviewed, 1834, ii. 

Clarke, Mary Cowden, Music among 

the Poets, 1855-8, iii. 20. 
Clarke, W., An Impromptu on English 

Poets [c. 1740?], i. 388. 

Repertorium Bibliographicum, 

1819, ii. 114. 

Cleemputte, P. van (' Ch. Simond'), 

his (unfinished) transl. into French 

of C.T. [1889], v. 95. 
Clergy, C.'s satires on the, see Chaucer, 

G. [n. (f.) 6.] 
Clerk's Tale, see Chaucer G. [Works. 

(f.) 16.] 



Clermont, transl. Physician's T. and 

Pardoner's T. into French, 1908, 

v. 112. 
Cleveland, J., The Rustic Rampant 

[a. 1658], i. 235. 
. Letter from a Parliament Officer to 

[1645-67], i. 224. 
Climax, ps., letter in Gent.'s Mag., 

1790, i. 491. 
Clogie, A., Speculum Episcoporum, 

1675-6, iv. 76. 

Clough, A. H., Lecture on the Develop- 
ment of English Literature, 1852, 

iii. 8, 9. 
. letters to F. J. Child, 1854, 

iii. 17; 1858, iii. 41; to C. E. 

Norton, 1853, iii. 12. 
Cobb, S., Miller's Tale modernized 

by, 1712, i. 319; 1725, iv. 84; 

1741, i. 389-90. 

Poetas Britannici [a. 1700], i. 


Cobbler of Canterbury, The, imitation 
of C. in, 1590, i. 131-2. 

Cockloft, P., ps. See Irving, Washing- 

Cokayne, Sir A., Small Poems of 
Divers Sorts, 1658, defends C.'s 
style, i. 235-6; introd. xxix. 

Coke, E., Lord, his good opinion 
of Canon's Yeoman's T. [n.a. 1634], 
iv. 66. 

Coke, J., Debate between the Heralds 
of England and France, 1550, i. 90. 

Cokelbie Sow [1440 ?], i. 44. 

Cokes Tale. See Chaucer, G. [vm. 
Works. (i.) 17.] 

Coleridge, H., Chaucer (poem) [n.a. 
1848], ii. 276. 

Notes on Shakespeare [n.a. 1848], 

ii. 276. 

Coleridge, S. T., Biographia Liter aria, 

1817, ii. 85-7. 

letter to Southey, July, 1803, ii. 6. 

projects an Essay on C., in a 

letter to Sir G. Beaumont, Feb. 

1804), ii. 15. 

intends to lecture on C. (letter 

to Sir H. Davy, Sept. 11, 1807), 
ii. 30; (J. P. Collier, 1811), ii. 53. 

Note on Troilus and Cressida, 

1818, ii. 96. 

Notes of Lectures, 1818, ii. 95-6. 

Note on Milton and Shakespeare, 

1819-28, ii. 114. 

notes in Lamb's copy of Daniel's 

Poems, 1808, ii. 37. 

his Raven resembles Chaucer, 

(Lamb, 1797), i. 499. 

Table Talk, 1834, ii. 190-1; 

introd. Ixiii. 
according to Southey holds C.'s 

to be rhythmical, 1803, ii. 11-12. 
Coles, E., An English Dictionary, 

1676, i. 252; iv. 77. 
Colet, J., studied Chaucer and Gower, 

i. 73, iv. 8. 
Collier, J., The Great Dictionary, 1701, 

i. 289. 
Collier, J. P., A Bibliographical and 

Critical Account of the Rarest 

Books in the English Language, 

18G5, iii. 75-6. 

A Catalogue of Early English 

Literature, 1837, ii. 210-11. 

Chaucer's Monument and 

Spenser's Death, 1850, ii. 283. 

Diary, Oct. 29, 1810, ii. 53. 

The History of English Dramatic 

Poetry, 1831, ii. 181. 

An Old Man's Diary, 1832-3, 

ii. 184, 187. 

Patient Grissil, by Dekker, etc., 

ed. by, 1841, ii. 229. 

The Poetical Decameron, 1820, 

ii. 121-2. 

The Poet's Pilgrimage, 1825, 

ii. 156. 

Seven English Poetical Miscel- 
lanies, 1867, iii. 87. 

Testament of Love rejected by, 

iii. 87, 93; introd. cxiii. 

Collins, J. C., The Predecessors of 
Shakespeare, 1885, iii. 136-7. 

Colman, G., sen., The Deuce is in him, 
1763, i. 424. 

Literary Offerings in the Temple 

of Fame, 1753, i. 407. 

Colour, C.'s love and observation of 

(S. A. Brooke, 1871) iii. 112. 
Comedy, G. Meredith on, 1877, iii. 122. 
Commaundre, R., Epitaph on C., 

quoted in MS. Book of Heraldry 

[a. 1613], i. 186. 

Common Conditions, 1576, iv. 40. 
Comparison, A, of his love with the 

love of Troilus to Cresseid (poem 

in TottePs Misc., 1557), iv. 21. 
Complaint of Mars. See Chaucer, G. 

[vm. Works. (g.) 9.] 
Complaint of Mary Magdalene, printed 

by Pynson with Troilus, etc., 1526, 

i. 75. 
Complaint of Scotland [1549 ?], i. 89; 

ed. J. Leyden, 1801, ii. 1; critique 

on, 1802, ii. 5. 
Complaint of Venus. See Chaucer, G. 

[vm. Works. (g.) 10.] 



Complaint to his Purse. See Chaucer, 

G. [viii. Works. (g.) 11.] 
Complaint to Pity. See Chaucer, G. 

[viii. Works. (g.) 12.] 
Comte, A., Calendrier Positiviste [n.a. 

1857], v. 125. 
Conder, J., The Star in the East, 

reviewed [by J. Keble], 1825, iv. 

Conjectures on Original Composition 

[by E. Young], 1759,1.417. 
Contant d'Orville, A. G., Les Nuits 

Anglaises, 1770, v. 8-9, 34. 
Conusaunce Damours, la [1525 ?], 

i. 75. 
Conway, E., 2nd Viscount, letter^ to 

Strafford, 22 Jan., 1636, iv. 70. 
'Cook, Chaucer's,' i.e. a plagiarist, the 

phrase used by A. Scott and A. 

Montgomerie, i. 97, 124. 
Cook, the, Chatterton's error about, 

i. 435; Scott, 1804, ii. 16-17. 
Cook's Tale. See Chaucer, G. [viii. 

Works. (f.) 17.] 
Cooke, W., modernized The Cuckoo 

and the Nightingale, 1774, i. 438. 
Cooper, Elizabeth, The Muses' Library, 

1737, i. 378-9; her studies in old 

English poetry, introd. li. 
Cooper, J. Fenimore, The Last of the 

Mohicans, 'a Canterbury gallop,' 

1826, iv. 105. 
Coote, H. C., Chaucer's Ten-Syllable 

Verse, 1883, iii. 133-4. 
Copland, R., verses in Assembly of 

Fowls, 1530, i. 76-7. 
Copywell, J., ps. See Wotyx, W. 
Corbet, Sir J., verses in Kynaston's 

Troilus, 1635, i. 209. 
Corbet, R., Certain Elegant Poems [a. 

1635], i. 206. 
Cornish, W., The Story of Troilus and 

Pandar, 1516, iv. 10-11. 
Cornwall, B., ps. See Procter, B. W. 
Cornucopia. See F., W. 
'Coryat, T., Coryat's Crudities, verses 

in, 1611, i. 185. 
Costume (Strutt, 1799), i. 502 ; (Planche, 

1834), ii. 192 ; (H. Shaw, 1843), ii. 

249 ; (F. W. Fairholt, 1846), ii. 268. 
Cotton Library, MSS. of C. in, 1696, i. 

Couplet, the. See Chaucer G. [n. (d.) 

Court of Love, the, reprinted as C.'s, 

with Ovid's Art of Love, 1709, i. 

310; [c. 1850], ii. 284; a source of 

the Chaucer legend, introd. cix. ; 

legend of C.'s Cambridge studies 

based on by Speght, introd. cvii.: 
taken as genuine by Bp. J. Hall, 
1598, i. 158; by Tytler, 1783, i. 
475; by J. Upton, 1751, i. 404-5; 
by Campbell, 1819, ii. Ill; by 
L. Schmitz, 1841, ii. 238; by R. 
Chambers, 1843, iv. 106 ; by C. D. 
Deshler, 1847, ii. 274; by Swin- 
burne, 1868 ('1866'), iii. 85; by 
W. Minto, 1874, iii. 119-20; re- 
jected by Abp. Tenison, 1751, i. 
404; by H. Wharton [c. 1687], iv. 
78; modernized by A. S. Catcott, 
1717, i. 345; adapted by A. Mayn- 
waring, 1709, i. 310; praised by 
Swinburne, 1868, ' 1866,' iii. 85. 

Courtesy, Book of [a. 1477], i. 57; 
praises of C. in, introd. xiv-xv. 

Courthope, W. J., The Paradise of 
Birds, 1870, iii. 107-8. 

Courtier, the fine, ' will talk nothing 
but Chaucer' (T. Wilson, 1553), i. 

Covell, W., Polimanteia, 1595, i. 141. 

Cowley, A., Poems, 1656, i. 232. 

Account of, in Antiquarian Re- 
pertory (Unknown, 1779), i. 458. 

Sir J. Denham's epitaph on, 

1668, i. 244; burlesque on, iv. 75. 

his contempt for Chaucer, iv. 75 ; 

introd. xxxix ; (D'Israeli, 1795), i. 

Cowper, W., Anti-Thelyphthora, 1781, 

i. 459. 
Crabbe, G., Tales in Verse, 1812, ii. 


Tales of the Hall, reviewed 1819, 

ii. 120. 

compared with C. by J. R. 

Lowell, 1845, ii. 261. 
Craig, A., Amorose Songes, 1606, iv. 

Craik, G. L., A Compendious History 

of English Literature, 1861, iii. 56. 

Outlines of the History of the 

English Language, 1851, iii. 1. 

(with C. Macfarlane), The 

Pictorial History of England, 1837, 
ii. 211. 

Sketches of Literature and Learn- 
ing in England, 1844-5, ii. 252. 

Cranmer, T., A Sermon concerning the 

time of Rebellion [1549], i. 88-9. 
Craven, Elizabeth, Lady, prologue to 

The Sleep- Walker, 1778, i. 449-50. 
Cresus (i.e. Cressida], A Ballad of, 

1600, iv. 55. 
Criticism, growth of, introd. cxxx.-iii; 

illustrated by the allusions, ib. 



cxxiv, etc.; evolution of scholar- 
ship in, ib. cxl-iii. ; see Chaucer, G. 
[n. Criticism, (a.)] 

Cromek, R. H. (?), proposal for print- 
ing Stothard's Canterbury Pilgrims, 
1808, ii. 37. 

Cromie, H., rhyme-index to C.T. 
(Ellesmere MS.), in Six-Text ed., 
1875, iii. 95. 

Crouther, J., verses in Kynaston's 
Troilus, 1635, i. 209. 

Crow, C. L., Zur Qeschichte des Kurzen 
Reimpaars im Mittelenglischen : 
Chaucer s House of Fame, 1892, v. 

Croxall, S., The Vision, 1715, i. 337. 

Crystal Palace, the (in Blackwood's 
Mag,), 1854, iii. 19-20. 

Cuckoo and the Nightingale, the. See 
Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. (1.) 
Spurious. 6.] 

Culpeper, Sir T., Essays, 1671, i. 247-8. 

Cumberworth, Sir T., will, 1450, iv. 6. 

Cunningham, A., The Lives of British 
Painters, Sculptors, and Architects, 
1830, iv. 105-6. 

- The Songs of Scotland, 1825, ii. 

Cunningham, G. G., Lives of Eminent 
Englishmen, 1835, ii. 194-5. 

Cursory Remarks on some of the 
Ancient English Poets [by P. Neve], 
1789, i. 488-9. 

Cust, Katherine I., Le Pelerinage 
de VHomme compared with the Pil- 
grim's Progress, 1858, iii. 42. 

Cycle of English Song, The (in Temple 
Bar), 1873, iii. 117. 

D., T. See Dekker, T. 

Daisy, C.'s love of the (W. de la Pole 

[c. 1445]), iv. 4; J. Leyden, 1803, iv 

102; E. Kent, 1823, ii. 146; (C. 

Knight [1847-8]), ii. 275; see also 

Chaucer, G. [vm. Works. (g.) 18. 

Legend of Good Women.'] 
Dale, T., lectures on Chaucer at 

Christchurch, attended by Ruskin, 

1836, ii. 205. 
Dale, V., letter to Lord Burghley, 

21 June, 1588, iv. 45. 
Dallaway, J., Walpole's Anecdotes of 

Painting in England, ed. by, 1826 

ii. 160-1. 
Dallington, R., A Method for Travel, 

1598, i. 156-7. 
Dalrymple, Sir D., Lord Hailes, notes 

to Ancient Scottish Poems (Banna- 

tyne MS.), 1770, i. 436. 

Dalrymple, H. (?), Woodstock Park, 

1761, i. 421. 
Danby, , Countess of, though an 

Italian, had C. at her fingers' ends, 

i. 245. 
Daniel, G., Poems, 1646, i. 224. 

- Trinarchodia, 1649, i. 226. 
Daniel, S., Musophilus, 1599, i. 160. 
classed with C., by R. R., 1605, 

i. 176. 
Dante, Divina Commedia, relation of 

to the House of Fame (A. Ram- 
beau, 1877), v. 149. 
transl. by H. F. Cary, 1819, 

ii. 114. 
Longfellow's notes to, 1867, 

iii. 90. 

Inferno, transl. by Cary, 1805-6, 

ii. 23; transl. by C. Rogers, 1782, 
i. 468. 

his influence on C. (S. H. 

Reynolds, 1861), iii. 59. 

for his story of Ugolino and 

Monk's T., see Chaucer, G. [vm. 
(f.) 26.] 

for comparisons of, with C., 

see Chaucer, G. [n. (g.) Compari- 
sons with other writers.] 

similarity of his and C.'s later 

fortunes, introd. cxliii-iv ; contempt 
for in the 18th cent., ib.; 'Dante 
in English' (Lydgate, 1430), i. 38, 
iv. 4 ; see also Italian Literature. 

Dantes, A., art. Chaucer in Diet, biog., 

1875, v. 83. 

Tableau chronologique, 1875, v. 83. 
Darby, S., Letter to Warton on his 

ed. of Milton's Juvenile Poems, 1785, 

i. 482. 
Darmesteter, A. Mary F., Froissart, 

1894, v. 97. 
Darrell, , Dr., An Excellent Ballad, 

in The Oxford Sausage [a. 1760], 

i. 417. 
Dart, J., modernized The Complaint 

of the Black Knight (as Chaucer's), 

praises Chaucer, 1718, i. 346. 

life of C., in Works, 1721, i. 

358-61 ; much based on the spuri- 
ous poems, introd. cix. 

Poem on Chaucer, 1722, i. 366. 

Westminster Abbey, 1721, i. 


- Westmonasterium, 1723, 1742, 
i. 363-6. 

Davies, , History of Magnetical Dis- 
covery, quoted, 1840, ii. 227. 

Davies, J., of Hereford, The Scourge 
of Folly [1611 ?], iv. 61. 



Davies, Sir J., letter to Sir R. Cotton 
[c. 1602], i. 172. 

Orchestra [1594], i. 140-1. 

Davies, Sneyd, letter to T. Thomas, 

c. Feb. 1738, i. 383. 
Day, J., ( ? ), The Return from Parnassus, 

(written) 1602, i. 171. 
Dee, J., transcribed T. Norton's 

Ordinal of Alchemy, 1577, i. 114. 
Defoe, D., The Fortunate Mistress 

(Roxana), 1724, i. 366. 

- letter in The Little Review, 

1705, iv. 82. 

A Tour thro' Great Britain (vol. 

iii.), 1727, i. 368. 

Deguilevile, G. de. See Lydgate, J., 
Pilgrimage of the Life of Man. 

A. B.C. transl. from, according to 

de Chatelain, 1857, v. 69. 

Dekker, T., A Knighfs Conjuring 
[1607], i. 178-9. 

Northward Hoe [1605], i. 175. 

Patient Grissel, 1603, i. 173. 

A Rod for Runaways, 1625, i. 


A Strange Horse-Race, 1613, iv. 


Troilus and Cressida (lost play), 

1599, iv. 53. 

Westward Hoe, 1607, iv. 60. 

The Wonder of a Kingdom, 1623, 

i. 198. 

De la Pole, Alice, Duchess of Suffolk, 

C.'s granddaughter. See Chaucer, 

G. [i. (d.) 3]. 
De la Pole, W., Duke of Suffolk, 

How the lover is set to serve the 

flower, 1445, iv. 4-5; married Alice 

Chaucer, see Chaucer G. [i. (d.) 3.] 
De la Pryme, A., Diary, 1697, iv. 81. 
De la Roche, M. See La Roche. 
Delcourt, , transl. Miller's T. into 

French, 1908, v. 111. 
Deloney, T., Strange Histories, a poem 

on Troilus and Cressida added to 

the posthumous (1612) ed. of, iv. 

Demogeot, J. C., Histoires des litter - 

atures etrangeres, 1880-95, v. 101-2, 

Demosthenes, C. to be read for D.'s vein 

in English (R. Carew [1595-6 ?]), 

i. 142. 
Denham, Sir J., Epitaph on Cowley, 

1668, i. 244. 
Dennis, J., Reflections upon [Pope's] 

Essay on Criticism [1711], i. 314-15. 

A True Character of Mr. Pope, 

2nd ed., 1717, i. 345. 

The Usefulness of the Stage, 

1698, i. 270. 

De Quincey, T., A Brief Appraisal of 
the Greek Literature, 1838-9, com- 
paring Homer with C., ii. 221-2. 

Confessions of an English Opium- 
Eater, 1821, ii. 132; 1835, ii. 195. 

False Distinctions, 1824, ii. 


Homer and the Homeridce, .1841, 

comparing Homer with C., ii. 229- 

Letters to a Young Man, 1823, 

ii. 142. 

On Murder considered as one 

of the Fine Arts, 1827, ii. 165. 

review of Roscoe's Works of 

Pope, 1848, ii. 277. 

review of Talfourd's Final 

Memorials of Charles Lamb, 1848, 
ii. 277. 

Sketches of Life and Character, 

see supra : Confessions of an English 
Opium- Eater. 

Derocquigny, , transl. Reeve's T., 
Cook's T., and Wife of Bath's Prol. 
into French, 1908, v. 111-12. 

Deschamps, E., Ballade addressed to 
C., 1386, v. 1, 16-17. 

G. Raynaud's ed. of, 1903, ii. 


life of, by A. Sarradin, 1879, 

v. 86. 

Desclozeaux, E., art. Chaucer, in 
Diet, de la conversation, 1833, 
revised, 1853, v. 61-2, 124. 

Deshler, C. D., ed. Selections from 
Chaucer, 1847, ii. 274. 

Des Maizeaux, P. J., preface to Saint 
Evremond's (Euvres Meslees, 1705, 
v. 20. 

De Vere, A. T., Chaucer and Spenser, 
1861, iii. 56. 

Select Specimens of the English 

Poets, 1858, iii. 42. 

Devereux, R., Earl of Essex, note in 

a copy of Drayton's Idea, 1593, i. 

Devon, F., Issues of the Exchequer, 

1837, ii. 211. 

Diaper, W., Dryades, 1713, i. 326. 
Dibdin, T. F., The Bibliographical 

Decameron, 1817, ii. 87. 
- The Bibliomania, 1809, 1811, 

iv. 103. 

Bibliotheca Spenceriana, 1815, 

ii. 69. 

The Library Companion, 1824, 

ii. 149-50. 



Reminiscences, 1836, condemn- 
ing Blake's 'Pilgrims,' ii. 203-4. 

ed. Ames's and Herbert's Typo- 
graphical Antiquities, 1810-19, ii. 
49, 58, 81, 144. 

lecture on C. (Director, 1807), 

ii. 30. 

Dickens, C., David Copperfield, 1850, 

ii. 283-4. 
letter to Sir J. E. Tennent, 

20 Aug., 1866, iii. 82. 

Our Mutual Friend, 1864, iii. 72. 
Dido, Letter of, to Eneas, printed by 

Pynson with Troilus, etc., 1526, i. 

Dietz, H., Les Litteratures etrangeres, 

1892, v. 96. 
Digby, K. H., The Broad Stone of 

Honour, 1822, ii. 137; 1826, calls 

C. impious and obscene, ii. 161. 
Digges, D., verses in Kynaston's 

Troilus, 1635, i. 210. 
Dilly, E., letter to Boswell, 26 Sept., 

1777, i. 448. 
D 'Israeli, I., Amenities of Literature, 

1841, ii. 231-3. 

Calamities of Authors, 1812, ii. 


Curiosities of Literature, 1791, 

'93, '98, iv. 98-101 ; 5th ed., 1807, 
ii. 30; 7th ed., 1823, ii. 142-3; 
9th ed., 1834, ii. 191. 

An Essay on the Literary 
Character, 1795, i. 496. 

thought C.'s verse irregular, 
introd. Ivii, ii. 231. 

Dixon, J., note on order of C.T., in 

N. & Q., 1865, iii. 79. 
Dixon, R. W., painting, " A Wedding 

Scene from Chaucer " [c. 1855], iii. 

21 ; his personal resemblance to 

C., ib. ; introd. Ixiv. 
Dobell, S. T., America, 1855, iii. 21. 
Dobson, S., The Life of Petrarch, 1775, 

i. 441 ; reviewed, ib. 
Dodd, C., The Church History of 

England, 1737, i. 379-80. 
Dodsley, J., note by, in Dodsley's 

Miscellany, 1782, i. 465. 
Dodsley, R., letter to William Shen- 

stone, 1761, iv. 93. 

Select Collection of Old Plays, J. 
Reed's preface to the 1780 ed. of, 
i. 459. 

Donnington Castle, a possession of C.'s, 
according to J. Sylvester, 1611, iv. 
62; J. Evelyn, 1654, i. 229; E. 
Hyde (Earl of Clarendon) [a. 16741, 
i. 248; W. Diaper, 1713, i. 326; 

Elizabeth Montagu, 1745, i. 391; 
J. P. Andrews, 1759, i. 416, 475-6; 
F. Grose, 1773, i. 437; Southey's 
sonnet on, 1795, iv. 100; letter on, 
by J. H. J., and view of (GenCs 
Mag.}, 1797, iv. 101; letter and 
sonnet on, by Mary R. Mitford, 
1815, ii. 72-3; described by Miss 
Mitford, 1852, iii. 9-10; granted to 
C. by John of Gaunt, according to 
S. Bentley, 1831, ii. 181. 

Douce, F., catalogue of hi 3 collection 

(Bodleian), 1840, ii. 226. 

Illustrations of Shakespeare, 

1807, ii. 31. 

preface to Arnold's Customs of 

London, 1811, ii. 53. 

Douglas, G., Eneados, 1513, Chaucer 
his master, quotes L.G.W., i. 71-2. 

The Palace of Honour, 1501, his 

praise of C. in, i. 65 ; iv. 9. 

A Description of May, from, by 

F. Fawkes, 1752, i. 405. 

C.'s influence on (P. Lange, 

1872), v. 148. 

Downes, J., Roscius Anglicanus, 1708, 

i. 295. 
Drake, N., Canterbury Tales, 1802, ii. 


Essays, 1805, ii. 24; 1809, calls 

for a new ed. of Works, ii. 46-7. 

Montchensey, 1824, ii. 150. 

Mornings in Spring, 1828, ii. 168. 

Observations on ' Les Jardins,' 

1824, ii. 150. 

Drant, T., preface to his transl. of 
Horace, Art of Poetry, 1567, i. 100. 

Drayton, M., Idea, 1593, imitates Sir 
Thopas in, i. 138. 

Nimphidia, 1627, i. 201. 

Polyolbion, Selden's preface to 

[1612], i. 185-6. 

To Henry Reynolds, Esquire, of 

Poets and Poesie, 1627, i. 200-1. 

buried near C. (T. Fuller, 1662), 

iv. 108 (in Cambridge issue only). 
Dream, Chaucer's. See Chaucer, G. 

[vm. Works. (g.) 7. Boole of the 

Duchess'}; and also: ib. [viu. (1.) 

9. Isle of Ladies.] 
Dress. See Costume. 
Dresses of the English, of the Ancient 

and Modern (in Town and Country 

Magazine), 1769, i. 432. 
Dreyss, C. L., Chronologic universelle, 

1853, 1883, v. 91, 124. 
Drummond, W., Polemo-Middinia, 

annotated by E. Gibson, 1691, iv. 



Drumont, FJ., La France Juive, 1886, 

v. 91-2. 
Dryden, J., The Art of Poetry, 1715, 

version from Boileau by Dryden 

(?), i. 254, ii. 188. 
Critical and Miscellaneous Works, 

ed. by Malone, 1800, i. 503-4. 
Works, ed. by Scott, 1808, ii. 


Fables, 1700, i. 272-85 ; reviewed 

in Acta Eruditorum, 1700, v. 130; 
W. Bell sets out to improve, c. 1785, 
i. 480-1 ; effect of, on the reputa- 
tion of C., introd. xxxvii-xl; his 
version of Reeve's Tale in, quoted 
as Chaucer's by E. Carter, 1753, 
i. 406; his parallel of Ovid and 
Chaucer in, transl. into French, 
1777, v. 36; the same ridiculed by 
T. Brown [a. 1704], i. 291-2; 
imitated C. before he modernized 
him (G. Sewell, 1720), i. 351; his 
translations from C. in, are his 
most brilliant and celebrated work 
(Seward, 1789), i. 490; his preface 
to, the best critical estimate of 
Chaucer (T. S. Baynes, 1870), iii. 
99 ; originality of, introd. cxxxii. 

- neglected the antiquarian study 
necessary for understanding C. 
(Malone, 1800), i. 503-4. 

the first to conceive of organic 

growth in literature, introd. cxxx. 

repeated Leland's biographical 

inventions, ib. cxli. 

letter to Mrs. Steward, 1698, 

i. 270; to Pepys, with the Good 
Parson, 1699, i. 270; Pepys thanks 
him for it, i. 271. 

his Juvenal, 1692, i. 264-5. 

his Troilus and Cressida, 1679, 
i. 254. 

his Virgil, 1697, i. 269. 

Johnson's Life of, 1779, i. 456. 

his patent as Poet Laureate, 

1670, i. 247. 

his funeral, described by H. 

Play ford, T. Tanner, Unknown, E. 
Ward, 1700, i. 286-8; by E. 
Thomas, 1729, i. 371; in Acta 
Eruditorum, 1704, v. 130-1; verses 
on, printed in or appended to 
Lucius Britannici, 1700, i. 286-7. 

See Chaucer, G. [n. (g.) Com- 
parisons with other writers] ; see also 
ib. [in. Modernizations,] 

Du Bartas, G. S. Divine Weeks and 
Works, transl. by J. Sylvester, 1605, 
1611, i. 176, iv. 62. 

Dubuc, , transl. Les deux Griselidis 
from Chaucer and Miss Edgeworth, 
1813, v. 10, 41-3. 

Ducarel, A. C., correspondence with 
W. Barrett, 1772, i. 437. 

Duchess, the Book of the, see Chaucer, 
G. [vin. Works. (g.) 7.] 

Duclaux, Mary. See Darmesteter, 
A. Mary F. 

Duering, A. von, transl. Works (in- 
complete), 1883-6, v. 150. 

Dugdale, Sir W., Origines Juridiciales, 
1666, i. 242. 

C. his arch-poet (F. Junius, 

1668), iv. 75-6. 

Dunbar, W., his praise of C. in The 
Golden Targe, 1503, i. 66; Lament 
for the Makaris, 1507, i. 68. 

his works, ed. by D. Laing, 

1834, ii. 192. 

for comparisons of, with C., 

see Chaucer, G. [ii. (g.) Comparisons 

with other writers.] 
Duncombe, J., An Elegy written in 

Canterbury Cathedral, 1778, iv. 95. 
Dunham, S. A., Chaucer (in Lardner's 

Cabinet Cyclopaedia), 1836, ii. 204-5. 
Dunkin, W., The Character of a Good 

Parson, from Chaucer [a. 1765], iv. 

Dunlop, J. C., History of Fiction, 

1814, comparing C. with Boccaccio, 

ii, 61-3 ; reviewed, ii. 68. 
Durandus.G., Rationale, verses written 

in a copy of [n.6. 1506], iv. 9. 
Durfey, T., New Court Songs and 

Poems, 1672, verses by R. Veal in, 

iv. 76. 

During, A. See Duering. 
Dyer, G., On the Connection of the 

Arts and Sciences, 1811, ii. 53. 

Earle, J. (17th cent, writer), Elegy 
on Beaumont [1616], i. 192. 
Micro- cosmography, 1628, his 
4 vulgar- spirited man ' admires 
without having read C., i. 201, 
introd. xxix. 

Earle, J. (19th cent, scholar) pro- 
jected ed. of C.'s Works by, 1864, 
iii. 71. 

Early English Texts (in Edinburgh 
Review), 1867, iii. 94. 

Early English Text Society, the, 3rd 

. Report of, and appeal for, by F. J. 
Furnivall, Chaucerian publications 
promised by, 1867, iii. 88. 

Eastwood, James, notes in N. & Q. t 
1857, '59, '60, '62, iii. 40, 50, 64, 64. 


Eastwood, Jonathan, and Wright, 

W. A., The Bible Word- Book, 1866, 

iii. 82. 
Ebert, A., Die englischen Mysterien, 

1859, v. 144. 
Edgar, A., Popular Literature (in 

Tusculana), 1852, iii. 9. 
dgeworth, Maria, The Modern 

Griselda, 1805, ii. 24; transl. into 

French, 1813, v. 41-3. 
Editing. See Scholarship. 
Edman, L. E., A Specimen of Chaucer's 

Language, 1861, iii. 56. 
Edmondes, Sir T., R. Winwood is 

sure he is become a good Chaucerist, 

1601, i. 167. 

Edward in, epitaph on, in West- 
minster Abbey, attributed to C. 

by W. Winstanley, 1660, i. 238. 
Edward, 2nd Duke of York, The 

Boole of Hunting [1406-13], i. 18. 
Edwards, R., Appius and Virginia, 

1575, iv". 39. 

Palamon and Arcite, a play, 

1566, performance of at Oxford re- 
corded, i. 99. 

The Paradise of Dainty Devices, 

1576, poem in by R. L., iv. 39-40. 
Einenkel, E., Streifziige durch die 

mittelenglische Syntax, 1887, v. 150. 

Elderton, W., The Pangs of Love and 
Lover's Fits, 1559, iv. 27-8. 

Eliot, G., Middlemarch, chapter head- 
ings in, 1871-2, iii. 11.2-13. 

Elizabeth, Queen, quotes C. (Scott, 
1820, '21, '29), ii. 128, 133, 176, iv. 
107 (in Ch. Soc. issue), 108 (in 
Cambridge issue). 

Eller, I., The History of Belvoir 
Castle, 1841, ii. 233. 

Ellis, A. J., On Early English Pro- 
nunciation, 1869-89, iii. 97-8. 

Ellis, F. S., edits the Kelmscott ed. of 
C.'s Works, 1896, iii. 150 (in Cam- 
bridge issue only). 

Ellis, G., Specimens of Early English 
Poets, 1801, ii. 1 ; revi