Full text of "The Second Congress of the Communist International : proceedings of Petrograd session of July 17th, and of Moscow sessions of July 19th-August 7th, 1920"

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THE

CONGRESS

OF THE

MOCKEDINGS of Petrogmd Session
of July 17th, and of Moscow
Se5sions of July 19th — August

•

THE

kfiCOND CONGRESS

OF THE

PROCEEDINGS of Petrograd Session
of July !7th, and of Moscow
Sessions of July 19th -August
7th, 1920

1920AB

C.I

ROBA

'ublishing CHicc of the Communist Internationa!,
America, 1921.

M • K'iXA^ •> . ^*A it

EDITORIAL NOTE.

The Second Congress of the Communist International met in
Russia, at a time when she was in a state of war, and cut off
from all other countries by the blockade. The difficulties arising
out of such a situation told on the preparation of the steno-
graphic reports now offered to the public.

In consequence of the complete isolation of Russia from the
rest of the world, it was impossible to get in time a sufficient
staff with a proper mastery of languages, and in particular of
German, French and English, to take part in the work of the
Congress. And so it happened that there were only two Ger-
man stenographers, one French, and no English at all. This
was the reason for the deplorable delay in bringing out this
report. The transcription from the shorthand notes alone has
claimed two months' time.

By the time the work of editing commenced, most of the
delegates had already gone. It was found that the text was in
many places mutilated, and that there were many omissions-
quotations by the speakers from the theses, from newspapers
and books, amendments introduced, were missing altogether—
and finally many speeches, particularly those delivered in
English, were only in the German or French translation. To
make the text read sense required' a great deal of time. A
whole number of omissions and gaps could not be reconstructed
at all.

Our main attention was concentrated on bringing out a
i ('liable text with all possible speed. The translation into
KngJish was done by different people with a varying mastery
or the language. Style, form, and language had to be sacrificed
accordingly.

\\V hope and wish that iho m»\t. Congress of ihe Communist
InifL-iKiiion.'tl will take place under more favourable conditions,
with a hot I PI- organisation of the technical side, so thai the next
report may appear in be.it or form than the present one.
.Moscow, December, 191'M.

Concerning the Convocation

of the

Second World Congress

of the

Communist International.

To all Communist Parties and Groups, to all Red Trade Unions,
all Organisations of Communist Women, all Unions of Com-
munist Youtfy all Labour Organisations adhering to Communism,
and to all honest workers:

Comrades, the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter-
national has decided:

To convene the Second Congress of the Communist Inter-
national in Moscow on the 15th of July, 1920.

The Executive Committee of the Communist International
has drawn up the following provisional agenda for the Second
Congress :

1. — Report of the Executive Committee of the Communist
Intel-national.

2. — Reports of the representatives of different countries.
The reports are to be submitted in written form.

3. — The actual world political situation and the tasks of the
Communist International.

4. — The question of Parliamentarism.

5. — Trade Unions and Shop Committees.

' 6. — The role and structure of the Communist Party before
and after the workers have won State power.

7. — The National and Colonial question.

8. — The Agrarian question.

9. — Attitude towards the new tendencies of the "Centre," its
pretence of accepting the Communist platform, and the condi-
tions of joining the Third International.

10.— Constitution of the Communist International.

11. -The question of organisation (legal and illegal organ
tions, women's organisations, etc.).

The Young Communist movement.
13.— Elections.
1 (.—Other business.

All the Communist Parties, groups, and Trade Unions which

• officially joined the Communist International, and ha
been recognised by the latter's Executive Committee, are in-
vited to participate in the Congress with a decisive vote.

All groups and organisations adhering to the Communist
International, but in opposition -to the official affiiliated Com-
munist Parties, are also invited to the Congress, which wilt
decide the status of such groups.

Further, all groups of revolutionary Syndicalists, union
the Industrial Workers of the World and other such organisa-
tions, are also invited, and the Executive Committee will en'
into relations with them.

The Leagues of Communist Youth shall be represented, not
only by the Central Committee of the Young Communist Inter-
national, but also by the Communist organisations of all 1
different countries.

In connection with the forthcoming Congress, it is proposed
to convene an international conference of Communist Women,
and an international conference of the Leagues of Communist
Youth.

Also, il' it is at. all possible, it would be well to hold a firs!
international conference of revolutionary Trade Unions.

All parties and organisations are invited to send
greatest possible number of delegates to the Congress. (Tin-
•Hon of the number of decisive votes at the Congress will

Htled, of course, without reference to t.lu- numb* T
delegates.)

The Executive Committee of the Communist International

ugly insists upon the condition that every Communist
y sending its delegates to the Congress, shall be bound to
• int one of its delegates as permanent represent ;if iv<< ot iiu-
i.ii tin- .K\»Tiitiv Committtee <>i tin- rmnimim

linn. naj reside in Kussia tor ,i

•h-rabh-1 linir.

From the above outline it may 'be seen that the MM-
will deal with most important problems which are now await-
ing the decision of the Communist workers of the whole world.
The rapid spread of Communist ideas compels us to hasten the

convocation of the Congress, which will be ablt- to give
and precise answers to the workers of all countries as to the
questions stated in the agenda, which dema.nd immediate
solution.

The First Congress of the Communist. International raised
the banner of Communism. At this moment millions and
millions of workers in every country are followers of this
limner. The question is no longer one of the propagation of
Communist ideas; the time has now come for the organisation
of the Communist workers and a direct struggle for the Com-
munist Revolution.

The Second International has collapsed like a house of cards.
The efforts of several "Socialist" diplomats to create a new
bastard International, standing between the Second and Third
International, are simply laughable, and meet with no support
on the part of the workers. Divided one from another by mili-
tary censorship, martial law, the calumniatory campaign of the
yellow Social Democrats and the capitalist press, the working
men of the whole world are nevertheless stretching out their
hands one to the other. During its short existence of little
more than a year, the Com munis t International has won a <i<-
risive moral victory among the labour masses of the world.
Millions and millions of workers are yearning to join us, thr
honest international association of workers, which is called (lie
Third International.

Then let those workers compel their parties and organisa-
tions to make a choice once and for all. Let them put an end
to the unworthy game which is being played by some of the
old diplomatic "leaders" who are attempting to keep their
parties from joining the Communist International.

KVpecially let the members of Trade Unions which formerly
belonged to the White Guard International organised in Am-
sterdam by the agents of capital — Legien, Albert Thomas and
others — force their organisations to break with the betrayers
of the workers' cause and send their delegates to the .Congress
of the Communist International.

Let the coming Second Congress, of the 15th of July, really
he a world gathering of real revolutionists, believers in the true
Communist programme and revolutionary Communist tactics.

Let the agenda proposed by the Executive Committee l><
discussed by every workers' organisation, every gathering of <
working people. Let the workers themselves propose their own
resolutions concerning each of the proposed questions. LH. th<-
n-hok f'nnurntrmt pr».»pf? prtvr Dr.1 it* pag^s riurins thr next

to the discussion of these most important problems. Start the
preparatory work in real earnest. Only in such case will our
Congress be able to summarise the experience of the intelligent
workers of the world, and give voice to the actual will of the
Communist workers of all countries.

The Executive Committee of the Communist International
sends fraternal greetings to the workers of all the world, and
calls to them to join the ranks of their brotherhood.

Long live the International Communist Workers' .\ •
Long live the Third International!

With Communist greetings.

G. ZINOVIEV, President of the Executive Committee of
the Communist International.

K. RADEK, Secretary of the Executive Commit! >
the Communist International.

THE FIRST SESSION OF THE SECOND CONGRESS
OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL.

Petrograd, July 17, 1920.

XINOVIKV. Comrades, on behalf of the Executive Committee
of the Communist International I. declare the Second World
Congress of the Communist International open. (Long, stormy
applause, shouts of "Hurrah"; the International is played.)
Comrades, our first words, the words of those workers who
have assembled here, should be dedicated to the memory of our
best friends and leaders who have perished in the cause of the
Communist International. You are well aware of the fact that
during this past year there is no country where the blood of
Communist workers and of the ibest leaders of the working class
has not been freely shed. It is sufficient to remember the names
of our Hungarian friends, it is sufficient to remember such, com-
rades as Levine, Tibor Samueii and Jogiches, and many others
who joined the revolutionaries who have fallen during the Ger-
man and Hungarian revolutions. In Finland, Esthonia, Hun-
gary and other countries hundreds of thousands of the best sons
of the working class have perished during this time. In opening
the congress we first of all do honour to the memory of those
of our ibest men who have perished in the cause of the Com-
munist International.

In honour of the fallen comrades I propose that the en HIT
Congress rise. (All stand up. The orchestra plays the Funeral
March.)

Furthermore, we remember to-day all our comrades who at
the present time are sitting in the prisons of the various bour-
geois republics. We remember our French friends. Loriot,
Monatte, and a number of other comrades who have -been thrown
in prison shortly before this Congress. We send greetings to
all those many fighters of the workers' revolution who are now
languishing in German, Hungarian, French, English, and Ameri-
can prisons. We fraternally shake by the hand the American
Communist workers, who have been parl ieularly cruelly perse-
cuted during the past year. The American bourgeoisie is sub-
jecting all Communists and revolutionaries generally to priva-
tion and starvation. Our friends can obtain no work there;
they are in every way deprived of freedom. There is hardly

any form of cruelty which the American bourgeoisie has failed
to apply to those workers, who are working in the ranks of the
Communist movement, or in the I.W.W., or other revolutionary
organisations which follow the same road as the Communist
International.

We expressed our firmest conviction that the words which
uere uttered not long ago by one of our French coiur
tht- arrest of Loriot, Monatte and others, are being justified.
This comrade said : "We are living through a period when the
ruling bourgeoisie, the democrats, and the so-called Socialists
throw into prison the best leaders of the Communist movement:
but we are convinced that the tables will shortly be turned, and
those who now form part of the bourgeois governments will be
put in prison <by the working class, whilst those who are now
in prison will to-morrow be at the head of the Government."
(Applause.)

Comrades, the Communist International was established only
one y«?ar and a quarter ago. It is quite natural that from the
very start it was obliged to cross swords with the Second Inter-
national with which we entered into an open struggle. In the
lace of to-day's Congress, which has become a world Congress
in the fullest sense of the word, in the. face of the fact thai
'hero are here representatives of the whole of Europe ;<-
as of America, both our friends and our enemie* must recognise
that our struggle against the Second International has been
crowned by success. To-day we have a perfect right to declare
that the Second International has been completely defeated by
rhe Third Communist International. (Stormy applause.)

What does this fact signify? What does it mean

defeated the Second International? The struggle between
us and the Second International is not a struggle between two
ti-HHions of one and the same revolutionary proletarian move
raent, it. is not a struggle of conflicting views, nof a struggle of
te-ml'-nno.-; within a single class; it, is actually a struggle of
[i is true that, in the ranks of the Second International
there ar«- a large number of our class brothers. NCV«M-I
our struggle with the Second International is not a struggle of
rrnr.tions within a single class, hut something much greater.

failure ol the Second International reflects the i;
ot f.he bourgeois system itself. Here is where the givt. of the
r lies. The reason of our victory over the Second Inter
•Kil is that the twilight of the gods of capitalism h
in. The reason of our victory over the Second Tnt»-'rnyti"n:j| :- •
Hint thr bourgcoisi'' ««r th- ^-!, ...!<• ^.H.) was nof ••»"<! I

capable of averting the consequences of <the Imperialist war. The
reason of our victory over the Second International is that the
League of Nations and the entire Entente bourgeoisie are quite
powerless to do anything serious towards the re-establishment
of the economic life of Europe. The reason of our victory over
the Second International is that the bourgeoisie had proved
powerless to cope with those tasks which so imperatively con-
front it, unless it is ready, in an historical sense, to resign its
position.

'the Second International united its fate with that of the
bourgeoisie at the very beginning of the war in 1914. The
social patriots of every country supported their own respective
bourgeoisie and their own respective fatherland.

This was the state of things until the very end of the war.
And, at the end of the war, the Second International once again
united its fate with that of the bourgeoisie, this time mainly
with that group of bourgeois countries which had been vic-
torious in the Imperialist war.

You remember the first attempt at the re-establishment of
the Second International after the Imperialist slaughter had
begun. You remember the conferences at Berne and at Lucerne,
at which the so-called leading section of the Second Inter-
national made every kind of attempt to establish "close rela-
tions" with the League of Nations. The leaders of the reviving
Second International hung on to the coat-tails of President.
Wilson. You will recollect, comrades, that at the Berne Con-
ference, at its opening of the Second International, the president
greeted Wilson and ranked him with Jaures, hurling an insult
in this manner at the memory of our dead tribune of the French
workers. The Second International intended at the end of the
war to unite its fate with the bourgeoisie, with that part of the
bourgeoisie regarding which the Second International supposed,
as the fable has it, that, there is no more terrible animal tlmn
the cat -that is to say the League of Nations. This was its
desire. That was the reason why those blows which the inter-
national working class and the Third International dealt the
bourgeoi-ir were fully rHIi-H.od in the Second International.
Tin- Ser.o.ml Yellow International ba.s united its fate inseparably
\\-iih fhc class whirl) is perishing before our very e]

That is the reason why our victory over the Second Inter-
national is so significant. We repeal, this is not the victory
of one fraction of the labour movement, over another, this is
not the victory of one party over another; no, . . there is
something of much profounder importance here: every organi-

sation which attempts to unite its fate with the bourgeois class
is doomed to perish. This is Hie historical meaning of the
victory of the Communist International over the Second
national. The working class is a young class, its star is rising.
It is acquiring power. Whereas the bourgeoisie, choking with
the blood of the working class — its star is on the wane. It is
decaying and collapsing. And, just as a dying man clings to the
living, just so is the bourgeoisie clinging to the half-alive s
International, and stifling it in its terrible embrace. T;
are dying before our eyes. Both the bourgeoisie and its agency,
the Yellow International, are nearing this (historical!
one year is no more than a minute); we may say that t
are in their death agony. Soon the earth will be cleared of the
bourgeois yoke of all those organisations which kept the work
ing class in spiritual captivity. Soon our International Associa-
tion of Workers will be able peacefully to begin the constitu-
tion of a new world, founded on Hie fraternal basis <>;
munism.

Comrades, within this year the idea of "<l<
withered before our eyes, and at Hie present moment is living
iis last days. The most important document of the Fir
stituent Conference of the Communist International,
Hie most important document of the Communist moveiii'
the recent years generally, I consider the theses on th<
played by bourgeois democracy, which were passed at t
These theses h;> the round of Hie

world. Tli" workers of the whole world
part of the peasantry and of the soldiers, have ni.'ide a
of fl em. And the course oi luring the

tern months, look good care that the correi
made l.y the First Congress of the Communist Internal ion
or ii lion of bourgeois

Imilld be justified at

AMiirican bourgeoisie, before Hie whole world, repealed all it-
own laws, all its constitutional guarantees for the workiir
things reaehed such a state where the Socialists.
rdance with the acts of Congress, and on the ba
tions, were nevertheless not allowed in parliament, mi
thrown in prison when such a classical!
(ienKK ralie country as Ani'M'ica \iolated a!

democracy, it clearly proved how -
t International in all its prograuiir

which sta-tC the aciual historical role of so called denu-
Comrades, we are here at a truly World Cong)'

four years of bloody slaughter, to endure all the terrors which
humanity has gone through during the last few years in order
that this simple idea should not only become accessible to units
or individual groups, but should impregnate the working masses
of the world. We are firmly convinced that at the present time
this idea has become the heritage of the masses. We fully
understand that for the purpose of achieving victory over the
bourgeoisie it is necessary finally to realise this simple elemen-
tary idea which the First International pointed out — the First
International Association of Workers, whose traditions and
principles we accept in many questions in order to realise them
now. There are here representatives of Petrograd working men
and women who were the first to make the revolution of
October, 1917. 1 say to them: Comrades, at Petrograd to-day
a great historical event is taking place. The Second Congress
of the Communist International marks a new epoch in history
as soon as it was opened. Remember this day. It is a reward
for all your suffering and for all the courage and manliness
of your struggle. Let (he present solemn moment. s be im-
printed in your hearts.

A great and yet a simple thing lias happened. What could
be simpler ? The workers of all countries are assembling to
free themselve^ ol the yoke of the rich. And at the same time,
isk, what can be more magnificent ? The dawn of victory is
>roaching. Our earth shall be free. Wage slavery shall be
>lis-hed. Communism shall be victorious. . . .
Comrades, in conclusion, I remind you that within a few
iths fifty years will be completed since the first great his-
•ic revolt of the European workers who had shown the right
id to tis and to- yourselves. I am speaking of the Paris
imune. 1 am speaking of that heroic uprising of the Paris
>let:m;it who, in spit,- of all their weakness and mistakes.
ich we, by the way, are making every effort to avoid, wrote
golden page in the history of the International proletarian
movement and opened a road upon which at the present time
millions of toilers are moving.

1 will pei-m.it myself to express the wish that on the ftftieih
anniversary of the Paris Commune we have a Soviet Republic
in France (Loud and stormy applause.)

Comrades, in a certain article which was written directly
ter ihe Constituent Congress of the Communist International,
which was entitled, " The Perspectives of International
•volution," I happened to say somewhat enthusiastically that
probable that after one year we shrill begin to forget

that there ever had been any struggle for a Soviet Government
in Europe, as that struggle will come to an end in Europe
and will .spread to other countries. A certain bourgeois Cerman
pro IV: . atcd this phrase, and recently I had the oppor-

tunity io read an article in which he cites Ihis phnu •
ivmarks with some malice: "Well, soon there will be opened
the Second Congress oi' the Communist International; more
than a year has passed; and as it seems there is no complete
victory of the Soviets in Europe." We can calmly answer to
this intellectual bourgeois that indeed we were over-enthusi-
astic, indeed it is likely that we shall require two and even
three years before the whole of Europe becomes Soviet. But
if you are so modest that you can wait tor a year or for two,
I can only congratulate you upon such modesty, and I a
with confidence that one year sooner or later, a little more
patience, and we shall finally possess an International Soviet
.Republic, which will be guided by our Communist International.
Long live the working class of the world ! Long live the
Communist International ! (Long and stormy applause.)

OPENING OF THE CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNlbi
INTERNATIONAL IN PETROGRAD.

ZlNoviKV - The Congress elects a presidium. Comrade

IJukh.-irin is ?.mii ihe plaiform on behali' of the Executive
< 'ommit tec.

l;i KIIARIN The Kxrctit i\ e Commit I eo oi ll mist

iftierrmiioMiii proposes the ioiiowin;', cand

•x i. <-:, rman} ; Rosmei* i S< rrati, lial> ;

Russia.

,1-, tliere any more proposals in cnnncc! ion
with corn-position ol the iiresidium '! (There are none.) The
presidium is elected in the form proposed by the

onimunist International, as follows: Levi,
Germany; Rosmer, France; Serrati, Iialy: Lenin and Xin-
ia.

Comrade;-;, quite a number of organisation:-; are anxio1.

hut we must economise lime. In the name
,,f the mmittee we prop€ $e to give the Hooi

to the representative of the Russian Socialist Federal S
Republic, which lias the happiness today 10 aecepi the
territory. Comrade Kalinin, our pr<
Central Executive Commit-
(Applause.)

KALININ — Comrades, in the na*me of the workers aati
peasants of Soviet Russia, I greet the Second World Congress
of the Third Communist International. Comrades, members of
the Communist International, I draw your attention to the
fact that the Communist Party, the Bolsheviks and the Russian
working class never in the past tampered with legal Parlia-
mentarism. The last decades were years of cruel and direct
struggle of the working class against Russian Tzarism.
During this dark period the Coimimunist Party, the Bolsheviks,
never lost the hope that the time was not far when the workers
would rally under the guidance of this party and would ulti-
mately overthrow Russian Tzarism and the Russian bourgeoisie.
During the last three years, comrades, the Russian working
class and the Russian peasants have made innumerable sacri-
they experienced great difficulties and have evinced self-
aeritire in the struggle for the ideal of mankind. Comrades,
iis struggle of three yeans has innured the working class and
ie peasants of Russia, and taught them to fight in the interests
the peasants and workers. This struggle made it possible
create our glorious, unconquerable Red Army, which at the
resent time has dealt the enemy at the Polish front irrepar-
ble blows. Comrades, the Russian workers and the Russian
easants are being educated, 'better even than by books and
peeches, .by the struggle which is developing against the
ussian bourgeoisie and international capital, in which struggle
hey form an ever greater part. While it was formerly
ecessary to explain amongst and to agitate the workers and
is^ints as to the necessity of overthrowing the international
irgeoisie in order to overthrow the Russian bourgeoisie —
t the present moment it is obvious to every Russian working
an and to every peasant that we are fighting not only against
the Russian bourgeoisie, not only against the Tzarist land-
wners, with wham by the way we should have finished long
had they not had at their backs and been supported by
international counter-revolution, it is therefore quite natural
at. at the present moment the Russian working class and the
ussian peasant masses are looking up to the oppressed classes
of the West and to the subjected masses of the East. They
•e awaiting the moment when these oppressed classes will,
gether with the Russian workers and the Russian peasants,
ow themselves into the struggle for the dictatorship of the
letariat. We heartily wish the Second Congress of the Third
ternaiional that its opening should serve as a beginning and
pledge for the direct struggle of the oppressed classes of the

14 Q.

parties, as I have already mentioned, are present here. Tin:
Communist Congress will deal frankly with all pressing ques-
tions in the presence of the German and French workers. The
Communist Congress will in no case permit in the least degree
any ideological falseness, and refuses to make even the
compromise as to principle. The radical questions of the pro-
letarian revolution must be presented in the most crucial form.
What we want is clarity, and clarity again and again. We shall
not allow the Third International to become a fashion and nothing
more. The questions which are to be discussed interest millions
of workers. We shall present to the German workers, to the
French workers who form the French Socialist Party, our views
upon all the pressing questions of the day. We shall wait until
the great majority of the French and German workers clear
their ranks of all undesirable elements and join the ranks of
the Communist International, so that there should not be the
least ground for suspicion that they are so much mere ballast
for the Communist International, but join us for the express
purpose of putting up together with us a firm struggle against
the bourgeoisie.

We intend to submit to the present Congress the Constitu-
tion of the Communist International. It is our opinion that,
just as in every individual country, for the purpose of defeating
i In- bourgeoisie, it is indispensable first of all to have a cen-
tral Lsod, welded, powerful parly, just so is it necessary to attain
such a complete centralisation on an- international scale. We
arc carrying <>*i <> ti«'l" against the bourgeoisie, against a whole
world of enemies armed to the teeth, and we iruisl poss-
iron international proletarian organisation, which will be
capable or defeating its enemy everywhere, which will be able
10 afford the maximum of assistance to each one ol' its detach-
ments, a centralisation which will elaborate forms of organisa-
tion which should be the mosi powerful. l!"\ible, and mob
as to be i'ully provided against Hie enemy whom w<
In the ilraii <>i ihe ronsliiution of the Comim.
iiaiioiutl \vo quou- a phrase out of Hie Constitution of tin
International Association of Workers whosi Marx

and KnRels. In this rnnsi Million Marx and Knpels
u], in the present lime ihe stnipglr- of the workir.;
m)i i,, -ssfiil, the main reason for this , » ihai

ihe workers have lacked internal ional solidarity, that they

Miaiie international organisation, nauti
on an International scale." Yes, comrades, ih:
Truth and 10 w-:m for lifi;. B had to live through

"igfflfest banks, financial kings,

financial magnates, a domination such as never was seen before;
and these magnates were transforming even the freest republics
into financial monarchies. Before the war this fact was openly
recognised, for instance, by even such non - revolutionary
writers as Lysis in France.

This domination of a handful of capitalists reached its full
development when the entire world was divided by the biggest
capitalists, not only in the sense of the seizure of the various
sources of raw material and means of production, but also in
the sense of completion of the preliminary division of colonies.
Some forty years ago it was estimated that somewhat more than
two hundred and fitly million of the population of the colonies
was subject to six capitalist powers. Before the war of 1914
there were in the colonies already about six hundred million
people, and if we add such countries as Persia, Turkey, China,
which were then already reduced to a semi-colonial status, we
will get in round figures one thousand million of people who
were oppressed by the richest, the most civilised and freest
countries through colonial dependence. And you know that
besides direct dependence in point of rights, colonial depend-
ence presupposes a whole series of dependent relations of a
financial and economic character. It implies a whole series of
wars which were not considered as wars, because they fre-
quently assumed the character of a slaughter, when European
and American imperialist troops, armed with the most perfect
means of extermination, massacred the harmless and defenceless
peoples of the colonial countries.

THE WORLD SITUATION AFTER THE IMPERIALIST WAR.

The Imperialist war of 1914-1918 grew inevitably from this
division of the whole world, from this domination of capitalist
monopoly, from this unlimited power of a mere handful of the
biggest banks, say, two to five in each country. The war was
waged over the question of the division of the entire world.
It was waged over the question as to which of the two groups
of the biggest States— the British or the German — should secure
the opportunity and the right of robbing, crushing, and exploit-
ing the entire world. And you know that the war settled this
question in favour of the British group. As a result of this
war all capitalist contradictions have become immeasurably
more acute. The war at one blow placed nearly a quarter of a
milliard people in a state which is equal to that of a colony. In
such a state it placed Russia, the population of which must be

intimated at one hundred and twenty million, Austria-Hungary,
Germany, Bulgaria, in which countries there are no less than
one hundred and twenty million people. That is to say, two
hundred and fifty million people in countries which (such as
Germany) partly belong to the most advanced, (lie mo
lightened countries, standing in point of technical developim-m.
in the forefront of modern progress.

The war through the Versailles treaty imposed upon
such conditions that advanced peoples found themselves in the
position of colonial dependents, of misery, starvation, and ruin,
deprived of all rights because they are bound -by the treaty for
many generations and are placed in such conditions in which no
civilised nation ever lived. Here you have the picture1 of
after the war; no less than a thousand two hundred and fifty
million people are suddenly put under a colonial yoke, are sub
ject to exploitation by beastly capitalism which was bo;
of its love for peace, and some fifty years ago had some light
so to boast, so long as the world was not divided, so long as
no monopoly ruled, so long as capitalism could develo;
paratively peacefully without colossal military conflicts.

Now after this peaceful epoch we have a most monstrous
accentuation of oppression, we see a return 1o colonial and
military oppression, even worse than ever before. Th«-
sailles treaty placed both Germany and a whole series of de-
feated states in conditions in which it is impossible economi-
cally to exist, into conditions where they are com
graded and deprived of all rights.

How many nations have benefited by it? M
question you must remember that, the population of the l

of America, which alone fully profited by the war. and
\vliieii was transformed from a country deep in debt inio a
country to winch everybody owes money — does not exceed one
hundred million. The population of Japan, which gain?-1
much, keeping out of the European conflict and capturing the

iatic continent, is equal to fifty million.
population of England, which after the above countri.

also about fifty million. And if we add neutral

:>ry small population, which grew rich during the

,,e will get in round numbers two hundred and fifty million.

You thus get in its main features the picture of the world

lias developed after the Imperialistic war. One and a

quarter billion people of the colonies, of countries whi«

being cut up alive, such as Persia and China, and countries

which have been defeated and thrown into a status of colonial

dependence. No more than two hundred and fifty million is
the population of the countries which succeeded in retaining
their former position, and they all became economically depen-
dent upon America, and were dependent in a military way all
through the war, for the war engulfed the entire world. It
allowed no country to remain really neutral. And we finally
have no more than two hundred and fifty million of population
of countries in which, of course, only those at the top, the
capitalists, have benefited by the division of the world. All this
makes up nearly one and three quarters billion, the entire popu-
lation of the earth.

I would like to remind you of this picture of the world, of
the basic contradictions of capitalism, of imperialism, which led
to the revolution, the basic contradictions in the labour move-
men!, which brought, us to the most cruel struggle with the
Second International referred to by the Chairman — all this is
connected with the division of the population of the world.

Of course it is only as a basic outline that these figures
illustrate the economic picture of the world, and, comrades, it
is natural that owing to such division of the population of the
entire world, the exploitation of financial capital, of capitalistic
monopolies has increased many times.

Not only defeated countries are reduced to the position of
dependents, but within each victorious country more acute con-
tradictions have developed — all capitalistic contradictions have
become accentuated. Here are a few examples.

THE FINANCIAL SITUATION OF THE VICTORIOUS
COUNTRIES.

Take the national debts. We know that from 1914 to 1920
33pave increased in the most important European states no
than seven-fold. I shall cite one more economic source
rhich is now becoming particularly important. It is Keynes,
British diplomat, the author of the book, "The Economic
Consequences of the Peace," who by the instructions of his
wemment participated in the Versailles Peace Negotiations,
who observed them directly from a purely bourgeois viewpoint,
who studied the matter in detail step by step, who, as an econo-
mist, participated in the conferences. He arrived at conclu-
sions which are stronger, clearer, more instructive than ;iny
conclusion oi' a Communist, H revolutionist, for iho conclusions
are made by an avowed bourgeois, by a merciless antagonist
of Bolshevism, which, being an English petty bourgeois, he

pictures to himself if! a distorted, ferocious, beastly
Keynes arrived at the conclusion- that Europe and the whole
world with it is, as a consequence of the Versa ii
approaching bankruptcy. Keynes, resigned, threw his book in
the face of his government, and said: "You are committing an
insane act." I shall give you his figures which, in g«
reduce themselves to the following.

What, are the relative national debts <>f the chief pov
I express them in gold roubles, taking ten roubles a;
valent of a pound sterling, and here is what we get: The I
States has to its credit nineteen thousand million rouble
no indebtedness to other countries. Before the war it was in
debt to England. Comrade Levi .at the last Congress of I IIP
Communist Party of Germany, held April 14, 1920, justly .
in his report that only two countries remained which
forth in the world as independent powers, Great Britain and
America. Only America appears, in regard to finances, as an
absolutely independent country. It was a debtor country be-
fore the war, now it is the only creditor. All the other j>
of the world are in debt. Great T-rifam has reached the posi-
tion in which she has seventeen thousand million roubles to her
debit and eight thousand million roubles to her credit. She is
already fifty per cent, in debt. Apart from this her credit
account includes six thousand millions owed to her by Russia.
The military supplies which during the war were received by
Russia are reckoned on the credit side of Great Britain.
Recently, when Comrade Krassin in his capacity as r«-pn-
tj\<> of I lie Russian Soviet Government had occasion to
with Lloyd George about an agreement with regard to
ment of loans, he made it strikingly clear to the savan:
politicians, to the leaders of the British Government, that, if
'•xpect to collect these debts too, they are greatly mis
taken. And this mistake was already revealed by the British
diplomat Keynes.

T!i" question is not only, or not at all, that the Rii;
Government does not wish to pay the debts. No government,
could pay them, for these debts are usurers' profits which have
already been paid, twenty times over. The same bourgeois

», who has no sympathy whatever Tor the revoluh-
movement, says: "It is quite evident that those debts «-aniiot
be paid."

Concerning France, Keynes gives the following figures: Her

account equals three and half billion, while her debit

account equals ten and a half billion. And this is a count v.\ of

which t lie Frenchmen themselves say thai she is the world's
banker, for her "savings" were enormous. Her colonial and
financial plunder, making up a colossal sum, gave the possi-
bility of lending thousands upon thousands of millions, especi-
ally to Russia. These loans gave her a gigantic income. But
in spite of her victory, France has got into the position of a
debtor.

An American bourgeois source referred to by Comrade
Brown, a Communist, in his book "Who Should Pay the War
Debts?" (Leipzig, 1920), sets forth the relation of the debts to
the national property as follows: In the victorious countries,
in England and in France, the debts form more than 50 per
cent, of the national property, in Italy from 60-70 per cent., and
in Russia the national debts make up 90 per cent, of the
national property. But, as you know, those debts do not trouble
us, for we have somewhat anticipated Keynes, and have fol-
lowed his very good advice. We have annulled the debts.
(Loud applause.)

Keynes, however, demonstrates the usual Philistine peculi-
arity; in giving his advice to annul all debts he says that
France, of course, would only gain by it and England would
lose a very little, for there is nothing to be taken from Russia
any way. America, Keynes goes on to say. would lose a good
deal, but Keynes relies on "American generosity." In this
respect we will have to differ from Keynes and the other bour-
geois pacifists. We are of the opinion that the annulment of
debts has nothing to do with the generosity of the capitalists;
but something else is to be expected, and work must be done
in quite another direction.

RISE IN PRICES AND DEPRECIATION OF CURRENCY.
NO WAY OUT FOR CAPITALISM.

The figures above referred to are indicative of the fact that
imperialist war has made conditions unbearable even for
victorious countries. This is also manifested by the enor-
mous difference between wages and the rise of prices. The
"Supreme Economic Council," which is an institution to pro-
tect the bourgeois regime of the world against the growing
revolution, passed a resolution on March 8th of this year which
concludes with an appeal for thrift, orderliness, and effort,
having in mind, of course, that, the working men will remain
the slaves of the capitalists.

This Supreme Economic Council being an institution ot" ttir.

Allies, representing the capitalists of the world, giver-
following figures: In the United States of America pi-
risen on an average one hundred and twenty per cent., while
wages have gone up only one hundred per cent. In England
prices have risen one hundred and seventy per cent., and u.
only one hundred and thirty per cent. In France the rise of
prices amounts to three hundred per cent, and the rise in v
two hundred per cent. In Japan prices have gone up one him
dm! and thirty per cent., and the wage increase has been
per cent. I here set the figures given by Comrade Brown in his
work above referred to against the figures of the "Sup
Economic Council" taken from the "Times" of March 10, UH'n.
It is clear that under such conditions the indignation of
the workers, the growth of revolutionary tendencies and i
and the growth of spontaneous mass strikes are inevitabb
the living conditions of the working people have become unen
durable. They have convinced themselves that the capitalists
have made excessive profits out of the war and are shiftins
the expenses and the debts on to the shoulders of the working
people. Recently we have received a report by cable thar
America is about t.o deport to us into Russia five hundred or
more Communists to rid herself of "dangerous agitators."

Should America send us not only five hundred but
hundred thousand Russian, American, Japanese, and French
"agitators" matters would not change, for the disproportion
between prices and wages will still remain, and nothing can
b<- done for them. They cannot help that disproportion b<
private property with them is carefully guarded. They consider
it sacred. Ft must not 'be forgotten that only Russia has done
away with the private property of the exploiters. The

can do nothing to change this discrepancy between price
and wages, and the workers cannot live under the old wage
scheme. None of the old methods can alleviate this D
No single strike, no parliamentary struggle, no voting can do
anything with it, for "priTate property is sacred," and the
capitalists have accumulated such amounts of it that the whole
world is dominated by a handful of men. Ai Hie same linn-.
(•be living condilions of the workers are becoming harder atnl
liard'M- to bear. There is no way oil) except by abolishing
"private properly" of the exploit'

Comrade T,apinsky in his pamphlet, "England and the World
ilution," from which our "Vestnik of the People's Commis-
sariat for Foreign Affairs" of February, 1920, publishes valuable
extracts, points out that export prices of ooal in England have

rn-v1

proved two hundred per cent, greater than those anticipated
by official industrial experts.

In Lancashire matters have come to such a state that shares
were quoted at four times their nominal value, and the mini-
um banking profit has been from forty to fifty per cent. It
ust be pointed out in this, connection that banking officials in
ving the profit of the bank know how to hide the greatest
rt of it under various disguises, calling it not straight in-
come, but gifts, bonuses, etc., so that indisputable economic
facts show that a small handful of men have enriched them-
selves enormously, that the extreme luxury they live in passes
all limits, while the poverty of the working classes continually
increases.

One must also point out in particular that circumstance
which Comrade Levi has so clearly demonstrated in his report
referred to above : I have in mind the change in the value
of money. Money has everywhere lost its value owing to in-
debtedness, the issue of paper currency, etc. The same bour-
is authority, to which I have already referred, namely the
claration of the "Supreme Economic Council" of March 8th,
20, states that the lowering- of money values, taking the
liar as a unit, equals approximately one-third, in France
d in Italy two-thirds, and in Germany it reaches ninety-six
r cent.

This fact shows that the mechanism of capitalist economy
as broken down entirely. The commercial relationships on
which under capitalism the getting of raw material and the
sale of finished products depend can be continued no longer;
ey cannot be continued by way of subjecting a number of
un tries to any one country owing to the value of money,
ic very richest country cannot exist? cannot carry on trade
cause she cannot sell her finished products and cannot get
y raw materials.

Thus it is that America, the richest countfy, dominating all
tlhers, can neither sell nor buy. The very same Keynes, who
enl through all the intricacies of the Versailles negotiations,
compelled !<> :ulmit HIM I, such is the case in spite of all his
.etermination to defend capitalism, in spite of all his hatred
ir Bolshevism. By the way, it appears to me that no Com
unist or revolutionary appeal could rival in force of argument
ose pages of Keynes where he pictures Wilson and Wilsonism
reality. Wilson was the idol of middle class pacifists of the
pe of Keynes, and a number of heroes of the Second Inter-
ational and even of the "Two and a Half" International, who

worshipped the "fourteen points," and e\ en wrote "learned
books" on the "roots of Wilson's policy," hoping H
was going to save die "social world," to reconcile th<
plotters and the exploited and bring about social n
Keynes clearly showed how Wilson proved a simpleton and how
all his illusions went to the winds, as soon as Ui«
contact with the actual business-like policy of capital in Un-
person of Cleriienceau and Lloyd George. * The working in
guided by their own life experience see more and more clearh
that the "roots" of the Wilson policy are nothing but clerical
humbug, middle-class phraseology and utter incompreh-
ol' the class struggle, while the learned pedants could have
learnt the same thing even from the foook of Keynes.

All this leads to two inevitable conclusions, two fundamental
propositions. On the one hand the privation and the ruination
of the masses have increased incredibly. This refers abo
to the one and a quarter billion people, i.e., 70 per cent, of tin-
population of the earth. These are the countries whose popu-
lation is dependent, judicially deprived of all rights, and
"mandates" over them have been given to some financial
brigands. Besides this, the enslavement of the defeated coun
tries has been established by the Versailles treaty, and by
secret, treaties with regard to Russia which stipulate ih
owe them so many thousands of millions. The latter n
if. is true, are sometimes worth no more than the paper the\
are written on. The above represents the first time in the
history of flic, world when the plunder, dependent
poverty and starvation of a billion and a quarter of peopl.-
been set up as a legalised system.

On the other hand, the workers in each of the vic!oriou>
countries are in an unbearable position. All capitalist contra
dictions have become unusually acute as a result of the war
And this furnishes the ferment for the profound revolution;! r\
movement whiclt is constantly growing. For during the u;»;
people were put under military discipline, sent to death, o:
menaced with immediate military punishment. War condition*
made it impossible to examine economic reality. Writers, poets.
. and all the press devoted themselves only to apologising
for the war. Now when Uie war is ovi the exposure begins.
<;•-,• man imperialism was exposed by the BrestLitOvsk peace.
Likewise the veil was taken off by the Versaill' »vhich

was to nave been a victory for imperialism, but. lias proved its

.\nes ease shows among other things hov.
and hundreds ot thousands of people from the ranks ot MI»-

petty bourgeoisie, from the intellectuals, above all the somewhat
intelligent men, were compelled to follow the course taken by
Keynes, He handed in his resignation and threw into the face
of his government a book which nails it to the pillory. Keynes'
case shows what is going on and what will go on in the con-
sciences oi' hundreds of thousands of men, when they have
understood that all that talk about "war for freedom," etc.,
was nothing 'but mere deception; that the result of the war was
the enrichment of an inconsiderable number of people, while
all the rest were impoverished.

The bourgeois Keynes says that the English people, in order
to save themselves and to save England's economy, must insist
upon the renewal of free commercial relations between Ger-
many and Russia. But how is this to be brought about? By
means of annulling all debts, as Keynes proposes! This is the
opinion not alone of the learned economist Keynes. Millions
of people are coming and will come to this idea. Millions of
people hear the bourgeois economists say that there is no other
way out but to annul the debts, and therefore "curse the
toolsheviki" (who annulled the debts) and let us resort to the
"magnanimity" of America. ... I am of the opinion that such
an economist-agitator for Bolshevism sho.uld be handed an ad-
dress of thanks by the Congress of the Communist Inter-
national.

If on the one hand the economic conditions of the masses
ive become unbearable, and on the other hand increasing dis-
itegration has set in among the insignificant minority of the
powerful victorious countries as illustrated by Keynes, then
have, before us the ripening of both conditions making for
le world revolution.

We now have before us a somewhat more definite picture
the entire world. We know now what it means to have a
illion and a quarter of people depending upon a handful of
2h men and put under conditions making life impossible for
lem. When the constitution of the League of Nations was
;sented to the people and it was declared that the League
id put an end to the war, and would henceforth allow no one
violate the peace, and when that document had been put
ito effect, it appeared as if it were the greatest victory we
we won. Before the constitution of the League of Nations
lad been put into effect it was said that Germany must be put
under a special regime, but when the document was adopted
everything would be all right. But as soon as the constitution
of the League of Nations was published, even the most violent.

opponents of Bolshevism had to repudiate it. For by that docu-
ment an insignificant group, consisting of the richest na
l>ig Pour" riemrnceau, Lloyd George, Orlando.
Wilson— was set up to establish new world relations; but when
the machine was set going it led to complete bankruptcy. This
is evident from the wars against Russia. She, a weak, ruined,
exhausted country, the most backward of all countri'
the union of rich and powerful governments domin;>
the whole world, lias come out victorious. We could not oppose
a power anywhere equal to theirs, and still we proved vie
torious. Why? Because there was not even a shade of unity
among them, because one power was acting in opposition to the
other. France wanted Russia to pay her debts and s<
menacing force against Germany; England wanted lo divide
Russia. England attempted in seize the Baku petroleum and
!o ciip.clude treaties with Russia's neighbours. Among the
English official documents there are records enumerating with
unusual carefulness all the governments (there were about 34
of them), which promised in December, UU9, to capture .M
ami Petrograd.

On these governments England based her policy, 10 these
governments England loaned millions and millions. But all
these calculations went, to pieces and all the loans expl
Such is the condition created by the League ot Nations. This
League of Nations agreement furnishes the best agitation for
Bolshevism every day of its existence, for the mighty adh
of capitalist, "order" show how they put stumbling blocks in
each other's way upon ev«efj question. Japan, England. A
and France ;ire engaged in a mad fight over the division of
Turkey, Russia. Mesopotamia, and China. The bourgeois
in these countries is replete with the maddest attacks, the most
bitter harangues against their "colleagues" for grabbing the
rom under each others nose.

Thus we witness a complete collapse among the u |
among the lew richest countries. It is impossible for a billion
• quarter of people, making Up seventy per cent, of the
population o| the rarth. lo live in such a • wanted b\

domineering "advanced ami civilised*' rapiinlisni. One small
clique of the richest countries, namely, England, America, and
Japan, which had the opportunity of plundering the Eastern
Asiatic countries, but have no independent financial and mili-
tary power without the support of the remaining countries, were
not in a position to put economic conditions into shape, and
therefore carry on their policy in such a way as to frustrate

the policy of their partners and eoileaguea in the League or

Nations. This is what makes for the world crisis. And these
economic roots of the crisis are the prime causes of the splen-
did successes achieved by the Communist International.

HE WORLD REVOLUTION AND THE OPPORTUNISTS,

Comrades, we have now reached the question of the revolu-
tionary crisis forming the basis of revolutionary activity. Here
we must, first of all, dwell upon two widely-divergent concep-
tions. On the one hand, the bourgeois economists represent
this crisis as mere "unrest," using the euphemism of the
English. On the other hand, some revolutionists at times try to
prove that this crisis is an absolutely hopeless one.

This is erroneous. There are no conditions which can be
absolutely hopeless. The conduct of the bourgeoisie is like
that of a desperate robber who has lost his bearings. H is
committing upon blunder, aggravating the situation and hasten-
ing its own downfall. All this is true. But. one cannot "prove"
that there is absolutely no' possibility for the bourgeoisie to be-
guile this or that minority of the exploited, by means of some
concession; that it cannot, suppress this or that movement or
crush an uprising of some fraction of the oppressed and ex-
ploited. To attempt to "prove" -beforehand the "absolute" hope-
lessness is merely pedantry, mere play or ideas and phrases.
The real "proof" in this and similar questions can be derived
only from experience. The bourgeois regime all over the world

undergoing the greatest revolutionary crisis. Now the revolu-

ary parties must prove by actual deeds that they possess
cient class-consciousness, sufficient power of organisation,
sufficiently in touch with the exploited masses, have enough

ermination and efficiency to take advantage of this crisis
a successful victorious revolution.

To get this "proof" ready is the main purpose of assembling

e in the present. Congress of the Communist Intel-national.

Ramsay Macdonald, the leader of the British Independent
Labour Party, furnishes an example of the degree to which
opportunism still prevails among the parties wishing to join the
Third International, and to what extent the work of this party
remote from preparing a revolutionary class and from utilising
revolutionary crisis. In his book, "Parliament and Revolu-
," devoted to the very same fundamental question which
engages our attention at present, Macdonald presents the state
of affairs as they would be presented by a bourgeois pacifist.
He admits that the revolutionary crisis is here, that the revolu-

>g m&&af»

pathige with the Soviet power and with the dictatorship of the
proletariat (bear in mind that, this refers to England); with the
dictatorship of the proletariat rather than the present dictator-
ship of the present (bourgeoisie. Nevertheless, Macdonal i ie
mains throughout a bourgeois pacifist and middle-class reformer
cherishing the illusion of a non-class state. Macdonald recog-
nises the class struggle only as a figure of speech, just as do all
the deceivers, sophists and pedants of the bourgeoisie. Mac-
donald passes over in silence the expression of Kerensky and
the Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionists in Russia, as well
as the similar experience of Hungary, Germany, eic., in the
matter of creating a " democratic " non-class government.
Macdonald beguiles 'his party and those workers who have the
misfortune to regard him as a Socialist and a leader by the
following words: — We know that this (referring to the revolu-
tionary ferment and the revolutionary crisis) will pass, will
quiet down. The war, he says, has naturally given rise to this
crisis, but once the war is over everything will become all right
by and by.

Thus writes a man regarded as a leader of a party wishing
to join the Third International. This furnishes an unusunlly
frank and hence a very valuable exposure of what is no less
frequently to be observed among the heads of the French
Socialists, the German Independents, and the Social Democratic
parties generally, namely, not an incapability but an unwilling,-
;o utilise the revolutionary crisis in a revolutionary way.
In other words, an incapability and unwillingness to carry on
actual revolutionary propaganda in order to prepare the party
and the working class for the dictatorship of the proletariat.

This is the fundamental evil characterising many parties
which are now quitting the Second International. And this is
just why, in the propositions I advanced before the pi
Congress, I devote special attention to the question of a most
concrete and accurate definition of the problems eonc»rniiH>,
the preparation for the dictatorship of the proletariat.

One other example. A new book against Bolshevism has

appeared of late. Hooks of that kind are being published at

present in Europe and America in unusual numbers, and the

more such books are published, the stronger and the more

rapidly grows the sympathy towards Bolshevism among the

have in mind the work of Otto Bauer, "Bolshevism

locial Democracy." This book gives the German reader a

•ption of \vhat Menshevism is. whose infamous role

i& tne Ruaaiitft ravoiutiea is gufllaieatiy weii unaemaod toy the
working masses. Otto Bauer gives us a thoroughly Menshevist
pamphlet, although he conceals his sympathy for Menshevism.
But it is necessary to get a clearer conception of Menshevism
in Europe and America, for this Mensheviam is a generic con-
ception comprising all the so-called Socialist, Social Democratic
and similar tendencies hostile to Bolshevism. For us, Russians,
it would be a dull occupation to write for the European reader
about what Menshevism means. Otto Bauer has done that in
his book, and we are thankful in advance to the bourgeois
opportunist publishers who are going to publish that book and
translate it into various languages. The book of Bauer will be
a useful, though peculiar supplement to the manuals on Com-
munism. To take any paragraph or any argument of Otto
Bauer and to find out its Menshevist meaning, to discover the
roots of those conceptions that lead to the practice of traitors
of Socialism, of the friends of Kere||sky, Scheidemann, etc.,
that would be a problem which could well be made use of for
an "examination" to test a student's understanding of Commun-
ism. If you cannot solve such a problem, you are not a Com-
munist, and you had better keep away from the Communist
Party. (Cheers.)

Otto Bauer excellently expresses the essence of the views
of the opportunists all over the world in one single phrase for
which — if we had our way in Vienna — we would erect him a
monument during life. "To resort to violence in the class
snuggle in modern democracies," says Otto Bauer, "would mean
in violate the social factors of force."

Perhaps you will find this rather strange and incomprehen-
sible. This furnishes a sample of what can be done with
Marxism, for what mean ends in the defence of the exploiters
one can use the very theory of revolution. You can get a
variety of German Philistinism which will furnish you with the
"theory" that "the social factors of force" mean — number,
organisation, place and process of production and distribution,
activity and education. When 'an agricultural labourer in the
village or a working man in the city commits revolutionary
violence toward the landlord or capitalist, this is not the dicta-
torship of the proletariat, it is not violence toward the ex-
ploiters and the oppressors of the people. Not at all. It is
"violating the social factors of force."

Perhaps my 'illustration has come out rather humorous. But
such is the nature of modern opportunism, that its struggle
against Bolshevism becomes ridiculous.

The moat useful, the moat necessary thing for America and
Europe to-day is to get all the thinking elements of the working
in the struggle between international Menshev-
ism (of Macdonald, Otto Bauer and Co.) against Bolshevism,

BRIBING OF WORKERS' LEADERS.
OPPORTUNISM OUR WORST ENEMY.

Hen- \vc may ask ourselves the question, why those oppor-
tunist tendencies persist in Europe,, why opportunism is
stronger in west. ni Ku/ope than in our country. It is because
these, advanced countries have created ar.d are creating their
culture by living at the expense of thousands of millions o!'
oppressed peoples. It is because the capitalists of these coun-
tries are getting much more than what they receive from plun-
ug their own woi kers.

The umoimi of profits on (he export of capital abroad de-
rived !>> the three neh'est countries -lOugl-md. l<Yam-e, and
(lermany noi counting* other proiils, equalltd before th.
from eight to ten billions.

Of course, out of such a nice sum it is possible to throw
»\vay half a billion on gifts to labour leaders to the labour
aristocracy, and for other kinds of bribery. Indeed, the whole
affair redtic* s itself to bribery in thousands of varied shapes
and forms: the raising of the level of culture in Hit- more
thickly inhabited c« litres, the setting up of educai ional institu
lions, the creation of thousands of sinecures for eoopf
trade union, and parliamentary leaders. This is being practised
Wherever modern civilised capitalist relationships prevail,
billions of surplus value lorm the economic basis on
which opportunism in ihe labour movement rests. The per-
sisted .TtuiMsm in America, Knjrlarid. and France among
.1 i ho aristocracy of the working men is very
• to Communis! i.i

• •.I for the fact that the libel

of the Aiiier-icim labour parties IH-IM lliis Idleness will be a much

harder process than it lias been in our country. \Yo know ihal

enormous strides in the way of eurim; this disease have been

made since ihe creation of the Third International, but we have

1 the end. Tlie process of clearing the working

'he revolutionary parlies of the proletariat all

over the world fiorn bourgeois influence, from the opportunists

within their own ranks, has not nearly been completed. I shall

Upon the cnnetr!e measure:: to be adopted in this

matter. This forms th« subject of the principles advanced by
mo which have been published. My business is only to point
out the deep set economic roots of this phenomenon. The
disease of opportunism has been retarded, its cure has been
delayed longer than optimists would have expected. Opportun-
ism is our greatest foe. Opportunism in the upper ranks of the
labour movement is not proletarian but bourgeois Socialism.

It has been practically demonstrated that the leaders of the
labour movement siding with the opportunists are better de-
fenders of the bourgeoisie than are the members of the bour-
geoisie themselves. The bourgeoisie could not have maintained
itself had it not been for the work of these leaders. A proof
of this is furnished not alone by the Kerensky regime in Russia
but also by the democratic republic of Germany with its
Social Democratic government; this is also proved by the a1 ti-
de of Albert Thomas towards his bourgeois government. It
manifested by similar experiences in England and in the
United States. Here is where our greatest enemy is to be
found, over whom we must win the victory. We must leave
is Congress with the firm determination that th>

inst opportunism be brought to an issue in all parties. This
is the main problem. In comparison with this the task oi
correcting the errors of the left tendencies within the Com-
munist Party becomes a trifling mailer. We find in a number
of countries anti-parliamentary notions advanced not so much
by representatives of middle-class men as by some advanced
proletarian radicals, out of hatred towards the old parliamtM:-
tarism, out of a natural process and inevitable hatred towards
the conduct of parliamentary leaders of England, France. Italy
and other countries.

The Communist International should give the guiding in-
structions, should familiarise the comrades with Russian ex-
periences and with the actual meaning ol' proletarian politic:1.!
action. This will form our main task, ami the fight to over-
come these errors of the proletarian mo\emeni and ihese tle-
ff<-ts will be a thousand times easier than the struggle with
those bourgeois representatives who have entered t.he old
parties of the Second International in the guise of reformers,
and are directing their entire woik not in a proletarian but in a
urgeois spirit.

THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT OF THE

PROLETARIAT IN THE EAST.
Comrades, in conclusion I shall dwell upon one other phase

* • . J1J.V

The chairman hu Id thru thin

deserves to be called a world Congress. I think he Ls rlgiht.
For we have here among us not a few representatives of the
revolutionary movement of the backward colonial coumrk's.
This is only a beginning, but it is important that this beginning
has been made. A union between the revolutionary proletariat
of the advanced capitalist countries and the revolutionary
masses of those countries where there is a very small or almost
no proletariat, this union with the oppressed masses of the
colonial countries of the East has been brought about in the
present Congress. It is up to us now to make this union a
strong one, and I have no doubt we are going to do it. When
the revolutionary onslaught of the exploited and oppressed
Workers within each country, having overcome the resistance
of an insignificant number of the Philistines of their labour
aristocracy, will combine with the revolutionary onslaught of
hundreds of millions of humanity, which have hitherto been
beyond the pale of history, which have been regarded as mere
objects of exploitation — then Imperialism will have to fall. The
imperialist war has furthered the interests of the revolution.
Out of the colonies, out of the backward countries, out of isola
tion. the bourgeoisie has recruited her soldiers for the imperial-
ist war. The English bourgeoisie tried to make the Hindu
soldiers believe that it is the business of the Hindu peasant to
protect Great Britain against Germany; the French bourgeoisie
tried to make the soldiers from the French colonies believe that
it was the business of the coloured people to defend France.
They have taught them the art of war. This is an extremely
useful acquirement, for which we might be grateful to the
bourgeoisie— grateful in the name of all the Russian workers
;md peasants and particularly in the name of the Russian Red
Army. The imperialistic war has drawn the dependent nations
into iho arena of history. And one of our chief problems is to
ler how to lay the first foundation stone for the organ isa-
.1 the Soviet movement in those non-capitalist countries.

Soviets there are possible They will tot 01

workman, they will be Soviets of peasants. Soviets of toilers.

Much work will be i-eqnin-d. errors are inevitable, and many

difficulties will have in !>•• met with on thi.s road. The funda

k of Uif Second Congress is to work out or to point

oui. practical princip hnt the work which has hitherto

been going on among these hundreds of millions of people in an

inised manner should be organised, combined, systematic.

-Now. within one year alter the First Cnnpre- Com

mimist International, we are emerging victorious over the
Second International; Soviet ideas have spread not alone
among the workers of the civilised countries, not only by them
are they known and understood. The workers of all countries
ridicule the wiseacres among whom there are many who call
themselves Socialists, and who discuss in a learned or semi-
learned way the S6viet "system," as the Germans systematically
prefer to express themselves, or the Soviet idea according to
the expression of the English "guild" Socialists. These discus-
sions of the Soviet "system" or "idea" frequently dim the eyes
and the minds of the workers, but the working people sweep
away that pedantic refuse and take up the weapon furnished
them by the Soviets. The understanding of the role and the
significance of the Soviets has spread also in the countries of
the East.

The foundation for a Soviet movement has been laid all
over the East, all over Asia, among the colonial countries.

SEVENTY PER CENT. OF THE COUNTRIES OF THE

EARTH ARE BEHIND US.
FORWARD TO THE SOVIET REPUBLIC OF THE WORLD!

The idea that the exploited must rise against the exploiters
create their own councils is not a complicated one. This
, after our experience, after two and a half years of the
istence of the Soviet Republic in Russia, and after the First
igress of the Third International, has become accessible to
idreds of millions of oppressed and exploited masses all over
world. While at present in Russia we are frequently forced
make compromises, to bide our time because we are weaker
in the international imperialists are, we know at the same
that we are the defenders of the interests of a billion and
luarter of people. We are still hindered by those barriers,
those prejudices, by the ignorance which is hourly passing
iway, and, as time goes on, we are more and more becoming
representatives and the protectors of 70 per cent, of the
)ulation of the earth, of the mass of those who toil and are
ing exploited. We have reason to feel proud of the fact that
iile at the First Congress we were in reality only propa-
idists, only scattering our fundamental ideas among the pro-
iriat of the world, only sounding the call for struggle, only
cing where those people are who are capable of going our
ly, now we have with us the advanced ranks of the proletariat
jrywhere. We have a proletarian army all over the world,
although at times badly organised and requiring organisation.

If our international comrades will aid us now in the organi-
sation of a unified army, then no defects are going to prevent
us from doing our work. This is the work of the world prole-
tariat, the work of creating a world-wide Soviet Republic. (Long
continuous cheering; the orchestra plays the International.)

After Lenin's speech Comrade Zinoviev made a statement
to the effect that Lenin's speech would not be translated orally
in other languages at this session, but that a written transla-
tion of his speech will be distributed to the delegates. Com-
rade Zinoviev calls upon Comrade Rosmer.

ROSMER — In the name of the peasants and workers of
France I express my thanks for the welcome accorded to the
French delegates, which has deeply touched our hearts. It was
a happy idea to greet the delegates here in Smolny, to show
what suffering and misery the Russian proletariat has under-
gone before it achieved the victory which we are celebrating
to-day. The words of Comrade Kalinin, that it is time that the
international proletariat should prove its solidarity with the
.Russian people, have cut themselves deeply into the memory of
all present. The French workers know that they have not been
energetic enough in aiding the Russian people, partly because
they have not been well informed of the actual state of affairs,
partly because they have been deluded by malicious propa-
ganda, and partly because they have not been strong enough
to realise their desires. Now the French delegates when they
return to France will be in a position to inform the French
peasants and workers of what is going on in Russia. We pledge
ourselves to increase our efforts in making the workers and pea-
sants of France understand that the comrades here struggle and
die for the common cause of the entire world. We promise to
strive with increased energy to get the workers of France join
the ranks of the active proletarians. The French delegates
consider it their duty to greet most heartily the proletarians
of Red Pet.rograd, who have manifested unusual endurance, self-
sacrifice, and heroism in dispersing the enemy, and have earned
for themselves the special esteem of the proletarians of the
world.

I propose the following greeting to be addressed to
Petrograd proletariat: —

TO THE WORKERS OF RED PETROGRAD.

Brothers! In opening its meetings at Red Petrograd the
Second World Congress of the Communist International ad-

t-yVil

•A ft*

dresses its first greetings to you, Petrograd workmen, work-
women, Fed Army soldiers, sailors, and all workers. We,
the delegates of the labour organisations of the whole world!
consider it our duty to open the first meeting of the Congress
re in your city, as a tribute of respect and affection to the

letariat of Red Petrograd, which was the first to rise
against the bourgeoisie, and by a mighty heroic effort of
will and strength overthrow the rule of capital in one of the
most important strongholds of the bourgeois world.

The proletarians of all countries know how much you,
workers of Petrograd, have suffered during these last three
years, how you have hungered, how many lives of your best
sons have been lost at the battle fronts, defending the great
cause of Communism. The workers of all the world love
you most of all because, at the moment of the greatest
danger for Petrograd and the whole Soviet Republic you
never hesitated, but continued to defend the blood-stained
red banner with a lion-like courage, with the fearless bravery
and staunchness of Petrograd proletarians.

The Communist International says to you: The Petro-
grad Commune is worthy of the honour of continuing to
do the work of the Paris Commune, avoiding the weaknesses
and mistakes of the latter, leading the proletarian bat-
talions to victory! The Communist International is con-
vinced that the workers of Red Petrograd will in the future
remain the best detachment of the International Army of

bour.

Long live the glorious Petrograd Proletariat.

Long live the Communist International.

ZIN

OVIEV — The Congress desires to address a word of
greeting to the Red Army of the Russian Republic. Comrade
Serrati, representative of the Italian workers, has the floor.

SERRATI— In the name of the Italian Socialist Party, which
is affiliated with t!he Communist International, I greet the valiamt
Red Army, the defender of the great ideal of the world pro-
letariat. When the Great War broke out, the traitors to the
working class tried to make the Italian workers join hands with
the bourgeoisie. They propagated the idea that, when the
workers once got. hold of the rifles, they would then be able to
fight for peace and would achieve all they had been struggling
for. But the Italian Socialist Party would have nothing to do
with these social-traitors. We said that we must fight on the
side of the workers against the bourgeoisie, whether armed or

unarmed. Now the grand Red Army has proved this in r-
That army has written with golden letters in the pages of his-
tory that the rifle in the hands of the proletarian becomes a
weapon only when he knows how to use it, when he realise:^
it has to be utilised in the struggle against the bourgeoisie of
the world for the great ideal of the world proletariat. This
valiant army, which is achieving victory after victory on the
southern front against Wrangel, and on the western front
against the Poles, is not alone in its struggle; the workers of
England and of Italy, and the German sailors at Kiel, are with
it. Wherever there are proletarians they hinder the sending of
deadly weapons to the Polish front. Wherever there are workers
who refuse to serve the interest of the bourgeoisie, there are
supporters and defenders of the Red Army. May the day be
near when the proletarian Red Army shall consist not alone of
the Russian proletariat, but of the proletariat of the entire
world, when all the toilers united in their understanding of the
great ideal of Socialism will represent one great invincible
army, which will put an end once and for all to capitalism and
to all that comes with it, when the workers of the world and
the valiant Red Army men will be able finally to free them-
selves from military service, and will be able to release all the
workers from every oppression not only by means of cannon,
but by returning to peaceful labour.

In the name of this great ideal, independent of the service
already rendered the world proletariat by the Red Army, I pro-
pose in the name of all parties represented at the Communist
International that the following greeting be sent to the Red
Army and the Red Navy of Soviet Russia.

TO THE RED ARMY AND THE RED NAVY OF THE
RUSSIAN SOCIALIST FEDERAL SOVIET REPUBLIC.

Brothers! The Second World Congress <>r th<
immisl. International semis hearty gn><>iings in fin' '
the Red Navy, to each military organisation <
smallest to the largest, to you, Red soldiers and Red sailors.
to all together and to each one separately ;nnl rsprHalh
to the comrades on ihe battle fro

The workers of all the world are following with
breath your struggle against the capitalists and landov.
the Tsarist generals and imperialists. The workers of all
the world have been suffering with you in your defeats; and
now they are triumphing together with you in your victories.
The working people of the whole world saw with joy

by your leiiav efforus. you vanquished Kolchak, Deuikiu,
Yudenich, Miller, and confounded > all the intrigues of the
English and French capitalists.

The Second World Congress of the Communist Inter-
national sends warm greetings to the Red Army which at
the present moment is struggling on the western and south-
western fronts against the White Guard Polish landowners,
sent by the bourgeoisie of the Entente to strangle the
Workers' and Peasants' Russian Soviet Republic.

Brothers, Red Army soldiers, know this: Your war
against the Polish landowners is the most righteous war that
history has ever known. You are fighting not only for the
interests of Soviet Russia, but for the interests of all the
working people, for the Communist International.

The toiling masses cannot break the yoke of the rich
and destroy wage-slavery except by force of arms. You
were the first to turn your arms against the oppressors. You
have organised a well-formed any powerful Worker-Peasant
Army. You were the first to show the way to the oppressed
and exploited of the whole world. For this the proletarians
of all countries now express their gratitude.

The Communist International knows that your victories
over the enemies of the workers and peasants have been
bought at the price of immeasurable sacrifices and priva-
tions. We know that you are not sparing yourselves. We
know how many of the best sons of the Red Arniy have
given up their lives for our cause. Your heroism will never
be forgotten by history.

Know, comrades, that the Reel Army is now one of the
chief forces of world history. You are not alone. The
workers of the world are all on your side. The time is near
when there will be organised an International Red Army.

Hail to the great invincible Red Army!

Hail to the Army of the Communist International!

ZINOVIEV — The Congress wishes to address a special appeal

ihe workers of the world concerning one of our detachments

which is now in bad straits. I have in mind the Hungarian

proletariat. Comrade Steinhart, the Austrian Communist, has

the floor.

STEINHART— Comrades! It was in March of last year,
when the 'First Congress of the Communist International had
e to a close and the Eighth Congress of the Communist
y of Russia had opened 'its? sessions, that we received a

despatch here in Moscow from Comrade Bela Kun, in which
our comrades were informed that the working people of Hun-
gary had taken power into their own hands and had established
a Soviet Republic. We were all full of joy at this great event.
But at. the same time we were considering the circumstances
under which this event occurred. The Soviet Government in
Hungary was not achieved through continuous bloody class war
against the bourgeoisie, but was taken over from the bour-
geoisie without a struggle. The Hungarian comrades had as
their associates the Hungarian Social Democratic Party, known
in the International as the most backward among the Social
Democratic parties of all countries. We anxiously anticipated
what afterwards really happened. The Social Democratic
Party of Hungary began its sabotage from the very first day.
That it was allowed to join the Communist Party is a crime
for which the Communist Party is to blame. The Hungarian
Trade Unions also sabotaged; the bourgeoisie, the intellectuals,
international capital, all combined in an attack against the
Soviet Government. What had to happen happened. Menaced
by the Rumanians — these reactionary boyar brigands — threat-
ened by England's hired troops headed by Horthy, whose in-
lit my will be recorded by history, threatened from the north by
t.he Czecho-Slovaks, and not supported either by the Social
Democracy of Austria, who had been at war with us, nor by
that of Germany, the Hungarian Soviet Government had to fight
desperately from the very start. But. comrades, it was never-
theless a groat evont: for it w?.s for the first time in the history

'luinimism that a Soviet Government was established
amidst the capitalist, countries of Western Europe, in the very
camp of the enemy, which was in the eyes of the capitalists
of the west an evil to be disposed of by all means.

• atrocities now committed in Hungary are beyond any

iption; there is not an outrage that, the bands of Horthy

not committed against the working people, be they Com-
munists, or Social Democrats, or even Christian Socialists, as

•is they ;irc horny-handed: and the country is absolutely
defence!'

II is Hit- duty oi the CiMumunisi International, in this historic

place and at this extraordinarily historical hour, to raise its

voice in protest- not a protest of words, but a pro!-

might gainst the Horthy hands. Just as we have united

in an effort to prevent the delivery of

arms or any other war material to Poland, just as we

in Austria and in Germany, through our factory com-

mittees, united to prevent the transport of a single waggon
against Soviet Russia — so we must now also unite in order
tliat, together with our brethren, we may convert the Hungary
of Horthy into a Soviet Hungary, into a land of culture. We
must disperse these bands at all costs.

Comrades, I therefore ask you to accept the following appeal
the proletarians of all countries unanimously and without
scussion, and to act accordingly in all countries. For only
this is of importance, comrades.

TO THE WORKERS OF ALL COUNTRIES.
Working men and women !

At the time when Soviet Russia is vigorously repelling the
attacks of the criminal clique of Polish landlords, at the time
when a storm of indignation is raised by the workers of all
countries against the capitalist governments, at the time when
the revolutionary proletariat is building its great united labour
army at the International Communist Congress, there is one
country mourning the death of the foremost fighters of the
revolution. That country is Hungary. International capital has
brutally murdered the young Soviet Republic of Hungary. All
the forces of the old world have united in their struggle against
her ; professional assassins in generals' uniforms, Christian
priests, London bankers and the rabble of the Rumanian gentry,
the French usurers and the social traitors of all countries,
mercenaries and " civilised " " kultur " bringers. Surrounded
all sides, crushed and beaten, the Soviet Republic of Hun-
y died in terrible tortures on the Golgotha of counter-revolu-
n, to be resuscitated only with our assistance. This bestial
counter-revolution, led by the 'dregs of the officer clique of the
British mercenary Admiral Horthy, is now celebrating its hor-
rible triumph upon the corpses of the workers. There is no
brutality, no foulness or cynicism, which the unbridled govern-
ment does not manifest. Thousands of men hanged and shot,
thousands more cast into prison, assassinated and murdered,
poisoned, violated, crippled by torture — this is the kind of order
which the democratic League of Nations has instituted, with the
aid of the Second International. "Woe to the vanquished! "
said the British mercenary, and continues to execute thousands
of Communist workers. "Woe to the vanquished!" cries the
bestial landlord, and violates the working women. "Woe to the
vanquished!" — reiterates the White Guard gaoler, and fetters
those workers who still remain alive,

W<' women! At. the <

the dying Hungarian workers ring in our ears, it. is our duty
to raise our voice and stay the criminal hand of the bourgeois
executioners, whose deeds can only be compared to those of
savage cannibals.

Alarmed at their own baseness, even the heroes of the
Social-patriotic Amsterdam International of Trade Unions, those
lackeys of Capitalism, have declared a boycott of White Hun-
gary. Their commission has established thousands of the most
criminal acts of the British Government and of the whole Horthy
band. On the eve of the last decisive fight with international
far-it al. the World Congress of the Communist International, in
i ho name of millions of workers, appeals to the proletariat of
I ho whole world :

Arise like one man against the executioners of Hungary !

Make use of all means in the struggle !

Hold up all trains with war material !

Blow up all war transports intended for Hungary.'

Disarm the officers whose aim it is to kill the workers!

Disorganise by means of powerful strikes the production of

all arms and ammunition! Get your arms into your own hands!

Make all offoris by word and deed to disorganise the army of

imperialism. Surround that, country of executioners and

by an impregnable wall of hatred!

. by your indifference you serve as the assistants
of these execution-

Join the ranks of the fighters! Stand up for your proletarian

honour! Stand up for the long-suffering Hungarian proletariat!

ich. workers of Hungary! The proletariat of the

world is with you! The Communist International sends you its

"ve and fraternity!

Soviet Hungary is dead!

Hungary!

I1. '11111! me bo picture to \ou her.
Poland. The Russian workers know that, t:
volutio kineii n!' Poland wor«> in the first ranks in the

•»•;. in spite of t.h.

Of the P' (thai liberation is now

heration siner the Polish state has become the

\ olution. the '

a position Mi take advantage of this happy

The imperialist war had scattered the Polish

undredR of thousands of Polish

workers had been evacuated to Russia, and hundreds of thous-
ands more into Germany. Then those scoundrels, whose followers
consist only of middle-class elements, succeeded in getting hold
the power of government, and with the aid of the Allies
ceeded in recruiting considerable forces for war with Soviet
ussia. From the very first minute the Polish Communists
entered into a struggle against this crime, in which they have
lost many lives. You know that the invasion of Russia was
preceded by the treacherous murder of the Red Cross mission,
headed by one of our best men, comrade Veselovsky, by the
gendarmes. You have read that the atrocities committed
against Communists in Poland can be equalled perhaps only by
those of Hungary. You know that there together with the
bourgeoisie, operate Daszynski and Company — social traitors
that surpass perhaps your Mensheviks or the Scheideiuann
gang. But the hour has come when the Polish proletariat is
beginning to see things in their actual light, when the imperial-
istic delusion by which a part of the Polish workers have been
gulled is disappearing; and now, when the victorious Red Army
is advancing and destroying the power, which has ruled Poland
hitherto, we may expect that the cause of the revolution in
Poland will go ahead.

But, comrades, ours is a hard task. We must not forget
that there is a note of threat in the document of Curzon which
the Soviet Government had to decline. They may not send any
English or French troops to aid White Poland against the Polish
revolution and against Soviet Russia, but they may try to move
against us the Rumanian army, or the troops' already organised
by Noske. Perhaps hundreds of thousands of German volun-
ers will be marched to the front to fight revolutionary Poland
d Soviet Russia. We must therefore remember, comrades,
that we of the Communist. International distinguish ourselves
•from the Second International in that we are an International
not of words but of deeds. We must take steps now that this
criminal war should come to a speedy end. Then I have no
doubt that the hosts of the bourgeoisie that, are now threatening
us will end like all defeated armies have ended up to now.
When the Russian, German and Austrian armies suffered defeats
they became revolutionary. The same thing will, happen in
Poland, and then the Polish Soviet Republic will triumph.
But for this consummation we will still have to struggle. We,
Polish Communists, swear to you that we will not give up tho
fight, and we request your support, comrades.

ZINOVfKV The Congress proposes to issue a political
nianitY-yfo on the important question. I shall soon grant the
floor for a motion on this subject to comrade Levi, delegate of
the German Communists.

LEVI — Comrade Serrati has just expressed in ardent words
sentiments which the European proletariat, as well as the prole-
tariat, of the whole world, feels towards the Russian proletariat.
Your reply was an enthusiastic approval of these words, and
I must say that I am surprised that you still express approval
when the sentiments of the European proletariat are in question,
as the sentiments of the European proletariat towards the Rus-
sian Revolution and the Red Army have been the same for
some time past. Nevertheless, in spite of all sentiments, the
European and the G-erman proletariat in their time put Russia
under the yoke of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty. The German
proletariat overran the Baltic provinces and suppressed the
revolution in the Ukraine and the South of Russia. But the
moment has now come for the German and the European pro-
letariat to prove that it is capable of assisting the Russian
Revolution by all means in its power, and not alone by senti-
im-ntfi and sympathies.

Just at this very moment the Russian Army is approaching
ever nearer to Warsaw. Here in Poland will the Russian Army
for the first time face European Imperialism. Those whom they
have till the present time been defeating — Denikin, Yudenich,
and Kolchak — were only its assistants. At the present moment
European Imperialism has rallied around Poland, as generally
speaking Poland cannot be said to be the erring servant of the
.<i.e, but to be the advance-guard detachment of European
Imperialism. We shall have here to measure our strength; and

uropean proletariat will have to show here the measure
in which they understand this, and are able not only to defeat
the Polish bourgeoisie in Poland, but also European capitalism,
to deal it blow upon blow until it is finally and completely
beaten. This will ho the first step of the general attack, and
in this iho international proletariat will have to take an active
puri. \v»' therefore submit to you from this Congress', upon
which the eyes of tin- proletariat, of the entire world is con-

uako tin- following appeal.
Thi " to which we summon the proletarians of

• •rid, and "Russia expects that every man will do his duty."

(Reads the Appeal.)

45
TO THE WORKING MEN AND WOMEN OF THE WORLD:

" The Second Congress of the Communist International is
assembling at a moment when White Guard Poland, the strong-
hold of capitalist world reaction, is collapsing under' the power-
ful blows of the Red Army of the Russian Workers and
Peasants. That which was so ardently desired by all the revo-
lutionary men and women workers of the world has taken place.

The Russian workers and peasants have engaged in as relent-
struggle against White Poland as they formerly did to
crush the Russian counter-revolution, and the armies ol' Yu-
denich, Kolchak and Denikin. The Polish landlords and capi-
talists rejected the honest and conciliatory peace-offers of Soviet
Russia; they did this in the full hope of the aid of international
capital, and in full confidence that Soviet Russia had exhausted
all its power in the struggle against the counter-revolution.
They threw their armies against Soviet Russia, and now- find
themselves confronted with a stupendous military defeat.

Their armies have swept back in panic from the Ukraine
and from White Russia, and are being pursm-d by the troops
of Soviet Russia. Aggressive International Capital and the
Polish landlords and capitalists have raised a clamour thai
Poland is in mortal danger.

They are nowT making appeals to the governments of i In-
capitalist countries, requesting as speedy help as possible in
order to save European culture from the barbarians of the
Russian Revolution. The English Government, which armed
the Poles in their criminal crusade against Soviet Russia, to-
gether with her Allies, refused to restrain Poland, at the lime
when, on the 3rd April, Soviet Russia proposed to begin negotia-
tions at London. We now see that this capitalist England is
-ing a new attack by all the Alfies. unless Soviet Russia
consents to conclude an armistice with the Poles who math- ;i
raid upon Russia. The leaders of world capital who are
ing like pawns the fates of nations, are now appearing in the
role of defenders of the independence of Poland. The French
Government which only in the year 1917 was ready to leave
Poland to the Tsarist Government of Russia, provided that that
government would recognise the claims of France to the left
bank of the Rhine; the British Government, which many times
during the war made confidential declarations through its agents
to the German Government to the effect that it would hand over
Poland to the Central Empires on the understanding that Ger-
lialism would clear out of Belgium, where it would
toe a menace to England: all these dealers in human flesh and

blood have now raised a hue and cry that Soviet Russia is

menacing the independence of Poland, and under this cry are

trying to create public sentiment all over the world, to make

possible a new crusade against. Russian workers and peasants.

Working men and women of all countries! there is no need

lo explain to you thai Soviel Russia entertains not the least

with regard to the Polish people. Soviet

,i stood up for the independence of Poland at Brest in

face of the executioners of the Polish nation, in face of General

Hoffman and Besseler. Soviet Russia was prepared to conclude

h the Polish capitalists, and in order to attain

it not only recognised the independence of

Poland, but even offered to Poland extensive frontier provinces.

has in her ranks thousands of splendid Polish

.fighters. Soviet Russia is closely connected with the Polish

\vorking masses by dozens of years of common struggle. As

Soviet Russia is concerned, the self-determination of the

Polish nation is the sacred and inviolate right of that, nation,

if not even a single soldier stood up for the defence of Poland

!il I'eiii a in 'ho properly of the Polish people.

And ihe Polish people would be able freel\ in deride iis own
iny.

Bui so lonr, as Poland is ruled by a clique which has drawn
hor into a criminal adventure, so long as the Entente capitalists
ipphir.ji Poland, with arms. Soviet Russia is in a s1

Should Soviet Russia allow th< White

hould Sovit i Russia ime ihem ihe oppor-
tunity of restoring Ibeir braien army and once more equipping
it with the aid of ihe Entente thai will lead to ill.

•ing awa\ • sons from Ihe plough and from tho-

!:>> front for a nev, e war.

i and women! The fuel that . ialist

ihe cry of menace to the independence

,and, in order in PI •

one ihiii remble, 6

iheir domination, of their univi"
ollapsing.

•and fall U blows

lid the Polish wo:

•istrian

will find from

> will be followed by the workers of
Mist rabble rai

ma* «i#t your subjection, your enslavement, working men aad
women, will be substituted by liberation from capitalist slavery.
IT Is the task of the proletarians of all countries to prevent the
governments of England, France, America and Italy from giving
help to the Polish White Guards. Proletarians of the Entente
countries! — Your governments will mislead you as formerly :
they will swear, as before, that tJiey are giving no assistance
to Poland. It is your duty to stand guard at all ports, at all
frontiers, and to take care that, not a single steamer with pro-
ducts and ammunition be sent to Poland. Be on guard! Do
not be deceived by false directions as to ihe destination of Tin-*
transports. They are likely to be sent lo Poland by roundabout
ways. Wherever your governments fail ro concede to your
protests, call strikes, use violence, and in no case assist any
longer the Polish landlords and capitalists to murder your
Russian brothers.

Workers of Germany! When White-Guard Poland falls, the
capitalists of the Allied countries will conclude peace with the
German generals and with the German capitalists; they will
assist them to equip a large mercenary army, and this army
will crush the German proletariat and turn Germany into a base
for the struggle against Soviet Russia. The capitalists of the
Allied countries will not hesitate before converting Germany
into a heap of ruins and to make of it an outcast in the struggle
against Soviet Russia and against Soviet Poland. Working
men and working women of Germany! the hour has come when
you can fulfil that which you have promised many a time
during your great demonstrations, that is to say, you can now

:ake the part of your Russian brothers and fight for your liberty
>ther with them. Do not permit any attempt to give assist-

ince to White-Guard Poland on your territory; do not allow
new recruiting of fresh mercenaries. Keep a sharp look out

|>on all the trains proceeding eastward; take great care of
hat is going on in Dantzig, and do everything that the cir-
imstances demand. Let not a single carriage, not a single
?ssel, not a single steamer pass through Germany into Poland!
rorkers of all countries! Remember!
White-Guard Poland is the enemy of the moment, li is the
j^oblem of the present moment to crush this enemy. Workers
of all countries! Remember! Now is not the time to be
swayed by the delusive speeches of the traitorous and irresolute
labour leaders, now is not the time to be influenced by deceitful,
government promises. Now it is necessary to act; it is neses-
sary to gather all force in order to blockade Poland. I

UUJ II-

take
toget
ance

accessary to manifest by deed* the solidarity of the universal

proletariat with Soviet Russia.

Working men and women! your solidarity with Soviet Russia
means at the same time solidarity with the Polish proletariat.
The Polish proletariat has been constantly righting under the
guidance of the Communist Party against the war with Soviet
Russia. The Polish prisons are filled with your Polish brothers,
the Communists of Poland. The defeat of the Polish White
Guards evokes the greatest delight and enthusiasm in the h«-an.s
of the Polish workers. The strike wave in Poland is growing.
The Polish workers make every endeavour to utilise the defeat
of their exploiters in order to deal the final blow to their weak-
ened class enemy, so as to unite with the Russian workers for
a common struggle of liberation.

The blockade of Poland is a direct aid in the struggle of
emancipation of the Polish workers. This is the road to libera-
tion of Poland from the chains with which she is bound to the
chariot of the victorious capitalists of London and Paris; it is
a direct aid towards realising the establishment of an indept-n-
ilent republic of the Polish workers and peasants.

The Second World Congress of the Third Communist Inter-
national sends to you the following appeal: (iet out into the
; and show to your governments that you will allow no
kind of assistance to White Guard Poland, that you will permit
no intervention in the affairs of Soviet Russia. Cease all work,
suspend all traffic; you will see that the capitalist clique of
iountry, in spilt- of your protests, is preparing a new
against Soviet Russia. Let not a single train, not a
single steamer be allowed to proceed 1o Poland. Show that,
proletarian solidarity exists in deeds, and not only in words.

Lung live Soviet Russia! Long live the Red Army of the

ii workers ami peasants! 1 >own with White Cuanl

i>»\vn with Intervention! Long Jiw S«>\JH

I'pon this the voting on the appeals is taken, and (.hey are
ted.

SECOND SESSION.

MOSCOW, JULY 23rd, 1920.

LENIN — I declare the session open, and call upon Comrade
Serrati to read the standing orders.

SERRATI (reads the standing orders) — (1) The plenary
Sessions of the Congress are held from 2 to 6 in the morning
and from 6 to 9 in the evening.

(2) The Chief Speaker has one hour- for his report and 30
minutes at the conclusion of the general discussion.

(3) The same length of time is allowed to the second re-
rter.

(4) To speak on the order of business, the floor is given for
two minutes, and one can speak on the order of busin^a only
once.

(G) A delegate can have the floor to speak on any question

I'y iwice — the first time for ten minutes, the second for flve.
(6) The floor must be asked for in writing.
(7) The roll-call can be demanded only by three delegations
"ing full vote in the Congress.
(8) Every motion, even on the order of business, must be
sented to the Bureau in writing in one of the two official
languages. The floor will be given to the mover of the motion

(ly after he complies with this formality.
The agenda proposed by the Bureau is as follows : —
(1) The Role and Structure of the Communist Puny bH'on-
d after the Workers have won the State Power.
(2) Trade Unions and Shop Committees.

k(3) The question of Parliamentarism.
(4) The National and Colonial Questions.
(5) The Agrarian question.
(6) Attitude towards the New Tendencies of the "Centre"
rties which pretend to accept the Communist Platform and
the Conditions of Admission to the Third International.

(7) Constitution of the Communist International.

(8) The question of Organisation (legal and illegal organi-
sations, Women's organisations, and so forth).

(9) The Movement of the Youth.

(10) Elections.

(11) Miscellaneous.

JOHN RisJED (Communist Labour Party of America) — i& tat
name of 29 delegates, I demand a change In the order of busi-
ness. We propose that the question of Parliamentarism be
taken before the question of Trade Unions and Shop Com
mittees. This is an essential point for us of the Western coun-
tries. It is necessary to have a full discussion on the Trade
Union question, and much time is needed for the translation
•and study of the material that has bearing on it, and also to
prepare amendments on the subject. I demand that during the
discussion on this subject the English language be made one ol
the official languages. I have here a list of more than forty
delegates who understand English. There are, for example,
many more delegates who understand English and no French,
than those who understand French and no English.

SERRATI— In the name of the Bureau, I ask that -Heed'*
proposition be rejected. The comrades who demand to-day that
the Trade Union question be made the third question in the
order of business formerly demanded that it be taken up before
other questions. The Executive Committee knew the argu-
ments Comrade Reed advances for his proposition when it fixed
the order of business submitted. As to the English language
being made the official language, that would complicate .very
much the discussion. Besides, the English comrades can speai
English while on the floor, and they have all facilities to have
the speeches translated. This decision has been dictated by
our desire to conduct the discussion as rapidly as possible.

(Reed's motion is put to the vote, and it is rejected by an
overwhelming majority, against fourteen votes.)

ZINOVIEV— Unfortunately, I have to speak upon a ra
complicated question in a language I have not full command of.
There are exhaustive theses on the subject, in all four
languages, and I can therefore limit my present remarks to
some of the most important points ot these th<

We are living at a time when all values are being re-esii
mated, and when, in some circles, the question also is raised
as lo the pan played by, and even as to the necessity for, a
party. It is strange that even in the working class of the ad-
vanced countries- -England, America, France—quite strong cur-
are noticeable, which not only do not understand, but
directly deny the part to be played by their own political party.
perhaps tin* most characteristic fact in this complicated
situation thai such a question is raised at all. I see here the
culminating point of ihe crisis which the Labour movement and
*ori;< I ism havr passed through during the war. It is in ronse-

qaence of this crisis and of the bankruptcy of the Second Inter*-
national, that at the present moment this question is raised
at all in quite wide circles, and frequently in quite an acute
form. You know that many comrades who call themselves
Communists, and who are in contact with the movement of the
masses, srill misunderstand or deny the necessity of a party.
We find the fullest expression of their view in Comrade Panne-
koek's pamphlel on the subject, which we have printed and will
distribute to-day or to-morrow. You find in this pamphlet actual
fetishism of the masses; and an attempt is made to put the
masses in place of the party, as such. I think Pannekoek's
pamphlet is, with regard to this question, the -best means of pro-
paganda against the group which, as for instance, the Com-
munist Labour Party of Germany and Pannekoek himself does
not understand and denies the part played by the party.

What the Communist Party is I have explained in my theses.
The Communist Party is a part of the working class, the most
advanced, the most class-conscious, and therefore the most re-
volutionary part. One may say against this: "It should be so,
but it is not always so." And this is true. Some parties which
belonged to the Second International have followed such politics,
1 ave developed backward so much that, in reality, not the best,
the most class-conscious part of the working class belongs

it. And still I believe that we must insist that the Com-
munist Party in its development will organise the best and the
most class-conscious part of the working class.

We believe it is impossible, in this respect, to oppose the
"Party" to the masses. One cannot oppose the head to the en-
tire body; one cannot oppose the right hand of a man to his
body. And the Party is really the head of the working class.
The Communist Party is the right hand of the proletariat in its
struggle for emancipation.

In the Russian Revolution we saw masses by the thousand,
by the million. We were working in close contact with them,
at every turn. We suffered defeats with them; we gained vic-
tories with them. But we observed at every turn that the
masses of workers could only act successfully when they had
among them a powerful organised party which showed them the
way. The comrades who take a stand against the necessity of
a party consider themselves sometimes as the Left opposition.
In my opinion this is not the case. It is not an opposition from
the Left but just the other way.

This sentiment against the party is the expression of the
still lingering bourgeois influence upon the proletariat The

UCl

K1
!

capitalists drink wine and preach water to the proletariat.
Every good bourgeois when he gets to be twenty years old be-
comes a member of a political party. Yet he comes to the
workers with the propaganda of "non-partisanship," and he
quite frequently catches working men on this hook. Even now,
after three years of revolution, we can state that even in Russia
a rather large part of the working class can still be caught on
this hook.

It is a well known method of the capitalists to preach non-
partisanship to workers. They cannot come to the workmen
and say to them: "Come into our capitalist party." The work-
men will not follow them. Therefore, they put up a theory
which tells the workers : "You need no party — you can be satis-
fied with the unions and societies — for a political party, you
have not brains enough."

And, since the capitalist class has in its hands great means
of propaganda, such as schools, press, art, parliament, etc., it
has managed to prejudice a considerable part of the working
class against the idea of a party, and to inject into their minds
the false idea that a working man needs no party.

The elements of the working class, which take a stand
against the idea of a party, and imagine that they take a stand
to the Left, do not understand what is happening; and they
repeat what the capitalists, through their apparatus in the
course of decades, have been stuffing them with.

And another thing. The comrades who believe now that it
ruble, in such an epoch, to fight without a party, show that
they really do not understand and have a wrong idea of the re-
volutionary epoch. If they understood that we have really
reached the epoch of most stubborn and violent class struggles,
then they would realise before anything else that, in such an
epoch we need a general staff, a centralised party. It is clear
that when the Second International collapsed, when quite a
number of parlies, with the German Social Democratic Party
and the French Party at their head, acted in a way to fill the
workers with bitter disappointment, that, in such an hour, quite
a number of working men would get the idea that it was the
general idea of a party that was bankrupt. It is often said that
it was the idea of a party, as such, that was bankrupt in this
wer this in Section 4 of the theses, as follows: —

"The rommunist International is firmly convinced that the

collapse of the old Social-Democratic parties of the Second

International cannot be represented as the collapse of the pro-

in gem- nil. The period of open struggle for the

dictatorship of the workers has created a new proletarian party
— the Communist Party."

And this we maintain also with regard to those revolutionary
Syndicalists, and to the comrades of the I.W.W., and of the
Shop Steward Committees, whom we regard as our friends and
brothers, but who have taken an erroneous stand in this matter.
The bankruptcy of the social patriotic parties and of the Second
International does not mean the bankruptcy of the party system.
One could turn the tables and say to the Syndicalists that, since
Legien and the so-called independent, "free," yellow Trade
Unions of Germany, and the French Syndicalists with Jouhaux
at their head have become bankrupt. But we do not therefore
say that the very idea of trade unionism is bankrupt. Neither
can we say that, since the Second International and a numiber of
political parties have become bankrupt, that this signifies the
bankruptcy of the party idea. The "left" muddle-head Ruhle has
recently made a solemn declaration that, together with bourgeois
democracy, must also fall to the ground the party idea. This,
of course, is nonsense. The Soviet system does not exclude the
existence of a proletarian party; on the contrary, it presupposes
a proletarian party; but, of course, one made up of different stuff
than that of the Social Democratic Parties of the Second Inter-
national; a real Communist Party, which organises the choice
elements of the working class, and thus leads the entire work-
ing class to victory.

On investigating the causes of this negation of the party, we
find them to be as follows: (1) The deepest cause lies in the
influence of the bourgeois ideology to which we are still sub-
ject. With regard to this question, it lies in the fact that we
have accepted what the bourgeoisie has been preaching to us
for decades, namely, that the working men can be without a
party, that there is no need for a political party, and that the
Trade Unions alone are sufficient. It is nothing but a conces-
sion to bourgeois ideology. (2) The second cause lies in the
fact that, during the epoch of the Imperialist war, a number of
parties betrayed the cause of the working class.

We say to our comrades of the Syndicalist ranks, of the
I.W.W., and of the Shop Steward Movement, that the charac-
' teristic sign.of the times is not the negation of party. The sign
of the times in which we live, in which the struggle is becoming
ever fiercer, ever more stubborn, is that we must declare that
the old parties have suffered shipwreck. Down with them!
Long live the new Communist Party which must now organise
under new conditions!

This is analogous to the case of Parliamentarism. The
treachery committed by a number of Social Democratic parlia-
mentarians has put a great part of the working class in opposi-
tion to parliamentarism as a principle. But it is becoming clear
that the new epoch must show new figures in the bourgeois par-
liaments as well. It will bring to light comrades who will step
forward as fighters; and, by their activity, will show the work-
ing class that, even in the bourgeois parliaments, there can be
real Communists, that even there it is possible to render valu-
able service to the proletariat, as Karl Liebkneoht has done. We
must prove it not only by verbal propaganda, but by deeds. A
number of parties are proving by their activities that it is pos-
sible to build a really Communist Proletarian Party. We say in
our theses to the Syndicalists: "The propaganda against the
necessity of an independent party, which the Revolutionary
Syndicalists and the supporters of the Industrial Workers of the
World are carrying on, has practically contributed and is con-
tributing towards the support of the bourgeoisie and the counter-
revolutionary Social Democrats." In their propaganda against a
Communist Party, which they seek to replace only by the union
or by some kind of shapeless universal union, the Industrialists
and the Syndicalists come into close touch with the avowed
opportunists. The Russian Mensheviki preached for a number
of years, following the defeat of the revolution of 1905, the idea
of a so-called Labour Congress which was to replace the revolu-
tionary party of the working class. The Labourites of all de-
scriptions, in England and in America, preach to the workers
the formation of shapeless workmens' societies instead of politi-
cal parties, while at. the same time they practice in reality
purely capitalist politics. The Revolutionary Syndicalists ;m<l
the Industrialists wish to fight against the dictatorship of the
bourgeoisie, but they do not know how. They do not realise
that the working cfkss without, an independent political party
is like a body without a head.

Revolutionary Syndicalism and Industrialism are a step for-
ward, only in comparison with the old, decayed, counter-revolu-
tionary ideas of tho Second International. But, in comparison
with revolutionary Marxism, i.e., Communis-m, they make a step
backwards. The declaration made by the Left K.A.P.D. (Com-
munist Labour Party of Germany) at its inaugural congress,
that they are organising a party which would be "no party in
iditional sense of the term," was a capitulation before the
onary views of Syndicalism and Industrialism.

Some of my good friends, Revolutionary Syndicalist!*, have

said 10 me: "We will do everything you propose; we will lead
the working class against the bourgeoisie; we will establish the
Soviet Government: but all this will be done by our unions.
What do we want the party for?" I ask these friends : "If it is
true that you wish to establish a Soviet Government, then you
must immediately have a programme for that government; you
must have a programme on the agrarian question; on internal
and foreign policy; you must explain to us your attitude to-
wards the small land-holder; you will have to tell us how you
are going to build an army; what your policy is going to be on
the public school question, etc. The moment you begin to for-
mulate and define exactly your position with regard to all these
questions, you begin to transform yourselves into a party.'*

The same thing we say to our non-partisan working men in
Russia. We have in Russia many thousands of workers who
still remain outside of the Party ranks, but who, nevertheless,
support and follow us. We organise conferences of such non-
partisan workers, we discuss with them all complicated pro-
blems ; we say to them : "We must solve the food problem, the
question of the war with Poland; we must find a solution to the
agrarian problem, to the public school question. Do you wish to
consider these questions with us? If you do, let us discuss them.
When we have found the answers to all these questions together,
we will have worked out the greater part of the programme of
the Communist Party." If you wish to get the best elements
organised you must have an organisation, and the organisation
is the Communist Party.

The same thing we must say to those whom we yesterday
admitted into our ranks, having granted them the right of vote,
and who will, and must, advance towards Communism. We
must say to them that, in order to find the easiest and quickest
road to victory, we must have a strong class-conscious party,
which, when the fight is on, will not have to work out our pro-
gramme and gather around itself the most class-conscious
elements of the working class during the stress of the battle;
but will do it now, day by day, so that the Party can absorb the
best elements when the decisive hour strikes. The members of
our Party must be the best men in every industry. They will be
in the minority at first; (but since they have a clearly defined
programme, since they are the best men, since they are known
among the working people, they will, when the right hour comes,
become immediately the leaders of the masses. The struggle
that is coming is a gigantic one, and no one can tell now
what its dimensions will be. Only now we feel the extent of the

battle which we have to fight out. Not shapeless Labour Unions,
which live from hand to mouth, 'but the Party is what we need
most, the Party which comprises the best elements of the work-
ing class, who have been organised for years, who have formed
the nucleus, and who will point out to the 'working class the
right road. The task is to organise the advance guard of the
working class, who will really be in a position to lead the

s in this struggle. In this fight we cannot do without a

;1 staff; we must create it, meaning that we must organise
at once the best elements of the working class.

It is clear that those comrades, who are opposed to the for-
mation ol a party, sometimes entirely unconsciously base their
not upon the epoch of merciless struggle, but upon the
old graceful epoch when everything was done for the purpose

•paganda and that of a poor sort, They do not realise that
propaganda must, of course, form now also a great part of our
party activity; it is, nevertheless, not the only part; that now,
when the civil war is on, action is required; that revolutionary
deeds arc required day by day, hour by hour; and that, there
fore, we cannot do anything with colourless organisations which
do not yet know to-day, themselves, what tliey are going to say
to-morrow regarding the burning questions of proletarian policy.
V\> cannot go into this struggle without a general staff; we
must create it; and .that means to immediately organise the best
part of the working class.

Vv'e must have a party, but what kind of a party? We must
say here quite clearly what we must say to the elements to the
right from u«. We need no such parties as those of the Second
International, or such as some of the parties of the, centre still
are. Such parlies play objectively a reactionary role. It is clear
ilia! the (Jrnn.-ui Social Democratic Party, for example, has not
only not been revolutionary, but has played, and is still playing
today, a directly counter-revolutionary role. Must I prove it?
I think it is entirely superfluous. It is evident that the struggle
of the working clans in Germany is meeting now with such great
difficulties just because there existed such a large and well-
but middle class Social Democratic Party.
\Ve need no such parties as wish to pursue further the worst
traditions of the Second International; we need no parties which

mate;! h\ the simple principle of getting into their ranks
the greatest possible number of members, parties which degene-

:iito petty bourgeois parties, and in which the aristocracy
of labour is organised, and in which the labour bureaucracy fre-
quently becomes a dominant caste pursuing its own selfish

interests. We want no such parties in which, for instance, dur-
ing election campaigns, candidates are put up who only yester-
day joined the party. We want no such parliamentary repre-
sentation in which there are 46 professors and 45 attorneys, or
more; where we feel constrained to exclaim in despair: "45
attorneys! Proletarian Revolution, thou art betrayed!"
(Applause.) We want no parliamentary representatives like
those in Germany, or in Italy, who in the most decisive hour
line up with the bourgeoisie, or will stand mid-ways and will
sabotage our struggle. We must carefully examine the social
composition of our parties. We must see that no anti-proletarian
elements get into our ranks. We must strive to have really
proletarian parties.

It is no wonder that a large number of workers, not of the
worst kind, workers who take the class struggle seriously and
are willing to fight against the capitalist class, are in such a
confused state of mind when they see such a party as the Ger-
man party, such representatives in Parliament as those in the
Italian Parliament is already nearly reached. The working
people are for Communism, for the revolutionary political
struggle, but in Parliament such a man as Turatti, who has
carried on petty bourgeois politics for decades and is now carry-
ing it on, is still speaking in the name of the working class.
It is natural, under such circumstances, that currents directed
against the party develop. The same is true in Germany with
regard to the Independents, whose representatives in Parliament
include such a man as Henke, who says essentially the same
thing as Scheidemann, only using a little different phraseology.
It is comprehensible why there too there are good working men
who say, "It is better to have no party at all than to have such
a. party." They are, however, drawing a wrong conclusion when
they say it is better to have no party at all than such a party.
And we say: No, if this or that party is bad, we must at all
costs build a good party. We must first organise ourselves as a
minority and then work step by step to get the elite of the
working class to join our ranks.

So that, when we are asked what kind of party we must
have, we must say that there are a number of parties that .even
wish to join the Third Intel-national, but which are samples of
what a Communist Party should not be. In such a case we
must at once sound the alarm, get the better elements of the
working class on their feet, and see to it that by means of a
cleaning, or by splitting it when necessary, a real Communist
Party is built up.

one tiling more I should like to add to the question oi the
kind of pa • Mnt. In this connection I must touch in a

general way on the problem of organisation. What kind of

• in we want from the standpoint of organisation? In i
particular case we must adapt ourselves to given conditions.
There are cases when we have to deal with purely international
matters, but at tinn-,s we must conform our activity to national
condition?. 1 shall not deal with concrete cases.

There are tendencies opposed to the principle of strict party
centralisation. In some circles the necessity of party organisa-
tion in general is denied; in others it is admitted that a party
is necessary, but there is opposition to a centralised party with
an iron discipline. This opposition comes not only from the
ranks of the intellectual revisionists, but also from the I.W.W..
and representatives of the Shop Stewards. Let us now consider
the question in general. Do we need a centralised party or not?
\periences of the Russian Revolution are frequently re-
ferred to. The true experiences of the Russian Revolution show
ih;-; had we not possessed a centralised, military, strictly dis-
ciplined parf>. which we have been organising during a period
of twenty years, we would have been beaten many times by
now. This is the experience of the Russian Revolution; this
is the lesson which every worker in Russia has learned, and
which every member of our party will recite to you; this is
what we have learned.

We must bear in mind the full meaning of civil war and not

take the matter lightly. Civil war is not an easy matter.

especially when it has to be carried on for one, two, or three

when tens of thousands of comrades have to be sent to

nnl, where thousands of them get killed, when heavy

sacrifices have to be imposed on the members of the Party.

\vhen decisions of great moment must be made within twenty-four

hours, or even within twenty-four minutes, when the absolute

confidence of the workers must be had in order to accomplish

anything at. all. The fact that we are in the midst of a gigantic

struggle, and that the hour has struck when we have turned

•) against the bourgeoisie, leads us to declare. no»

only nationally but internationally, that, there is need of a party

which is disciplined and organised along military lines. This is

the kind o anon we need. We must learn from the

in this respert. and realise that ihe ronditions 8

bat, in order m \\in the fight, we mus't. h =

l organised and disciplined organisation/ In

>it the constitution of the Communist International,

we have to deal with this matter more in detail, and discuss
these questions from an international standpoint.

The view is also expressed frequently among some comrades
tli at as long as we live under the bourgeois regime, and have
not yet taken the power into our own hands, we may perhaps
need a party; but, as soon as we have gained the victory, then
we no longer want any Party. I have heard some good German
-comrades express that view, and I wish to refer again to the
experiences of the Russian Communist Party. The role of our
Party has not diminished but has, on the contrary, risen and
grown from day to day, even since we conquered the power and
formed our government. At no time has the role of our party
been so great as just now, after we have won the victory. All
questions are, in reality, under the control of the Party. As a
matter of fact, men like Kautsky say to us : "You have estab-
lished the dictatorship of the Party instead of the dictatorship
of the proletariat." If this is said to our discredit, it is entirely
off the mark. We have established the dictatorship of the pro-
letariat because the dictatorship of the Communist Party is the
expression of the dictatorship of the proletariat. (Applause.)
Our party is not to be compared with other parties consisting
of lawyers. Our party is composed of 600,000 to 700,000 of the
best workers, the vanguard of the working class. It is evident
that the business of the working class should be managed by
its best elements. Consequently ,the dictatorship of the prole-
tariat is, at the same time, also the dictatorship of the Com-
munist Party. It is a good thing for the proletarian revolution
that the control and the purification of the organisation is in the
hands of the party. The significance of the Party after the
yictory does not only not diminish, but on the contrary, it
increases.

The ' Soviet idea has now become prevalent among almost
all the workers of the world. Half-consciously and half-uncon-
sciously, the working class adherer to the belief that humanity
has come to the Soviet system. This is true. But sometimes
this gives rise to the idea that, so long as we have Soviets,
we no longer need any Party; that the Soviets should take the
place of the Party; that the Party should dissolve itself in the
Soviets. It should "adapt" itself to the Soviets. In this regard
also we must refer to the experiences of the first victorious
Proletarian Revolution: In 1917 we had Soviets in Russia
which were opposed to Labour politics during eight months,
but we won them over because we had an energetic and deter-
mined Party organisation. And, for the sam« reason, the influ-

•itmumism has now become so strong in the Soviets.
's do not take the place of the Party, but, on the
conn-;. presuppose it. The Communist Party forms the

motive ].o • important part,— the head, 1he b

of tin- Soviets. We want to say to the com
when , but also when w« them

ust, ai. the same time, possess a Communi
will keep on growing from day to day.

'he following objection is advanced:
'.• comprise almost all the working class, while the •
contains .only a minority of them, and it will always be so."
This is not nue. The situation will not remain so. During

Vcond Internaional it was ireqn>
i.\ of the wor! would never com<

nks of ihe Social-I >e mocra t ic Party. It was true then.
So long as the power is in the hands of the bourgeois-
long as the bourgeoisie is in possession of the press, of the
school, of the parliament, and the arts, just so long is the
r part of the working ('lass lost for us, owin.i; to the
< of the bourgeoisie and of its agents, beguiling them
into tin- K-ouvgeiiis cramp. Tli ooils for U

: but. after the press bec.om<

-.ion of the working cla. ihe schools and th<

have got into the- workers' hands, then Hie hour will CO
and it is not so far disiant when large groups of the working
will join tlu- Party, and when ihe majority of the working
will be organised within our ranks; for. you will ol
ihe ourlook has now unite changed. We shall need the Part\

w«- have ;,<'t our Soviets.

ailed "classical" Ihrei !o!d division of the; \\ork

ing class Party, Trade i ad Co-operatives Is no l<

ai'i'licahle. A new division is to b(> made today, nan

industrial Unions, ('"'haps there will be modifiea-
• \v I onus will arise, perhaps some revolution will

in this division; but, in so far a
to-day, in so far as the Russian involution fun

e present division is just this- Communist Party,
Soviets, ;.nii Trade Unions. We must propagate Communi

f'nions. in the Party organisations, and in the Parlia
Hut the guiding lorr<>. the spirit of the. whole movement.

Government nor the revolutionised Trade

take the place ol the Party. Perhaps some will say

•arty is needed at a time when the Trade Unions are

yellow, It becomes unnecessary when the labour organisations
are good, when they are revolutionary. This, however, is not
so. When the labour organisations are revolutionary, when
they are thoroughly, consistently Communistic, as is the case
in our country, then we especially need the Party. The I.W.W.
gives us a graphic picture of Communism after the workers'
victory. They picture to themselves the entire matter in the
form of a central labour organisation with a number of unions
grouped around it, Very well. But by what means are they
going to win the power? How are they going to form a Red
Army? It is evident that no proletarian revolution can be
accomplished without the Red Army. Are they going to organ-
ise a red army of metal workers, a parallel red army of textile
workers, and so forth; and a general staff of all the red armies
of these labour organisations? This is, of course, impossible.
Neither can we solve the food supply question on such a basis.
We must have a State organisation which can be directed only
by the Party, for a political organisation of the State can be
only such in which the best elements of the working class of
the entire State are organised. We now have in Russia labour
organisations which stand close by our side. But it has not
always been so. Preceding the October Revolution, the Trade
Unions were in the hands of the Mensheviki. In the beginning
of the July period the Mensheviki controlled a majority in them.
We formed Communist fractions within the unions, and now we
have the greatest majority of them with us. But in spite of all
that the role of the Party has not diminished; but, on the con-
trary, it has become even more prominent, for these labour
organisations, being Communist, have put themselves at the
disposal of the Party. It could not be otherwise. This con-
ception was advanced by Marx when he said that the assertion
that a party deals exclusively with political questions and the
Trade Unions with economic questions was wrong. The Com-
munist Party, according to the Marxian conception, is an organ-
isation dealing with all sides of all questions, without any ex-
ception. The Party should be the guiding spirit of the Soviets,
of the Trade Union, of the School, of the Co-operatives, and of
all organisations formed by the working class. This is real
Marxism. The Communist Party is not only a political party.
It deals not merely with political questions. It is not an elec-
toral or parliamentary marine, as the opportunists would have
it. It is an organisation comprising the best elements of the
labour movement, directing all social organisations carrying on

ui« itruwle of th« working class in Iti entirety and in ail its
expree

labour <> uliirli

deli will
pinion lh;i

,:ld put ii eh'ath and concisel) .
. oluiion.

m-ed a. Communist
. r, during the anned uprising.
! power

if-sil groups, but not

!mii any petty bourgeois

• with Hit-in within tin1

i-y on rrvoiutionar\ ;« livity

s|)irit ol

! ID i he Padianionts ordinary re-

:U-d lawyers, who are only

ast have a

• •in the \\-.\\ in ti every

. e had had a Cora-

1871. It is of course

important

Uul, it' we had had one,
Parly, then, though the

brfll ddralt'd. it WOUld,

\\"i' naturally
.sEinme, but
ommitted.

number of countries a/

Ii we do

us Communist Party

o make unneces-

time. The fact that in

i ' ly. and

mation of such

Men the hour of

how light-minded it was

. . .ill.'d at the

notti ;o pci&i OUT. to chs wovkuig people ihe course they
should follow.

It seems to me, comrades, that I may conclude with this and
recapitulate once more that if we want to make use of the ex-
periences of the Russian Revolution we must, above all, gel in ID
our minds the main idea that we must have a Communist Party
-—a centralised ironclad party. H cannot be otherwise during
a civil war, during this terrible crisis. We will not get along
without an iron party forged from one piece. We must iakr
from the Russian workers what is really worth imitating. \V>
know, of course, that our movement has its weak points, and we
have not come here in the role of school masters. But I tell you
that during twenty years we have been forging this weapon, the
Bolshevik Party, step by step, and this is an example worth
copying. Our party has been our guiding star in the jails in
Siberia, in emigration, and in exile. The best thing that we have
fostered among the Russian working people is the love for the
Party; the advanced Russian worker cherishes the Party as
something sacred, something that is dearer than life, something
lofty, a guiding star, and in this the working class of the entire
world should follow the example of the Russian worker. (Loud
continuous applause.)

RAMSAY — I am sorry to say thai the Communist Inter-
national seems not to be sufficiently informed as to what the
Shop Stewards' movement really is. in spile of the documents
and reports it has in its possession. I must remind you of the
fact that when the Shop Steward movement originated, labour
organisations were in a state of disruption, and the Shop
Stewards worked very hard to get a Communist movement
started. We are continuing to-day to exert all our efforts to
promote the growth of the Communist movement. Our entire
propaganda work is carried on in this spirit, and we pledge all
our members and organisations belonging to the Communist
wing to carry on their activity with this ,end in view.

MACLAINE (B.S.'P.)— Article 6, at the conclusion of this
thesis, contains an instruction to the Communist Parties to
maintain the closest possible connection with the general work-
ing class movement, but, because it is not clear enough, it is
convenient for me at this juncture to introduce an amendment
which is of special interest to the English movement. We wish
tin- Communist International to lay down without any ambiguity
the line of conduct we ought to pursue in our special circum-
stances.

Jn England there is a great workers' party which is not Com-

to which one Communist Party is affiliated. The
to which I refer is the mass party of the
. ment it is not a party in the ordin-
. hers have not joined as indi-
• 1 to support the party, but have joined in
de unions have affiliated. The British
long discussed the question as to
'it to join this movement or not.
.ml in the affirmative, but some other sec-
Labour I'aru i« not a Socialist Party,
neral body of organised labour at the
political development. It is in fact the
ie trade union movement Our Shop
hat it is necessary to work inside the
• M«nt, but they deny the usefulness
lie union political movement. \V«-
is possible to use the machinery,
Labour Party, use iis conferences and
oi Communist propaganda, and by HO
iimunism.

Labour Party because we wish to

the masses are there and can

.!i and tlo denounce the leaders in the

- orin and wherever we have the opportunity.

valuable field 1'or Communist

•ion with the statement

. thai he is for Communist unity in

•I to hear it. In the past the Shop

'i anti-p:irliamentary and even anti-

iml:i. This nas made the posi-

and I suite it thai if his

•:id his iriends will join the Cora-

al member of it, working for the

;11 be m or*- pleased, if this is

nm-d by both delegates

'on-Communist organised

.. dominant factor in working

>in this party for the

•ml Kivinr on to the growing

i it and for diverting the political

•hour into Communist channels. This should

done, however, only on condition that the Communist Party
itains its freedom to conduct its Work of Communist propa-
ganda and organisation."

PESTANIA (Spain)— The Labour Movement, the Right Wing
as well as the Left, is a much more important factor than seems
to be assumed. The Labour Movement is not to be judged by
its remoteness from Communism. Russia furnishes the best
proof of this. What matters most is that the spirit should be
revolutionary. It has been stated that the unwillingness of the
workers to form a political party is due to bourgeois influence.
To designate revolutionary tendencies, as for example the
Syndicalist movement, as reactionary is too elementary. It is a
mistake. It is likewise erroneous to suppose that the leaders of
the Trade Union movement assert that they wish to keep out
of politics.

It does not usually happen that they refrain from all political
activity. There are times when the bourgeois elements insist
that they ought to take part in politics in the interests of the
workers. I must say that I find myself in a rather difficult
position, since I am not a representative of any political party,
and my position is likely to be misinterpreted. I 'never said
that the Trade Unions are an end in themselves. It all de-
pends on the spirit that animates them. I do not think that
credit is due to the Communist Party for having created the
Red Army of which it now disposes. I refer to &ie French
Revolution, where a similar army and a similar political party
existed. The important thing is that the Trade Unions as such
should be revolutionary and militant organisations, and that they
further the cause of the revolution.

TANNER (Shop Stewards, England) — The main point of
Zinoviev's argument was the absolute necessity for a strongly
disciplined highly centralised Comimunist Party, and also that
the dictatorship of the proletariat is synonymous with the dic-
tatorship of the Communist Party. He has not clearly proved
his argument. What has taken place in Russia and what is now
taking place must not be set up as a model for all other coun-
tries. In England, we are sure, things will be quite different.
The situation there differs altogether from the situation in
Russia before the Revolution. For us in the Shop Stewards'
Movement the dictatorship of the proletariat means something
entirely different from the meaning conveyed by Comrade
Zinoviev. We understand and realise that the dictatorship of
the proletariat must be wielded by a minority— the revolutionary
minority of the proletariat in England as expressed through th«

Shop Steward?' Committee movement. Members of the politiea

y not agrer with this, but they must understand tha

n I?ngland a much greater number of class-conscious

were in Russia — who are prepared ane

assuming the dictatorship. The dictatorship

of the proletariat has a real and very definite meaning to us

•i'ionary workers. MacLaine has said that thi

anti-political, alleging that we refrain from

ctivity. This is not true. Many of us are anti-parlia

but that dot-5 not mean that we are against politiea

:; in the proper sense of the term. MacLaine said furthei

he was triad to hear from Ramsay's speech that the Shop

coming back to work for them. Most of the

Stewards' movement have been mem

Socialist parties, but have left them because

1 they were not travelling along the right path

believing or propagating the principles

of Communism. There is no question of returning like repent

lie fold. We have never forsaken our ideas, but

<>ngM industrial workers we have done much

lit them into practice than most of the political parties

tnean to assert that the B.S.P. was the only re

•'T in England or the only force making for re

A number of those who are active ir

movement are not greatly concerned about

ty. because they have been convinced

e in other parties that it was a loss of time

:k of such parties, especially of the B.S.P.

individuals are "unattached," it does not

revolutionary; on the contrary, they

have eome up against practical problems,

a^d. • rom a revolutionary standpoint, they realise

they have to overcome and are preparing for

1 m has been levelled against the Industrial-

! -roved their tactics and methods to be!

ocialist political parties learned any-

Industrialists? Why, it was only quite recently

the political parties have hesitatingly

the general strike, etc. The Shop

propagated "direct action," and th*

Kinninp to umlerst-nd its implications and adopt

efforts are being made again to get the

WT>rlt' ' " farlinment, though all are agreed that it

must b« aboliehtd at BOOH as &«ssibl«. Tk« feflisfe

are losing faith in parliamentary action; strong efforts will have
to be made to revive their faith — only to destroy it again later.
You will get nothing but antagonism from the class-conscious
workers on the question of affiliation to the Labour Party.
They will say the Communists are trying to mislead them.
And remember that the workers in the Shop Steward movement
are going to be the shock troops in the Revolution. We have
been the first to advocate direct action not only for economic
purposes, but for political and general aims.

Zinoviev has said that only through a political party can one
•be active in the various spheres of social and cultural life. It
depends what he means by "party." We have in England bodies
under the name of Social Committees and Soviets where ques-
tions of a social character are dealt with. The Russian com-
rades must not base their judgments solely on the experience
of Russia. They have been removed from all contact with the
masses in other countries for some years. Only when Zinoviev
has been in England and other Western European countries and
has studied the conditions and the new outlook of the workers
and compared them with the conditions in Russia, only then can
he pass proper judgment on politics and their relation to the
'Revolution.

Let me ask the Russian and other comrades if there is
nothing more for them to learn from the struggles, movements,
and revolution of other countries. Have they come here not to
learn but only to teach? We have to make the Revolution in
England; our Russian comrades cannot do that. They can help,

#we must do the act, •'and we are learning and preparing for
t end.
In conclusion, let me point out the reasons why the Second
International went down. I said the ,main causes were that it
was without character, too loose in form, and its aims vague and
indefinite. But it was necessary that the Third International
should not go to the other extreme and become too dogmatic.
We must provide that every organisation has sufficient freedom
of movement within its respective country to deal with and ad-
just itself to any special conditions. The Third International
must be founded upon such a basis that the different parties
could find common ground on the most important principles and
methods. Everything else must be left to the various parties
themselves.

RAKOSI (Hungary) — As long as our Communist Party was
strictly centralised and disciplined on the Russian model, and
its members were accepted only upon a certain test, so long

:.m, the expression of the elite of

the r From the moment, however, that the Party

;il Democrats, and thereby got into its ranks

nd a large part of

the m ad been organised in the Social

••eased to be the expression of the
luring the creation of the die-
arose for class-conscious workers for

0 be taken from the Party for
quite depriving the Party of

'•npelled to turn to the Trade Unions,

'. Thus a state of affairs

':eh as the I. \Y.\Y. and the Shop

bout that with the establish-

i mctions and of problems

in the T ns. The unions had to

;ch as the setting up of

n into their ranks of a

re so occupied that they

could not properly.

dictatorship, difficulties
' very country, partly

01 in a position to solve the

inevitably have to

n hindrance. \Ylion one is forced,

;; in HUM: I tasks besides,

v, school education,
h, which we were forced
n it comes to light
' i . They have
failed to get a
(•re mostly re-
had been revolutionary
"T two months,
• 'oramunist
•roblem to the many
-orship— a problem
since the Com-
\Ve were forced
ild in every respect
,.at. on the

•ight. But I must repeat

n Flungary have in

iences, and because

we were far away from you, we committed errors for which
we had to suffer and which cost us many sacrifices. Later, when
we started upon the re-organisation of our forces, we realised
that the great mistake of the Hungarian Party consisted in the
fact that during the dictatorship we had not been more strictly
disciplined. We then began to organise along the lines of strict
centralisation and of iron discipline. I am convinced that in
our new Soviet dictatorship we will follow the lines of the Com-
munist Party of Russia, and will continue to support and main-
tain the Russian experiences.

WYNKOP (Holland) : I am told that I must speak German.
I should put what I have to say in the English language, be-
cause it has reference to what the English comrade has said.
It is my opinion that it would not be wise for the Congress to
adopt the amendment proposed by MacLaine. In the theses of
Zinoviev, there is nothing pertaining to this matter, and I should
say that the English comrades are only too glad that the theses
do not deal with this point, because it gives them the oppor-
tunity to fight out this thing for their own country. Comrade
MacLaine says : " We wish the Congress to confirm that we
may stay in the Labour Party, and we know that the B.S.P.
desires to remain in that Party." Now^it is my opinion that
this ought not to be done here. It is very difficult, as Comrade
Lenin has said in his booklet, "Leftism, the Infantile Sickness
of Communism," it is very difficult to come to a conclusion ;
therefore I leave it to the English comrades, for in England
they strive to form a united Communist Party. Comrades
Ramsay and Tanner have made fine speeches about this matter.
They know that the question of the Labour Party is going to
complicate the matter of unity. Should the Congress express
itself in advance in favour of the B.S.P. remaining in the Labour
Party, it would mean either that there will be no Communist
Party in England or there will be one without the B.S.P. In
my opinion both things would be wrong. The Communist
Party in England will come into existence with the aid of the
B.S.P., and as to the conditions this question should be settled
in England itself. Should we accept such an amendment, con-
trary to common sense, we would have to discuss these things
first, and it would be quite a problem to get all the history of
the special conditions of the Labour Party unravelled here.

I have one other remark to make about the matter referred
to by Comrade Tanner. I have listened to Tanner because I
felt his desire to join the Third International. He has warned
us against one thing, namely, against being dogmatic. In this

he it right; Comrade Lenin has also warned us against this in

oklet I have referred to. He said, pure dogmatism was

UHO. How far one may go on this path

d; but, when one does not recognise

:iy;ht, neither must he recognise dogmatism

correctly said that one must

,ces in other countries are different

The Russian comrades know this very

:i said that however difficult the

: ion was, it was still brought about easier than

countries will be. Reconstruction is a

volution. One must not follow the

:•> dogmatically. One must learn from the

::ion, but not copy it in all other circumstances.

Russian model to the conditions

a. Comrade Tanner has said that

i'table, but not dogmatic; only in such

M Intci-national in which all the

n bo and must be brought together.

of the essence of the Party, we con-

paity and class, whose relation

i« ct and object, or that of kernel

in the fruit. When we ask what

L1 the party as such

concise thought, definite aims, a

•ned programme, a

:n. I agree with what

in his theses: "Only in case

sanised and experienced

'I a practically drawn-up

l.fiih in internal and foreign

•i!y will tin- acquisition of political power cease

hut it wi' starting point.

i"ll, so also

id become a sect if it fails to find the

!iioh it in rat€ into the lives of the

! believe that in so

. ill all agree that a

This need not be

is to find the ways

that all ways be used.

. wherever such organisations

ntary struggle, also non-party organisations that

ol social life, that grow out of the

social and economic strata. There is one point on which it
seems to me I will have to differ from the speaker, namely,
hie argument in thesis No. 6 : "The most important task of a
genuine Communist Party is to preserve constantly the closest
contact with the widest masses of the workers. For that pur-
pose the Communists shall carry on activity also within such
organisations which are not partisan, but which comprise large
proletarian groups. They consider it their most important task
to carry on the work of organisation and instruction within
such organisations. But in order that their efforts should bring
forth the desired results, and that such organisations should
not become the prey of opponents of the revolutionary prole-
tariat, the most advanced Communist workers should always
have their own independent closely united Communist Party,
working in an organised manner, and standing up for the
flfeneral interests of Communism at each turn of events and
under every form of the movement,"

In this thesis which seems to me of utmost importance,
nothing is mentioned of the formation of only such Labour
factions and non-party Labour organisations which should not
become a sport, which should not be the outcome of a search
for new forms of organisations but solely the outgrowth of

inomic and social necessity. It seems to me that on this
t the utmost restriction is imperative. I speak from the
riencQ which we have had in Germany. We must exercisa
greatest care in the formation of such new organisationsT
wherever such organisations arise, we must determinatsly

[en out and re-organise those that have sprung up out of
arbitrary inconsiderate striving for schism.

Perhaps more qualified comrades than I will tell you what
this means in Germany where the Trade Unions have reached
a membership of nine millions and where there are comrades
hunting for new forms of organisation and direct us Com-
munists towards new fields of activity. I am of the opinion
that we must proceed very carefully not only in the formation
of non-party organisations, but also in the matter of organising
new parties. In this matter we can obtain some lessons from the
history of the German Communists. The case brought up by
the English comrades will also have to be decided by this Con-
gress. I am decidedly of the opinion that the English comrades
should remain in the Labour Party, through which they can
keep in touch with the masses. In this regard we of the Western
European Secretariat stand in opposition to the Amsterdam
Bureau, which entertains the view that the English must be

liven the liberty to quit the Labour Party. We must be care-
ful in this matter of creating new organisations calling them-
y organisations. I believe that there are work-
; this Congress who will speak on the question of the
uning non-party organisations, in place of party
organ lj defined political aims. I leave it to

11 pie our Spanish comrade, to
on. But J must say that I do not entertain
i he matter, and I have had some ex-
iue that to unravel the differences be-
on the one hand, and the theses advanced
on the other, is not in the interest of
:n. and is not in compliance with what the world now
a unified definite line of action. This
i by our getting into dispute here, instead
m ting out a definite unified road, and indicating ways
••led by most European workers as ways which
dy. in their largest masses, abandoned for years,
wish to make some remarks on the
Tanner and MacLaine.

aid that he and his comrades are in accord

I- of the proletariat; but to them, however,

'.ling different than it does to us. He said that

i|> of the proletariat to mean the

-nlute and conscious minority. Under capi-

ihe workers are constantly ex-

We in develop their human faculties, every

only the minority of its

tallsl country, the truly class-conscious

all the workers. We are there-

.at the great mass of the

be led ;,nd guided by the conscious minority.

ta that he is opposed to a party

me time, that the proletariat,

be under the leadership of the most resolute

n I must declare that there

i us. That minority can be

a party. II this minority "is really

i HH- masses, and is capable

'inally becomes a party. Com-

• -articular importance to us, since

•:ient -which would be difficult to

m integral part of the minority

the dictatorship of the proletariat

and educate the masses. Sueii & mu^ rcfcUty,

tutes a party. Comrade Tanner has said that this minority
should organise and lead the entire working class. This is
exactly what I have emphasised. If Comrade Tanner and all
the other comrades of the Shop Steward movement and of the
I.W.W. recognise — and, in conversation with them every day, we
see that they do recognise it — that the conscious minority of the
working class alone can lead the proletariat, they should then,
perforce, admit that this is the essence of our theses. The only
difference between us is the question of avoiding the word
"party" because of the prejudice against a political party pre-
vailing in the minds of Englishmen. They probably think that
a political party must of necessity resemble that of Gompers
and Henderson, or consist of parliamentary careerists and
traitors to the working class. If by parliamentarism they under-
stand the present day English and American parliamentarism,
then we are likewise opposed to it. We want new parties —
and not parties like the British Socialist Party of to-day; we
want parties that are in close touch with the masses and under-
stand how to lead them.

I now come to the third question which I wish to raise here,
mrade MacLaine is of the opinion that the British Communist
Party should affiliate with the Labour Party. I have dealt with
this question in the theses concerning admission to the Third
ternational. In my pamphlet I have left this question open,
t, after having spoken with several of the comrades, I am
nvinced that the only proper tactics are to affiliate with the
bour Party. Now, Comrade Ramsay tells us not to be too
gmatic. This expression is quite out of place here. Ramsay
ys : "Let the English Communists decide the question for
emselves." What kind of an International would it be if a
all part of it should be allowed to come and declare : "Some
)f us are for and some against; let us decide the question our-
selves." What need would there then be for an International;
tor what would we want a Congress, and carry on discussions ?
What MacLaine has said with reference to the political
parties concerns the Trade Unions and parliamentarism as well.
It is, however, quite true that the vast majority of the best re-
volutionists are against affiliation with the Labour Party, be-
cause they do not accept parliamentarism even as an instrument
of the struggle. It would therefore be better perhaps to leave
this question, to the Committee. Let the Committee discuss and
study it. A decision, however, cannot be reached at this stage
of the proceedings. It can be decided only after the English

question, and especially the question of dictatorship, liare b«6B

with by a special committee. But at any rate the English

cussed and decided by this Congress of the

»aal. This matter does not affect the English

a question of proper tactics, and must.

utth-d by us here.

I shall now deal with the argument of Comrade MacLain*

:ning the British Labour Party. The conditions in England

\vith here. The Communist Party can

hour Party on condition that it is allowed

»• that party and conduct its own politi-

of the utmost importance. When Com-

a that this means co-operation between the

classes, I must say that there is no class co-operation in this

case. The admission of opportunists like Turatti and Co., that

is, of bourgeois Clements, into the party in Italy, means co-

•ion of classes. But, in the Labour Party, we have a case

the advanced minority and the great

mass MKliiih workers. All the workers, all the mem-

i>f the Trade I'nions, are members of the Labour Party.

i a peculiar organisation, having no parallel

y other country; it comprises from six to seven million of

workers ol all trades. Political convictions are not

••lying for membership. You must prove to me,

e shall not be able to criticise in that

ova that Comrade MacLaine is wrong.

.a list Party can freely brand

nevertheless remain a member of

ms the collaboration of the van-

iss with the rearguard. It is a matter

;ire movement that we insist

in a link between the party

• masses of the workers. When the

sses and incapable of getting

ilu-n it is no party, and is of no

!1i-d Tarty, or National Committee,

i know, the Shop Stewards in

•i«n;il CoTinnitt.ee and central guiding

> towards the formation of a party.

thai, the British Labour

cU-ar that working in that

anguard of the working class

s advanced workers; and, when this co-operation is
yttematically carried on, the Communist Party is worth-

less, and there can be no question of the dictatorship of the

proletariat.

It has not been proved here that the British Socialist Party
must not remain in the Labour Party. If our Italian comrades
can bring forward no other argument, we will have to make a
final decision on the question later, and conclude, on the basis
of our present knowledge, that the policy of affiliation repre-
sents the proper tactics.

But Comrades Tanner and Ramsay object that the majority
of the English Communists are not going to agree with it. Must
we in all cases follow the majority? Of course not. Rather
than leave the question of tactics undecided, it were better,
perhaps, to put up with the existence of two parties for a certain
period until the question is properly understood. Naturally, no
one will claim that we are able to form at once a unified Com-
munist Party in all countries, only upon the basis of the ex-
perience of all the members of the Congress, and on the gxx>d
arguments advanced here. But we can, nevertheless, express
our opinions frankly and draw up proper instructions. We must
study the question raised by the English delegation in a special
committee, and then reach the conclusion that the proper tactics
is that of affiliation. If the majority is opposed to it, we must
organise the minority separately. This will prove instructive.
Should the majority of the English workers persist in their old
tactics, then we shall be able to compare results at the next
Congress. We must not follow the bad example of the Second
ternational, and declare that these questions concern England
one. We must frankly declare that, since the Communists in
England are not of one mind, and the united party has not been
created as yet, the split is unavoidable. It is preferable to have
a split based upon a clear distinction of ideas and tactics than
to maintain this confusion.

TROTSKY — Comrades, it would appear rather remarkable
that the question as to whether we should have a party or not
should be raised at a Congress of the Communist International
now after a lapse of three quarters of a century, following the
publication of the Communist Manifesto. Comrade Levi empha-
sised that point by stating that, as far as the great masses of
the Western European workers are concerned, this question is
already settled. He also expressed the view that the discussion
of this question here is not going to bring any light upon the
situation in the Communist International. Now it seems to me
that the Marxian confidence which prompts Comrade Levi to
say that the great mass of the workers are well aware of the

of a party, it airongiy refuted by historical events,
t foes wii: ug that, if we had to deal with such gentle-

. and their English partisans, they

the working class stands in need

y for the working class,

:il of the bourgeois and

rence to the proletarian party,

< it is undergoing different stages of evolu-

many, the classic country of

a large working class stand-

ng on ilture, we see that it is constantly

fe fragments of the old
hand, that the party which pre-
rity of the workers, that inter-
Second International, has created precisely
•\hich forces us to raise
.•cessary or not. I know
•ml I recognise its value, and when I
e one hand by Scheidemann, and on the
isli, or French Syndicalist who is
lie bourgeoisie — something which
willing to do — but to put an
!i ready to discuss this
an, and French comrades, in
Miance of their historic
bourgeois order— necessitates the
.ny experience, I would
v ;lu> question is already

iiamentarian tendencies

'a* b< ies as France, England,

i. icy are of long stand-

Mie time when the Ger-

>n to the war was

••HI) of French Syndicalists,

;<>smer, and others.

ing a Communist Party had

^Tiificant, But there

1 comrades Monatte,

•cent adherence

common with Renaudel,

"cessity of a party, or with

r Kontli'Tnen whom I cannot name

y decorum? The French Syndi-

calists are doing revolutionary work within their organisations;
and, in speaking to Comrade Rosmer, we can find a common
ground. In contrast to the traditions of democracy, with its
lies and delusions, the French Syndicalists declared : "We want
no party; we want proletarian organisations or unions where
we want to work with the revolutionary minority for direct
action and mass activity." They did not clearly comprehend
what that revolutionary minority really means. It was the
presentiment of future development which caused these Syndi-
calists to play a revolutionary role in France, in spite of their
prejudices and illusions, and out of this revolutionary minority
we got representation here at the International Congress. What
do our friends mean by a revolutionary minority? It is the elite
of the French working class which have a clear cut programme
and an organisation where questions are not only discussed but
are likewise solved, and which possesses discipline. French
Syndicalism has been forced to create a Communist Party under
pressure of the experiences of the Trade Unions, by the conflicts
between the working class and the bourgeoisie, by the experi-
ences of their own and foreign countries. Comrade Pestana
says that he does not wish to touch upon the question, that he
is a Spanish Syndicalist, and is not willing to deal with politics.
This is extremely interesting. He does not wish to speak of
the Communist Party in order not to offend against the Revolu-
tion; that is, he regards criticism of the necessity of the Com-
munist Party affecting the Russian Revolution as an offence
against the Revolution. That is really so. For here in Russia,
in the course of the Revolution, the Party has become identified
with the Revolution. The same situation prevailed in Hungary.
Comrade Pestana, who is an influential Spanish Syndicalist, has
come to us because we have here among us his fellow Syndica-
lists who have been to a greater or smaller degree fighters on
the Syndicalist front. There are on the other hand comrades
-here who have been parliamentarians, and there are such that
are neither parliamentarians nor unionists, merely representing
the wide masses. Now what do we offer these comrades? We
were offering them the International Communist Party; that is,
a union of the more progressive elements of the working class,
bringing together their experiences, exchanging views, carrying
on mutual criticism and passing resolutions. When Comrade
Pestana returns to Spain with these resolutions and his com-
rades ask him what he brought from Moscow, he will have to
bring forth the theses and propose that a vote be taken OB
them; he will have to canvass for them and organise those of

who are willing to units on the basis
Mich an organisation will be the Spanish Com-

•)sition from the Polish Gov-

is going to decide upon this

council 01 I'eople's Commissaries, but

;'ulcr n certain control. That control

unorganised working masses. We

nninon the Contra! Committee of the Party,

; to this proposition. Now,

o continue the war, form new army

• whom will we have to

tl)<> Tarty, to the Central Committee

whic! sue orders to the local committees for

T the front. The same refers

:o the food questions, and to all others.

.i-se problems in Spain? It will be the

:ul 1 am certain that Comrade Pestana is

:. who is himself the leader of a large

not have to be told of the neces-

• ironical inquiry as to what we really

or semi-proletarian, and

it is not opportunism to make concessions

ing class, represented and guided

n powrr here in Russia. It com-

ihe progressive elements, but

rking class belonging to

i he time in the factories and

peasants of diverse

no! of our making; we have in-

ist past. The working

conditions of the peasantry

to the relics of primitive

in make concessions to the

'a in power. This is the accursed

and Reformists, which is an

• •us which the ruling

of the peasantry.

Communist Party of making

The working class in power

part of the peasantry

'is Communism, and is therefore

obliged to make compromises in favour of the undeveloped

elements. Thus it seems to me that th« question put by
Comrade Serrati does not affect the role of the Communist
Party in Russia. Even if that were so, even if we made
a number of mistakes, it is only because we are faced
with an extremely complicated situation. For the time
that we have 'been in power, we had successively to retreat
before German Imperialism at Brest Litovsk, then before
English Imperialism, and to-day we hare to manoeuvre among
the various elements of the peasantry, drawing some of them
into our ranks, rejecting others, and suppressing eome with an
iron hand. This is the strategy of a revolutionary class in
possession of power, whick is liable to errors peculiar to a
party representing the accumulated experiences of the working
class. Such is our conception of the Party and of the Inter-
national.

SOUCHY — In studying the broad lines of the programme to
be followed by the international working class, w« should not
make our point of departure some theoretical preconceived pro-
positions, but we should attempt to find the tendencies which
exist to-day in the working class movement of different coun-
tries, to find them and develop always further along the road
towards revolution. Our theories should only be the conscious
development of the tendencies and forms of struggle used by
the workers against the bourgeoisie; such as the Shop
Stewards' movement in England, the I.W.W. in America, the
Council of Production in Norway. These are all tendencies
'born of the conditions of the struggle between labour and capi-
tal; no attempt should be made to direct this movement towards
another goal, by starting from a theoretical point of view, toy
saying that this movement is not Communist. By abandoning
the experimental method and busying ourselves with the doc-
trinaire method, we shall not be able to create a fighting inter-
national. I should have desired less to theorise on this subject
than to discuss the tendencies of the programme during the
Revolution We should endeavour to study them and develop
them, we should attempt to choose the living spirit of the
working-class movement, the spirit which is not found in the
heads of the theoreticians but in the hearts of the workers.
If I am here as a representative of the Syndicalists, and if I
refuse to adhere theoretically to the arguments of the Russian
comrades, that is because Syndicalism has been represented a»
a semi-bourgeois movement. I should endeavour to prove that
suet is not th« cas«. I should put myself into a th«or»tie fraBt»

• •s which have been

Zinoviev has said that the

working class that it should not be organ-

:here was a tendency in

rhe workers politically, it would

. believed that this tendency in Syndi-

origin in bourgeois influence. That does not

•') what the bourgeoisie says, for ex-

niovrmont. I.W.W. and their analogous

•'inoviev, do you believe that the bour-

'lustrial movement and would not attempt

mild fight against the political parties?

ild not wish the pro'etariat to create new

\'<>uM it wish the creation of an industrial

< in conclude from the persecution

ill countries are exposed, that the

invement just as it fears the political

niiot recognise the point of view

e Industrial, movement is not sw

ie. On the contrary, as we can

movement, the Syndicalist movement

6 bourgeoisie as the revolutionary

have no fear at all of the political

e§, On • y. the political parties have their be-

the Inn. Let us consider the French

hat the Jacobins, having seized the

•Mleavoured to establish political

movement. That was their bour-

juggle with the theoretical terms,

ving it. Further on, Comrade

wish to adopt new parliamentary

old methods. No longer desiring

leasing my arguments on theory, I

• \isting in the heart of the

• It must, be admitted, that the par-

ir more and more in the

On the contrary, strong anti-

row among the advanced

the Shop Stewards'

11. which arc anti-parliamentarian.

'amentarian. And there is

• • of no importance

1 wish to prove

influence of Syndi-

calist theories, but also to the revolution itself that anti-par-
liamentarism gains ground every day in Germany. In addition
the majority of the German Communists are to-day anti-parlia-
mentarian. We should therefore consider the question in that
.manner, and not setting out from a theoretic and doctrinaire
point of view to bring" in parliamentarism under the pretext
that it is good for propaganda after having put it out of doors
to the sound of trumpets.

The most important points have been dealt with by Comrade
Trotsky in his report. Comrade Zinoviev says that the Trade
Unions have no programme for the morrow of the Revolution.
He has supported the idea that the Trade Unions are not them-
selves in a position to organise the economic and social life.
I should now like to ask what organisations are called to or-
ganise the economic life in a society. Some bourgeois elements
which we organised into parties, who are not in touch with the
economic life, or rather those which are near the sources of
production and consumption ? Each should confess that only
those organisations which are in close contact with production
will be called to organise the economic life and take it in their
hands. There can be no doubt that the Trade Unions, just as
we see in Russia, will play a great part in the economic liTe.

RAMSAY : I wish to be as concise as possible. I speak
re on behalf of the Communists who do not share the point
view of the British Socialist Party, who do not recognise
ticipation in the Labour Party. I insist that the British
Socialist Party stands alone on this point. The various other
groups are all against participation in the Labour Party. I
believe it would be a tactical error if directions should be
dictated from here on this question, for, in order to do so, and
to find one's way in the matter, would be necessary to know
the situation and state of things in England. Also it is neces-
sary to recognise the right of the British Communist Party
either to affiliate to the Labour Party or to have nothing to
do with it. Affiliation would do the greatest harm to the
British Communists because the whole working class is weary
and disheartened by the tactics of the Labour Party.

SERRATI: It is proposed to close the debate. Those in
favour show hands. Those against show hands. The proposal
is adopted. The Bureau proposes to choose a commission to-
r

•« this question, and te select tke following
comrades: —

for the t'nited States of America,
for England.

MA for England,

'"or Germany.
DEI for Italy.
HARIN for Russia.

!IE\V for BuleariV
STT !' for Austria.

'' for Holland.
i:v for the Executive Committee of the International.

These comrades should meet to-morrow afternoon to discuss
• •"irrfcpstions made concerning th« theses, and present the«i
to-mor- * « p.m. at the Plenary Session.

It is proposed that Comrade LEVI take the place of C0mr»d«

iv in favour of this commission show bands.

rote is taken. Who is against ?
B commission is accepted. Th« comrades ar« a»ke4 t»

for two minutes yet.
The teislon is oloeed.

THIRD SESSION.

MOSCOW, JULY 24, 1920.

^^^.

SERRATI— The committee elected yesterday has finished its
work 'and is ready to report. As the members of the Bureau
have not arrived yet, I propose that the opening of the session
be postponed.

(Session opens at 10 p.m.)

SERRATI — We are two hours late. The Bureau therefore
proposes to divide the work in such a way as to make it pos-
sible to considerably shorten the debates. For. the discussion
of the different theses five committees will be appointed, each
consisting of eleven members. Each delegation should have the
right of being represented in each of the committees by one of
its members. The Bureau is to elect the committees nominated
by the delegations. Each committee appoints one of its mem-
bers to report, who is to be sanctioned by~~the Congress.

PESTANA — In my opinion 'the proposal of the Bureau is not
logical. I propose that a delegation of each respective nation-
ality should be allowed to determine the personnel of the
committees.

SERRATI— The Brueau would willingly agree to this pro-
posal if it were familiar with the delegates. But there are
many here whom we meet for the first time.

PESTANA — Since the Bureau admits that it is not acquainted
with the delegates, I consider it more logical to leave it to the
delegations to take upon themselves the responsibility for re-
presentation in the committees.

SERRATI — The Bureau is not going to decide on the quality
but only on the number, leaving the former to the decision of
each respective nationality.

PESTANA — Are we going to open discussion on this ques-
tion?

SERRATI— Certainly. The Congress may have a free dis-
cussion of the matter. I move that the proposal of the Bureau
be put to the vote!

The proposal of the Bureau is accepted by a large majority.

The resolution adopted reads as follows : —

"The Congress is to be divided into committees to deal with
the main principles of questions on the agenda.

to be composed of eleven members. Each
the right of being represented in each

Members.
of members of different committees is to

Of its members to report to
oncoming the decision of his committee.

:l with the following questions on
. bring in their resolutions on them:

Bin.
ions.

;mil Colonial Question.
lem.

Vdmission to the Communist Inter-
nal.

ung People's and Women's Organisa-

• national Situation and the tasks of the Com-
itlonal."

-•reived ihe following declaration from the
iressed to the Second Congress of the

•i the decision of the Executive Com-
munist International, and the requirements
• unist movement itself, it is necessary
•Ao Communist Parties.

eet the formation of a united Com-

d of the Communist Labour Party and

Communist Party. But this unity

"Ti of the American Communist
u'R, delegates of the Com-
nunist Labour Party agree:

it one group in the Congress.

Committee of the Inter-
in mandatory fashion, to compel

MI who may resist complete unity, to unite on

the basis of the International.

(3) To abide by the decisions of the Executive Com-
mittee of 'the Intel-national on the question of unity."

^•to

(Signed) Communist Party of America:
Louis C. Fraina.
Alexander Stokiltsky.
Communist Labour Party of America :
John Reed.
John Jurgis.
Alexander Bilan.
(Applause.)

The Bureau has also received the following telegram from
the International Socialist League of South Africa:

To the Secretary of the Third International- -Moscow.
Dear Comrades,

At the annual delegate meeting of the International
Socialist League of South Africa, held in Johannesburg,
January 4th, 1920, it was unanimously decided to affiliate to
the Third International. I have been in communication with
the Socialist Labour Party of Great Britain, and through
them with Comrade Rutgers of the Amsterdam Bureau, who
advises me to send this request for affiliation through them
to you.

We enclose constitution and rules, which will I think,
convince you that our policy is on all fours with that of the
Communist Parties of Europe and elsewhere. Any further
information that may be required we will be pleased to
supply on hearing from you.

I For the Social Revolution, yours fraternally,
W. H. ANDREWS,
Secretary Organiser, I.S.L.S.A.
The different nationalities are requested to make their ap-
pointments for the committees.

The Bureau has proposed the formation of a Committee on
Credentials, for which is requests the sanction of the Congress.
The committee is to consist of the following members : Rosmer,
Serrati, Bombacci, Bukharin, Radek, Rudnian&ky. The motion of
the Bureau is adopted. We now proceed to the discussion of
the question concerning the role of the Communist Party in the
Proletarian Revolution.

JOHN REED— I propose that the English language be recog-

nlsed ai one of the official languages at the Congress. The num-
;ish speaking delegates in this hall exceeds the num-
inple. We have been promised
h translator, but we have not got him yet.

ill try to comply with Comrade Reed's re-
preter, but we have been informed on
:.s that his motion i'or the introduction of English
cannot be entertained.

ade Reed, you are making this pro-
posal for the third time, while the question has already been

I am to report to you on the work of

v.liich we elected yesterday. The committee con-

of eight countries : Germany, Russia,

ca, Italy, Holland, and Bulgaria. The

revolutionary Syndicalist movements were

• 1. 1 am glad to state that the resolution has

i-onimitt.ee unanimously. (Applause.)

i in you the alterations which the com-

boton-hand that the editorial cor-

11 to bo made. The committee has elected an

«i-ee members, which had not yet

. " Mail 10 <l<al mainly with editorial changes.

:<lt (1 to write a new introduction to the

i urt ion written before the Congress must be

ttnep.

follows: —

•;: fronted with decisive battles.

' h of rivil wa.r. The critical hour has

here there is a labour move-

»rking class, arms in hand, stands

les. Now more than ever

Of a strong organisation. Without

working class must in-

.il" Tiding decisive struggles.

Krcnrh proletariat, during the

: have been much more successful,

ga wimld have been avoided,

; ty, no matter how small.

t. is now faced, under

changtd historical circumstances, will bt of much more vital

to tb« future of the working class than wai the in-
surrection of 1871. The Second World Congress of the Com-
munist International th^sfore calls upon the revolutionary
workers of the whole world to concentrate all their attention
upon the following1."

I shall now report on the further important changes made
by the committee.

In the third thesis in which the ideas of "party" and "class"
were confused, and in which examples are taken exclusively
from Russian experience, we have decided to give also a num-
ber of parallel examples from the labour movement of other
countries'.

The fifth paragraph, dealing with the differences between us
and the revolutionary Syndicalists and the adherents of the
I.W.W., hag also been unanimously adopted, with the addition
of two sentences. The first points out that the ultimate weapon
with us is not the general strike, but the armed Uprising. This
is an additional reason why we need a party with an iron
discipline. It appears to us that, the reason why some com-
rades from the ranks of the revolutionary Syndicalists, of the
I.W.W., and perhaps also of the Shop Steward movement do not
fully appreciate the significance of a strong political party, is
cause some of them imagine that the tactics of folded arms' —
e general strike— is to be regarded as a weapon of utmost
portance. This is not the case. With us the armed uprising
of primary importance. This requires a concentration of
rces, a military organisation, and hence a centralised party
anisatiori. We have therefore decided to lay stress on this
ain, so that every working man and every revolutionary
ndicalist may understand it. The best elements of the Syndi-
lists have always asserted that the role of the revolutionary
minority during a revolution is very great. This is true; and

Ke take them at their word, and say that this being true, you
ust comprehend that it is the Communist Party that forms
at revolutionary minority. Then again, the committee has
discussed in detail paragraph 6, whieh was the obje-et of inueh
controversy here yesterday. This paragraph deals with our
attitude towards the non-party organisations. In order to avoid
misunderstandings, we have decided to substitute the word
"non-party" by the word ''extra party." But this is merely a
matter of style. The discussion by the committee of the ques-
tion concerning the role of the Communist Party has proved to
us that it is a subject of great importance on which some
aaitct be r*&*fc«4. Seat* **iKr«Mk«e tko*ght that

tn si; have in riew th«

[• incorrect. We are op-
iity or the trade unions, and moreover de-
speak of non-party organisa-
iiing entirely different. A central-
able. But such a party must
with tin- i The main thing to which

ttention of the Communists of all countries
development of the class struggle,
lose touch with the working masses, making use
his purpose.' In order to achieve this
must co with non-party organisa-

L»-t us illustrate this by a few

'.ing up in England, which has been

.1 comrade the "Hands off Russia"

>n party movement which has embraced

workers. It is our opinion that the

active pan in this movement

•le in it.

I and international conferences have been

i Hi*- invalids of the world war. This

>1 lions of people. Should the

i rom Mi is movement? Certainly not.

>e our influence in every

ill iak<> from Austrian life,
blem. The housing question in

• . and there is considerable unrest

I'here is in Vienna a Council

;-. entirely under the in-

• nieei the demands

•l in Kieat disaffection among

. It is perhaps possible

nants. Should the Com-

< Vrtainly not. Disregard-

I'omnumist Party organisa-

our support, to this

• •n turther with Ihe aim of leading
•I oi Communism.

d by the Russian revolu-

••ng, nevertheless we

who belong to

ii">ii;tnce. We have

;

a great number ot workers who are proud to state that they
belong to no party. To such we usually say, you belong to no
party, but you are nevertheless proletarians. We are going to
call a non-party conference of all the working people of your
industry, your district, or your town. Do you wish to take part
in such a conference? They will say, Yes. The conference is
called. What are the questions with which this conference is
called. What are the questions with which this conference
deals? The most urgent questions, such as the food supply,
the war with Poland, the agrarian question, etc. Should we, as
a party, stand aside? By no means. It is our duty to appear
at this conference, to participate in it; we organise a Com-
munist faction, and in this way we get into our party masses
of workers who formerly belonged to no party. This is one of
the best forms of getting into touch with the masses. These
conferences are loose organisations, although, in accordance
with our constitution, they enjoy extensive rights ; they have the
right to elect inspectors empowered with government authority
in many important fields of state activity. Things could no
doubt de done differently; tout this example is nevertheless of
importance. We wish to draw to this .instance the particular
attention of such parties as the English, American, and others
which are still young and have unfortunately not established
more or less close contact with the masses. It is important to
bear in mind that this is the best way of getting into close touch
with the workers and poor peasants. It is our opinion that
much could be accomplished in this direction in a number of
countries, including Germany; it enables us to draw into the
Party not only the elite of the proletariat, but. the vast masses
of the working people in order to lead them to Communism.
The changes made in the other sections are rather slight,
is important that our English comrades know that when we
speak of labour leaders we mean the "yellow" labour men, not
the Shop Steward men, but the Hendersons. The "yellow"
labourites advocate non-partisanship, and organise formless,
parliamentary political societies. The Labour Party is pre-
cisely such a formless organisation; at least this is the way the
Hendersons would like to have it.

These are the most important changes that we have effected.
We have decided to discuss Comrade MacLaine's amendment
separately, to which he has agreed. We shall discuss the situa-
tion in England, and perhaps also the situation in America more
in a special Committee, and we shall give our English comrades
a definite statement on this question.

This ooneludei my report on th* work el tbt coaunUUe, aa4
as I hare pointed out the resolution was adopted unanimously.

I should like to add a few more words in connection with
certain arguments which were brought up against my report
yesterday, and which have not been dealt with yet. First, the
objection of Comrade Pestana, the Spanish Syndicalist. This
comrade said: "If we are at all to have a party, that party
should come as the result of a revolution, as was the ca&e in
France, where the Jacobin Party arose as a result of the revolu-
tion." Comrade Pestana asserts that we should proceed in that
way to-day. He makes the idea of party dependent on the
Revolution. I do not believe that this is correct. I do not in-
tend at all to dwell on the French instance. Had it ever been
as Comrade Pestana has said — which it was not — can it pos-
sibly serve as an argument in favour of the view that the
Party should come as a result of Revolution, now in the year
1920, when we have to fight against a whole world of bourgeois
parties armed to the teeth? What are we to do during the Re-
volution? Who is to organise the best elements of the prole-
tariat before the Revolution? Who is to draw up and advocate
the right programme? It is my opinion that we should say to
every working man and revolutionary Syndicalist who is a
sincere sympathiser with the Proletarian Revolution — and I am
well aware that Comrade Pestana is one~of them — that we must
not wait for the Revolution to come and take us by surprise,
that we must not wait for the Party to become crystallised out
of the Revolution; but we must begin to-day without any delay
to organise the Party. Comrade Pestana further says: "On the
whole it was the Russian people and not the Communists who
made the Revolution in Rftssia." That is perfectly true. We do
not Intend to deny the fact that the Revolution was made by
the people — that is if it is possible to speak of a Revolution
toeing made. But the Communist Party is of the people, the
best part of the working people, no more nor less. And thift
is not a trifle. The Communist Party Is an organised body, the
vanguard of the people, uniting within its ranks the be»t m«a,
and leading on the working; <masse».

I should like to say a few words also en the mbject oi
"autonomy," which was raised here yesterday. It was asserted
here by various comrades that the decision of certain questions
be left with the particular parties of the given countries, and
that party autonomy is inviolate. In my opinion these are
echoes of the autonomy advocated by the Second International.
We must 4*«l»r« tteft •»•&!. v. It 18 «bv1»tt« tot evtfry pwrty

should enjoy a cortain amount of autonomy; tfcera U no ob-
jection to this. But there are various fonrs of autonomy. \\>
know that fifteen yegfffrago the Revisionists stood for autonomy,
and repeatedly demanded autonomy not only on an
national scale but also within the parties themselves,
demanded autonomy for Berlin, Leipzig, in short, for every city.
The experience of our Russian Revolution teaches us that had
we acted in this manner, the result would be not one single
party, but a number of parties. This is how matters stand
to-day in France, where we have a party in Paris, Lyons, and
other towns. This kind of autonomy is the tradition of the
Second International. We do not want autonomous parti'
each town, (but a centralised party on a national and inter-
national scale. I know very well that should we even now
establish a centralised constitution of the Third International,
that would not mean yet that we have a unified revolutionary
International. We will have to fight for this yet, perhaps even
for several years. It is very important that we form a central-
ised international organisation, where every party voluntarily
and fraternally abides toy the discipline of the International.
It cannot be done otherwise, and we will have to put up with
it. It is better to commit some errors and nevertheless adapt
ourselves than to introduce the kind of autonomy which would
surely disintegrate the forces of the working class. The Marxian
Constitution of the First International stated: "If we still re-
main wage slaves, if the struggle of the working class lasts so
long, it is because we are torn asunder, because the working
class does not understand the necessity of a firmly welded
organisation."

Fifty years (a considerable historical period) have passed
Imperialist war has taught us a lesson, and every working man
understands now that the destiny of the working class of each
country is bound up with the destiny of the workers of all other
countries. The war has made this all too clear. It is now tor
us to draw the conclusions, bring them home to the masses, and
explain to them the necessity of such a centralised international
organisation.

The unanimity with which the resolution dealing with the
role of the Communist Party in the Proletarian Revolution li;ts
been adopted, and the harmony which we are witnessing here
at the Congress, is of the greatest historical importance. H
ism has gone through a terrible crisis; trouble is fenn-
everywhere; there are various groups of workers in various
countries seeking tke proper road. We must not follow ft»e

Second International with regard to those com-
rades who are not completely with us yet, but who belong to

dude them as the Second

:al diil whenever leii tendencies have manifested

. On tlu- contrary, we must accept such comrades

. arious questions with them, argue with

•;t out their enois with the aim of righting them.

elements is the best proof of the

vitional. The essential feature of the Third

that it unites the revolutionary elements of the

ng class, l of yesterday or adherents of

:M>V* in* nt, so long as they have a clear

ling of the revolutionary struggle, so long as they

\\> of the Proletariat, so long as they

ling to stand by us in the struggle.

begun to follow along those lines and have

word into an appropriate deed, that

will : i.egun an actual united Inter-

. hat we must strive for.

single Communist Party branching out to

.Drld. This is the essence of the Com-

the Russian Communists first

MI Social Democrats to Communists,

1 not to name the party the Russian Com-

the Communist Party. We should be

lisa lions in Russia, Germany,

'illy and consciously pursuing its

icd to concentrate our forces,

shall rar.'n detachment of the inter-

' any given moment to render

•HUM- countries. We must explain

des, that the Communist

among the parties

\Ve repeat

iall continue to do so until they

or the Imperialist war we

•in tin- country"— meaning the

inrmisfs in a party

; Mian party, in so far as

1 ithin our ranks, wo must declare

within our very house. We

"The enemy is within

him out." We are

ts are eager to join us.

These gentry are endowed with a splendid sense of smell; they
scent their approaching downfall. If you drive them out of the
door, they will reappear through the window. At times they
endorse our resolutios^but remain what they have been before
— agents of the bourgeoisie in the proletarian camp. The bour-
geoisie exists only thanks to the support of the social patriots
who fail to understand the bourgeoisie in our enemy. The bour-
geoisie would not have lasted even for half a year had it not
been for the social patriots, had it not been for the Yellow
Amsterdam International, and had there not been in our ranks
workers and trade union organisations whose attitude towards
our struggle was one of passive strike. I recently had occasion
to speak with an ordinary working man from Helsingfors, one
who had worked underground during the White Terror days for
about a year and a half. He told me of the difficulties of carry-
ing on the struggle there, and that the Finnish workers have
succeeded in organising in spite of all. He then added: "There
is now a clear understanding among us revolutionary workers,
that when the hour strikes, it will be necessary to settle
accounts with the White Social Democrats first and then pro-
ceed to fight the bourgeoisie. The last hour of the bourgeoisie
is approaching, but we must first of all call to account these
great traitors, who are responsible for the peril of thousands of
our comrades and for the White Terror which is now raging
everywhere." These simple sentiments of the Finnish worker
constitute a political maxim.

Twenty-five years ago Turatti had composed a very good
labour hymn; he is perhaps a very good father of a family to-
day, perhaps he will still find himself. Perhaps Hilferding will
sometime come to realise that the bourgeoisie can be van-
quished not toy writing thick volumes, but by crushing it accord-
ing to the simple principle advocated by the Finnish workman
after the terrible experiences he had undergone during that
awful time. We must say clearly and frankly to our comrades
that we realise that it is a great tragedy for some old comrades
to break with these men without understanding the necessity
for it. Many of these old comrades are personally perfectly
honest, and this process is a hard one for them, but the sooner
they break away from this past the better. You must under-
stand that a new epoch is at hand; you must confess your
errors, and come to us saying, "We are now prepared to carry
on the Proletarian Revolution together with you." This idea
has found its expression in the unanimous acceptance of the
theses about the important role of the Communist Party in the
approaching Proletarian Revolution.

RESOLUTION ON THE ROLE OF THE

COMMUNIST PARTY IN THE PROLETARIAN

REVOLUTION.

(Adopted Unanimously.)

:oh'iariat is confronted with decisive battles.

:n an epoch of civil war. The critical hour has

struck. In almost all countries where there is a labour move-

of any importance the working class, arms in hand, stands

fierce and decisive battles. Now more than ever

in need of a strong organisation. Without

losing an hour of invaluable time, the working class must keep

paring for the impending decisive struggle.

Th« uprising oi' the French proletariat during

i nine of 1871 would have been much more suc-

'1 many errors and shortcomings would have been

ore been a strong Communist Party, no matter

ruggle which the proletariat is now facing,

historical circumstances, will be of much more

Tital -to the future destiny of the working class than

was the insurrection of 1871.

The Second World Congress of the Communist International
upon the revolutionary workers of the whole
all ilu'ir attention on the following:

I 'arty is part of the working class,

ivanrrd. intelligent, and therefore most re-

t. The Communist Party is formed of the best,

t, sole-sacrificing, and. far-seeing workers. The

rty has no other interests than those of the

from the general mass of the workers

-.1 view of the whole historical march

11 turns of the road it endeavours

not oi separate groups or professions,

working class as a whole. The Communist Party is

of which the more ad-
i'>ads all the proletarian and
n mass.

n the power of government will have

proletariat, until the time when

II have been firmly established beyond

i-' -stonition, the Communist Party

organised ranks only a minority of the workers.

. time when the power will hare been seized by it,

ajid during th« transition period, the Communist Party mafcy,
under favourable conditions, exercise undisputed moral and
political influence on «11 the proletarian and semi-proletarian
classes of the population; but it will not be able to unite them
within its ranks. Only when the dictatorship of the workers has
deprived the bourgeoisie of such powerful weapons as the press,
the school, parliament, church, the government apparatus, etc.,
only when the flnal overthrow of the capitalist order will have
become an evident fact — only then will all or almost all the
workers enter the ranks of the Communist Party.

(3) A sharp distinction must be made between the concep-
tion of "party" and "class." The members of the "Christian"
and liberal trade unions of Germany, England, and other coun-
tries are undoubtedly parts of the working class. More or less
considerable circles of the working people, followers of
Scheidemann, Gompers and Co., are likewise part of the work-
ing class. Under certain historical conditions the working class
is very likely to be impregnated with numerous reactionary
elements. The task of Communism is not to adapt itself to
such retrograde elements of the working class, but to raise the
whole working class to the level of the Communist vanguard.
The confounding of these two conceptions — of party and of.
class — can only lead to the greatest errors and confusion.
Thus, for instance, it is clear that, notwithstanding the. disposi-
tion or prejudices of certain parts of the working masses during
the Imperialist war, the workers' parties ought to have counter-
acted these prejudices, defending the historical interests of the
proletariat, which demanded of the proletarian parties a de-
elaration of war against war.

Thus in the beginning of the Imperialistic War of 1914, the
social traitor parties of all countries, in upholding the capitalists
of their "own" countries, unanimously declared that such was
the will of the people. They forgot at the same time that even
if this were so, the duty of the workers' party would have l>een
to combat such an attitude of the majority of the workers, and
to defend the interests of the workers at whatever cost. At the
very beginning of the twentieth century, the Russian Mensheviks
(minimalists) of the time (the so-called "•conomists") denied
the possibility of an open political struggle against Tsarism on
the ground that the working class in general was not yet ripe
for the understanding of the political struggle. So also has the
Right Wing of the Independents of Germany, in all its eompro-
, r«f*r*i te tfct "will of th« maneft," failing to und«r-

recisely for the purpose of march-
and pointing out the way.

(4) The Communist International is firmly convinced that the

old Social Democratic parties of the Second

In ten nmot be represented as the collapse of the pro-

n party organisations in general. The period of open

-hip of the workers has created a new

1 'ommunist Party.

Communist International emphatically rejects the

n that the workers could carry out a revolution without

bavin : pendent political party of their own. Every class

oiitical struggle. The object of this struggle,

which inevitably turns into a civil war, is the obtaining of

r, this power cannot be acquired, or-

nd directed otherwise than by means of a political

the workers have for their leader an organ-

• nc< -d party, with strictly defined objects, and a

drawn up programme of immediate action, both in

1 1 and ton-ign policy— then only will the acquisition of

political i ••*» to be a casual episode, but it will serve

Mint.

•niggle likewise demands that the general guid-

ous forms of the proletarian movement (labour

,t ions, cultural-educational work,

IM united in one central organisation. Only a

< h :<. unifying and guiding centre. To

ngthen such a party and submit to its

to abandon the idea of unity in the guid-

•n groups operating on the different

gle, Lastly, the class struggle of the pro-

ntiatod propaganda, throwing light on

ih»- fight, realising a unified point of view,

at. at each given moment

be accomplished by the whole class.

lout the help of a centralised political

;tic;)l party. Therefore, the propaganda of

. and the partisans of the Indus-

rld (I.W.W.) against (ho necessity of an

matter of fact, has only served

ta of the bourgeoisie and the

Democrats. In their propaganda

..iniunist Party, which tin- Syndicalists and In-

by the trade unions, they approach

"ars after the defeat of the

Revolution in 1905, the Russian Mensheviks proclaimed the
necessity of a so-call^Labour Congress, which was to replace
the revolutionary party of the working class. All kinds of
"Labourites" of England and America, while consciously carry-
ing on a bourgeois policy, are propagating among the workers
the idea of creating indefinite shapeless labour unions instead
of a political party. The revolutionary Syndicalists and Indus-
trialists desire to fight against the dictatorship of the bour-
geoisjte, but they do not know how to do it. They do not see
that the working class without an independent political party
is like a body without a head.

Revolutionary Syndicalism and Industrialism are a step for-
ward only in comparison with the old, musty counter-revolu-
tionary ideology of the Second International. But, in comparison
with the revolutionary Marxian doctrine, i.e., with Communism,
they are a step backwards. The declaration of the "Left" Com-
munists of Germany (in the programme declaration of their
Constituent Congress in April) to the effect that they are form-
ing a party but not one in the traditional sense of the word
("kem Partei im uberlieferten Sinne")— is a capitulation before
the views of Syndicalism and Industrialism which are reaction-
ary. The working class cannot achieve the victory over the
bourgeoisie by means of the general strike alone, and by the
policy of folded arms. The proletariat must resort to an armed
uprising. Having understood this, one realises that an organ-
ised political party is absolutely essential, and that shapeless
labour organisations will not suffice.

The revolutionary Syndicalists frequently advance the idea
of the great importance of a determined revolutionary minority.
The Communist Party is just such a determined minority-of the
working class, which is ready to act, which has a programme
and strives to organise the masses for the struggle.

(6) The most important task of a genuine Communist Party
is to preserve constantly the closest contact with the widest
masses of the .workers. For that purpose the Communists shall
carry on activity also within such organisations which are non-
partisan, but which comprise large proletarian groups, for ex-
ample, organisations of war invalids in various countries, the
"Hands off Russia" Committee in England/ proletarian Tenants'
Unions, and so forth. Of special importance are the so-called
non-party conferences of workers and peasants held in Russia.
Such conferences are being organised almost in every town, in
all industrial districts, and in the country. In the elections to
these conferences, the widest masses even et! the most backward
ct

irt. The agenda at ties* conferences is mad*
pressing questions, such as the food question,
the housing problem, the military situation, the school question,
c their influence on these non-party
• •nergetic manner, and with the greatest
They consider it their most important task
v.-ork of organisation and instruction within such
organisation*. But, in order that their efforts should bring
suits, and that such organisations should
opponents of the revolutionary prole-
most advanced Communist workers should always
own independent, closely united Communist Party
ng in an organised manner, and standing up for the
* of Communism at each turn of events, and
>rm of the movement.

(7) The Communists have no fear of the largest workers'

organisations which belong to no party, even when they are -of

rcu-tinnary nature (yellow unions, Christian trade

). The Communist Party carries on its work inside

'.(ms, and untiringly instructs .the workers, and

Mint flu- idea of no political party as a principle

•;<dy cultivated among the workers by the bourgeoisie

with the object of keeping the proletariat

struggle for Socialism.

(R) The old classical division of the Labour movement into

nions, and Co-operatives—has evi-

The Proletarian Revolution in Russia

d the fundamental form of the workers'

•viets. The new divisions which are now

(1) Tarty. (2) Soviet, (3) Industrial

rty of the proletariat, that is to say, the

constantly and systematically direct

well as of the revolutionised in-

.ion*. The Communist Party, the organised vanguard

direct the struggle of the entire

"d the political fields, and also on the

It must he. the animating spirit, in the in-

'•ur rounrils, and all other forms of prole-

inisations.

as an historically basic form of
;iat in no way lessens the guiding
in the Proletarian Revolution.
the "Left." Communists of Germany
he German proletariat of April 14th, 1920,

signed: "The Communist Labour Party of Germany) that the
Party must always adapt itself to the idea of the Soviets and
assume a proletariaS^tharacter, is nothing but a hazy expres-
sion of the opinion that the Communist Party should dissolve
itself into Soviets, that the Soviets can replace the Communist
Party. This idea is essentially reactionary.

There was a period in the history of the Russian Revolution
when the Soviets were acting in opposition to the Party and
supported the policy of the agents of the bourgeoisie. The same
has happened in Germany and may take place in other countries.

In order that the Soviets may be able to perform their
historic mission, a party of staunch Communists is necessary
who should not merely adapt themselves to the Soviets, but on
the contrary should take care that the Soviets do not adapt
themselves to the bourgeoisie, and to the white-guard Social
Democracy; that with the aid of the Communist factions in
the Soviets the latter be brought under the banner of the
Communist Party.

Those who propose to the Communist Party to "conform"
to the Soviets, those who perceive in such "conformation" a
strengthening of the "proletarian nature" of the party, are ren-
dering a bad service both to the Party and to the Soviets, arid
do not understand the importance of the Party, nor that of the
Soviets. The stronger the Communist Party in each country,
the sooner will the Soviet idea triumph. Many "Independent"
and even "right" Socialists profess to believe in the Soviet idea.
But we cannot prevent such elements from distorting this idea,
except if there exists a strong Communist Party, capable of
determining the policy of the Soviets and making them follow it.

(9) The Communist Party is necessary to the working class
not only before it has acquired power, not only while it is
acquiring such power, but also after the power has passed into
the hands of the working class. The history of the Russian
Communist Party, for three years at the head of such a vast
country, shows that the role of the Party after the acquisition
of power by the working class has not only not diminished,
but, on the contrary, has greatly increased.

(10) On the morrow of the acquisition of power by the
proletariat, its party still remained, as formerly, a part of the
working class. But it was .just that part of the class which
organised the victory. During twenty years in Russia — and for
a number of years in Germany — the Communist Party, in its
struggle not only against the bourgeoisie, but also against those
Socialists, who transmit bourgeois ideas among the proletariat,

100

trolled in its ranks the staunchest, most far-seeing and

• irking class. Only by having

such in of the best part of the

>r ihe Party to overcome all the*

the proletarian dictatorship in

The organisation of a new pro-

•ical abolition of the bourgeois

and the building in its place of the frame-

ite apparatus, the struggle against

mdencies of certain separate groups of

1 uggle against local and provincial "patriotism,"

M the creation of a new labour discipline —

Ings i he linal decisive word is to be said by

hose members by their own example

ity of the workers.

(11 • lor a political party of the proletariat can

; lete abolition of classes. On the way

of Communism, it is possible that the rela-

tie throe fundamental proletarian organisa-

. Soviets, and Industrial Unions)

shall i :iml that gradually a single type

nisation will be formed. The Communist Party,

orbed in the working class only when

object of struggle, and the whole

have become Communist.

he Communist International
sli the historical mission of the
I 'any in general, but it must indicate to the inter-
in rough draft, what kind of Communist

iniunisl International assumes that, especially

••I of the dictatorship of Ihe proletariat the

OUld lie organised on the basis of strict

•-. In oider to lead the working class suc-

ubborn civil war, the Communist

military discipline within its

Russian Communist. Party

il war of the working class

that the victory of the workers

nline, a perfected centralisa-

••>ll the organisations of the

"i-gan of the Parly.

iiould be based on the principle
ocratic centralisation. The chief principle of the latter

101

is the election of the upper party units by those immediately
below, the unconditional submission of the subordinate units to
the decisions of tfQSSfe above them, and a strong party central
organ, whose decrees are binding upon all the leaders of party
life between party conventions.

(15) In view of the state of siege introduced by the bour-
geoisie against the Communists, a whole number of Communist
Parties in Europe and America are compelled to exist illegally.
It jmist be remembered that under such conditions it may be-
come necessary sometimes temporarily to deviate from the strict
observance of the elective principle, and to endow the leading
party organisations with the right of co-option, as was done in
Russia at one time, tinder the state of siege, the Communist
Party cannot have recourse to a democratic referendum among
all the members of the Party (as was proposed by part of the
American Communists), but on the contrary it should empower
its leading central organ to make important decisions in emer-
gencies on 'behalf of all the members of the party.

(16) The doctrine of a wide "autonomy" for the separate
local organisations of the Party at the present moment only
weakens the Communist Party, undermines its working capacity
and aids the development of petty bourgeois, anarchistic, cen-
trifugal tendencies.

(17) In countries where the power is in the hands of the
bourgeoisie, of the counter-revolutionary Social Democrats, the
Communist Party must learn to unite systematically legal with
illegal work, but all legal work must be carried on under the
practical control of the illegal Party. The parliamentary groups
of Communists, both in the central as well as in the local
government institutions, must be fully and absolutely subject
to the Communist Party in general, irrespective of whether the
Party on the whole be a legal or an illegal organisation at the
moment. Any delegate who in one way or another does not
submit -absolutely to the Party shall be expelled from the ranKs
of Communism.

The legal press (newspapers, publications) must be uncon-
ditionally and fully subject to the Party in general and to its
Central Committee. No concessions are admissible in this
respect.

(18) The fundamental principle of all organisation woi
the Communist Party and individual Communists must 1>
creation of Communist nuclei everywhere they find proletarians
and semi-proletarians although even in small numbers,
every Soviet of Workers' Deputies, in every labour union, every

102

co-operative institution, workshop, house committee, in every

nment institution everywhere, even though there may be

mpathising with Communism, a Communist

• immediately organised. It is only the power

< 'nmmunists that enables the advance

uking class to be the leader of the whole class.

. unist nuclei, working in organisations adhering to no

must be subject to the party organisation in

r the I'arty itself is working legally or illegally

! unist nuclei of all kinds must be

• not her in a strictly hierarchical order and

- Communist I'arty must always begin its work

indu.- 'trial workers residing for the most part in

<>r the working class it is necessary

-hould also work in the country, in the villages.

> must cany on its propaganda and organ-

nil ural labourers and the poorer

lly endeavour to organise Communist

'•. in the rural

i national organisation of the proletariat will be

it. in all countries where the Communists are living

and Working, the above principles of party organisation and

islied. The Communist International

ill labour unions which recognise the

e Third International, and are ready to break

mational. The Communist International

,n international section composed of the red

'.vhicli recognise the principles of Communism.

will not refuse to co-operate with

n-^anisations desirous of carrying

iiiionary struggle against the bourgeoisie.

e Communist International will never

sise to Hie workers <>i all the world:

; i ei national is the chief and essential

liberation of the working class. In each

now be not only Communist groups, or

must be only one Communist

103

(3) The Communist Party must b« founded on the principle
of the strictest ceij^alisation, and, during the period of civil
war, it must introcfotee military discipline in its ranks.

(4) In every place where there are a dozen proletarians or
semi-proletarians, the Communist Party must hare an organised
nucleus.

(5) In each non-political organisation there must be a Com-
munist nucleus, strictly subordinate to the Party in general.

(6) While firmly and faithfully supporting the programme
and revolutionary tactics of Communism, the Communist Party
must always be closely united with the most widely spread
workers' organisations, and avoid sectarianism as much as lack
of principle.

FOURTH (EVENING) SESSION.

JULY 24th, 8 p.m.
(Continued after Recess.)

ZINOVIEV— I declare the session op'en. The point of dis-
cussion is the role of the Communist Party. But first we must
decide whether we are to open discussions on the subject or put
it immediately to the vote. Personally I am for voting immedi-
ately. It is up to the Congress, however, to pase the final
decision.

SERRATI — Are there any other motions to continue the dis-
cussion? It seems there are none. We shall then proceed to
vote. Those who are in favour of the theses as proposed, in-
cluding the amendments, are asked to raise their hands. Those
against? Those who abstain? The Resolution has been adopted
unanimously. A half hour's interval is proposed to give the
delegations the possibility of nominating their candidates for
the committees, following which the Bureau, after having con-
sidered the nominees, will offer the list to the sanction of the
Congress.

104

BALABANOVA— The motion of the Bureau la voted on,
hand. Those against? Adopted
unanii. \ half hour's interval is declared.

.ati announces the list of the committees (Levi trans-

-KV I move thai the personnel of the Organisation

be changed. J propose that the representatives of

"iith. who have proposed their own theses, should be given

.ortunit\ of defending them in the Committee. It is very

strange that the authors of the theses have not been put on the

• of their reqit'

XINOVIKV The nun-ail supposed that two special sub-com-

• re going to be elected to deal with the Women's and

Youtl: at ions. These sub-committees are to have not

two. but a considerable number of representatives of the

lovement as well as of the Youths'. This is how we

:••(! the matter. The questions of structural organisation

and constitution of the International is of great importance. I

think that this method of procedure is the most reasonable, and

'hat the Congress will approve of it.

a is pui to the vote. 'File lUireau's proposal is
unanimniish accepted, without any amendment.)

\YYNKOI1 Comrades, it I understand the motion rightly,

.ennan Independents and the French Social Democratic

MI take part in the work of the Committee on the

"n MI admission to the International. I must say that. 1

md t hi* motion, and object to it in the name of

have already introduced a motion in the KxecuUve Com-

demamlinK that these parties, not being Communist,

part, of the Congress-. My party

thai \\e have nothing in common with the

Independent So rthieh forms a part of the Reich-

nothing to do with a govern-
: with regard to the French
is not very great, there is still a

iM-h ai this juncnire on the question of admitting

iiiiernatinnal. which is coming up for

'ii : hul it seems to me that the

ch parties into the International can be

•I only when an official declaration to that

l. This refers also to the qu>

105

of their participation at the Congress In general; that right can
be given only such parties which have made a request for ad-
mission to the InternJfenal. But I have not heard of any such
declaration or application having ibeen received.

We do not know as yet whether any applications for admis-
sion have been made by either of these parties. But should
such aa application come from the Independent Socialist Party,
it certainly ought to be rejected. We cannot have any work in
common with a government party. As far as the French Party
is concerned, we must first of all have its application for ad-
mission, and since that is not forthcoming yet, how can we
admit the participation in the Committee of a party which does
not belong to us, which is not revolutionary, nor Communist,
moreover since that Committee is to discuss the question of
admission to the Third International. The Committee has re-
jected some of my propositions. I propose again that this party
be not admitted to participate in the work of our Committee.

RADEK — Comrades, the arguments of the Dutch delegate are
not in accord with the reasonable line of argument which the
Congress is following. The Credentials Committee has given
the delegates of the Independent Socialist Party a deliberative
vote. But those who are granted a deliberative vote have the
right to know on what conditions they are to join the Inter-
national alliance. But even from the point of view of formality
the reference to applications for admission is opposed to com-
mon sense. Every one of us knows that we are engaged in
negotiations with the Independent Socialist Party regarding its
affiliation to the Third International. Every one of us knows
that millions of German workers, members of this party, have,
staunchly and insistently fought for that union with the Third
International. Now, since these working masses of Gernuiny
have sent to us here their delegates in order to discuss together
with us the conditions for admission to the Third International,
it would be improper on our part, not alone with regard to
delegates, but also with regard to the German workers wh«<
sent them here, to accept the proposition of Comrade Wynkop.
It goes without saying that the delegates of the Independent
Socialist. Party should be given the possibility not only of in-
forming us of their wishes, but also of learning from us what
e require of them. Besides, the procedure of joining UK- Third
ternational is not at all such as Comrade Wynkop imagines
o be- "What has the defendant to say in his defence?'
nothing but an act of agreement between parties wishing to

106

amalgamate. I propose that Comrade Wynkop's motion b«
rejected.

VAN-LEUVEN— Comrades, my co-delegate, Comrade Wyn-
kop, expressed his opposition to the admission of the Independ-
ent Party of Germany and the French Socialist Party into the
Committee. He said he spoke in the name of the Dutch Party.
He is probably right. I say probably, but, of course, the fact
must be finally established, for it is clear that the question
could not have been subject to discussion in our party. For we
couldn't have known, of course, that we migst ibe up against
such a case. But I personally look at the matter from a some-
what different angle. I think, for instance, that the delegates
or the German Independent Socialist Party have come here
under pressure of the Left Wing of the party, that is, the
labouring masses; but I am in agreement with Comrade Wyn-
kop that these delegates should not be admitted. We had occa-
sion to ask these representatives a number of questions in the
Executive Committee. Comrade Radek proposed a list of nine
questions, others asked no less, and finally I myself also put a
number of questions concerning the Theses of Comrade Lenin,
with regard to the conditions of complete amalgamation. As I
;il ready said, other comrades also, including Comrade LeYi,
have put certain questions to the delegates. Now I am greatly
surprised that these people are going to be admitted here now
they have not replied to any of the questions, and we are
therefore in ignorance as to the actual reason for their arriral.
stonishes me greatly. Comrade Radek says that
it ion of Comrade Wynkop is contrary to common
11 obliged to ask — is it logical to admit these people
without having received an answer from them to the questions

<;i ILHKAI'X -I am of the opinion that the representatdres

of tin i Independent Socialist Party and the French

lists must not be admitted to the Congress since they

; .plied for admission into the International. The

ot the French Party have been in Moscow long

>ble to answer the questions put to them. The

noreover has found the time to send a batch of

grains to us, which have only brought confusion

,ind hindered us in our work. I therefore move that the French

dmitted to participate in our work.

DEK — Comrades, when delegates of a large party are
given a deliberative rote, there is no reason lor further wraog-

107

ling on the question as to what that vote implies, But since
two comrades of the Dutch delegation and Comrade Guilbeaux
have advanced profotHfi^-arguments to the effect that this right
implies the absence of right of participation, I must return to
the question again.

Comrade Van Leuven has said that the Executive Committee
has received no replies as yet to the questions put by it to the
German Independent Socialist Party. In my capacity of Secre-
tary of the Executive Committee, I deem it my duty to state
that they were not able to answer the questions, first, because
there has been no session of the Committee since, and second,
because we ourselves have asked the comrades to postpone the
answer to these questions until the general problems or the
Congress are elucidated. When one asks questions, one must.
be able to wait for the reply.

Comrade Van Leuven will have an excellent opportunity of
getting a glimpse into the soul of the German Independent
Socialist Party if it will he admitted to participate in the work
of the Committee dealing with the conditions for admission to
the Third International. We ourselves have made a number of
complaints against the I.S.P., and I believe that we of the Inter-
national have done more in combating the I.S.P. of Germany
than Van Leuven and Wynkop taken together. But since the
representatives of the Independent Socialist Party regard some
of these accusations as false, we must give them the oppor-
tunity of defending and justifying their point of view. With
regard to the French Socialist Party, it has likewise been said
here that none of these parties have made any applications for
admission. If this 'be so, why did we grant them a deliberative
vote? Why do we negotiate with them? I consider that this
discussion is not going to .bring any light on the matter, but is
merely an expression of verbal radicalism having no rerolu-
tionary force behind it.

DAUMIG I do not intend to deal with the question under

discussion as far as its essence is concerned. The Congress
may decide on the question of our admission as it deems proper;
neither do I intend to discuss the assumptions of Comrade
Wynkop, which are not founded upon any knowledge of the
situation. One would expect a man with political experience to
know that the I.S.P. is not a government party, but stands in
opposition to the government. I protest with all my migl
against the assertion that my party is not a revolutionary party.
Our party counts thousaands of victims, thousands of dead and

108

wounded, thousands who languish in penitentiaries, thousands
who art1 up tor trial. I therefore object to our party being
designated as non-revolutionary. .All other matters we shall
discuss in the sessions of the Committee.

WYNKOP— Comrades, I think it is a shame that a man like
Daumig should practise his demagogy at this Congress. As far
as 1 know, I must state that this very Daumig is the man who
during the Kapp coup d'Etat advised the working men not to
arm themselves. Now this man stands up here in Russia, where

ive learned that only by civil war can we get to victory,
and dei'onds himself. But Comrade Radek has said that we are

•.leal ing with verbal radicalism. Now the comrades here
dnn'i seem to understand what it would mean for our Western

ean countries to have such men as Daumig and such
politicians as Cachin put on the same footing here in the Third

•ational with the Communists and revolutionary parties
which h;ivi- already been doing actual work. I warn the com-
rades against it. My time is up. I hope that these people will
not be granted more than they deserve, and that is the In-
;< m Socialist Party — nothing, and the French Socialists—
the credit they deserve after they have applied for admission.

/LN'OVIEV — Comrades, I need not repeat again that we have
.led and will continue to combat all the vacillations and
Right Wing of the Independent Socialist
Bu1 what Comrade Wynkop has said here is simply
ridifiiious. and compromises not our Congress but Wynkop hini-
nd the party ilia! lias sent him here. It is clear that we
ilr.id the greatest i I hose 10 to 11 thousand mem-

the I.S.I', thai are now in jail, and it is only right that
ould do so, for they are proletarian fighters struggling for
H autism. I do not know how many members of
now in jail, or how many times Wynkop
>; has stood before a bourgeois court, nor how many times
'I or put in prison for the cause of the pro-
words -with the comrades of the I.S.P.,
ill not forget at the same
ihc Independent Socialist Party have
i by ihe bourgeoisie and the capitalist execu-
Mirgei that the members of the
in detachments in all these fights.

(1 withoui (hat the objective revolutionary value

i Mini internal i<M,;il of i.he eight hundred thousand

109

workers organised in the I.S.P., though 'badly led, with vacilla-
tions and compromises, 4&11 weigh more on the scales of history
of the Proletarian Revolution than the couple of thousand Dutch
Tribunists, including the Christian Socialists. We have said it
and say it again that we are going to have dealings with every
mass organisation, even though it may be in error, so long as
they fight together with us f§r the cause of the Proletariat. We
are going to treat the revolutionary workers of the I.S.P. just as
we are treating the workers of the Shop Steward movement,
who are not Communist as yet. Should we make any conces-
sions to the musty ideology of Kautsky, then you would be
right, but this we have not done. It is ridiculous for Wynkop,
speaking in the name of a party which has one and a half
thousand members after fifteen years of existence, against the
admission of a party comprising hundreds of thousands of
ordinary workers who have been fighting shoulder to shoulder
with the Communists and who are sincere revolutionaries, as
proletarians always are. I therefore insist on my motion that
we invite the comrades, and that we speak with them frankly
and tell them of our conditions and try to convince them; and
within two months the greatest majority of the workers of the
I.S.P. will be with the International, not only spiritually but in
reality.

LEVI — Comrades, up till this evening I thought that, though
uninformed, Comrade Wynkop was capable of learning some-
thing. Sor two days I have worked hard to explain to him that
the composition of the Presidium of the German Reichstag is
usually made up automatically, in accordance with the number
of votes of each fraction, that this Presidium is in no way
connected with the government party, that the participation in
the Presidium has nothing to do with participation in the
government. Comrade Wynkop for a period of two days acted
as if he had profited by this information. But this evening he
threw everything to the winds and comes out again with his
government party, showing thereby that what he is after is
verbiage and nothing else. He speaks of the German situation
as one who has never read a German paper . . . You would
not laugh so foolishly had you undergone even a tenth part of
those revolutionary struggles which we have had to wage side by
side with revolutionary independents. Of course, we have fought
the I.S.P. We are fighting it at every step now. We are
driving it forward, and, we tell them to their faces wherein they
err. But when men from Holland, men who have not raised a

110

finger to help the German Revolution and the World Revolution

in general, when such men come and make reproaches, then

'here are tens and hundreds of thousands of

n workers fighting in the ranks of the Independents, and

there are hundreds of German workers who have compelled

to come here to Moscow, in face of the opposi-

• : the entire parly machinery. "Now, when here in Moscow

:j», who was ready for great revolutionary deeds

question of getting his credentials for Moscow,

but who was against fighting the Allies at the time when Soviet

Russia was in mortal danger, then I say to him: You have

>ur own conduct, and when we have occasion to

with the comrades of the I.S.P. of their shortcomings and

to tell thorn of our demands, then, Comrade Wynkop, you should

be the last man to deny them this opportunity. I must remind

you of something else. Last summer, during the hardest period

illegal existence, when almost fill of our comrades were

in jail. v,r appealed to your party for assistance; we asked your

to come to us, those very comrades in whose

have just now so hotly protested. We have asked

I'annekook and Gorter be sent to us. ...

V.'VNKOP and VAN-LEUVEN— It is a lie !

LKVI I say that in our hardest moment, when we could
get together an editorial staff for our paper, we asked
i-omrades to send us an editor, but no one came.

VAN l.crVKX I >i ft man and Crispien are not dead yet!

U'.VI The- conn-ado exclaim^ that Dittman and Crispien are

no! dead yet : t'or all that neither am I dead, nor the comrade

if. You also had an opportunity of dying in Germany

• 1 thousands of workers of the I.S.P. have

You have remained in Holland sitting on your coffee-

now yon have become revolutionary.

KHARIN Comrades, it is my opinion that there is no

i bout the representative of a party

"lutinnary as to elect a member of the Christian

on to Parliament. Therefore, I propose that

ion immediately and proceed with the order

The Uureau puts Bukharin's motion to the
The motion is accepted toy an overwhelming majority.

Ill

Those who arc for the admission of the representatives of
the I.S.P. and the French Socialists to participate in the dis-
cussions should raise j^r hands. Against? The motion is
adopted by a large majority. We wdll now proceed to the elec-
tion of sub-committees. The Bureau announces the motion of
Comrade Af^cLaine calling for the appointment of a special
committee to study the question of the Labour Party in England.
MaeLaine's motion is adopted.

I would propose that we determine the hours of the sessions
of the Committees. The Bureau proposes that the following
four Committees get to work to-morrow: (1) On the National
and Colonial Question, at 12 noon; (2) on the Trade Union
Question, also at 12; (3) Parliamentarism, at 12; (4) Conditions
for Admission to the Third International, at 5 p.m. All the
Committees will work here, two in the large hall and the other
two in the adjoining rooms. The other three Committees re-
main for Monday. The Organisation Committee for 11 o'clock,
the Agrarian Committee for 11, the Committee which is to deal
with the Tasks of the Communist International at 1 o'clock.
Should the Committees not be -ready with their reports to-
morrow, they will have to continue on Monday. At 8 p.m. on
Monday there will be a plenary session. We hope that at least
one or two committees will be through with their work by that
time.

SERRATI — The session of the Congress is closed.

FIFTH SESSION.

JULY 26 (EVENING).

ZINOVIEV — I, declare the session open.

I request all the delegates to hand in their written reports
about their respective parties as soon as possible. We have re-
ceived up till now only three reports, and we ask you to hand in
the rest of the material within the next two or three days.
Various committees hav been working but they are not through
yet. The Commission on the National and Colonial questions
has carried its work furthest, and is in a position to bring in its
report. We therefor* propose that the Congress taki up the

112

olonial quest ion for discussion to-day. Is there
seems to be none, I propose that we
• •ussion of the National question. Comrade
Lenin has the floor.

Comrades, I sliall limit myself to a few short intro-
• narks and then yield the floor to Comrade Maring,
try ol our Committee, who is to report in detail upon
to the theses adopted by the Committee. Then
.de Roy will present his supplementary motions. Our
Comn; reported the former and the latter by unanimous

. i)ii will see from the theses, we have reached unani-
mous cnnelusions on the most important questions, and I shall

ther brief.
What is the essence, the main idea of our resolution?

fundamental difference between the policy of the Second

Intei-national and that of the Third International is that the

u!> tin question of the liberation not only of the

Hi also of the small nations, which are financially,

'ly oppressed by the great capitalist

The essential nature of imperialism consists in the

divisM i-ntire world into a large number of oppressed

nations and a very insignificant, number of oppressing nations,

nously rich and powerful from a militarist point

"iioi mous mass of the population of the earth,

Mian a billion, probably a billion and a quarter, forming 76

.1 i In- population of the earth — taking the population

of the earth to be one and three quarter billions — belong to the

These belong either to dependent colonies

•ial countries such as Persia, Turkey, and China,

which have been defeated by the great im-

»w in a condition of complete depend-

the division of nations into oppressors and

d in all the theses, not only in those

T and published previously, but also in those of

latter have been written from the stand-

ind the Kn'at Asiatic nationalities, and are there-

us. The second important point

world situation and the rela-

tts following i he Imperialist. War is based

iiall number of Imperialist nations

••Viet movement, or where

Mas been overthrown by the Soviet

•M this angle can

113

we understand the colonial and national problems in i
motest parts of the world. Only from this point ot view can
the Communist Parti^J^of the civilised as well as of to-
ward counties correctly put and properly answer these political
questions.

Next I wish to lay special stress on the question of the bour-
geois democratic movement in the backward countries. This
matter was the subject, of some controversy. We fought, over
the question as to whether it is proper theoretically and on
principle to declare that the Communist International and the
. Communist Parties are bound to support the bourgeois demo-
cratic movements in the backward countries. The result of the
discussion was that we came to the unanimous conclusion that
we should not deal with bourgeois democratic movements but
with revolutionary nationalist movements. There is no doubt
that every nationalist movement can be only a bourgeois demo-
cratic movement, for the great mass in the backward countries
consists of peasants, who are the representatives of small capi-
talist relations. It would be Utopian to suppose that proletarian
parties — as far as there is a chance of forming such — are in a
position to carry on Communist activity and Communist politics
without getting into definite relations with the peasants of the
backward countries and without their support. The objection
was raised that in using the phrase bourgeois democratic move-
ment we lose sense of the difference between the reformist and
the revolutionary movement which have of late sprung up in the
backward countries and in the colonies. The Imperialist bour-
geoisie has done everything in its power to create a reformist
movement. An understanding has been reached between the
bourgeoisie of the exploiting countries and that of the colonial
countries, so that most often the 'bourgeoisie of the oppressed
countries, though supporting the national movement, neverthe-
less works together with the Imperialist bourgeoisie against all
revolutionary movements. This has been clearly proreii, and in
order to take note of this difference the words "bourgeois demo-
cratic" should >be replaced (by the term "nationalist revolution-
ary." The idea is that we, as Communists, should support the
bourgeois movements for liberation in the colonies only in cases
when these movements are really revolutionary, when fh-
not opposed to our enlightening and organising "the pe;i
and the great masses of the exploited for revoltifionar
poses. When this is impossible the Communists are obliged t
fight against the reformist bourgeoisie in those countries, as well
as against the heroes' of the «econd International. Ther« ar«
*

114

already such parties in the colonial countries; they naturally

= ont the reformist bourgeoisie, although they call them-

ial ivmocratic or Socialist. This distinction has been

emphasised in all the theses, and I believe our point of view gets

thereby a more precise formulation.

An- irk I wish to make concerns the question of the

Tm jiractical work of the Russian Communists
in the colonies formerly belonging to the Tsar, in such backward
counttries as Turkestan and others, has put us face to face with
the question o'f how Communist principles, tactics, and policy
are to ibe applied to pre-capitalist relations. For the most im-
portant feature of these countries is that pre-capitalist relations
still prevail there, and that therefore there can be no question of
a purely proletarian movement. There is almost no industrial
proletariat there. Nevertheless we assumed and were comipelled
ume the role of leaders. Our work there has shown that
there are enormous difficulties to be overcome, but the result of
our practical activity has likewise shown that it is possible, in
of these difficulties, to awaken independent political
thought and activity even in those countries where there is
almost no proletariat. This activity has been for us harder than
it would have been for other advanced countries, because the
m proletariat has been overburdened with problems of
It is self-evident that peasants in a semi-feudal depend-
ent state are able to conceive the idea of Soviet organisation and
also to act upon this idea. It is clear that the masses in these
countries are being exploited not only by commercial capital, but
by the feudal relations of the State, and that this weapon,
• mi of organisation, can be applied to these relations. The
iraple one, and can be applied not only to- proletarian
ons but also to feudal and semi-feudal peasant relation-
Our exi P. this field has not been very great,

but the di: (Missions in the Committee, where many representa-
tives of the colonial countries were present, have proved to us
Icfinitely and absolutely that we must base the Revolution
•lernntional on the assumption that the pea-
• Soviets of the exploited, are applicable not
but can be adapted also to pro-
ami that it is the absolute duty of the
who are ready to organise Communist
of peasant Soviets and of Soviets
•ywhere, including the backward and colonial
countries, and to make the attempt, wherever conditions permit,
to create peasant Soviets or Soviets of the labouring people,

This opens up a very interesting and important field of activity.
The experience is not large as yet, but we shall accun
more and mpre mateiS^ and there can be no doubt of tin-
that the proletariat o^Phe advanced countries must help an
help the backward toiling masses. There is no doubt that
the victorious proletarian Soviet Republics will lend a helping
hand to these masses, the development of the backward coun-
tries will pass out of its present stage. This question a;
quite a lively discussion in the Committee, not only in connec-
tion with the theses advanced by myself, but much more in con-
nection with those of Comrade Roy, which he is going to advo-
cate here, after some changes have been agreed upon. The
question was whether it is correct to assume that the develop-
ment of capitalist economy is inevitable in those backward
countries which are now liberating themselves, and in which
progressive movements have been started since the war; and we
came to the conclusion that it is not inevitable, and that when
the victorious revolutionary proletariat will carry on a sys
tic propaganda and the Soviet governments will assist with all
the means at their disposal, then it is incorrect to assume that
the capitalist stage is unavoidable for those nations. Not only
must we form independent nuclei of party organisations, not
only must we proceed at once to progagate the idea of peasant
Soviets and to adapt these Soviets to pre-capitalist conditions,
but the Communist International must declare on theoretical
grounds that with the assistance of the proletariat of the ad-
vanced countries the backward nations can arrive to the Soviet
form of organisation and through certain stages pass on to Com-
munism, obviating the capitalist stage. It is impossible to indi-
cate beforehand the means to be used for that purpose; practical
experience will show the way, but it is firmly established that
all working masses, including those of the remotest nationali-
ties, are susceptible to the Soviet idea, and that these Soviet
organisations must be adapted to pre-capitalist relation
and that the work of the Communist Parties all over the wor
must start at once in this direction.

The last thing I wish to mention here concerns the re\
tionary activity of the Communist Parties not only in their o
respective countries, but also in the colonies, and espec
among the troops employed by the exploiting nations
subjection of the colonies. In speaking on this matter Comrade
Quelch of the British Socialist Party said that the av-rag
English worker would consider it as "treason to render ass
to the dependent countries against the English authorities.

116

is true that the jingoist and chauvinist elements of the Labour

p,d. America, and France form the greatest

: for Socialism, the strongest support of the Second Inter-

nd%the greatest treachery toward the working class,
colonial question had been discussed in the Second Inter-
national also. The Basel manifesto made a definite declaration
point. There were promises of revolutionary action. Bui
lie Second International and, I believe, also the
;ty of the parties that have left the Second International,
and are nov, seeking to aililiate themselves with the Third Inter-
national do not deal with the question of doing actual revolu-
tionary work in order to assist the exploited and dependent
a in their revolts against the oppressing nations. We
nly; and it cannot be denied. No one here will
l>t to deny it, and no such attempt would succeed. We
uad sufficient general talk about resolutions which have
!ural distrust, and the strong prejudices against Par-
e based on the fact that the revolutionary work-
ing men have seen in it nothing' but systematic deception. We
; sise that point. The Committee was unanimous in
this matter, and has given emphasis to it in many passages of
solution. Should there be any more motions made in this

y will be welcome.

above considerations have served as a basis for the re-
solutions, which are undoubtedly too long, but I believe that
\\ill nevertheless be of use and contribute towards the
ihe organisation of real revolutionary activity in
nd colonial fields, which is our main problem.

7INOVIEV — The floor is granted to Comrade Maring, secre-
imission.

RINC — Comrades, the Commission has studied Comrade

> 11 ts the supplementary theses of Comrade

following alterations and amendments were made in

clause of the third section jsays : "The Imperialist

(rah"] very clearly to all the nations

hole world," and so forth.

<>f the theses.) This was changed as follows:

• :-man edition, third line from the
\lso the labouring masses of all
i peoples."
• tion 5, page 62 on the 16th line, delete "grouping around

117

itself," and add "should group around themselves the oppressed
peoples." The same paragraph on the 20th line: "There is no
salvation for them ^ffP&ide of an alliance with the rev.
proletariat and the victory of the Soviet Governm-

Section 6, line 10 from top, instead of "bourgeois democratic
movement" read "the revolutionary nationalist movement of
emancipation." Delete from the second line of this sectioi
words "workers and peasants."

In the 8th paragraph, the 9th line from the top, instead of
"without any basis" read "on the basis."

Section' 9, from lines 7 to 11 read "by which the bourgeois
democrats limit themselves — whether or not they call them-
selves Socialists."

Section 10, line 2, add the word "exclusively," to read "ex-
clusively verbally."

Line 12, after the word "prejudice," add in brackets "which
appear in various forms: race hatred or national persecution
such as anti-semitism."

In the first paragraph of Section 11 read, "with the assistance
of all Communist Parties is necessary to the national revolu-
tionary," and so forth.

The second paragraph should read : The necessity of struggle
with the reactionary and mediaeval influence of the clergy, of
the Christian missions, and other elements."

In paragraph 3 read: "The necessity of the struggle with
Panislamism, the Pan-Asiatic movement, and other similar ten-
dencies."

In paragraph 4, after the words "the Polish character," add
"where it is possible organising the peasant and all those
Soviets which have been previously omitted for some reason or
another."

In paragraph 5 to change all through the words "boui •-
democratic" for the words "nationalist revolution

Paragraph 6, line 5, read: "Imperialist empires
assistance of the privileged classes."

In paragraph 12 delete the sentence which begins with
words "on the other hand," and ends with the words "national
limitations."

Comrade Roy's theses were thoroughly discussed by the <
mission, and passed in the form in which Comrade Roy is going
to read' them to the Congress. I think that it is possible now
to introduce all these alterations into the text of the theses.

ROY— Comrades, as a representative of British Inr
submitted to the Congress and to th» Commission certain sup-

118

plementary theses which should be made public here, in view of

.id that they have not been published. I will now read

SUPPLEMENTARY THESES ON THE NATIONAL AND
COLONIAL QUESTIONS.

(1) To determine more especially the relation of the Com-
munist Intel national to the revolutionary movements of the
countries dominated by capitalistic imperialism; for instance,
India and China, etc., is one of the most important questions

e the Second Congress of the Third International. The
history oi the World Revolution has come to a point when a
• nding of this relation is indispensable. The great
can War and its results have shown clearly that the
a of non-European subjected countries are inseparably
• •ted with the proletarian movement in Europe, as a con-
sequence of centralised World Capitalism (for instance, the
sending of colonial troops and huge armies of workers to the
»nts during the war, etc.).

(2) One of the main sources from which European Capitalism
its chief strength is to be found in the colonial posses-

aml dependencies.

Without the control of the extensive markets and vast fields
>U>i ration in the colonies, the capitalist powers of Europe
rannoi maintain their existence even for a short time. England,
nmglmld <>!' imperialism, has been suffering from over-pro-
duction since more than a century ago. But for the extensive
ions acquired for the sale of her surplus products
source of raw materials for her ever growing industries,
the capitalist structure of England would have-crushed under its
own weight long ago. By enslaving the hundreds of millions of
ml Africa. English Imperialism succeeds so
'i proletariat under the domination of

(3) Sup' lined in the colonies is the mainstay of

;md so long as the latter is not deprived of

; profit, it will not be easy for the European

. i throw the capitalist order. Thanks to the

xtensive and intensive exploitation of the

nd natural resources in the colonies, the capi-

are trying, not without success, to re-

i bankruptcy. By exploiting the

in th« coftmles, Buropean Imperialism will b« in a pbsi-

i *•?

tlon to give concession after concession to the Labour aristoc-
racy at home. Whilst, on the one hand, European Imperialism
seeks to lower theC§fendard of living of the home proletariat
by bringing into competition the productions of the lower paid
workers in subjected countries, on the other hand it will not
hesitate to go to the extent of sacrificing the entire surplus value
in the home country, so long as it continues to gain its huge
super-profits in the colonies.

(4) The breaking up of the colonial empire, together wit1.
proletarian revolution in the home country, will overthrow the
capitalist system in Europe. Consequently, the Communist In-
ternational must widen the sphere of its activity. It must
establish relations with those revolutionary forces that are work-
ing for the overthrow of imperialism in the countries subjecte
politically and economically. These two forces must be co-
ordinated if the final success of the World Revolution i:
guaranteed.

(5) The Communist International is the concentrated wil
the world revolutionary proletariat. Its mission is to organise
the working class of the whole world for the overthrow of 1
capitalistic order and the establishment of Communism.
Third international is a fighting body which must assume
task of combining the revolutionary forces of all the countn

of the world.

Dominated as it was by a group of politicians, permea

with those in the non-European countries.

craft industries were

cereals , todder and

129

01 land in the hands of bif landowners, of financial
ii*u and the Suite, thu* creating a huge landless peasan-
The great bulk of the population was kept, in a state of
he ivsult of i his policy the spirit of revolt, latent
r\ subject people, found iis expression only through the
sum 11 educated middle class.

r«> reign domination has obstructed the free development of

.cial forces; therefore its overthrow is the first step to-

a revolution in the colonies. So to help overthrow the

foreign rule in the colonies is not to endorse the nationalist

iions of the native bourgeoisie, but to open the way to the

smothered proletariat there.

(7) There are to be found in the dependent countries two dis-
tinct movements, which every day grow farther apart from
each other. One is the bourgeois democratic national move-
ment, with the programme of political independence under the
bourgeois order, and the other is the mass action of the igno-

ind poor peasants and workers for their liberation from all
of exploitation. The former endeavour to control the
and often succeed to a certain extent, but the Communist
International and the parties affected must struggle against such
control and help to develop class consciousness in the working
of the colonies. For the overthrow of foreign capital-
ism, the first step towards revolution in the colonies, the co-
ion of the bourgeois nationalist revolutionary elements is
useful.

But the foremost a,nd necessary task is the formation of Com-
munist Parties which will organise the peasants and workers
and lead them to the Revolution and to the establishment of
•ublics. Thus the masses of the backward countries
nmunism, not through capitalistic development,
but led by the class conscious proletariat of the advanced

(8) The real strength of the liberation movement in
colonies is no longer confined to the narrow circle of the bour-

10 nationalists. In most of the colonies there
.red revolutionary parties which strive to be

in Hi. ,1 with the working masses. The relation of the

r.mist International vuth the revolutionary movement in
: realised through the' medium of these
- they are the vanguard of the working
egpective countries. They are not very large to-
leflect the aspirations of the masses, and the
will follow tlmm to the Revolution. Tke Communist

•*. 121

Parties ef the different imperialist countries must work Jn con-
junction with these .proletarian parties of the colonies, and
through them give jjjjfrral and material support to ;
tionary movements in general.

(9) The Revolution in the colonies is not going 1o i>
munist Revolution in its first stages. But ir from the
leadership is in the hands of a Communist vanguard, th
Yolutionary masses will not be led astray, but go ahead through
the successive periods of development of revolution;!
once. Indeed it would be extremely erroneous in many of the
Oriental countries to try to solve the agrarian problem accord-
ing to pure Communist principles. In its first stages the Re-
volution in the colonies must be carried on with a programme
which will include many petty bourgeois reform clauses, such
as division of land, etc. But from this it does not follow at all
that the leaadership of the Revolution will have to be surren-
dered to the bourgeois democrats. On the contrary, the prole
tarian parties must carry on vigorous and systematic propa-
ganda of the Soviet idea, and organise peasants' and workers'
Soviets as soon as possible. These Soviets will work in co-
operation with the Soviet Republics in the advanced capitalistic
countries for the ultimate overthrew of the capitalist order
throughout the world.

Certain of the alterations which the Commission has n
in my theses have been accepted by me. I draw the si
attention of the Congress to these most important questions.
I am most pleased that I have the opportunity for the first time
to take part in the serious discussion of the colonial question
at the Congress of the revolutionary proletariat. Until th-
sent time the European parties did not pay sufficient attention
to this question; they were too busy with their own affairs, and
ignored the colonial questions. At the same time i
tions are of great importance for the international movement,
England is at the present moment the most powerful imperialia
state the chief reason being its vast colonial possessions,
acquired great importance, power, and a firm social posit
this should be looked upon as the result of its colonial i»o>
sions And although the same cannot be said of <:•
view of the fact that this country is at the present til
of its colonies, the question of .colonies is nevertheless of
nificance not only for England. It is necessary that the G<
comrades should devote their attention to this question or i
has acquired an international significance. The economic m-e,
relation between Europe and the colonies is at the present fcimi

. 122

the foundation of the entire system of capitalism. Surplus
value, which was in the past produced in England, is at the
present time partly produced in the colonies. Furthermore,
additional products which are manufactured in England itself
are exported to the colonies. In this way England has organ-
ised her production in such a manner that articles of primary
necessity are manufactured by her during the space of three
months annually. England has at all times exploited its
workers in the most brutal manner. The same system of ex-
propriation, the impoverishment and oppression of human per-
sonality in the labourer is applied by that country to all sub-
jected nationalities. British India alone possesses a population
of not less than three hundred and fifteen millions. Along with
British India, England exploits also several millions coloured
people in the colonies. Since the Communist International has
decided to take up thfs question, the next step is to find the best

• r furthering the development of the colonial movement.
1'ntil lately there were in the colonies only bourgeois national
revolutionary movements, whose only aim it has been to re-
place the foreign exploiters in order to be able to do the ex-
ploiting themselves.

During the war and immediately after it great changes have

taken place in India. While formerly English capitalism had

always hindered the development of Indian industry, of late it

hanged that policy. The growth of industry in British

India has gone on at such a pace as can hardly be imagined

a Kurope. Taking into consideration that during recent

times the industrial proletariat of British India has increased

per cent., and that the capital employed in British Indian

industry has risen 2,000 per cent., one gets an idea of the rapid

• pment of the capitalist system in British India. The same
; pplies to Egypt, the Dutch Indies, and China.

;he same time a new movement among the exploited
a has started in India, which has spread rapidly and found
sion in a gigantic strike movement. This mass movement
is not controlled by the revolutionary nationalists, but is de-
veloping independently, in spite of the fact that the nationalists
Miring to make use of it tor their own purposes. This
movement <>i the masses is of a revolutionary character, al-
though it cannot be said that- the workers and peasants consti-
tuting iss-conscious. But they are nevertheless revolu-
Ifl evident by their daily activity. This stage of
volutiomiry movement of ttie masses opens a new field of
ft tfcfcuBnimWt Fnflfnnrtftfcral, nrffl ft ife $•!»? a

123

tion of finding the proper methods for gathering the fruits of
that activity. Natural^, a revolution started by the masses in
that stage will not beha Communist revolution, for revolutionary
nationalism will be in the foreground. But at anyrate this
revolutionary nationalism is going to lead to the downfall of
European Imperialism, which would be of enormous significance
for the European proletariat. I conclude my speech with an
urgent appeal to the delegates of the Congress in no wise to
reject that support which the colonial peoples are now offering
the revolutionary proletariat.

REED — There are ten million negroes in America; mostly
concentrated in the Southern States; but of late years many
thousands have gone North. The negroes in the North are in
industry, while the greater part of the Southern negroes are
agricultural workers or small tenant farmers. The position of
the negroes especially in the Southern States is a terrible one.
They are barred from all political rights. The sixteenth
amendment of the Constitution of the United States grants the
negroes full citizenship. Most Southern States, however, disen-
franchise the negroes. In others in which the negroes nr.iy
legally vote they do not dare to do so.

Negroes cannot travel in the same cars with white men, enter
the same hotels and restaurants, or live in the same parts of
the towns. There are separate and inferior schools for negroes
and separate churches. This segregation of the negroes is
called the "Jim Crow" system, and the ministers of Southern
churches preach a "Jim Crow" hea.ven. In industry the negroes
are unskilled workers. Until recently they were excluded from
most unions of the American Federation of Labour. The I. WAV.,
of course, organised the negroes. The old Socialist Partp did
not seriously attempt to organise the negroes. In some states
negroes were not admitted to the Party at all, in others they
were organised in separate branches; and in the Southern
States generally the Party constitutions forbade the use of ;
funds for the propaganda among negroes.

The negro in the South generally has no right in tl
and no protection from it. Negroes can be killed by white men
with impunity. The great institution of the Southern whi;
is the lynching of negroes. This consists in mobbed mimic-
which commonly takes the form of drenching the negro with
oil, hanging him to a telegraph pole, and setting him o
The entire population of the town, men,- women, and <
come out to see the show, and carry home pieces of the negro
clothing and fitfsfc as souvenirs.

124

;ve too short a time to give the historical background of
the negro problem in the United States. Descendents of a slave
population, the negroes were emancipated while still politically
and economically undeveloped — as a military measure in the
Civil War. They were then given full political rights, in order
to create a vicious class war in the South, which would prevent
the development oi' Southern capitalism until the Northern capi-
talists had seized the resources of th§ country.

The negro displayed no aggressive consciousness of race until
recently. The first awakening of the negroes came after the
Spanish American War, in which the 'black regiments fought
with extreme bravery, and returned home with the sense of
equality as men with the while soldiers. Up to this time the
only movement among the negroes had been a sort of semi-
philanthropic educational movement, headed by Booker T.
Washington, supported by the white capitalists, consisting in the
establishment of schools to train the negroes to be good ser-
vants in industry, and mentally to train them to reconcile to the
position of a subject people. Following the Spanish War there
is an aggressive reform movement among the negroes, demand-
ing social and political equality with the whites.

The outbreak of the European War sent half a million
negroes, drafted into the American Army, to France, where,
brigaded with the French troops, they found themselves sud-
denly considered as equals of white soldiers, socially and in
every other way. American General Headquarters sent an order
to the French Command asking that the negroes be excluded
I'rom all places frequented by white men and be treated as

MI'S.

Returning from the war, after this experience, many of the

negroes being decorated for gallantry by the French and Belgian

he negroes went back to their Southern villages

ere lynched because they had dared to wear their uniforms

Mini decorations in the streets.

< mendous movement was taking place

among the negioes who remained. Thousands of them went

war industries, and there came in contact with

; I he Labour movement. The high wages

•HUM- I han offset by the immensely high prices of the

necessities of 1 over, the negroes revolted against

merciless driving to work, much quicker

than the white workers, who had been used to the terrible ex-

<-ars.
The negroes went on ;-trikr with Ike white workers, and

125

rapidly became iden lined with the industrial proletariat,
proved extremely susceptible to revolutionary propaganda
this time was founded a^^gazine called the "Messenger," *
by a young negro Socialist named Randolph, which com:
Socialist propaganda with appeals to the race consciousn*
the negroes to defend themselves against the brutal
the whites. This magazine, however, urged the closest po
union with the wlmte workers, even though the white workers
sometimes took part in pogroms against the negroes, pointing
out that it was the capitalists who maintained race antagonism
of both blacks and whites for capitalist interests.

The return of the army from the war threw immediately four
million white workers on the labour market. Unemployment
immediately followed, and the impatience of the demobilised
soldiers grew so formidable that the employers were forced to
turn this discontent away from themselves by telling the soldiers
that their places had 'been taken by the negroes — thus provoking
massacres of the negroes by the white workers.

The first of these outbreaks occurred in the national capital,
Washington, where the petty Government office holders came
back from the war to find their places occupied by negroes.
Most of these office holders were Southerners anyway. They
organised night attacks upon the negro quarters in order to
terrorise the negroes into surrendering their positions. To the
astonishment of everyone, the negroes poured into the streets
fully armed, and a battle raged during which the negroes boasted
that they killed three white men to every negro murdered.
Several months later another riot broke out in Chicago, which
lasted for several days, many negroes and white men being
killed. Still a third massacre took place in Omaha later. In
all those fights, for the first time in history, the negroes showed
that they were armed, well organised, and absolutely unafraid
of the whites. The effect of the negro resistance was in the
first place belated Government interference, and in the second
place the opening of the labour unions of the American Federa-
tion of Labour to negro workers.

Among the negroes themselves a great racial consciousn
arose. There was and is among the negroes now a section which
advocates armed insurrection against the whites,
societies were organised everywhere by the returned negi
soldiers for resistance to white lynchers. But while the Com-
munists should energetically support the negro defence moi
ment, they should discourage all ideas of a separate
surrection of the negroes. Many people think that a negro rising

126

would be the signal for the general Revolution in America. We
know that without the co-operation of the white proletariat it
would be the signal for the counter-revolution.

The "Messenger" rapidly increased in circulation, with its
tone of outright, defiance, until at present more than 150,000
copies a month are distributed. At the same time Socialist ideas
rapidly spread and are spreading among the negroes in industry.

Considered as an oppressed and subject people, the negroes
present a twofold problem: that of a strong racial and social
movement, and of a proletarian labour movement advancing
very fast in class-consciousness. The negroes have no demands
for national independence. All movements aiming at a sepa-
rate national existence for negroes fail, as did the "Back to
Africa Movement" of a few years ago. They consider themselves
first of all Americans at home in the United States. This makes
it very much simpler for the Communists.

The policy of the American Communists towards the negroes
should be primarily to consider the negroes as workers. The
agrarian workers and tenant farmers of the South present pro-
blems identical to those of the white agrarian proletariat, al-
though the negroes are extremely backward. Among the negro
industrial workers of the North Communist propaganda can toe
spread. In both sections of the country, among all negroes,
every effort must be made to organise them in the labour unions
with the white workers, as the best and quickest means of
breaking down race prejudice and developing class solidarity.
But the Communists must not stand aloof from the negro move-
ment for social and political equality, which in the present
ii of racial consciousness enlists the negro masses. The
Communists must use this movement to point out the futility
of bourgeois equality, and the necessity of the Social Revolution,
not only to free all workers from servitude, but also as the only
in* ,:ns of freeing the negroes as a subject people.

FRAINA — The previous speaker spoke of the negroes as a
subject people in the United States, but we have two other kind
of subject peoples — the foreign workers and the peoples in the
colon

The h-rriblf suppression oi' strikes and revolutionary move-
ments in the United States is not a consequence of the war, but
an intf-nsilicd political expression of the previously existing atti-
:.iw;irds the unorganised unskilled workers. The strikes of
workers were brutally crushed. Why? Because these un-
organised unskilled workers are mostly foreigners (constituting
about 60 per cent, of the industrial proletariat), and the foreign

workers in the United States are practically in the status of
colonial peoples. After the Civil War (1861-1865) capitalism
developed rapidly; the -S$gat undeveloped West was opened by
the trans-continental railway system. The investment <•
for this development came from the Eastern states and Europe;
while immigrants became the human raw material precisely as
the peoples in a backward colonial country are being "deve-
loped" by an imperialistic force.

Concentration of industry and monopoly arose — all the
typical conditions of an internal imperialism, before the United
States developed its external imperialism.

The horrors practised upon colonial peoples are not worse
than those practised upon foreign workers in the United States.
For example, in 1912 there was a miners' strike in Ludlow;
soldiers were used and the miners thrown out of their homes,
being compelled to live in tents. One day, while the men were
some miles away fighting with the mine-guards, a contingent of
soldiers surrounded the tents, set them afire, hundreds of women
and children being burned to death. Under these conditions the
class struggle in the United States partly assumes a racial form.
Precisely as in the case of a negro revolt being the signal not
for the proletarian revolution but for the bourgeois counter-re-
volution, so in the case of a revolt of the foreign workers. The
great task is to unite these with the American workers in one
revolutionary movement.

The whole of Latin America must be considered as a colony
of the United States, and not simply the actual colonies, such as
the Phillipines, etc., in Central America; the United States is in
complete control by means o£ an army of occupation. But this
control also exists in Mexico and North America, exercised in
two ways : (1) By means of economic and financial penetration,
all the more powerful since the expropriation of German in-
terests in these countries; (2) by means of the Monroe Doctrine,
which from its original form of protecting the Americans from
monarchical schemes, has been transformed into an instrument
to assure the supremacy of United States Imperialism in Latin
America, One year before the war President Wilson interpre-
ted the Monroe Doctrine as giving the American Government
power to prevent British capitalists acquiring new oil wells in
Mexico. In other words, Latin America is the colonial basis of
the imperialism of the United States. The economic conditions
in the rest of the world become more and more disturbed; the
imperialism of the United States recoups itself by increasing
the exploitation and development of Latin America. It is neces-

128

sary 10 strike at this imperialism by developing revolutionary
movements in Latin America precisely as it is necessary to
strike at British Imperialism by developing revolutionary move-
ments in its colonies. The movement in the United States has
up till how paid no attention to the Latin American movement,
with the consequence that this movement ideologically depends
upon Spain instead of the United States. The Latin American
movement must be liberated from this dependence, as well as
from its Syndicalist prejudices. The American Federation of
Labour and the reactionary Socialist Party are trying to arrange
pan-American organisations, but these are not for revolutionary
purposes. The Communist movement in the United States in
particular, and the Communist International in general, must
actively intervene in the Latin American movement. The move-
ment in the I'nited States and in Latin America must be con-
sidered as one movement, war strategy and tactics must be en-
visaged in terms of the American Revolution, comprising the
whole of the Americas, a fundamental task of the Communist
International, the accomplishment of which alone will assure the
World Revolution, is the destruction of United States Imperial-
ism; and this destruction is possible only by means of a gigantic
revolutionary movement embracing the whole of the Americas,
each national unit of which subordinates itself to the unified
problems of the American Revolution.

RADEK — At all the Congresses of the Second International
protests were raised against the rule of the Imperialist govern-
ments in the colonial countries, and at the present time as well
the question is being dealt with at the conferences of the Sec-
ond International, where men like Huysman, Henderson and Co.
are distributing independence right and left, even to nationali-
ties which make no demand for it. Had we nothing more to do
than continually to protest to the world against the imperialist
policy, and to "recognise" independences, then our task would
be quite an easy one. But we have assumed a different attitude
in the practical struggle of colonial countries. What we have to
do is to lay the foundations of a Communist policy based on the
concrete stages of colonial relationships. We have to take steps
towards the practical support of the struggle in the colonies,
.enin quoted an expression of Comrade Quelch, who
Committee on the Colonial Question that, should
it in India, the jingo press may succeed in in-
rt of tho English working men to partiri-
:n the suppression of that uprising. If Quelch made this
statement merely to show fehat the English working class is still

129

imbued with strong imperialirtie sentiments, thtn there in
nothing to say against it. But if this assertion is made in order
to justify our Englisj^omrades for being passive in the case of
a colonial uprising, acquiescing in the opinion that nothing else
can be done to counteract this attitude besides adopting resolu-
tions of protest against it, we would be compelled to say that
the Communist International must begin by teaching its mem-
bers the very A.B.C. of Communism. When the English workers,
instead of rebelling against bourgeois prejudices, support the
English Imperialism or passively tolerate it, they are contri-
buting towards the suppression of every revolutionary move-
ment in England itself. The English proletariat cannot free
itself from the yoke put upon it by capitalism without entering
into the fight for the revolutionary movement in the colonies.
When the time arrives for the English workers to rise against
their own capitalist class, they will find that England can at
best provide only 30 per cent, of the necessaries of life by
means of her own production. They will find that American
capital will make an attempt to blockade proletarian England,
for even if the American shipping trade will not be able to cut
off supplies from proletarian Europe for any length of time be-
cause the American producers will want to do business, it is
most probable that English capital will buy up American crops
for a period of one or two years in order to keep them out of
reach of the English proletariat. In a situation like this the
fate of the English Revolution will depend upon the attitude of
the peasants and workers of Ireland, India, Egypt, and so forth.
It will depend upon whether these peasants and workers will
regard the English working men as their defenders or they will
see in them the henchmen of the English imperialists.

The Labour Congress of Scarborough has adopted an import-
ant resolution demanding the independence of India and Egypt
There was not a Communist at that Congress to get up and state
that the Macdonalds are supporting the English bourgeoisie
while beguiling the English workers in speaking of the inde-
pendence of India, Ireland, and Egypt, It is rank hypocrisy and
deception when such gentlemen who, after the massacre t
Amritsar, did not rise in parliament to brand General Dyers a*
a common murderer, stand up as the defenders of the independ-
ence of the colonies. We regret very much that our comrade*
in the Labour Party did not tear the masks from the faces
tkese hypocrites. The International will judge the English com-
rades net by the article* they write in the "Call" and In the
"Worlds' Dreadnought," but by the number of eomrado*

130

ar« tkrown iat.» priera f«r agitation «f tk« ««l«nial
We draw the attention of the English comrades to the fact that
it is their duty to support the Irish movement with all the means
at their disposal; that it is their duty to carry on agitation
among English troops; that it is their duty to oppose with all pos-
sible force the policy of English transport and railway workers
allowing the transportation of troops into Ireland. It Is very
easy at present to take a stand against intervention in Russia,
for even the Left Wing of the bourgeoisie is opposed to it. It
is much harder for the English comrades to stand up for Irish
independence, and to carry on anti-militarist activity. But just
this hard work we are justified in demanding of the English
comrades.

This question, as well as the question of parliamentarism, is
going to be up for discussion here, but it is important to point
out to the English comrades of the Shop Stewards wishing to
support the Communists how childish it is not to take advantage
of the possibility offered by parliamentary struggle.

The peasants of India are not in a position to find out that
our Shop Stewards carry on a fight against their oppressors, but,
if one of them should rise in parliament and call things by their
own names, he would certainly be reprimanded by the Speaker
of the House. But the Reuter would report to the entire world
that a "traitor" had been discovered in the English Parliament,
vrho called a murderer a murderer. English capital based upon
the great bourgeoisie cannot be beaten only in London, Sheffield,
Manchester, and Glasgow. It must be defeated in its colonies.
There lien its vulnerable spot. And it is the duty of the English
Communists to go to the colonies, to put themselves at the head
of the struggling masses, and aid them in their fight.

We know of no cage in the old International where any one
of the Social Democratic parties made itself the champion of
the colonial nations. When the Herreros were being driven out
into the wilderness by the thousands, the Social Democrats re-
frained from voting on the matter, declaring they did not know
the reason for their uprising.

It is the duty of the Third International to create an atmos-
phere in which i* would be impossible to be represented her*
without being able to point to the fact of having practically
rticipated in and supported colonial uprisings. This is a
question of vital importance for the International. Just as we
must try to take advantage of the middle-class elements which
are being driven into th^ ranks of the proletariat, so also must
tfct Communist Iat«rmati«al t>*rv« ae tk« pillar «f Art leadfog

131

on the rebellious peoples of Asia and Africa,. The Communist
International must attack World Capitalism not only by n,
of the European preSftkriat, but also with the aid of t
labouring masses. Capitalism will resort to the colonies not
only for economic but also for military support. The Social Re-
volution in Europe may still have to deal with armed hosts of
coloured people. It is the duty of the Communists to take im-
mediate action in order to obviate that.

The Russian Soviet Republic has started on this course.
And when our laborious work in the East, our agitation in
Turkestan and in the Caucasus for the formation of Soviet
organisations, when our attempts to prepare the ground in
Persia and Turkey are being regarded in England as something
which the Soviet Republic is doing for the purpose of creating
trouble for England, that is an utter misconception of the foreign
policy of the Soviet Government. All that work is part of the
programme of the Communist International. The Soviet Gov-
ernment is fulfilling its duty as a detachment of the Inter-
national. We regard our agitation in the Orient not as an
auxiliary means in our struggle against European Capitalism —
we regard it as a part of the struggle which we are pledged to
carry on in the interests of the proletariat of Europe. This
cannot be done by artificially creating Communist Parties in
such places where there is no ground for Communism; it can be
done only by rendering assistance to the peoples of those coun-
tries. Comrade Lenin has pointed out that there was theoreti-
cally no basis for the assertion that every nation must pass
through the capitalist phase. Not all those nations which are
at present capitalist arrived at that stage by passing through
the period of handicraft. Japan passed out of feudal stage
right into imperialism. Should the proletarian masses of
many France, and England succeed in establishing Soc;
then 'we shall go to the colonial countries equipped not onl?
with those means of production inherited from capitalism b
with the higher methods of production which Socialis
create We shall help them to pass out of the barbaric £
directly into a system of production whereby they could apply
the modern machinery without passing through the i
handicraft and small trading. We stand on the edge of
epoch. European Capitalism fears the wakening o thn Orfj
nations Apprehensions are being entertained ot the
Per" and one may say that should capitalism prev«l any
longer there really is ground for .apprehension of the Yel k
Danger. The proletarian peasants of China or Turkey will

132

to emigrate in search for work owing to the pressure of un-
bearable exploitation. They may rise up in arms. But there is
no Yellow Peril for Communism. Communism can reach out a
helping hand to all oppressed nations, and bring them assist-
ance instead of exploitation.

SERRATI— The motion has been made to close the list of
speakers.

WYNKOP — I am of the opinion that the list of speakers
should not be closed at this time. The question is of importance
at least for the future.' This debate has not even begun as yet.
Perhaps there will be no debate.

SERRATI — I see that twelve speakers have given in their
names. Perhaps Comrade Wynkop is right in saying that the
discussion has not begun yet. But I observe that the discus-
sion is not following the proper channels. We have been speak-
ing of the negroes, of Corea, of the Aland Islands, and so forth,
we have dealt with a number of national questions, but we have
failed to discuss the main general questions. It seems to me
that we can renew the discussion to-morrow, and close the list
of speakers by requesting the comrades to deal with the ques-
tion at issue.

GUILBEAUX — I propose that the session be closed, but not
the list of speakers. The discussion has not begun yet. The
question is of great importance and should not be trifled with.
We could limit the time of the speaker >but we should not
deprive any delegate of the privilege of the floor.

MARING — I am opposed to Serrati's proposition. It would
be wrong not to give all the representatives the possibility of
saying a few words about the movement in their respective
countries. I am surprised to hear such a proposition made by
;rle Serrati since the Italian delegation was not interested
rTiough to attend the sessions of the Commission.

RADEK — I am also opposed to the motion made by the

Chairman. I understand that there arc some here who are

familiar with the question; but we do not consider the fact in

these proceedings as to whether this or that delegate is familiar

with the question. We are concerned with the political eignifl-

c Colonial question. We are interested in having the

working people read the proceedings of the Congress and see

presentatives of the oppressed nations have spoken

here and have taken part in our discussions. Even the av«ra«»

working man can contribute much in portraying tht conditions

133

of his country. We want everyone to say Just what he knows
and the more concretely the better. I see that the Irish dele-
gate wishes to spealg^ the subject. It is of great importance
that English Imperialism should know that there are elements
that throw in their lot with us and are ready to fight in
our ranks.

SERRATI— I .should not like anybody to think that I have
proiposed that the discussion be closed. Before everything I
want to make it clear that I have not made the proposition in
the name of the Bureau. Neither on behalf of the Italian dele-
gation. One comrade spoke here for ten minutes on the ques-
tion of the coloured people in Chicago. The question cannot be
analysed. It must be taken in a general way. Neither did I
wish to deny the right of speech to any of the representatives
of the backward countries, as they have been named in the
thesis of Comrade Lenin. If I propose to close the list of
speakers it is because there are already the representatives of
the backward countries included. There are Chinese, Persian,
Korean, Japanese, and Turkish speakers on the list. If there
are any more speakers who wish to get the floor, they shall be
granted it. I propose that the session be closed, then at the
next session we shall decide the question of closing the list.

WYNKOP — I propose we vote on the proposition of Comrade
Serrati instead of renewing the discussion on it to-morrow.

SERRATI— Well, since the opposition is so great, I withdraw
my motion.

ROSMER— The discussion on this question will be taken up
to-morrow at the plenary session, at 10 o'closk in the morning.

(The Session ends at 2.30 a.m.)

SIXTH SESSION.

JULY, 28th.

Z1NOVIEV — The discussion on the National and Colonial
question is continued.

SULTAN ZADE (Persia)— The Second International discuss-
ed the colonial question at almost all its congresses, and adopted
excellent resolutions which were never put into practice. These
resolutions were for the most part discussed and adopted with-
out the participation or representatives of ^backward countries,
Moreover, when after the crushing of the first Persian Revolu-
tion by Russian and German executioners, the Social Democratic
Party of England addressed itself to the European proletariat
then represented in the Second International, in the expectation
of getting support for Persia; it obtained nothing, not even a
resolution. It is here, for the first time, at the Second Congress
of the Third International that this question is undergoing
discussion with the participation of almost all representatives
of colonial and semi-colonial countries of the East and of
America. The resolution adopted by our committee is fully in
accord with the aspirations of the toiling masses of the op-
pressed peoples, especially that part of it which concerns the
encouraging of the Soviet movement in those conutries. At
first sight, it may appear rather strange to speak of a Soviet
movement in countries which are still feudal or semi-feudal.
But a more careful study of the social structure of these
countries will clear away all doubt in this regard.

Comrade Lenin has already spoken of the experiences of the
Russian Communist Party in Turkestan, Bashkiria, and Kirghi-
stan. If the Soviet system has brought good results in those
countries, there is no doubt that in Persia and in India, that is
to say, in the countries in which class differentiation has made
gigantic strides, the Soviet movement is going to spread to a
very wide extent.

As early as 1870 these countries had reached, the climax of
commercial capitalism. The situation has changed very little
ever since. The colonial policy of the Great Powers, not allow-
ing these countries to develop their own industries, has reduced
them to mere markets and to sources of supply of raw materials
for the Great European industrial centres. The influx of Europ-
ean manufactured products upon the colonial markets has
brought ruination to the poor artisans and small traders, and
has converted them into recruits of the ever-increasing army of

135

paupers. In tht European countries, the painful period of "prl-
mary accumulation" of capital had not lasted ao long, and the
rapid growth of capitate industry has quickly converted the
old artisans and mechanics into proletarians and imbued them
with a new ideology. In the Orient, however, this has not been
the case, and the resulting situation is tha-t thousands upon
thousands of these unfortunates hare emigrated to Europe and
America.

In these colonial and semi-colonial countries, there are
also great masses of peasants living in frightful conditions?
Feudal slavery prevails all over the Orient. A heavy burden of
taxation and feudal duties weighs upon the shoulders of the
suffering population. The peasants, being the sole producers,
are compelled to maintain hosts of merchants, exploiters, and
tyrannical officials. In consequence of the oppression they hare
had to live under, the masses of the Orient have not been able
until to-day to create a powerful revolutionary organisation.

At the same time a great diversity of interests prevails
among the ruling classes.

The interests of the landed proprietors demand the continua-
tion of the colonial policy of the Great Powers, while the bour-
geois elements are opposed to foreign interference; the clergy
protests against the importation of products from the infidel
countries, while the merchants find their profits in a competi-
tive struggle. There is no concord of interests, and there can
be none in a country in which one part of the ruling class de-
pends on the market of the metropolis for the exploitation of
their workers, while the other parties dream of national inde-
pendence. All these conditions create a tense revolutionary
atmosphere; and, in view of the weakness of the bourgeoisie,
the next national upheaval may easily turn into a social revolu-
tion. Such is the situation, in a general way, prevailing in most
colonial countries of Asia. This, of course, does not justify the
eonclusion that the triumph of Communism in the rest of th«
world depends upon the success of the Social Revolution in the
Orient, as Comrade Roy asserts, and as a number of comrades in
Turkestan believe. It is true that the exploitation of the
colonies arouses a revolutionary spirit, but it is also true that
it fosters a contrary spirit among the labour aristocracy of the
metropolis. By yielding an infinitesimal part of its booty to a
small fraction of aristocrats of labour, capitalism tries to retard
the course of the Social Revolution. But even supposing that
the Communist Revolution breaks out in India, will the workers
«f that country be in a p«sition te sustain the •a»lau«ht of tte

136

world bourgeoisie without ttie support of a simultaneous revolu-
tionary movement in England and in the rest »f Europe? Cer-
tainly not. The defeat of the Persian and of the Chinese Re-
volutions furnish sufficient evidence of this.

The fact that the Turkish and Persian Revolutions have
thrown down the gauntlet to all-powerful England is not because
they have become strong, but because the imperialist brigands
have become powerless. The growth of the Revolution in the
East has also strengthened the revolutionaries of Persia and of
Turkey, for the epoch of World Revolution has begun.

The passage in the theses in which support is pledged for
the bourgeois democratic movements of the backward countries
appears to me to be applicable only to those countries where
the movement has just begun. For in those countries where the
movement has already been going on for ten years and more,
or in those countries where, like in Persia, the power of govern-
ment has already been attained, there it would mean leading
the masses to counter-revolution. In such countries we must
create a purely Communist movement in opposition to the bour-
geois democratic movement. Any other attitude may lead to
deplorable results.

GRAZIADEI— I must first of all declare that I speak in my
own name.

Since the final alterations have already been made in Com-
rade Lenin's theses, and the Committee has brought in its cor-
rections and explanations, particularly since the second thesis,
which caused me much trouble in its original version, has been
altered and elucidated, I am happy to be able to endorse it in
a general way.

If I understand aright, Lenin put the question as follows:
Just as there are in every nation exploiters and exploited, so
there are also on an international scale nations who exploit and
those which are exploited.

The abstract idea of 'human equality entertained by the
middle class and the Second International tends to conceal the
class struggle. In the same manner the idea of national right
tends to mask the economic and spiritual struggle among the
imperialist nations and those oppressed by them.

Formerly this question had been dealt with in two diverse

ways. The Second International dealt with the question in

•lance with the data presented by the bourgeoisie. On the

other hand, some Socialists thought they could react upon this

er and rid themselves of the fatal errors committed Tn

-ling with it by merely ignoring the whole problem.

137

Comrade Lenin on tne contrary attempted to put Uals pro-
blem on a realistic and Marxian basis. Lenin's method of
reasoning and his gra*«M>f the situation remains true to Marx-
ism, and corresponds W the state of affairs that prevailed before
the war, and also to that created in the period following it. The
Imperialist War in its nature was not the same for all countries.
That should be clearly borne in mind, for the small and par-
ticularly the colonial countries were forcibly drawn into the
war, and the consequences affected them more heavily than the
imperialist countries themselves.

Only the strongest nations have derived some advantage from
this long and ruinous war. But the smaller nations have lost
their actual independence, and their condition has become
aggravated even in cases where their territorial position has
been somewhat improved.

The consequences are the following : On the one hand the
struggle of the imperialist powers against Soviet Russia, into
which the smaller countries (Poland, Rumania, etc.) are being
dragged; and on the other hand, the revolt of the colonies and
the smaller nations against the imperialism of the Great Powers.

The Third International, it seems to me, cannot be separ-
ated from the Soviet Government. The victory of the latter
forms the foundation of the success pf the Third International,
just as the defeat of the Paris Commune brought about the
downfall of the First International. It pannot be denied that the
heroic efforts of our comrades in Russia in their struggle against
so many enemies contains in itself the danger of a kind of
opportunism of the Left, which the Third International should
strive to avoid. A strict formulation of principles is therefore
necessary. It is important to emphasise that in those countries
where imperialistic capital prevails, the tactics must be differer
than in those countries where a colonial or backward sta
exists. The parties of the respective countries must be allowed
some freedom of action. This leads me to make the following
amendments to the theses of Comrade Lenin, in proposing whicl
I am concerned rather with the spirit than the letter of the
amendments :

LAOU SIOU TCHAO— China found herself towards the end
of 1918 in the midst of an intense civil war.

A Revolutionary Government was organised in the S
the intention of carrying on war against the Government

6 At the head of the Southern Government was the well-known
leader of the fl»t Chinese Revolution. Sun Yat Sen, but some

131

time afterward Sun Yat Sen retired from tbe Qereramemt, owlni
to a conflict with some representatives of the old bureaucracy
and since that time has taken no official part in the affairs of
the Government. The Southern Government is continuing its
struggle against the Pekin Government up to the present day.
The slogans of that struggle are those advanced by the Sun Yat
Sen group, of which the most important are to deprive the old
parliament of its right and the former president of his authority,
and to compel the Pekin Government to resign. The struggle
is being conducted with varying success, but fthere is no doubt
that the Southern Government has more chances of winning, in
spite of the fact that the advantages of the North are much
greater from the financial standpoint. It has been recently re-
ported that the Southern troops hare occupied Hou-Nan, one of
the central provinces, and are advancing towards Pekin. When
the reactionary Government of Pekin at first joined the Allies
against Germany in 1915, it promised the people of China all
kinds of benefits which were to be derived as a result. The re-
volutionary parties protested in vain. War was declared. The
Chinese people believed the Government, and, when the Peace
Conference was called in Versailles, great hopes were enter-
tained. The people's disappointment was great when the Ver-
sailles Conference not only rendered nothing to China, but
sanctioned the rights of Japan to the territory it had taken from
China during the war. Upon the return of the delegation from
the Versailles Conference a movement of considerable force was
started against the Government and against Japan. Chinese
students organised themselves into a union with headquarter*
at Shanghai, and put themselves at the head of the movement.
The students started an agitation by means of demonstrations,
strikes, petitions, and so forth. They also started an agitation
for the boycott of Japanese goods. The movement wae forcibly
suppressed, but its results were considerable. On a number of
occasions demonstrators were fired upon. On the whole the
movement played a great part in arousing in the masses a feel-
ing of revolt against the Government.

The students, understanding that they can do nothing by
themselves, have started of late to draw the working people into
the movement. The Chinese workers have proved that they can
act, though representing a proletariat industrially still very
young. Thus, during the last year, we have witnessed a num-
ber of strikes in Shanghai — of an economic character, of course.
The Socialist Party of Shanghai has beeeme more and more
popular among the working people. Tte »arty is Marxiaa, 8*4

13*

Judging by the official party organ, modes Uy named th«
"Weekly," the movement is of a serious character. In the issue
of 1st May the follo^jafeg: mottoes were published: "He who
does not work, neither shall he eat. The world must belong to
the workers." This newspaper persistently advocates the idea
of Socialism as opposed to nationalism. The paper also advo-
cates a direct union with Soviet Russia, and protests against the
treaty between China and Japan concluded last year for the in-
vasion of Siberia. In all its articles this paper advances the
idea that the proletariat must conquer the bourgeoisie, and that
internationalism should take the place of nationalism and the
State. As I have said, the paper is very popular.

A movement for organisation has been started not only
among the industrial proletariat, but also among the handi-
craftsmen. The European industrial crisis reflects itself also
upon China. An enormous quantity of foreign goods is .being
poured into China; as a result Chinese industry does not ad-
vance, and the Chinese proletariat is in a deplorable position.
In a word, the intellectual classes of China, the students and the
class-conscious workers, are in possession of very good material
for revolutionary agitation and propaganda. As far as the
peasants are concerned, although there are no big estates in
China, we nevertheless observe that the richer elements are
beginning to buy up small lots of land, thereby increasing the
poverty of the peasants. It is natural therefore that this part
of the Chinese population should follow willingly the coures of
the ur*ban proletariat.

China at present represents a number of provinces with al-
most autonomous governments, ruled by governor-generals with
unlimited powers. All these governors as well as the higher
officials of the Government are members of Anfu, the militarist
party, that is to say, the party of the old bureaucrats, many of
whom occupied high positions at the time of the monarchy. All
these governors are quite independent of the Pekin Govern-
ment, and in giving it their support in the war against the
South they do so out of private considerations. The local
finances are entirely in the hands of the governors, who use
their own discretion in the matter of transferring the revenue
to the central Government. As a consequence the Govern-
ment's resources are so insignificant that it is obliged to resort
to loans, primarily, from Japan. But these loans are not given
for nothing. Japan is getting hold to an ever greater extent
of Chinese concessions. In a number of Chinese provinces Japan
reigns supreme, as in a conquered country. On the other hand,

140

th« autocracy of the governors which I have Just mentioned, and
the maintenance of an army of two million men badly disci-
plined and following only those who possess the money — all this
forms a scene of corruplete anarchy, and explains the reason for
the prevalence of revolutionary tendencies among the masses.

At present the elements opposed to both Chinese Govern-
ments have concentrated at Shanghai, where Sun Yat Sen with
his group of the defenders of the First Revolution are located.
There also is located the Students' Federation, the Working
Men's Union, and the Socialist Party. These three organisa-
tions are united in their strong revolutionary sentiments and
their struggle against Japan, against the Chinese Government,
and against the bourgeoisie.

In summarising all I have just said I must emphasise the
fact that the soil in China is prepared for revolutionary propa-
ganda. The International Congress should direct its attention
to this fact. The support of the Chinese Revolution is import-
ant not only for China, but also for the revolutionary move-
ment of the whole world. For, at the present time, there is
only one force that can oppose Japanes^Imperialism, which has
firmly established itself in Asia, and whose grasp is reaching out
on the one side towards Siberia and on the other side towards
the Pacific Islands, and even towards South America — that force
is a strong and powerful revolutionary movement among the
working masses of China.

DJICHOUN PAK (Corea)— We are dealing now with the
colonial problem in an entirejy new light. We have to rectify
the errors committed (by the leaders of the Second International,
now ingloriously passing away. Experience has shown that so
long as the bourgeoisie is able to hold reserve forces in the
colonies, the conquest of power iby the European proletariat is
impossible.

The work of the Committee has shown that all the delegates
are conscious of the necessity of raising the colonial peoples to
the level of the struggle against imperialism and capitalism as
carried on by the European proletariat. In this regard Russia
has a great historic mission to perform. I hope that the Con-
gress, in adopting our theses, will thereby greatly contribute to-
wards the emancipation of the colonies. Now, may I be allowed
to say a few words concerning the revolutionary movement in
our country, Corea. About ten years ago the Corean people
were rather indifferent to the fact of their country's annexation.
They remained likewise indifferent to the question of democracy,
of independence, and of freedom in general. But all of a sudden

141

thie rery people has awakened, and for tht last eighteen month*
they have been struggling with the greatest heroism. We cannot
say that the cultural tgvel of the Corean people has risen very
much during the lasfr-ten years. Japanese rule has not contri-
buted towards the rise of class-consciousness or of national
sentiment. While, as our teachers have said, revolutions are
the locomotives of history, we must add that the fuel causing
the locomotives to move along the road of revolution is to be
found in economics. At present Corea is a most unfortunate
country. The peasants are overburdened with taxation and
duties exceeding by 300-350 per cent, those prevailing before the
annexation. Thus the peasantry is being ruined, and the policy
of the Japanese Bank in transferring Japanese settlers to Corea
greatly aggravates the situation.

The Japanese also deprive the Coreans of the possibility of
getting a utilitarian education, and do not admit the Corean
youth into the higher technical schools to study engineering or
military science. Therefore, the intellectuals and the students
are opposed to. Japanese occupation. The same refers to the
bourgeoisie. The Japanese policy is to keep Corea in a colonial
condition, and to prevent her ifrom building her own factories
and mills. This caused the bourgeoisie to side with the masses
in the struggle against Japanese occupation, so that it has been
difficult to draw the dividing line between the two classes. Our
Party, nevertheless, is going to draw that line. The revolution-
ary movement in Corea at present is of a distinctly agrarian
character. Every feudal lord, every owner of a large estate,
knows that the national movement of liberation in Corea is
directed not alone against Japanese Imperialism, not only
against the yoke of foreign imperialists, but also against the
native bourgeoisie, the majority of which are owners of large
estates. When Corea will have freed herself from national op-
pression, it will not take long for the Corean bourgeoisie to
learn that independent Corea is not going to be the Eden which
they anticipate. Even to-day the Corean bourgeoisie is already
becoming suspicious of the Corean Revolution, fearing to lose
its material benefits, and is beginning to take sides with t
Japanese Imperialists. The Versailles Conference last year
helped to draw class lines. The Right Wing, comprising all
nationalists and middle-class organisations, were for the
of Nations, and expected that Wilson-that would-be Messian-
was going to free the oppressed nations of the East. The
elements insisted upon the sending of* delegation to the F
Conference. But we know that -the imperialists of Africa.

142

Japan, and England could in no way deny themselves those
benefits which they derived from their colonies. Therefore, we
insisted upon sending our delegates not to Paris but to Moscow.
We have proved right. The Corean delegation has utterly failed
at the Versailles Conference, and our influence among the
masses has grown as a result, and is continuing to grow ever
since. Our party is now the most influential party in Corea;
and I hope that, guided by the theses which are going to be
adopted at this Congress, our party will hasten the process of
the revolutionary movement in Corea. Side by side with the
revolutionary proletariat of the world, we will march towards
the final goal — Communism; and our party will be one of the
principal factors in converting oppressed Corea into one of the
members of the World Federation of Soviet Republics.

X — - (Ireland) — The theses of Comrade Lenin laid down the
general tactics of the Communist International in relation to
the national revolutionary movements in oppressed countries.
The Communist International, in order effectively' to apply these
theses, must have a correct statement of the economic and his-
toric development of these countries, and besides must be able
to form a correct estimate of the revolutionary importance of
the different forces operating in the country. Therefore, we
propose not to deal with the theses in general, but to give a
detailed report of the situation in Ireland.

The solution of the question of Ireland as a subject nation-
ality may be considered from three standpoints: from that of
the national 'revolutionary movement, from that of the petty
•bourgeois Social Democrats and Liberals, and from that of the
Third International.

The first considers Ireland as a separate national entity, op-
pressed by England for 700 years, politically and economically,
and as such the only solution is absolute independence from the
British Empire. To accomplish this it requires the establish-
ment, of a bourgeois democratic Irish State, modelled on the
r- ratio republics of Western Europe. Without such inde-
pendence Ireland cannot develop economically or culturally.

From the Liberal standpoint, which was adopted by the petty
bourgeois Social Democratc, with few if any essential amend-
ments, Ireland was considered as having become economically
and politically a part of the Empire, and therefore only required,
isfy its nationalist cravings, a few reasonable political con-
cessions in the shape of limited self-government within the
Empire, but not sufficient political independence as to become
inimical to the safety of the Imperial State.

But, im ft* MS* •t tk« Third International, the cast is not
»• easy. The situation of all small nationalities, and of the
colonies in this final &£g£5 of capitalism, is somewhat complex.
In most of these oppressed 'nations or races, there are revolu-
tionary movements directed against imperialism. Though the
fight of the Communist International is directed along other
lines, it must avail itself of thes« revolutionary upheavals that
develop with the stririnff of these nations to liberate themselves
from imperialism in order to strengthen the world revolution.
Any force that tends to hinder the free play of the imperialist
states against the developing world revolution must be encou-
raged and actively supported by the Communist International.
But the Third International must not only help these nationalist
movements as a -whole, but in so doing must simultaneously
strengthen and group together whatever Communist groups or
tendencies there are in the struggle. The direct result of such
a policy would be the formation of a Communist Party, which,
suffering from the military dictatorship of the imperialists will
be forced to, be centralised and strongly disciplined, and capable
of waging a successful fight against the national bourgeoisie, in
the struggle for power, for the State, following the release from
the imperialist yoke.

Recognising this, we insist that the method whereby the
Communist International shall assist these national revolution-
ary movements be stated. The only way which would lead to
the result above indicated, is active assistance only through
the agency of whatever Communist groups, however feeble,
exist in these countries.

Especially is this the case in Ireland, where the failure of
the International, or of its section in Britain, to assist the re-
Tolutionary movement only through the Communist groups,
would lead to the weakening of these groups, as this is the only
method whereby they may become prominent and important
during the first period of their existence in the revolutionary
straggle. The nationalist revolutionaries avail themselves of
ever:/ weapon against British imperialism, and if the weapon
of the Communists, internationally or in England, can only be
applied through the agency of the small Communist groups, then
this will force them to remain neutral to the Communist group*
gathering force and strengthening themselves, or they may have
actively to assist this strengthening -by unconsciously affording
the groups propaganda facilities.

Th» diraet outeom« of th« abstne* of a Communist move-
Mtat im I**la»4 w»ul* %• tmat Ireland May, *>•

144

it remains su/bject to th» present military dictatorship or estab-
lishes a bourgeois State, the basis for counter-revolutionary
activity against the struggling social revolution in England,
especially when it. is recognised that the fleet will play a large
part in the English struggle and that Ireland possesses magni-
ficent harbours and submarine bases for a black fleet blockad-
ing England.

This brings us to the first part of the report, where th«
strategic position of England is considered of importance to
Communism. It cannot be denied, when we consider the world
situation as a fierce struggle between Soviet Russia, as th»
centre of world revolution, and the smaller States grouped
around her, on one hand, and the League of Nations dominated
by British imperialism on the other, that Ireland in constant
revolutionary upheaval, in the heart of the' Empire, keeping
200,000 British troops engaged, is of positive importance to tht
international revolutionary movement. On the other hand, it
is necessary to do all possible to prevent Ireland being used
as the base for the executioners of the English revolution, as
outlined above.

As regards the nationals in Ireland and America and through-
out the Empire, it is well know what active interest they tak«
in the political development of the home country, and how
quickly they respond to its lead. That being so, the tending of
Irish politics towards Communism would result in a vast mass
of the Irish in the dominions and U.S.A., following the lead
from Ireland and so strengthening the Communist movemente
in these countries, and assisting the international proletarian
movement in general.

(Comrade X then reads the report published in extenso in
No. 12 of the "Communist International.")

Y (Ireland) — I beg to call the attention of the Congress to
Clause 12 of the Theses, "The century-long oppression exercised
ever the colonial and weaker nationalities by the imperialist
Powers, has left in the working masses of the oppressed
countries not only a bitter feeling but a mistrust towards the
oppressors in general, including the proletariat, of the dominat-
ing nations." This illustrates very largely the attitude of th«
Irish working masses towards the English proletariat, that th«
Irish workers frequently fail to make a distinction betweeen
the governing classes of England and the English workers.
Attitude on the part of tJie Irish workers h* attributes to
»he fart rhat th« English Labour movftMMit has kitkwto «kowm

145

itself incapable of understanding the problem presented by
Ireland. "q^

Most Polish revolutionaries I have spoken to with rega*
present-day conditions in Ireland, are struck with the similarity
between those conditions and the Poland of 1905. The inference
is obvious, and, while we have the present revolutionary epoch
on our side, the possibility that Ireland's national aspirations
may be made use of by the English bourgeoisie in a social re-
volutionary crisis, must not be lost sight of. Hitherto, the
attitude of the British revolutionary movement towards Ireland
has either been one of condescending tolerance or it has adopted
the Social Democratic attitude of supporting by phrases the
aspirations of the revolutionary nationalists. The fact that
Ireland is an important weapon against British imperialism, and
that on the other hand it may be transformed into a dangerous
instrument against the social revolution, seems to have been
entirely forgotten. The Shop Stewards seem to 'be the first
movement to sense the importance of the Irish question and its
relation to the British revolutionary 'movement. The discussion
and the resolutions adopted by them at their conference in
London, in the beginning of this year, had the effect of arousing
the interests of the Irish workers in this movement, and has
already done something towards creating better relations be-
tween the two proletariats.

It is of the utmost importance that the British Communist
movement shows an active sympathy with Ireland, that it pro-
pagates among the English troops in Ireland, and prevents the
English unions from transporting troops and munitions to Ire-
land. It is interesting to note that the action of the British
Labour movement on this question has resulted in the break-
away of the Irish railwaymen from the N.U.R., and that within
the past few months the engineers in the southern part of Ire-
land have foroken away from the A.S.E.

There must, however, ibe no connection between the Briti
Communists and the Irish nationalist movement direct,
only through the Communists in Ireland— or after a consults
with them. It is also important, that while the Briti
munists support the nationalist struggle, they must different
themselves from it; pointing out that their attitude toward
Ireland is not a bourgeois humanitarian reaction against
sion, but the result of the common class interests of 1
Ictariat and peasants of both countries.

The attitude of the British workers towards Ireland in t
baraitter of the soeial revolutionary fMlini in Britain, «i4

146

Herman Goiter recently; and it might be said that the attitude
of the English Communists towards Ireland is the measure of
the clarity of Communist thought in England. With regard to
the statement, made in 'Committee that the British workers will
regard as treason to England the support of the colonial revolu-
tionary struggle against British Imperialism, the eooner the
British workers get familiar with treason to the .bourgeois State
the better for the revolutionary movement; and, if it were for
nothing else than the education of the workers, such support is
very necessary.

With regard to the amendment proposed by our Italian com-
rade, Graziadei, that in clause (a) of section II. we should sub-
stitute the words "show active interest" for "render assistance,"
I would vigorously oppose it. It is a Wilsonian phrase, and, like
all the phrases of that gentleman, means nothing. It is another
way of cutting this clause out entirely, and savours of the Sec-
ond International's method of dealing with the small nationali-
ties.

There are several points that I wished to touch upon, but
which the time at my disposal makes it necessary that I should
only briefly mention them. The situation in Ulster, or at least
the north-east portion of that province, differs from that in the
rest of the country. In many -respects it presents to Com-
munists a less complicated problem than do the other parts of
Ireland. The majority of the population of this section are anti-
nationalist and antagonistic to the rest of the country. While
this is itself a complication, the class issue is clearer cut; politi-
cal oppression is not here confused in the mind of the worker
with economic oppression. The fact that Ulster is the industrial
centre of Ireland, that the nationalist issue is subordinated, and
that it considers itself an integral part of the British Empire,
makes the problem similar to that presented <by any large in-
dustrial centre in England.

I would have liked to deal with the question of Co-operation,
which is developing into an important part of Irish economy,
but. time will not permit. The growth of co-operation on the
land is doing much to destroy the private property ideology
which presents such a difficulty to Communists in dealings with
the peasants. It is developing the idea of large scale communal
production, and is an offset to the petty land-hunger of the agri-
cultural labourers and semi-proletarians.

We support the theses, together with the additions made by
Comrade Roy which have been incorporated therein.

147

ISMAIL, KHAKKI PASHA (speaks in Turkish)— The .
Comrade Lenin^^pecially that part which deals
Islamism, require af-closer acquaintance. From the m«
wh|n the Turks seized Syria and Assyria, when the road t<
sacred place of Islam had fallen into their hands, from
moment the Turkish rulers tried to unite all the peoples «
East, Africa, and other places, who are followers of Islam. Prom
the moment that the sacred places, and latterly the rail
fell into the hands of the Sultans, from the moment th;r
eart of Islam fell into their hands— the Turkish Sultans made
every attempt to spread Pan-Islamism, and desired to unite all
nationalities around Turkey, as well as all the Moslem con;
of the East and Africa. But with the outbreak of the Revolu-
tion of the Young Turks in 1908 the Government was transferred
to the hands of the Young Turks. The young bourgeoisie Nvlio
had seized the Government power began to seek for new roads
for the amalgamation of peoples. At this time in Russia various
nationalities were suffering under the yoke of Tsarism : T;i
the nationalities of Turkestan' and Bashkiria, the Cauc
Turks, and a whole number of others. This was the reason why
at this time the idea of Pan-Turkey arose; this was in opposition
to t3ie idea of Pan-Islamism. Pan-Islamism was incapable of
uniting the various nationalities, who speak various languages.
On the other hand, the idea of Pan-Turkey, which had been taken
up by the Young Turks, strove to unite all the Turkish nationali-
ties from Kazan to the Caucasus, including Turkestan, the whole
of Turkey, and part of Persia. The idea of Pan-Turkey si
to unite all these nationalities. But all these dreams wen
on paper. After the Russian Revolution, after the division of
Turkey by the European capitalists, when the real fare of the
English and French capitalists had 'become apparent to
Turkish people — from this moment a new movement springs
up in Turkey— a movement of liberation. The Anatoli v
ment, which is at the present moment headed by the demor
parties, is the best response to that shameless exploitation to
which Turkey was subjected .by the Entente. The seizure of
Constantinople was the last straw, and gave impetus to
movement. The revolutionary government in Anatolia, whi-
grouping around it all the anti-Entente forces, and whir-h ;
bued with a long-standing hatred towards imperialism, is now
preparing to enter upon a struggle against European Inn-
ism. The toiling masses of Turkey will never again subm
oppression o>n the part of the Entente. Thanks to the Ru
Revolution, which is the 'best friend of toiling Turkey, the Tur-

141

kish nation will shortly attain- complete freedom, and together
with the working masses of the remaining countries will begin
a strong battle against the imperialists of the world.

SERRATI— A motion has ibeen made that the debates be
closed. There are still eleven speakers on the list. Is there
any objection?

MAKING — I would insist upon granting the floor to all the
speakers on the list. It seems to me essential that everyone
be 'given an opportunity to express his point of view.

FRUMKINA — I propose that the floor be granted only to
those speakers on the lislt who wish to make a definite proposal.

SERRATI — I put the question to the vote.

The majority, is for the continuation of the debate.

MARING — One of the most important colonial questions is
that of Dutch India. The question is of interest from three
different aspects: (1) The situation in Dutch India; (2) the
question of principle; (3) the activity in the colonies. I hope
that at the next Congress there will >be representatives from
Java and the Malay Islands taking part in our discussions.
Since, however, my experience during the last seven years has
been bound up with the movement in India, I hope that the Con-
gress will find some interest in the observations made 'by a
Marxist in those countries. It is my opinion that there is no
quesition in all the proceedings of the Congress of greater im-
portance for the development of the world revolution than the
colonial and national question. The Dutch colonies are next in
importance to British India; they are the richest colonies in the
world, having a population exceeding fthat of Japan and nearly
equal to that of Germany. Of the fifty million inhabitants, the
greater part live on the four main islands of Java 'Sumatra, Bali,
Lombon, making up altogether a population of 40 millions.
Holland's exploitation of these colonies has been going on for
the last three hundred years, 'but the recent period is the most
important. Capitalism there began to develop since 1870. In
spite of what the Italian comrade has said, imperialism began to
develop in Holland since 1915, and has progressed a great deal.
In the course of ten years Holland's rule has spread over a great
part of Sumatra, Borneo, Celebes, and New Guinea. This cor-
responds exactly to Comrade Rosa Luxemburg has written on
this question concerning the accumulation of capital, as well as
/to what H. Roland Hoist has stated, namely, that the greed of
capitalism knows no bounds; that capital becomes anxious as
§oon as it learns of goldflelds or mines that are not being •*-

149

plotted, and begins to ask its government for new expedition! ;
that it is never satiated with the number of men and the
quantity of money jgmployed in the plunder of the world, and
the oppression of Uackward tribes and nationalities. Since 1905
the growth of capitalism in the Asiatic countries has gone on at
a very rapid pace. C considering that at the present time one
and a half billion — that is a third part of the entire cupital oi"
Holland — is invested in /the colonies; considering that in 1917
the amount of at least 25 million pounds sterling was pumped
out of the colonies for Holland; considering that, together with
Holland, American, Japanese, and English capital is doing busi-
ness in the sugar, cocoa, coffee, and other plantations — one gets
an idea of who,t modern capitalism can accomplish in the
colonies for international capitalism. I should like to point to
a statement made by one of the most prominent. capitalist papers
in Holland, that even if it were possible to nationalise all privaite
enterprises in Europe, there are still new possibilities for private
enterprise in the colonies much greater than in Europe.

In concluding this short sketch I should like to say a few
words concerning the condition of the population. There are a
hundred and fifty thousand Europeans plundering the East,
whose daily practice confirms the saying of Rudyard Kipling
that East of the Suez Canal the ten commandments cease to be
applied. Besides the Europeans -there are a million Chinese and
a number of Japanese carrying on industry on a large scale in
Java. The fact (that in Java itself there are two hundred large
sugar refineries with a great number of workers working on
them, is sufficient indication of the fact that the Eastern coun-
tries are of no mean significance for the Revolution.

Now, as to the condition of the peasantry forming the
majority of the population. There are about 25 million oi
including families whose yearly total income amounts to
Dutch guilders each, twenty guilders out of that (number g
for the payment of taxation. For their lodging
guilders yearly, and for their agricultural implements
guilders The peasants are in possession of. their 1
nevertheless, they are becoming more and more proL
retoting out a part of their soil to European capitalist-
thoroughly exploited by the privileged classes oi Java, »o t
not being able to live on their land, they are driven into

oeat there is now in Java a proletariat rfabout
a million souls, with an average income of about hal ' • W'Wer
day, considering that <th« me in vn«» **« «•* ia ti

150

well; that the inhabitants of Java nowadays get rice for their
meals only once a day, one realises that the soil here is quite
prepared for revolutionary propaganda. Considering further that
the illiteracy -there is very great, that out of a thousand adults
only fifteen can read and write, and that only 10 per cent, of
the children attend schools, one can understand perhaps that a
Marxian, seeing the enormous work in the field of education
carried on in Russia to-day, cherishes the hope that a similar
fate should ibe the lot of the Eastern nations.

I shall not elaborate any more on the condition of the in-
habitants. A written report on ,the matter has been handed by
me to the Secretary, which is going to be published in the "Com-
munist International." I am giving these facts here merely be-
cause I received the impression that -with a few exceptions, tins
Congress of the Third International has not fully realised the
significance of the Oriental problem. Concerning the movement
in Java, I wish to say that in 1907 U began as a nationalist
movement (bearing a revolutionary character from the start. An
Indian "Zoubatov," however, has succeeded in changing the
trend of this movement, so that there is at present no real re-
volutionary nationalist movement in the Dutch Indies. But
much more important is the mass movement now comprising
about one and a half million persons of the combined peasants
and workers, which has been making rapid progress since 1912.
This organisation, in spite of the fact that, it bears the religious
name of "Sarekat Islam," has nevertheless assumed a class
character. It is the duty of the Socialist and revolutionary
movement to get into close touch with that mass organisation
of the Sarekat Islam in consideration of the fact that it includes
in its programme a struggle against the capitalists, against the
Government, and also against the Javanese nobility. In 1916 the
Government attempted to make use of this movement for mili-
tary propaganda, but a strong opposition to that has developed
among the younger members. When the European Socialists,
in 1914, finally decided to do their duty with regard to the Far
Eastern countries, and to start a movement there, two or three
:u succeeding in getting in touch with some of the local
organisations of the Sarekat Islam. The majority of these mass
-•I consciously \Socialistic. But they are re-
volutionary in the same sense in which Comrade Roy has

cd British India to be.

Yesterday I heard the English comrades in the Committee
say that the mass movement an India would lead only to mis-
fortun* and massacres. I am of tht opinioa that only through

151

mass action can a real Socialist movement b« organised, that
only by this means can we create an actual force to oppose
capitalism. We statfifl. that the middle class in Java did not
succeed in its attempt to get the masses interested in the
nationalist question. But after we went to the proletariat in the
sugar refineries and spoke to them about low wages and about
their high rate of mortality, of heavy taxation, etc., then we
gained their confidence and interested them in the Social i
volutionary movement.

The capitalists realise the significance of the development of
the East for capitalism. In 1917 a strong movement was si
among the revolutionary Mussulmans, in which the reformists
openly sided with the Government. The latter referred to our
comrades there, saying that they will bring misfortune to their
country as Trotsky and Lenin have brought to Russia. In the
year 1918 there was not a mass meeting held in the centre of
the sugar industry, where there were not at least three or four
thousand workers of the various factories present. A new spirit
has arisen in the masses, which is of great importance for our
entire movement.

We naturally carried on propaganda among the sailors <
colonial fleet, .but were driven away by the English. Later M
iparned that the movement we started has developed further,
owing to the fact that economic conditions have prepai
ground for 'mass movement.

Coming to the second point of my argument, I wish t«
that I find no distinction between the theses of Comrade Roy
ard those of Comrade Lenin. They are alike in essence
difficulty lies only in finding the precise formula lor the relatic
sh D be ween the revolutionary national and the Socialist
ments in the backward countries. This difficulty docs not

reVity In actual practice we find it necessary to *oi
Lether with the revolutionary nationalist elements, and ou.
together vitn m the natitmahst re-

1*2

w»iic. A4 long a* tii* Bn£ii»h fail to mnd«r«t«a<i thu,
may perhaps draw coon? rotes during elections, but ttxey wilJ
not be doing any work of real revolutionary value. We need no
long-winded resolutions. We. must attempt to do practical irork
in the Far East.

We are going to have a Congress at Baku, but do not cherish
the illusion that this Congress is going to have very big result*
for the Far East. I would propose that the theses accepted hare
by the Third Intel-national be published in the Oriental
languages, and distributed especially for the Chinese and Indian
movements. I propose further that a Bureau of Propaganda' of
the Third International be organised for the Far East and for
the Near East. For the movement has now become of great
importance, and it would be very useful to concentrate the pro-
paganda there, for it cannot be sufficiently well carried on frtxm
Moscow.

In conclusion, I have one request (to make. Yesterday Com-
rade Reed has said that the negroes should come over here to
Russia in order to see how things look. I would propose that
the Third International give the leaders of the Far Eastern
movement the opportunity of staying here for half a year, and
go through some course in Communism so that they get a pro-
per understanding of what is taking place in Russia, that they
may be able to carry into life the ideas of the theses and extend
their work in the colonies for the realisation of soviet organisa-
tions. Moscow and Petrograd have become a new Mecca for
the East, and we must give the Eastern Communists the oppor-
tunity to get a theoretical education in Communism so as to
help make the Far East an active member oT the Communist
International.

FRUMKINA— I should like to have minority nationalities
taken in consideration. I am surprised to see the fallacy of the
Second International repeated here with regard to this matter.
Much has been said on the question of territorial autonomy, but
no attention has been paid to the minority nationalities in the
various countries. I therefore wish to amend article 9 of the
amendments. But 'before making my amendment I wish to
to the attitude of the Communist Party and of the Soviet
Government on this question. In Russia there are departments
<>! national minorities in the respective commissariats dealing
with national minorities, such as Jews and others.

The following is the amendment I wish to make. On page 48
:.vh text) at the end of the thesis I wish to make the follow-
ing insertion: "At the same time, the Communist Parties in all

1SI

»hovild ftOinbat in th»lr propaganda and in their g«c*r*J
F0li«7 the bourgeois idea of the rights of this or that national
majority over the mia^sities living in their countries and the
notion of the social l&triots considering the national majority
as the absolute master of the workers of the minority nationali-
ties, regarding them as strangers (Poland, Ukrania)."

The once oppressed middle-class masses may themselves be-
come oppressors, it' we should (give support to their nation*!
aspirations, even it' they be of a revolutionary nature, without
making perfectly certain that they are going to guarantee th«
rights of the minorities living on their territory.

All Communist Parties should base their programmes con
earning the national question on the practice of the Soviet Gov-
ernment; and of the Russian Communist Party, giving the
workers of all nations the possibility Qf unhampered develop-
ment, by creating departments of national minorities in all State
insitiutions (Department of Education, Commissariat of Nation-
alities, etc.), and thus laying the basis for a rpal brotherhood
of nations.

Paragraph 2: Following the words "in these countries," add
the sentence "also the struggle of the minorities to secure their
rights." Paragraph 6: Following the words "backward coun-
tries," add "and nations." Add the following remark to para-
graph 6: "The Palestine affair furnishes "striking evidence of
the deceit and treachery practised by the Allied imperialists and
the bourgeoisie of the Allied nations. Under the mask of creat-
ing a Jewish Government in Palestine, the Arabian workers of
that country have ibeen made a subject of England's exploita-
tion. This is to be expected the more because the Zionist*
active in all countries ; they adapt themselves to every regime,
and carry on an agitation for Zionism among the backward
Jewish working masses, and at the same time try to form pro-
letarian groupings (Paole Zion), appropriating to themselves
Communist phraseology.

MURPHY— It is one of the ironies of this Congress tha
delegates most vitally interested in the rnosl important quo
tions before the Congress are hindered from following t
cussions by the exclusion of the English language. I cann<
all I would wish to say, and therefore must confine m:
certain leading factors. No one will dispute the
England and America are the greatest imperialist nati
world All will agree that the Revolution cannot exten<
Tr without ^aS affecting the copies and subject r
under their control. Of America I shall say nothing >

154

moment. England has, besides her colonies, India, Ireland,
Egypt, South Africa, etc., subject to her domination. The libera-
tion of the peoples of these lands means the fall of her Empire.
This task of liberation is thrust equally upon the proletariat of
Britain as upon the proletariat of the colonies in the countries
I have named. It was once easy to subscribe to international-
ism, but to-day we have passed from the day of pious resolu-
tions to that of revolutionary practice, and it is useless to say
we sympathise with subject peoples, etc., unless such sympathy
is translated into deeds. Within Ireland, India, and Egypt re-
volts have been repeatedly occurring, yet one cannot say that
the English proletariat or the revolutionary movements have
done much to render real assistance to these peoples. Rather
have we heard complaints about premature uprisings, and so
on. Such parochialism must ibe swept away. It is necessary
to affirm that not only is it necessary "to sacrifice the interests
of the one country to the interests of the world proletariat,"
but also that the proletariat of dominant powers must make a
supreme effort to assist by deeds the strivings of the subject
peoples to be free.

The best way for such as the English proletariat to avoid
"Amritsar incidents" is to create a movement capable of chal-
lenging the perpetrators of such incidents, and to be in such
contact with the colonial movement and those of the subject
nationalities that simultaneous proletarian action be attained.

The tempo of the revolutionary movement varies in different
countries. Ireland has ibeen revolutionary for years, -whilst the
English movement has in its insularity extended little more than
pious sympai'.iv. This will not do. It is essential that the
Communist I'm 'its in these countries rid themselves and their
proletariat from insularity. The Communist International must
be organised in such a. way that organic contact can be main-
tained between the masses of the dominant and subject nations
and colonies, in order to make possible the break-up of Empires
and instituting the practice of internationalism.

MACLAINE— I shall not waste any time on the subject of
whether one section of the British movement has done more
than another to combat British imperialism and to aid the sub-
ject colonial (peoples. The British revolutionary movement is
not a very strong movement, and is has not done very much in
this connection. I must, however, join issue with Comrade
Radek who said that the British workers had done nothing to
hinder British attacks on Russia except pass resolutions. Th«
answer to that is, that General CkrtoviB im hi* s**rWt rwpwrt t*

155

Sazonov, describing his Interview with Churchill, reported thai
Churchill regretted that he could not give more assistance to
Kolchak and his friends-afeecause of the opposition of the British
working class. Such aid as Britain now gives to the Whites
had to be given secretly.

A wrong construction has 'been put on the words of Comrade
Quelch who, in Committee, said 'that a great revolutionary up-
rising in India would ibe regarded as treason to Britain, and
would enable the British Government by their control of the
press, to really the British people against the Indian workers.
Quelch did not mean that we should desist from revolutionary
activity on that account, but that we should recognise facts and
take care not to have several "Amritsars" on a large scale.

The task of the Third International is to suggest lines of
action and to lay down principles guiding towards the world
revolution. The greatest obstacle to the world revolution is
imperialistic Capitalism, and the greatest imperialist capitalist
State is Britain. Therefore the colonial question is very largely
a question of how ibest to attack British capitalism. British
capitalism receives its support from the exploitation of the
workers at home plus the exploitation of the colonial peoples.
In the early days of development, British capital was self-sup-
porting; now it draws tribute from all the world. Subject races
everywhere are exploited to support parasitic British capital.
Imports are now much greater than exports, which proves that
Britain as such is a parasite. In the future British capital will
try to arrange for the British workers to receive the full value
of their labour, on condition that they will agree to the exploita-
tion of the subject races.

Our duty, therefore, is to fight in the revolutionary struggle
at home and to assist all real colonial revolutionary movements.
Any revolutionary national movements that are fighting for real
separation from the British Empire are helping the develops ent
towards the world revolution, because they are striking at 1he
fountain head of imperialist reaction, viz., Great Britain. All
such movements should be helped.

WYNKOP— Comrades, what I said yesterday evening con.
ing the importance of* the subject under discussion has ;
perfectly correct. The world war and imperialism
made it impossible for the industrial countries to continue ship-
ping the necessary machinery and manufactured products to the
agrarian countries, while on the other hand, the political con-
sequences of the war have been hindering the transportation of
the products of the soil to th» .proletarian masses of the indust-

156

rial countries. Taking this into consideration, we realise tfcat
this problem exceeds in importance all others on the agenda.
The theses, which I for my part fully endorse, differ fundament-
ally from the point of view of the Third International on this
question. They do not deal with the creation of new natural
governments, but with supporting whenever possible the de-
velopment of Communist and Soviet ideas.

There is one question to which I would like to draw the
attention of the Congress. The economic development in some
countries may not follow the same course as that of the Europ-
ean countries; some may arrive at Communism without passing
through the capitalist stage.

I am not altogether in agreement with Comrade Graziadei.
I do not approve of the way he formulated his objection, and
his amendments lack clearness. The theses presented are theo-
retically correct. Comrade Graziadei said that the Communist
•Party has no right to support the revolutionary nationalist
movement of the colonial peoples. To my mind it is the duty
of the Communist Party to do that.

I was glad to hear Comrade Roy declare that in the struggle
against against imperialism we must transfer the centre of
gravity to the colonies. From this it follows that the small
Communist Parties in the'colonies are of great importance.

It seems to me that when a Communist Party of a colony
has proved itself efficient, as in the case of the Dutch Indies,
it must be given particular attention. I am for the acceptance
of the theses, to which, it seems to me, no valid objection has
been raised, and for a most energetic support of the revolution-
ary movement directed against imperialism.

I therefore ask the Congress to reject the amendment of
Comrade Graziadei, which lacks clarity and precision. The
substitution of the words "active interest" for "assistance," is
only going to bring in ambiguity, and I therefore ask that the
Congress accepted the theses presented without any alteration.

MEREJIN — The views expressed toy Comrade Frumkina with
regard to Zionism and the Poalei-Zion are in perfect accord
with thos< 'ned by the Jewish section of the Russian

Communist Party. I K!K .11 therefore not dwell on that matter.
Hut T wish to refer to the iquestion of the rights of national
minorities in countries with mixed populations. The parts of
the Second International have devised a way ol defending those
rights by means of national individual autonomy (theory of Otto
Bauer and Renner). In the Ukraine, White Russia, and Lithua-
nia, attempts have b«en made to put tkis theory into practice.

157

The Central Hada and other petty bourgeois governments of
the above countries instituted national individual autonomy
which has proved an utter failure.

National oppression has not diminished one iota with the
passing of power from the big manufacturers to the republican-
democratic petty bourgeoisie. The social traitors in power ex-
ceeded all limits. Having granted all national individual auto-
nomy, they have in their fight against the dictatorship of the
proletariat surpassed even the cruelties of Tsarism. They
resorted to violent national oppression in spite of the national
individual autonomy proclaimed by them officially. They have
gone even so far as to try to exterminate the national minorities
by means of cruel .pograms, raids, etc., as was done for example
by the so-called "Ukrainian National Directorate" and the gov-
ernment of Pilsudsky, Morachevsky, and others.

But this is not all. It is important to point out that national
individual autonomy is generally aggravating the position of
the proletariat of the national minorities. This is due to the
fact that the petty bourgeoisie of the national minorities con-
sists mainly of city inhabitants. This urban petty bourgeoisie
is much less revolutionary than the small bourgeoisie of the
majority nation. For the latter consists chiefly of peasants
who have become revolutionary in their struggle against the
large landowners. The proletariat of the national minorities
was frequently forced to appeal for help to " foreigners " against
the national individual autonomy " granted " to them. Faced
by its own (big and small bourgeoisie, the proletariat has proved
in a much worse condition under that autonomy than before.

These considerations prompt me to propose the following
amendment to thesis No. 3:

" The attempt made to settle the relationships between the
nations of the majority and the minority nationalities in ter-
ritories of a mixed 'population (Ukraine, Poland, White Russia),
has shown that the transfer of the power of government from
the hands of the big capitalists to the groups of the petty bour-
geoisie constituting the democratic republics not only does not
diminish, but, -on the contrary, aggravates the friction among
the nationalities. The democratic republics oppose themselves
to the proletariat, and attempt to convert the class war into a
national one. They become rapidly impregnated with national-
istic exclusiveness, and easily adapt themselves to the practices
of the previous dominating nations, which fermented discord
among nationalities, and organised pogroms, with the assistance
of the government apparatus, to combat th« dictatorship of th«

15S

proletariat (the anti-semitic movement in the " democratic "
Ukraine towards the end of 1917 and the beginning of 1918,
organised by the Central Rada). The savage pogroms during the
end of 1918 and the first half of 1919 were organised by the
"Ukrainian National Directorate." The pogrom movements in
the Polish democratic republic have been furthered by the
Polish Socialist Party, the Party belonging to the Second Inter-
national, as well as by the coalition regime of Pilsudsky. Ex-
perience has likewise shown that there is no democratic form
of government which would defend the rights of the minority
nationalities in a territory with a mixed population. The
national autonomy granted by the Austrian Social Democracy
under a democratic republic cannot insure the protection of the
interests of the minority nations and grant them actual equality
of rights, and an influence equal to that of the majority. National
autonomy based on universal suffrage divides the proletariat
into national units and weakens the revolutionary struggle; it
also frustrates the efforts of the proletariat and aggravates the
position of the proletarian minority in matters of culture. This
comes as a result of the fact that within every national minority
there is a middle class national bourgeoisie more numerous and
more powerful than the proletariat. They live preferably in
cities, and are more reactionary than the middle-class bour-
geoisie of the majority nation, which is made up of peasants
that have become revolutionised in the struggle against, the
large landowners."

Concerning the question of Jewish pogroms, the Jewish
Section of the Russian Communist Party proposes the following
resolution :

1. In its -bloody campaign against the dictatorship of the
proletariat, the international counter-revolution has dealt most
cruelly with the poorer elements of the Jewish population in
Russia, Ukraine, Poland, Hungary, Palestine, and elsewhere.

2. By means of these atrocities 'perpetrated upon the Jews,
exceeding in cruelty not only the deeds of Tsarism, but sur-

'g even the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, the world

counter-revolution is endeavouring to introduce discord and

i into the ranks of the workers of various nationalities in

Mention, from the immediate struggle

;i gainst the bourgeois order.

• r>nd Congress of the Third International therefore
cs before the entire world that —

Whereas the blame for the recent Jewish massacres in the
1'kraine. Poland, Rumania, Hungary, Palestine, and others falls

159

eatir«l;y upon the Allies which are responsible for all counter-
revolutionary attacks against the (Communist Revolution; and
whereas the Allies are 'supplying the White guards of all shades
and colours with instruments of extermination and are render-
ing moral support to those who are murdering hundreds of
thousands of innocent people in all -parts of the world, and are
ignoring the protests of the toiling masses against the massacres
nor do anything to put a stop to them; moreover, the agents of
the Allies in the ranks of the counter-revolutionary armies of
Russia, Ukraine, Poland, Hungary, and other countries are the
immediate participants in these massacres, a fact which has
been particularly pronounced in the Jerusalem massacre of
April, 1920, which was organised by the agents of an Allied
Government; and whereas the parties affiliated to the Second
Yellow International which were or still are in power in the
Ukraine — " the Ukrainian National Directorate " and in Poland
—the Government of Pilsudski are .participating morally and
materially in these massacres, exterminating hundreds of thou-
sands of women and children and shedding seas of innocent
blood, in the Ukraine and Poland in their endeavours to stifle
the proletarian dictatorship, —

Therefore, be it resolved that the Second Congress of the
Third International expressing the will of the revolutionary
proletariat of the whole world, hereby protests most energeti-
cally against the Jewish pogroms which are the handiwork of
the world counter-revolution. We call upon the toilers of all
countries to carry on an energetic struggle by word and deed
against these massacres and to tear off the mask from the
.hypocritic diplomatists of the League of Nations, exposing
their infamous role, -and to establish the dictatorship of the
proletariat everywhere, which alone is able to put an end to
all massacres, do away with all national prejudices, sweep
away all national boundaries and institute a brotherhood of
nations all over the world. The ;Second Congress of the
International calls upon the workers of all subject countri
in .particular to close their ranks and rally round the -banne
the Third Communist International which is to bring to manh
delivery from all the injustice of the capitalist regime.
COHN— I regret that the discussion touching on the
question has taken a turn not anticipated by the revolutions
Jewish elements and -by the members of the 'Committee
of the protests which we have heard were addressed -by a
which had recently been a member of the Second ™e™ationa
while we ourselves have never refrained from maintaining the

1*0

Communist programme. In a general way, it seems to mt that
the theses have not taken sufficient account of the minoroty
nationalities living in various countries. We have been accused
of having formed a national state in Palestine. In the interest
of the international movement I would like to see the Jewish
workers in Palestine instead of remaining under foreign ex-
ploitation, be able to orgaise a Communist Party in Palestine.

I ask you to reject the amendments of Comrade Frumkina
and Merejm. The resolution of protest against the agents of
the Allies who have participated in the Jewish massacres seems
to me out of place. The Congress should adopt resolutions only
of a realistic nature. It would mean to lower the prestige of the
Congress if it were to vote on simple resolutions of protest.

FRUMKINA — I protest against the accusation against the
Jewish Bund. The Bund has always sided with the Soviets,
even before it entered the ranks of the Communist Party.

ZINOVIEV — I propose that a vote be taken for and against
the theses, after which they should be sent back to the Com-
mittee. I hope that the (Committee will be able to reach a
unanimous conclusion. Should it find it impossible to agree,
they will then have to bring the matter up again before the
Congress.

SERRATI — I was .supposed to make a speech, but I prefer
to limit myself to a brief remark.

In the theses proposed to 'the Congress on the National and
Colonial questions by Comrades Roy and Lenin, I find not only
some contradictions but also a grave danger for the Communist
proletariat of the advanced countries, for the proletariat which
should be constantly opposed to every class compromise espe-
cially in the pre-revolutionary period.

The definition of the term "backward countries" is too
vague and too indefinite not to foe confused with the Chauvin-
istic interpretation of 'the term.

On the whole, the entire .struggle for national liberation
carried on by the democratic bourgeoisie, even when insurrec-
tionary methods are employed, is not a revolutionary movement.
It usually serves the interests of national imperialism striving
to rise to the surface, or it serves the interests of capitalist
imperialism of another country in competition with the domin-
ating nation. The movement, for national liberation can be
revolutionary only when the working class maintains its own
Hass lines.

The class struggle in the so-called backward countries can b«
«arri«d on only when th« proletariat pr»«»rv«B it*

161

of the exploiters, even of those bouwoi* democrats calling
themselves revolutionary nationalists.

Only by means of ^proletarian revolution and through HIP
Soviet regime can the subject nations obtain their freedom.
This cannot be done by temporary alliances of the Communists
with the bourgeois parties called nationalist revolution:

These alliances only demoralise the class conscitmsnr
the proletariat, especially in countries where the proletariat has
not 'been tempered in the struggle against capitalism. The lack
of clarity in the theses may serve as a weapon in the hands of
the chauvinist pseudo-revolutionaries of Eastern Europe against
Communist international activity. For these reasons I shall
have to abstain from the vote.

WYNKOP— Not having taken part in the discussion, Serrati
now declares our theses counter-revolutionary and of a compro-
mising nature. I move that the Congress open a discussion on
Serrati's declaration. (Applause.)

PEST ANA — Being the representative not of a political party
but of a labour organisation, and not being able to take upon
myself an obligation which I am not sure of being able to live
up to, I shall refrain from voting.

GRAZIADEI — I intend to adhere to my previous statement.
I shall vote upon the theses and support the amendments which
1 have proposed.

SERRATI — I don't know whether Comrade Wynkop respects
me as much as he himself is respected by Comrade Levi, accord-
ing to the latter's statement. My policy has never given the op-
ponents of my party grounds to compromise it, and my activity
in the Communist international movement is sufficiently clean
so as not to give the enemy an opportunity of misinterpreting
my public announcements. I have never endorsed declarations
in favour of Germany, nor in favour of France, for the purpose
of (procuring votes. I have always 'been true to myself. Thig
is why my statements carry weight, for the International Com-
munist movement. I know my duties towards the movement;
these duties I have always fulfilled in spite of everything. I do
not care what the bourgeoisie thinks of me. I rather like the
Italian bourgeoisie to regard me as a traitor. But. I have no
liking for argumentation. Comrade Wynkop has argued a good
deal, and no one interferes with him. But as far as I am con-
cerned I have not taken part in the debate. I am convinced that
the Congress ought to vote on the theses presented. You have
th« right and the privilege of voting; you cannot abstain from
it. But as far as 1 am concerned, my position is different. Fo»
I

162

a period of six years I have been advocating revolutionary
Socialism in my paper, and have fought against such principles.
I do not wish to abandon my views now. I do not fear to take
up my policy again when I return to Italy. I ask you therefore,
dear comrades, to pass on to the order of the day.

WYNKOP — You are bound, to explain yourself before the
Congress.

SERRATI— -If you insist on icalling me out for discussion I
shall have to discuss, but I am at a disadvantage. I must tell1
you, my Dutch comrade, that I have come here to do the work
of solidarity and not to criticise. I will therefore allow myself
to maintain the same attitude to the end.

ZINOVIEV— I am taking the floor on behalf of the Russian
delegation. I iput the blame on Comrade Serrati for not having
participated in the discussion of this question in the Committee.
The International Congress has been called together for the pur-
pose of considering matters on common grounds. The majority
of the Communist workers of Italy will not approve of Serrati's
conduct, and will agree with the Congress.

I absolutely deny that the theses, which are nothing bill a
summary of .some .propositions of Marx and Engels, can furnish
-round for misinterpretation.

NKOP — No representative of the revolutionary movement
right to apeak thus. Serrati has boasted of never having
made any declaration in favour of either France or Germany.
This phrase contains an insinuation on my account. I energeti-
cally deny all such allegations, and demand that an investigation
be made.

I request Ilia! I he announcement of Serrati be not inserion
in the proceedings, i'or the Congress has no possibility of dis-
cussing it. At the next Congress of the Italian Communist Party
Comrade Serrati will have every opportunity of explaining him-
self.

ROY— Serrati has referred to my theses and to those of
Comrade Lenin as being counter-revolutionary.
SERRATI— Oh, no! '

ROY— I am sure thai, no proletarian can regard the assist-
ance rendered to the oppressed peoples in their struggle agadnst
foreign oppression as being reactionary. Every national re-
volution in a backward country is a stop in advance. It. is un-
iiiic to distinguish the various forms of revolution. Every
ution is one of tho varieties of th»> Social Revolution. The
peoples of the exploited countries, whose economic and political
evolution has been hampered, must pass through the stages

163

which the European peoples have passed long ago. One who
regards it as reactionary to aid these people in their n.v
struggle is himself itUfrtionary and the advocate of it:

I protest against Serrati's declaration, and iv
not inserted in the proceedings.

SERRATI — I have no objection to an enquiry being made on
the accusation against the Dutch Party. I did not ma)
accusation. I only referred to what Comrade Levi said. .
the comrades have given me the occasion, I must state that a
discussion cannot be opened on a point of order preceding the
vote. I did not raise the question out of love for disri;
but I find it peculiar that the comrades should insist cm my
speaking when they have no right indeed to discuss my point
of order. I find it still more strange that the Congress should
insist that my announcement foe not inserted in the proceedings.
I propose that none of the nonsensical things just said here be
inserted in them. I could propose that the accusation mad«- by
Comrade Levi against Wynkop be deleted. It. is much more
serious than the frank and precise statements which I
made and upon whose insertion I insist.

Comrade Roy did not understand my announcement. F
that the theses in the form in which they are presented a
sufficiently clear, and they could therefore serve
misinterpretation by chauvinists and nationalists. If I believed
that the theses themselves were counter-revolutionary, I would
find enough courage and frankness within me to vote a£
them, and it would not be such a great evil either to have
one in a Communist Congress voting against this form o
position.

Comrade Roy has said that every revolution h;^
character, but this is exactly the argument which, during the
war, all the compromisers and the accomplices of the bour-
geoisie used to advance against us. They told us tha
tionary war is a social war, that one must take part in it.
we said no; we would not take part in it.

Comrade Zinoviev has made a 'statement, in 11,«
Russian Communists, that one has to speak clearly and defi-
nitely. I have always done that. But I hav<
I feel myself at a disadvantage to speak on a question which
cannot be discussed properly here.

I intended to propose a resolution here, but I h
so because I do not" think that the questions can b<
here with the necessary impartiality. I was going to propos
the following resolution: "The Congress sends its fraternal

164

greetings to tall the peoples suffering under the oppression of
the Imperialist Powers. It. stands ready actively to support
every movement, directed against all exploiters, and it <1<
n this struggle against capitalist oppression the prol*
may take advantage oi' every national insurrection in order to
turn it into a social revolution." The thought I express here is
perfectly clear. Instead of saying that the Communist Party
and the working class can, under certain conditions, and in a
certain measure,, join a petty bourgeois movement, I say the
working class can take advantage of a bourgeois revolutionary
movement in oyter to turn it into a social revolution, but one
must not. support the bourgeoisie even in backward countries
on peril of losing one's class position and class consciousness.
In backward countries the masses are even more susceptible to
lose their class consciousness than in the .advanced countries.
The proletariat of those countries has not yet worked out a
sufficiently strong class consciousness, and consequently can be
misled by its leaders.

Comrade Zinoviev has said that the proletariat will have to
judge about the conduct of their representatives in the Inter-
national Congress. That is self-understood, for the delegates to
the Congress will have to give an account to their constituents
on returning to their respective homes. Then the masses will
pass judgment on our work. I have never made any concessions
to the petty bourgeoisie. I have staunchly maintained thi;
tude in the National Congress of Florence, and the Congress
approved of at.

BOMBACCI— I must declare that I do not share the opinion
in the way he has formulated them in his announce-

WYNKOP — I am surprised that Comrade Serrali has taken
the floor tv/ice after the debate had been closed.

ZINOVIEV— I move that the debate be closed, and that we

proceed to the vote. The question is not worth dwelling upon.

We cannot hinder the insertion of Comrade Serrati's announce-

• oceedings. I move that the debate be closed.

Motion adopted.

."I— The theses are known to everyone. They have been
published in all languages. The Chairman proposes that, we

o the order of the day.

f put to the vote the Theses on the National
and Colonial questions.

The Theses are adopted unanimously with three abstaining
vot*s. (Applause.)

•

165

Z1NOVIEV— All doubtful points will be referred back to th«

oramittee. If a unanimous decision is reached by the •
itlee, a final repqjff*will be brought in before the Conf
f the Committee fails u> agree, the question will i
to the Congress. I propose this mode of procedure. M
adopted.

ZINOVIEV — At 11 a.m. tin the morning to-morrow then- will

plenary session for the discussion of the q
onditions for admission to the Third International. It is •
ary in hasten the discussion, for the French deleg;i
eave Moscow to-morrow.

The session closed at 5 p.m.

SEVENTH SESSION.

JULY 29th (EVENING).

MILKITCH — I did not intend to speak on this question. I
wanted to limit myself to expressing my opinion by vote. Bui
it is my duty to declare from this tribune that, contrary to what
has been said by Comrade Zinoviev, the Yugo-Sla\ Pa
an opportunist party.

ZINOVIEV— That is true.

MILKITCH— I am happy to hear Comrade Zinoviev confirm
my statement. In 1905 the Yugo-Slav Socialisi Part;
some of its leaders who stood for the co-operation
The same was done in 1912. Certainly, many will 3;
true; it was once a courageous party, but. it has ceased
so." ' Well, comrades, that is a mistake. To-day Co;,
Zinoviev handed to me some Serbian papers in which I n»
that the Yugo-Slav Party has -changed its name and nov
itself the "Communist Party." And, the first
Executive Committee has been to issue a vibrant
favour of the Hungarian Communists.

After I have taken note of all documents, I can saj will
being accused of exaggeration that the Yugo-Slav Communii
Party may be .considered a model for all parties.
sure that its former attitude will yield good results. Our coi
rades have spread among the masses of the peasant* a proclA-

166

mation in which they urge them to emancipate themeelves
the yoke of the landlords. The Government profited b>
occasion to persecute the authors.

I finish this short declaration by saying that the Yugo-Slav
Communist Party is a party of which the Communist Inter-
national can be proud. It does not deserve what Comrade
Zinoviev said about it. And without doubt he wanted to console
the German Independent Socialists when he added the Yugo-
slav Communist party to the number of parties which he
criticised.

BOMBACCI — I do not 'believe it could 'be really useful to
raise deep theoretical questions about the subject we are dealing
with. Does it agree with the interests of the Third International
to accept such and such a party? That is the question. It is a
serious one when it concerns parties with a tradition of 30 years
of reformist habits, which prevents them from adapting them-
selves to the mentality of the revolutionary epoch. The Italian
Socialist Party belongs to the Third International; but, since the
Congress in Bologna, where, contrary to Comrade Bordiga, I was
in favour of the expulsion of the reformists and the change in
the name of the party, nothing has been changed. This fact
shows clearly that certain of its constituent elements are not
capable of being really faithful to the Communist International.
It would not be sufficient to expel Turati, Modigliani, and 50 to
60 persons to eradicate the reformistic tendency. One would
have 10 purify the whole party without stopping at the old heads
of reformism.

For still 'Stronger reasons, I am the adversary of the admis-
sion of the French Socialist Party and of the German Independ-
ent Socialist Pany to the Communist International, because
uarties cannot adapt themselves to the revolutionary Com-
munist mentality.

I would propone on this subject an amendment to the i
which have been discussed, i.e., to have a number of enquiries
!ir the lanks of the members of the parties in ques-
tion, and to authorise the Executive Committee to expel from
fferenl parties those members which can evidently not be
.inunist organisations. With these great re-
ions, 1 would rigorously admit the affiliation of these
\shich I disapprove on principle.

1 n- - inadmissible for .any Communist to adhere to

asonry, which is a purely bourgeois institution.
(Applause.)

POLAND — I am speaking to-day in the name of the Italian

16?

Hi. oi-ilfi :•! you or

organisation has existed since 1907. In its general lines dt
full agreement with .,<&e Italian Socialist Party, whi
however, continually pushed to the Left. We have no-
demand that the Italian Socialist. Pany slxniM be puiifn-d
reformist elements, and we hope that the Commui;
national will come to our assistance. The International
demand more coherence from the Italian Socialist 1'aiiv. which
will result in a clearer understanding of its histon-
The main function is to prepare the Revolution. This work is
hindered by the fight within the ranks of the pj-.rty between the
two ideologies, the one of Social Democracy and the other of
Communism. There is not the least possibility of reconciling
these two tendencies. How does it .come that the Marxian
elements of the Socialist Party have not yet noticed this con-
tradiction? How could they not understand its seriousness?
How could they not take measures to remove from the Party
all those elements which are a hindrance to the action Un-
engaged to carry on?

The Italian Socialist Party has affiliated en bloc to the •'
munis t International. In spite of this fact there are still
in the Party, like Modigliani, who have not ceased to e-ir'-y on
the most energetic propaganda kigainst the Communist Inter-
national and the dictatorship of the proletariat. It is the same
Modigliani who has recently declared that a close cont;;.
tween the Socialist Party and the petty bourgeois elements
would have to be established. Turati, who, as you know, be-
longs also to the Italian Socialist Party, affirmed qui
that Communist tactics are childish and foolish. A ival
munist Party cannot be composed of such heterog'
elements.

The Communist International must come to I lie ass
of the Socialist Youth in its work of purification. 1 take th»-
liberty oi; drawing the attention of the Congress to paragraph
7 of the Theses, which says that all parties willing
to the Third International must -break at once with the opj.c
tunist elements and with the elements of the Centre.

Further I draw the attention of the Congress to p
18 which 'says that all parties affiliating to the Third I
national must adopt the name, "Communist Party."
the firm hope that the Italian Socialist Party, in confonnan
with the above-mentioned theses, will really represent ,

foTthe accomplishment of this task we need support.

168

This must not be forgotten. However, th« Communiit Inter
national will not be able to help the Socialist Youth and th»
Italian Socialist Parly in its work if it admits within its ranks
such groups as the French Socialist Party and the Independent
Socialist Party of Germany, because it is really impossible to
purify the Italian Socialist Party of its opportunist elements on
the one side, and on the other .to admit fresh elements of such
nature to the Communist International.

RAK-OVSKY— The question with which the Third Inter-
national is Paced now resembles in many respects the problems
which we had to face about sixteen months ago, when the Social
Democrats of all shades, including those elements who are
getting dangerously near to the I.S.P., utterly failed, and under
pressure of the masses were compelled to abandon their old
programme and declare themselves for the dictatorship of the
proletariat and the Third International. Then it came to light
that those gentlemen had yielded to the pressure of the masses,
not because they have realised that their former views were
wrong, but solely because of their desire ,to continue in power.
We have had our sad experience with the Left Social Demo-
crats, and I wish to warn the comrade not to follow the same
example on a much larger scale. I feel impelled to make this
warning the more emphatic, because in the speeches of Crispien
and Dittman I have detected in every word the characteristic
features of our own Social Democrats. They declared unhesi-
tatingly for the dictatorship of the proletariat, but spoke in
opposition to terror just' as Daumig has done, and demanded a
"mild form" of dictatorship, .and thai at a time when the atroci-
ties of the Finnish, Hungarian, and Ukrainian White Guards
were well known. Now, when after three years of revolution,
after the murder of tens of thousands of Independents and Com-
munists, Comrades Dittman and Crispien come to Moscow and
speak with .the greatest equanimity against terror, this shows
that these gentlemen are not capable of understanding our
system. They will speak against terror even when they have
their Soviet dictatorship, and they will wait until the White
Terror instils into them a real understanding of the meaning
of terror. I learn from (lie example of Comrades Crispien and
Dittmann that they have drunk from I he same source as their
Hungarian comrades, and that their minds work in the
manner. Our Hungarian comrades studied carefully the Russian
ience, not in order to avoid mistakes, but to find justifica-
tions for their own conduct. Just as Comrade Criupien got the
notion thai the Russians were the jri-enx-st compromisers. «o

*"->

*i«o did our SoeiaJ Democracy reason In a iimilar wa/
done everything to justify itself. Besiu. iurk or under

standing of proletariSQjP^dictatorship, ill.
terised by a most dangerous habit of routine, \\liich 1,
them to force the other Left, comrad* to the .-,

ance of a preposterous resolution againsi th<
mittee of the Third International presented as the general
point of the Social Democratic Party— (Dittmtiiin interrupting:
Where did you get that story?") 1 have it fron you and Com-

de Damning. I have given my warning bc-v:;use I knov
he example of the Hungarian proletariat that, v.hen, after three
years of a world revolution, people don'i knov: vhat terror and
dictatorship mean, they are not going to become am
the succeeding , years, and are going to « n. ,mit the same
blunders, for which the German proletariat will have 10 bleed.
Our Social Democrats have not learned any wisdom afi'-r the
fall of the dictatorship and after seeing that they were wrong.
I don't know whether Comrade Dittmann is acquainted with the
fact that some of the members of the Hungarian Social Demo
cratic Party call themselves "Independents," and that one of
their leaders is the worst foe of dictatorship, and has caused the
proletariat great harm. He is the Vienna correspondent of the
"Freiheit," writing columns upon columns on international rela-
tions in Eastern Europe in the Kautskian spirit. These articles
do not attract any attention, because they are adapted .to the
spirit of the "Freiheit." I should like to say that I am in favour
of the motion of comrade Levi, where he proposes thin ih«' ad
mission of the I.S.P. be made dependent, upon a new condition
not contained in the theses, and I would support any condition
which would limit the admission of the I.S.P. and similar C«
organisations into the Communist International, for I know from
experience that eventually these people are going to change
their phraseology, and will make it appear as ii
ing for dictatorship, while in reality they will be doing wlia;
are now doing in Germany and what thev have done in I In:
during the Hungarian Dictatorship.

SERRATI — I have read in the Russian evenin
claration alleged to have been made by tho deputy Dusoni
Italian delegation about his visit to Russia

I doubt whether this declaration of Dugoni Is :m th-
an y case, I declare that deputy Dugoni v. :•
any member of the Italian delegation to make such d.
We have sent wireless messages informing the <boui

cur sojourn in Russia, in which v. - U opinion quite

1TO

AM.V other aeelftratian fuuiimu-u tw UN in abiu!
false. This morning I heard about this matter, and have there-
fore commissioned Comrade Daragona, who immediately started
for Italy, to ask the Party presidium df the declarations which
were published in the Italian press and which have been attri-
buted to Bugoni really emanated from him.

In the case of an affirmative answer, I demanded that he be
immediately expelled from the Party.

MEYER — Comrades, when we discussed to-day the question
whether the I,S.P. should be admitted to the Third International,
we were shown how utterly difficult it is to get a clear idea of
the whole character of the I.S.P. In reply to all arguments and
to any criticism, the representatives of the I.S.P. refer to other
utterances and declarations of other members, and altogether
one gets the impression that the I.S.P. is not in the least a
homogeneous or definite organisation, but takes everywhere an
indefinite attitude. Their attitude towards the Third Inter-
national is typical of this character of the I.S.P., which it proved
to have from its foundation. It is true that the Conference of
the Party in Leipzig decided for affiliation to the Third Inter-
national. But a close examination of this resolution shows that
is not a proper resolution of affiliation, but a resolution for the
initiation of negotiations with so-called revolutionary parties, in
order to accomplish unification with them. In case these negoti-
ations fail, the Party should communicate with Moscow. In the
declaration made .by Comrade Crispien in Leipzig on this point,
he laid stress on the statement that the resolution does not mean
affiliation to Moscow immediately, but to start negotiations first.
This resolution is not clear, and if we look at its realisation,

ilk again in the dark. What has been done by the Inde-
pendent Socialists since the Conference of the Party in Leipzig
for carrying out this resolution? Why have they sent here their

intatives? From the attitude of the representatives pre-
sent here it is not apparent what they want. The representa-

did not bring with them a communication or a motion to

'••ct that tlu> I.S.P. wants to affiliate now to the Communist
Internal ional. When we asked them in the Commission whether
they vu nt. to negotiate about their affiliation to the Communist
International— the same question has been put in the Executive
Committee— we did not receive a plain reply, but the following
declaration was made : "These negotiations do not mean that

ake special conditions for affiliation to the Third Inter-
national, but are intended to do away with misunderstandings
which exist to Moscow and in the Third Imteraatioaal

171

H'rom the new letu

the I.S.P. it does not appear either what is
Central Committee of««ifce I.S.P. towards Moscow
contradict certain sentences in the reply of the Execr
mittee, but nothing is stated about their intentions, in wh;r
and under what conditions affiliation to the Third Im
should be made, and why the affiliation has not yei I
The reply is given by the discussions which have been <;;.
on .between the Right and the Left Wing of the I.S.P. It is quite
plain that men like Kautsky, Hilferding, and Strobel, who
are still leaning upon the Second International, would niuc-h {in-
fer to go to Basle or to Geneva instead of to Moscow, and it is
only because the masses have blocked the way to Lucerne that
they are preparing slowly the way to Moscow, in order to
the desire of the masses for affiliation to the Third International,
for there can ,be no doubt about it, the rank and file of the
I.S.P. wish for direct affiliation to Moscow. When the letter of
reply from Moscow addressed to the I.S.P. was published by the
K.P.D. and discus.sed at public meetings, the members of the
I.S.P. stated nearly everywhere, it is not right that our (v
Committee has taken the way of mere negotiations and lias not
published this letter.

A great many leaders of the I.S.P. lean upon the Second
International, and that is the reason why they do not co:
the Third International straight away. This part feared and
still fears to show solidarity with Russia and with tin
munis t International. In the reply of the Central Committee to
the Executive Committee of Moscow all kinds of criticism are
made about the attitude of Moscow, not only as far as the reply
is concerned, but also about the policy which is being Ci
on here. The Executive is reproached with having tried to
fer Moscow methods to other conditions. But the p< •••
solidarity with Russia, and criticise— though in :-.n ai
manner— the attitude of the Communists. They refuse to
fer the so-called purely Rpssdan methods to Germany . [.<
fuse generally purely Communist tactics, and try to use •
tunist methods, which mean in fact a negation of Communism
altogether. What most restrains the Independents from goini
to Moscow is the plainly expressed desire which was
the whole International to exclude the reformist elements
the ISP They do not want this split within the I.S.P.. whirl
is necessary. The I.S.iP. replied through their Central
mittee that they do not want to have dictation about;
that they consider this demand as an interference with the

172

i>vivat« affairs of the German Party, and that the unity or the
Parry ought to be above purely Communist tactics. This i«
pretty plainly expressed in the letter of reply.

Thus, it results that we have a Right and a Left Wing in
I.S.P. : a Right, which still stands for bourgeois dictate;
and which has only made certain concession in words t<
dictatorship <of the proletariat; and a Left which, it is
stands for the dictators-hip of the proletariat, 'but in practice
continually makes concessions to the Right, i.e., to bourgeois
democracy. At the Conference of the Party in Leipzig even re-
presentatives of the Left Wing declared quite plainly that they
refused to carry through the dictatorship of the proletariat with
all its consequences; the same idea is expressed in the
against the use of terror. In the reply emphasis has again been
put upon this antagonism between force and terror, an antagon-
ism which does not exist in reality. It has been" artificially con-
structed in order to hide their separation from the Russian
Party, and from all the Communist Intel-national, and not to
prove solidarity with the Revolution and the" Communist Inter-
national. When Comrade Radek in the discussion expressed
to-day the hope that the Left WTing might at last decide to adopt
a clear policy and refuse to accept the ideology of bourgeois
democracy, I confess that I do not share this hope. The Left
Wing has practically yielded to the policy of the Right Wing.
The Congress here has given us the example, for the speakers
were not the representatives of the Left Wing but of the Right,
Comrades Dittmann and Crispien. It is true we learnt that
sharp discussions have frequently taken place between the Right
and the Left Wing, but not in public. The Left Wing renounces
iiscussion before the rank and file about these diver-
gencies. At the Congress here the delegates of the Left Wing
also, declared that they do not want a split in the Party, and the
thing has been stated in the letter of reply signed by
Comrades Daumig and Stocker. If we take here the same view
as in Germany that the I.S.P. should split off from the oppor-
tunist elements- in order to become Communist, it is not because
ke a narrow party point of view. The criticism which is
within our own party shows that we are not afraid of
sing oui- io what has been mistaken in our own

ranks, or of correcting ourselves. If we criticise another party
in such a way, we do not do so in order to ruin it but in order
TO promote the revolutionary movement, and lea'd the whole
working class on the right way. The Left Wing neglected to
publish the reiply of the Executive Committee in Moscow to the

173

ers; itself signed The Letter of replj to Moscow and l.i.l i.

n public opinion. This letter is \v,
r.nce which has its jygfc&n in the success of i,

a great number of votes obtained, and perhaps a I
tain fear of a radical change within the pany it the
the I.S.P. are addressed directly from Moscow.

This is typical; the I.S.P. does not inarch at the head ol
Revolution, it. marches behind the n The sovi.

workers and soldiers asked them in 1918 to work toL
the Scheidemann crowd. The r.S.P. obeyed and followed tin-
unconscious part of the masses. If the letter from V
criticises further the.com/bination of Shop Committees (Belriebs
Pate) and Parliament, the I.S.P. finds also an excuse tor thai.
In the situation there was danger lest the Shop Committees be
abolished altogether, and therefore such a compromise was
necess:ary.

Within the scope of a short speech it is not possible to go
into all these questions, but it is sufficient to point to some de-
tails in order to conclude that we must be careful with the ad-
mission of this party. The I.S.P. cannot be admitted simply on
the condition that they carry on a purely Communist activity.
and that they are not afraid of excluding reformists and oppor-
tunists. We from the K.P.D. do not say definitely that this
activity will not be obtained by means of negotiations, but we
take .the point of view that the masses of the I.S.P. will them-
selves find their way to Moscow, and that we here have to get
into direct t^ouch with the masses in the same way as in the
first letter of the Executive Committee. We do not believe
negotiations will lead to any considerable result, but w«
that the Executive Committee would address the masses of Hie
I.S.P., and tell them what is its opinion of that party, telling
them also that they expect the workers of the I.S.P. and not
the officials to carry out what they want, i.e., to march together
with the Communists of the world, with the Russian Com-
munists, with Soviet Russia.

WYNKOP — Many remarks have already been made which I
wanted to make myself. I must say that in case we had to vote
now, the proposal of the Executive would be thoroughly (
feated We have listened to people here who have all used
good arguments against this proposal of the Executive. At. leaj
their arguments opposed it, but whether they have drawn
consequences- themselves, this, of course, I do not know,
we are told if myself and others were against this proposal <
the Executive it is because w. only consider <th« past and not

174

the present psychology of the masses. But I agree in this re-
spect with Comrade Radek, -who said, it is a fact that the masses
of the I.S.P. are marching towards revolution, that they are be-
coming more and more revolutionary. Comrade Meyer explained
very well that the leaders of the Left Wing of the I.S.P. do not
march at the head of the Revolution, and are not revolutionising
the movement, but that they are running behind the uncon-
scious part of the masses. Now the question is how to continue
the work of revolutionising the masses, and I believe that the
way the Executive Committee wishes to take is wrong. In such
a way the work of revolutionising, the masses behind the I.S.P.
in Germany and in other countries will not be continued, but
will be held back. That is my opinion. Do not tell me that I
do not consider the masses who are really behind this party.
I do consider them, but I say if the Executive Committee of the
Third International gives new support to these deceitful leaders
of the German Independent Socialists and of the French Social-
ists, the result will be that the masses will again be disap-
• 1 over what they have already been taught by the great
.it.ion and by the Third International. It is on this ground
thiit our opposition is based. It has already been mentioned by
comrades thai, the leaders in all these countries are always
;ng the brake. If one fights with these gentlemen wiilioui
lering their feelings, they will be beaten down, and (lien
.asses will be freed for the revolutionary struggle. But if
icets them in any way, it will strengthen their own wrong
attitude; then they will return and continue their work with
more courage than before. Comrade Bombacci has rnnimuni-

frnm Italy. Fie repents his weakm

this matter. He knew very well that he was weak at. the time.
MW he fee.ls t.hat-he acted wrongly, for the party in H;il>
has not become more revolutionary by his yielding disposition,
but less revolutiomn-y, and he feels that he must now ,tal

vhieli he did not take at the time. He stated quite cor-
tliat we of the International should learn from our mis-
takes. For what else should we exchange our experiences? The
comrades have got this experience by means of a signa-
ture. What is ;i scrap of paper to an opportunist? He signs, if
necessary, and does what lie wants. lie is always ambiguous
tful. Tlral is what the gentlemen in Switzerland,
M Holland, the OP eh ins. the Orispiens, and all the lot
h. OKI- r to get influence upon -tin- masses, they sign
i hey act according to their own
opinion. Of •course, I know that the Executive Committee is

175

e«avim«*d it kas tkt poorer as an Executive Commits .
have only signed, to ^orce them to stick to \\hat t1
signed. That is a mistake. I quite agree with the ;
Committee of the Third International that greater discipline
should ibe exercised, and that the Executive Cnmniiit"e will
have and ought to hare more influence. But I asm of the opinion
that the Executive Committee has not got this influence yet, ;»nd
that it has shown, ,by making concessions to these gentlemen,
that. it. is not able to compel 'them really to take the way which
they ought to take as revolutionaries. I must say, if one con-
siders the results hitherto obtained, one cannot help corning to
the conclusion that this matter is an absolute .failure. The
French comrades have been severely criticised this morning,
but the gentlemen of the Independent Socialists have ,been criti-
cised much less, though they are worse. Of course, there is not
a big difference between them, but while the one side gets a
sharp criticism, the Oachins get a much sharper one. That is
a result of the attitude of the Executive Committee, which or-
dained that the criticism of the K.A.P.D. against the K.P.D
should not be heard here. We ought to hear it, but we have not
heard it. The attitude of the I.S.P. has been discussed, but a
friendly criticism should also be made of the Communist
Parties. That is the best way to teach masses whai tl»
to do with leaders, i.e., to throw them out. Whilst concent rat
ing criticism on the I.S.P., one could not very well find th
portunity to listen to the good, though not friendly, criticism <>t
the K.P.O. by the K.A.P.D. Has the K.P.D. always been U a.lin
the masses? That is a question which must be raised and
answered here. But now in presence of the I.S.P. it would r
do very well. We are not -among friends here ; we are toge't
with Messieurs, the Government Socialists, and we should 1
among friends only, and tell each other the truth,
been prevented by the attitude of the Executive <
Comrade Serrati gave this morning a very good reply
question why Turrati remained in the Italian Party b
can make propaganda in this way. Comrade Meyer has
reply to the question why the opportunistic have come
and we put questions before them. Wrt never get a pla
from them; they are here even more insolent than in G
That is just the reason why these gent lemen here wan
up negotiations with the International I. because 1 ant to

make propaganda for themselves in tl i* big c«™
which should and must come in Germao ay. As has
out so well'fty Comrade Meyer, one shoi fld go to the w

17*

The heads of the lr;;der,s. who want to stay with them in order
!eir propaganda against revolution. They cannot say
plainly, but it is the truth. If they said it plainly, we
should reply: "Thank you, go back to your country." There-
tort1, they must talk diplomatically.

Comrade Zinoviev this morning sta'ted something else which
y correct: he described the whole machinery of the In-

• lent Socialists as a Philistine machinery. It is just, this
Philistine ir.arhinery which we want to take over. This would
m»i do. W'e must take the ba.sis given by Comrade Radek,
that we should go to the masses. Therefore we must not settle
the matter in this way with the leaders. I point to the facft
that an exceptional position has been .given ito these gentlemen
of i.he I.S.P. and also to Cachin and Frossard. That is wrong
and will have bad -consequences in the future. .Besides, we have
to deal with two questions here which have' been mixed up.
The one question which has been dealt with in general is, What
should be the conditions for affiliation to the Third International?
This is being included in th<e Theses, and generally I believe
that the TOieses contain very much that is good indeed. Of
course, it may happen that they will be changed to some extent
by one or another amendment. And a further question is what
we want the parties to become, which already belong to the
Third International. Resolutions are expected from us Com-
munists 'about this question, in which, these gentlemen cannott
co-operate. Yet, these gentlemen take part in the Commission
for the consideration of these Theses. The other question
which was to be discussed here first, is, whether we shall con-
tinue to act this way wit-h these gentlemen or not, and these
questions have been mixed up. I said already that the FCxecu
tive Committee has given these gentlemen an exceptional posi-
tion. I have already made my protest in the Commission, but
in vain. These gentlemen are among us Communists; they are
here. I have nothing against persons, but I have something
against, deceitful leaders, 'because history has demonstrated
that these people cannot lose their old weaknesses, unless they
are compelled by t.he masses, and this will come about in a
different way than that which has been tried here.

Before I come to the end, I want to state that not only in

•nd France, but throughout the world this attitude

of the International will have a bad effect. It will make a very

had impression in England and America. For one feels that the

- t.ional, with the leader* of the Independent Socialists
here, is moving towards th« Right. Th»r« is no diff«r*ne« b*-

177

t.weea Hilferding and Crispin: yet NiltVuliiiR- ha, been a1
here, but not Crispipn^ How can the masse» in all these <-oun
tries be revolutionised ? Only by refusing suppn
deceitful parliamentarians, but support is given here to the
Independent Socialists and also to rarhin. When Cachin
returns to France, 'the masses, which have just been taught,
that parliamentarism must be dealt, with in a different way (than
it has been up to now by Messrs, the Social Democrats, will see
that this new International compromises again with the old
leaders. The old deceitful parliamentarism will be strengthened
again in this way, and the masses will feel it and .will turn
away from us. One must not go only by the size of the m
(interruption by Radek) who are nominally behind a
but in reality have already come to us in consequence of the
experiences of the Third International. Therefore, I hope that
the negotiations with (the Jeaders of these parliament-
parties will be broken off, that the Congress and the Executive
Committee will no't approve of the tactics which have been
employed up to now, and that all means which were used at
ftrst be applied, and the masses in Prance and in Germany be
directly addressed.

MUNZENBERG — I do not understand Comrade Wynkop.
How* could he reproach the Executive Committee with the non-
representation of the Communist Labour Party of Germany ?
If it is not represented, it is the delegates themselves who ;ne
to iblame. It was decided to admit them to the Congress wtth
a consultative vote, and to .allow them to have their own
speakers on all questions of a controversial nature. They have
not availed themselves of thatt opportunity; they have not come
to the Congress. They have deserted the battlefield before the
battle began. I don't know what the members of the Com-
munist Dabour Party of Germany will think of it, but the
great majority of the German workingmen are sure to condemn
this procedure, and in my opinion the two comrades that have
behaved in such an irresponsible manner should have no place
in the revolutionary movement, of Germany.

Now as to the question of the conditions of admission to the
Third International. The year just passed and the political
events of that year, have furnished splendid evidence <
that, the programme and the tactics of the First. Congress of
the Communist International in Moscow were rightly conceived.
TTae manifesto has the following to say with regard to those
tactics : "Just a« 'the First Frftwnational foreshadowed fuhir*
*«v«lopmwit and sfcrov* to find a. way, jwt as tk« ••eo«d J»-

178

termational gathered together and organised the proletariat, se
ia the Third International called upon to carry on mas* activity,
to be the International of revolutionary action."

Comrades, this method of revolutionary propaganda, this
tactic of appealing directly to the labouring masses regardless
of party offices or msst.itu'tions, of criticising all the errors of
the labour movement without m-ercy--all this has contributed
greatly to the awakening and the development of the subjective
forces of the Proletarian Resolution. The progress made by
the Communist International during the past year consists, in
my opinion, not so much in the present Congress as in the fact
that regardless of the precariousness of the organisations of
the Communist Parties and in spite of the fact that .the line
between Right and Left has .been more sharply drawn — that
line separating not Turrati, Longuet, Crimim, but Daumig, Nobs
— humdreds and thousands of workers in Germany, Hungary
and other countries have stood up for the programme and the
aims of the Communist International, fighting and bleeding for
them in armed struggle. This is the great practical result of
the revolutionary propaganda which is of much greater value
for the Proletarian Revolution than thousands of newly issued
membership books. The influence of ithe -Communist Inlte-r*
national on the German workers has been so strong tha/t, even
when they were called out into the streets by the I.S.P., they
made deancoiatrations not for the ideology of that party, but for
the Communist International. The cries of " Long live Soviet.
Russia,!" " Long live the Communist International!" "Long
lire the Proletarian Revolution!" were raised all the time.

The same is true with regard to the conduct of the workers
of England, France, c-nd America. Though we have not suc-
ceeded up till now in getting tiie masses to a point where they
would pass on to the final revolutionary battles for the over-
throw of the bourgeoisie of those countries, the revolutionary
propaganda has raised them to such a moral level that they
would UBC all pos&ible means to prevent military intervention
by their Government against Soviet Russia, This is evident
resolutions recently by the various organisa-

vour of refusing to supply and transport munitions to
Poland. This cis, of course, not all that we expect of our
comrades in those countries, 'but it is the beginning of Inter-
national solidarity in practice. This is the more significant be-
cause the impending epoch of Proletarian World Revolution is
roin-g to p« characterised by si series of revtolu'ttonary war*. The

179

Polish war is only one of (the links in the chain of unfolding
military attacks of tli|^llies .and their vassals .on Sov

Comrades, an examination of the preceding year ot the de-
velopment of Communism shows Miat we have no cause to make
any alteration in our tactics for the sake of winning over
groups or parties, which would interfere with the winnin.u
of large masses for live revolutionary 'activity. Someom<-
at a session of the Executive Committee that the organ!
of the 'Communist International was a premature thing. I do
not share that opinion, but I do think that the circle ot th.->
•Communist International has been widened out too soon,
rade Zinoviev has pointed out in his speech the various o
tunist occurrences in the Italian, .Swedish, Norwegian. Punish,
and Yugo-Slav Parties. Reference has been made to enemies in
our own camp. Furthermore, there are no strong disciplined
Communist Parties in -existence either in England, Amori<
France. Now the Socialist Party of Spain has come out in
favour of affiliation with the Third International, as did likewise
the Swiss Party, trying to smuggle itself imto the Third !
national. Then come the French Socialist Party and the In-
dependent Socialist Party of Germany in their present composi-
tion. All 'this forces upon me the fear that the Third Inter-
national is in great danger, the danger of adulteration, of
weakening the revolutionary propaganda and revolutionary
activity— (Lenin^ interrupting: "Who is going to admit the
I.S.P.?") This came to light in the proceedings of the 1
tive Committee. The fact that comrades who have only
weeks ago or even a few days ago fought against the Third
International now declare themselves ready to sign without any
difficulty the conditions put to them is a sure proof that
conditions have not been formulated rigidly enough. At. th-
sent juncture of the revolutionary (Struggle we are concerned
not merely with carrying on Communist propaganda and o
ising Communist Parties, buft mainly to star1!, mass
order to accelerate the political development of the i
develop their revolutionary forces and thereby -pile up obs :
on flhe road of advancing imperialism, to accentual
flicts and thereby hasten the realisation of the Revolution. This
is what we must demand above all of those parti*-.-; .-mil organi-
sations that wish to .become members of the Third International.
The great importance of revolutionary mass action
also from the report of the Executive Committee. It was the
E.G. that emphasised in its Manifesto that it was on account of
the failure of the international mass action planned for July L'l.

180

1919, that thousands of Petrograd workers had to shed their
blood. Another mass action, planned for November 7, 1919, and
also on the day when Karl Leibknecht and Rosa Lureinburg
were killed, failed. It is therefore essential that rigid condi-
tions be put to all parties, especially regarding this point.

Equally insufficient is the condition regarding militan
parations. It is not enough to carry on Communist propaganda
and organise groups for agitation in the bourgeois armies. The
present state of the civil war imperatively demands that we
pass on in all countries to military preparations and orp
tion for the final conflict with the ^bourgeoisie. In 'the above
spirit I propose 'two amendments, which I shall hand to the
Presidium.

L'OSOVSKI— the question of the admission of the So»
Parties of the Centre is one of the most serious questions which
have been put before the Congress. If we take the F
Socialist Party as a model of parties developing at presen't to-
wards Communism, we see that this party represents ;;.
heterogeneous mixture of various tendencies. When Comrades
Frossard and Cachin presented themselves to the Executive
Committee, quite a series of questions were put to them. They
were particularly asked what they were going to do with Albert
Thomas, the present director of the Labour Bureau of the
League of Nations, and if they did not think it impossible to
bring Socialists of such quality into the Third Intel-national.
Frossard officially replied that the case of Albert Thomas would
be settled at the next national congress of the French Socialisi
I'ar'ly. The French Socialist Party contains elements of tlir
Centre like Cachin and Frossard, together witlh avowed enemies
of Socialism, members of tthe League of Nations — men, in one
word, who in the course of these last years have fought -
movement of the working class, whether it ibe revolutionary or
Syndicalist.

The French Socialist Party suffers from an illness which is
not only opportunism, but which may be called "unity at any
price" with anybody.

When in the Executive Committee the question ot national
(IHCnrr was put to Marcel, Cachin, and Frossard, they took good
ran; not t.o commit. thomsolvps for the future. They only re-
plied in an ambiguous way. This question is however an •
tial one; it is the key of the arch, the very meaning of every
Communist movement, the -basis of the Third International.

It is evident that even after the purification (Goldenbeug :
"They will not make it") which will be made »t the n«x>

181

grew, -they will not enter the Third International. But with the
French workers lies the duty to co
national, and to leav^Jhose leaders who c;,
'the necessary steps

There is another capital point upon which .1 should lil
draw your attention. If you read "Humanite," you will see how
they have fought (as €achin said) against the Peace oi
sailles. That is a strange battle, which reminds one too much
f a children's sham fight. It is true that the Social!.-;
ve voted against the Treaty of Versailles, tout one must know

which way. They have limited themselves to
against certain article's of the Treaty, and not against the Peace
of Versailles altogether.

There is another fact which you must ascertain. Cachin has
read .to us here this morning a new declaration which does not
resemble in the least that which he made some days ago
he knew that this declaration would be published in France, he
put down much vaguer formulas than he did a week ago, when
he was not on the point of returning to France.

This declaration, which avoids all questions of an awkward
kind, proves evidently that the Socialist Party in France is in
its majority incapable, witih regard to ideas and to actio:
acting within the ranks of the Third International.

Cachin did not say a word in his declaration of the future
tactics of the Party. He passed silently over the question of
the class struggle and of the destruction of capitalism as if it
was a trifle.

With regard to the .Socialist Parties affiliated to the Third
International, mudh has been spoken from this tribune about
the Italian Socialist Party. I wish to emphasise that Bo!
ism and Menshevism are to be seen in this Party in ctoee
association.

However if -we asked our Italian comrades whether
unite the Bolsheviks and the Menshevlks, they would certainly
reply in the negative. They would probably add thai. Etalj
yet in a revolutionary spirit. But in Russia it was not the I
volution which separated us from the Mensheviks; the i
between them and ourselves was dug long bef<

And we who have this experience cam tell our Italian .
1-adk "Take good care; it will be during the revolutionary
period, in the most serious moment when fee masses will bo m
the streets that you will feel the strokes ot opportunism,
subject reminds me of an unforgettable fact which ^took place in
Petrograd during the *ev.lution .f Ottob.r. Negotiation. hM

182

t>«*n carried on between the Bolsheviks, the MensheVikg, and
the Socialist revolutionaries with regard to common action. Do
you know what the Mensheviks proposed officially? The dis-
armament oi' the workers of Petrograd .and the entrance of
Cossacks into the working men's quarters. I can ispeak about it
with knowledge, because I took part in the negotiations. I was
even in this period a fanatical believer in a conciliation policy,
and I raged against the intransigent attitude of our comrades in
the Bolshevist Central Committee. They told us that, if we dis-
armed the workers, they would give us a guarantee that the
workers would not be assassinated. That is what our oppor-
tunists proposed.

And, comrades, our revolutionary experience makes us fear
that the opportunists of your country will make you some day
some similar proposal in the course of the decisive fights which
you will have to carry on.

CRISPIEN — Comrades, to the question as to why we are in
Moscow and what we want here I should like ta make a sWort
reply. I mus't, however, say that this question sounds rather
strange. Of course we have not come to Moscow to look about
the city, but, as we reported officially to the Executive Com-
mittee, on the invitation of the latter, resulting from the corres-
pondence carried on between us. Our business is to negotiate
with the Third International regarding our affiliation, in con-
formity with our party's decision. I shall in the course of my
discourse explain what prompted us to proceed by way of
negotiations.

By way of introduction let me say a few words about our
party. From all that was said here I gather that the comrades
abroad are not posted on German •conditions in general and on
the condition of our party in particular. It is a well known
fact that the German Social Democracy abandoned its positions
at the outbreak of the war. But it is probably less known that
from the inoment there were comrades within the old Social
Democracy who at once took up the gauntlet against the old
party, and against the war, without hesitation; not only by
of protests and resolutions, but by means of practical
work. Picture to yourself a once -poweri'ul party which had been
drawing the most advanced ranks of the German proletariat in
its wake during many <! .>ne million members were in

•the old Social Democratic Party, two and a quarter million
members in the old labour organisations, besides a large num-
ber of'indifferents. The war confounded the minds of a great
of workers, the military dictatorship, the rigid pers«cu-

183

tdon of everyone who did not favour the w.axv-tb«n you GAU
imagine what it meant and how difficult it was in su-oh a
fion to maintain the ,*^pnfr or Socialism. !
thai t became active In circulating illogul Hi-
cist Letters" — (Fuchs, interrupting: "\YI;
that?"). We, too, participated. The comrades will have to
testify that I also had my share in that. (Remark from Wai
"But at that time you did not believe in common work"). I run
speaking about the beginning of the war, and as!
deny that I did my duty as a revolutionary Social!
during the war we were conducting mass actions against it. Not
only were the masses sacrificing and bleeding, but also the
leaders, (he so-called notorious swindlers and scoun.
are sitting aimon-gst you— they too participated in mass actions
and had to suffer because of it, just as the rest of iho v.
who were receiving the usual punishment meted out by the
capitalists to every revolutionary worker. Around this small
group of Social Democrats fighting against the war the o;
tion grew steadily, and it was natural that, this opposition s
be joined by elements who recognised war as a matter of prin-
ciple and were in favour of defending the Fatherland. But dur-
ing that trying struggle we neither had the time nor was it pos-
sible to guide the workers on the proper path by means of pro-
paganda at mass meetings. We were not .permitted to hold any
meetings at all. Persecuted as we were, we had to work under-
ground, and -could approach the masses only in a precarioiu
inadequate manner. The comrades in the Parlk-oiont
obeyed Party discipline carried on written propaganda in favour
of the class struggle during the war. Then came the military
collapse. That gave us the possibility of acting openly— (!
ruptions — Fuchs: "You acted against Lie-bknecht." Dittmann:
"I am going to refute that." Comrade Dittmann who wa*=
in Parliament says he is going to reply to that.)

When the war was brought to a close by the uprising o:
workers and soldiers, the Geronaji proletariat was coirii"
with a stupendous task. That this task was" not ace
by the proletariat in favour of Socialism was due ID
place to the Impossibility of pushing forward the g
taken by the workers and soldiers in a conscious, pn
revolutionary way. Wre must net consider that this v;.
matter, and suppose that the treachery of a low i
cause of the failure— (A voice: "You were nffiiinst die-tutor-
•hdp"). The dictatorship of the proletariat is not a new di#-
eoverv ef th> €fctemtnrM Inttrmrftatt*! ; we Bad it *Tr«r«fy fn fh*

184

old progiuuMtt* of tiie Socualui Party, whar* ii nayw ikai. tL»
• aizure of political power by the working class; i» the pr«
requisite for Uie realisation of Socialism. It is an old Marxist
doctrine. Whether it was lived up to by the Social Democrats
in practice is a different matter. We, the Social Democrats,
were for the dictatorship of (the proletariat. That it could not
be realised immediately after the termination of the war was
due to the fact that it had nothing to depend on. The soldiers
could not support it; the majority of them did not consist of
revolutionary Socialists. They had not reached that stage yet.
and we Were not able to approach the masses until the out-
break of the Revolution. Then began the process of enlighten-
ment, and our party began to get its proper bearings. We took
a definite stand at the party conference in March, and already
then put into our programme the dictatorship of the proletariat
in unmistakable terms — (A voice: "An abortion of the Soviets").
Art. that time we pointed out that parliamentarism is not going
to achieve Socialism, that it is only one of the 'weapons used by
the proletariat in its struggle. Amidst the confusion of unfold-
ing events, we certainly could not appear on the stage in angelic
purity and act without any mistakes and blunders.

I must tell you that whosoever stands in the thick of the
political struggle can always toe criticised — that's easy. The
same criticism which is applied to us by the Communists is
being applied in the fullest sense by the K.A.P.D. to the Com-
munists of Germany. In their eyes we are traitors; in the eyes
of the K.A.P.D. they are traitors to the working class. That our
party was making progress during the period^ between the March
and Leipzig Conferences and started out on a clearer formula-
tion of our programme cannot be denied. But I must call your
attention to the fact that this was done under the guidance of
the leaders. They presented the programme. It was not forced
from them by the masses but presented and maintained by the
parly executive at the party conference. We of the parly
executive acted honestly and justly in accordance with the de-
cision of the party conference. We had mass actions in Ger
many, in many cases in conjunction with the Communists. Fl
\vt: are reproached with irresolution in our policy and tactics. I
can say that w>: can make the same reproach to the Communists,
who declared ti j:ist parlia-metarisni in the past, and

at pre.-'ent are in favour of it. The German Communist I 'arty
vacillated OH many questions, and if we resorted to introspection
ight discover many a sin in the mirror. It was said here
thai thf uiwsses are nnlilu> the leader*. th« swindlers, who

185

ht*j*. li i»miun«d oul.v loi Comrade Wynkop to d«oi*r«
th»t w« are police agents. You are makiiii
you believe that tin- ling the l<

the Congress is goingf to make an impression in derma
the masses will turn away 1'rom us. In Germany you ha
present facts to the musses. \Ve have been known i
rades and workers ol' Germany lor decades, and the\ \vou
re-elect us to responsible positions repeatedly ii
traitors. The rank and file ol' the Indepen ,mun-

ists according to your opinion, and it is these Communists o
I.S.P. who elect these leadei-s thai you are endeavoui
credit. There must be something wrong here. Tlie
setting the masses against the leaders of the party is not going
to get you anywhere. We are going to take up this mar
Germany, and we feel confident that we shall straighten things
out.

Now as to your excitement over our letter ol reply.
suddenly such maidenly sensitiveness? We received a
letter from the Executive. We did not cry and take the thrash-
ing as our due, but we replied to it very clearly, plainly .-•
our views. We did not say — as Comrade Zinoviev put it
only the leaders of the Right are in opposition to the mi
The Executive in their letter to us said all the leaders of the
I.S.P. are in opposition to the masses, and the entire pol
the masses is being determined by the Right, lead*
I.S.P. Now I have put up with having myself put down h-
one of the leaders of the Right. You can say that hen- in
cow. But you could not do it in Germany. The policy ol' our
party is settled at the .party conference, and resolution
passed by the comrades, members of the party, and wi
does not* intend to carry out these resolutions cam
mitted to the Party Executive, cannot be eh

Radek says that I was in favour of the League oi Natioi
Lucerne That's a mistake. I spoke against
Nations at Lucerne— (Radek, interrupting: "1
Radek I don't know whether you possess t.lv
I s'poke there against the League of Nation back

the winter of 1915 I wrote in our paper
League of Nations is an instrument of the Ca]
ments for the oppression of nations and not a League o
at all This I said then, and 1 maintain the
to-day. I protested against the League of Na1
•to Lucerne for the purpose of exposing the
Strttlist* befor. th« International prolMnriat. .nri on .

186

laid great stress. Because we assumed that condittoae la Ger-
many are not sufficiently known. abroad and that the German
Right Socialists could make capital out of that in order to win
other nationalities i'or their id^as, that, in my opinion, was no
crime. We have stated that the Second International cannot be
resuscitated, that it has outlived its time. If I wrote in my
pamphlet that the Moscow International is a premature organ-
isation, I have to say that I am of the jsame opinion to-day.
But Comrade Radek would have to read further to see why I
said that the Moscow International was founded too soon. I
explained in my pamphlet that the organisation of a new Inter-
national miiist be preceded by setting the tasks of 'the new
International clearly before the "workers of every country. The
workers must be enlightened about the idea of the Dictatorship
of the Proletariat, about the international class struggle, and
only after they have become enlightened within their own
respective countries can they play an international role. That,
this would not be so very harmful has been proved >by the whole
speech of Comrade Zinoviev. Who are, in fact, among the
chosen ones for the Communist International? Only the Russian
Communists; only they alone have not been criticised. Outside
of them not one of the affiliated parties escaped criticism. And
these very parties which have been criticised here are passing
judgment upon the misbehaviour of the Independents of Ger-
many. They overlooked entirely the fact that we have separated
from the Right Socialists, that we did not shrink from this
break as soon as it became historically inevitable. Just the*
same, this break should not be treated slightingly. I admit
that a separation was a necessity. The proof is the existence
of the I.S.P. in Germany. But it was a .bitter necessity. Before
parate, we should try to convert the workers to a clear
fundamental standpoint. The workers can be split much easier
than they can be won and ke(pt together for the Revolution in
Germany. It's one of the saddest sights in Germany that the
Lett Wing of the workers is split into three or four parts
I.S.P., the K.A.P.D., the K.P.D. and the recently proposed
Labour Union. This is very harmful to the German movement
and the Proletarian \Vorld Revolution, but particularly to the
Intel-national. What wt n-.vd is an International of action
which requires a unified organisation of the workers. Otherwise
we cannot carry out any international action at all. It is im-
perative to keep the nurses unified and lead them to realise
the idea of proletarian revolution, in case they have not y«t
realised it. Tttfft I object <*fl to tfc« ftmaa«tfl»f» afllli&ftni with

1S7

Moscow at Leipzig is true. For what reason ? Why, coru
it was decided at the first Congress at Moscow thai
must be destroyed, Cjft^to pieces, wiped oil i

You will readily understand that a representative <>r a party
which is to be destroyed would desire to meet the comrades who
expressed that idea in order to get some understanding i
any affiliation. We did not reject the idea of affiliation, b;
sired primarily to dispose of the hostile resolutions against us.
•You can't give us a thrashing and then expect us to be told that.
we are your friends because you have chastised us. All
are things which must be understood. (Interruptions.)

As regards the signing of the Peace Treaty, the masses of
Germany stood solidly behind us in this matter. At that time
it was a fight against chauvinism in Germany, and we were glad
to have at last defeated this nationalism. At that time the Ger-
man nationalists intended to make of this question a nationalist
and chauvinist issue. We regarded it our duty to oppose this.
(Walcher, interrupting: "You helped them out of their embar-
rassment.") That's nonsense. Germany was so weakened
through the war that in dase we should be blockaded once more
the misery of the masses in Germany would have, become far
more terrible. -We believed it to be important to make the
masses fit for the struggle, to raise their conditions of life to a
certain level by means of a continuous fight against the capital-
ist tendencies of deterioration. The lower strata, down to the
"Lumpenproletariat," are not in the front ranks. Not they are
going to make the Revolution, but that class of workers whose
position can be relatively elevated. For that reason, the accu-
sation advanced against us for 'signing the Peace Treaty is not
justified.

Now as to the question of terrorism and violence. We £
of the opinion that these are entirely incompatible things. \\v
cannot dispense with violence when we want to maintain the
dictatorship. Wherever violence is applied it may under certain
conditions strike people who should have been spared, had there
been the opportunity of probing carefully into facts ol guilt,
innocence. But to declare before we have come to power <t
we have to resort to terror as a political principle thi
establish a reign of terrorism to say that we ci pense

with violence, is an entirely different matter. The neces
the moment is the only gauge for the application of v.
can state that we have never slandered the Bolsheviks. Purtl
more, I can declare that I have always felt myself ii
with tb« Russian comrades. When the eenraiunWI

188

;md at Wurteruberg with having taken money from the
Russians, I said that I should be proud of that, for it would be
an act of international solidarity. We have always stood up for
the Bolsheviks, saying that they are forced to carry on a hard
struggle, and we have no right to slight them. (Interruption:
"Kautsky!") Kautsky, certainly, he criticised them, but he
does not determine the policy of the party. That's a great mis-
take. (Voice: "Ledebour!") Neither has Ledebour slandered
the Bolsheviks; you are mistaken. Ledebour fought openly for
the Revolution, endangering his life. He is of the opinion thai
I error cannot be set up as a political principle.

I should like to state here that our Russian comrade
also guilty of opportunistic sins. You accused us that we do not
represent your views in the agrarian question. To this we have
said in our written reply the following:

regards the agrarian question, we have to state, to our
astonishment, that the methods the Executive Committee is re-
commending to the German workers are a direct retrogression
to middle-class principles discarded Ipng ago. We are advised
to explain to ihe small fanners that the proletariat, will improve
their conditions a it ihe expense of the large estate owners—
immediately after ihe seizure of the institutions of Government,
shall be liberated from the large estate owners, as a class;
will become proprietors of large estates; will be Treed of debts,
This plan means nothing else but. the. negation of our
Marxist conception according to which the large estates will be
socialised immediately, i.e., made common properly and worked
on co-operative lines. Instead of this, we are to tell the small
rs that they will become proprietors of large estates, will
i-d 1'i'oin . This is equivalent 1o sacrificing the

-is of the proletariat to those of UK- 1' means

• •rrintf Russian conditions where the land was given over
to iin ( In-many, \vhose soc.ial mid economic de-

ment could be severely impaired by such a measure. Do
you think ii revolutionary Tor Germany to give the land
small -T: "To gH the small peasants en our

• side wiith us by means of oppor-
tunism. The wncrs must be expropriated, 1he

Iterative basis and divided up

rs. These must

, of the land for the

Q1 of sur [i

e have done to bring about
ion. 1 believe1 ilmi Comrade Meyer also read *ur official

1S9

report about this. What hare we done? We har* been at Tiring
all the time to affilia^with Moscow.

last received a repfrj*. We were then in the inid rig off

a military' coup d'etat, and working on an election campaign;
immediately after that we came to Mo.srnw. That we were con-
ferring with other .parties was in accordance with thi
of the party conference which we were charg
decisions of the party conference mu&t be carried info liiv. \\Y
avoided holding an international conference with otii
We wanted to leave Moscow the preference. Whfit Kone;
in Switzerland, that we were going to found a new international,
is not true. We said thait if Moscow rejects us, we will lu
consider what's to be done further. Shall v
to be expelled from international politics? Do you think •
sible that such a mighty movement as represented by the I.S.P.
can remain inactive internationally? Of course, you
ists of Germany have pronounced us dead ever since we were
born as a party. Your hope that we shall be dead soon
not cause us any trouble.

Now I would like to mention in general- 1 IK; t. I do not find
the consideration of historical development in the discu-
here. Many a comrade believes that the Third Im
suddenly brought Marxism into the world, and that
quite new has sprung up; that is not correct. T1
national was founded on the belief that the bourgeois revolution
would immediately be followed by a proletarian n'vohiti"
augurated for the immediate realisation of Socia!
to exist through causes which Zinoviev has emu
it was found — and Marx said it himsei
proletariat did not possess the pre-requisit.es for takiir
exercising political power, and consequently the first
taken was the organisation of the prole!:
its abilities for the struggle and conquest of polir-
This was done by shortening the hours oi labour and n
wages, by the struggle for political an<
general, etc. These were the historical ta
which the Second International predominated.
ing class is in a condition to .take over and
power, just as the conditions for Socialism are ripe in
society At present we are in an epoch in v.
political power is possible. It. has already b<
Russia; let us hope that it, will b<> don.- in othei
shortly We must consider Hie evolution of HIP la!
mwit from a poinl of view which u ill makt 115 p«rctiv» t.h-

190

Third International is continuing just where former preceding
epochs left off. If the parties which are still Socialists of the
Right do not realise their tasks, they will have to pay for their
ignorance with collapse and downfall. We have realised it, act
accordingly, and are conducting revolutionary policies in Ger-
many. This I maintain very emphatically, and we can prove it
documentarily at any time. You can formulate your reply in any
manner you desire. We have the sincere ambition, the sincere
desire to form a united front with the Third International. You
cannot deny our revolutionary convictions, principles, and
activity. We shall remain revolutionists even though we may
be regarded as opportunists. Judge as you may, we are not
going to relax our efforts to bring about the Social Revolution
in Germany. But should your answer be such as would be
received with joy by the German pr6letariat in our ranks, it
would be so much more conducive to the establishment of an
International proletarian front.

DITTMAN — Comrades, accidentally I have got the floor im-
mediately following my friend Crispien. I beg you not to draw
from this fact the conclusion made by Comrade Wynkop that we
intend to behave here even more shamelessly than in Germany.
(Laughter.) It really was a mere accident that we followed one
another on the speakers' list.

We have been blamed, especially Crispien and myself, for
having failed to come out at the Leipzig Party Conference in
favour of immediate and direct affiliation to the Third Inter-
national. But the same persons who have made that reproach
have come up here and presented a long list of crimes of
which they hold us guilty, in order to prove that we are not
worthy to be accepted in the Third Intel-national. There is a
glaring contradiction in that, and it seems to justify the decision
passed by our party in Leipzig: to negotiate with the Third
International with a view to establishing whether affiliation, re-
sulting in a unified front, is possible or not. For that purpose
we have arrived here equipped with a draft of the programme
adopted by our Conference at Leipzig, which was to serve as
;s for negotiations. This programme — I believe you are
all familiar with il--is based on the conquest of political power
;it, on 'Mie Dictatorship of the Proletariat, and on
the Soviet system. It is clear and unequivocal, and I believe
•nany of the parties whose representatives have
censured us here can produce a programme which is equally
definite, equally direct as ours on the above points.

Comrades, after the exposition of my friend Crispien, I need

191

not. elaborate on the general propositions. I asked to
chiefly in order to rgjute some of the accusations made ,-u-
us by some of the speakers in the course of the <1«
dwell particularly on the speech of Comrade Radek. He made
above all two accusations against the Independents an.;
representatives in the first revolutionary Government 01
many. He reproached the Independent Socialist Party with the
i'act that its representatives turned down the symbolic ofl
the Russian proletariat, consisting of two trainloa-:
presented to the German proletariat. Another censu:
rade Radek was that the Independent Socialist Part>
the establishment of diplomatic relations between Germany <lur
ing the first revolutionary week of November, 1918, and :-
Russia. I know that Radek is one of those comrades who is
more familiar with German relations than any other foreigner.
But at the same time it appears very frequently that he does not
know German conditions sufficiently well in order to render an
authoritative judgment. I say this not as a reproach, but merely
to establish the fact. As a matter of fact, I know of no man in
this hall who is capable of reviewing the conditions in all coun-
tries in such a universal manner as to be able to establish the
proper line of action for every given situation, and the way
which the proletariat of every single country must go in order
to accomplish the Revolution. This is above human power.
Therefore I did not intend it as a reproach. Whoever wishes to
analyse the conditions that prevailed in Germany in the months
of November and December, 1918, cannot limit himself to the
few facts communicated to him by some comrade -when li-
on a visit to Germany, and he must not expect to be able to
come to a correct decision on the ground of these facts. I low
were things? When Germany suffered defeat on the field of
battle, there was economic collapse within the country. The
nation suffered a physical and moral breakdown. It was
threatened by immediate 'starvation. In spite of what hap;
the German militarists never gave up hope until in
1918, they were informed from an authoritative source that our
food supplies would hold out only till January, HUf), after
we should be at the end of our resources and the IMH>I»,
to starvation. The Government which was then at. the helm of
the State realised that it was its duty to take car-
people should be spared the pangs o.f famine. It had to gi"
plies of bread from some source, no matter which, before the
existing stores had been entirely consumed. No one could take
updtt himself th» re&p'ongibility of adopting; si policy which

192

hare exposed the whole nation to death from starvation. Ii was
at this juncture that Comrade Radek called up Haase on the
Hughes apparatus. Now what did Haase answer? I wish Radek
had reproduced that statement. He declared: "We regard this
offer as an act of solidarity of the Russian workers towards the
German workers, which symbolises to us the idea of inter-
national solidarity. But we are aware that Russia is likewise
suffering from starvation, and as far as Germany is concerned
America has already pledged itself to supply her with food in
such quantity as would enable us to keep up the prevailing
rations till the new crops." This is what Haase told Comrade
Radek over the telephone. Now I should like to know in what
way this can be represented as treachery to international soli-
darity? Comrade Haase did the proper thing' when he said that,
'we know that you are yourselves in need of the corn, and that
we have been assured of supplies being delivered to us. So
keep your bread for your own needs. The value of the offer
lies in the fact that it was made and that the trains were on
the way. This is sufficient indication of solidarity. Haase said
that we appreciate this as an act of solidarity and are grateful
for ii. I therefore cannot understand how Comrade Radek can
reproach us with having become influenced by Wilsonism be-

we as a Government accepted American com. Of whom
orild we have expected to get food supplies and save our
people from starvation if not from the only country That \vns
then in a position to deliver bread to our half-starved nation'.'
You may think of America what you will, but she did deliver not
only bread but qther foodstuffs besides.

Now as 1o the expulsion of the Russian embassy. Ii was on
the 4th or :>th of November, 3918, I believe, that Prince Max
Von Baden's Government, the last imperial chancellor of
Wilhelm's regime, ordered the expulsion of the Russian embassy
From Berlin on the alleged ground thai Joffe had abused his
ambassadorial prerogatives by carrying on revolutionary propa-
iany. This is why 1he Imperial Government of
Germany ordered this expulsion. When the German Revolution

out. Comrade .Toftv wa? on the German-Russian frontier,
lor the questions of the bounda ries had to be attended to. When
.Toff I. e Revolution had broken out in Germany.

and that the (nde]>"mlents were in the Government, he sen

M! to Comrade Haase. The latter ini-

brought up the question before the Couneil of People's

n«»pu! «• Government of thai tim* wns called, of which

-. Barth. and myself were rnemb«r* darUrine lhal w*. i*t

Independent*, are all ul the opinion that .JorTr .should :
ately reealled. Thisr^s the attitude which w« assumed at
once. But the Right socialists, supported by the Minister of
Foreign Affairs, Solf — (Interruption: "Which? The report
seems /to tell a different story")— declared that this was out of
the question. As to the report, I shall touch on that too. Per-
mit me to explain the situation, which I as a participant l\now
much better than any one here. As I said, Solf, second-
Landsburg. Scheidemann, and Ebert, said that it made no differ-
ence whether Joffe was acting in support of the German Revolu-
tion or was carrying on reactionary propaganda. An ambassa-
dor, according to their opinion, must under all conditions refrain
from interfering in the internal conditions of the country. It
was in vain that we emphasised that such a formalist stand-
point is unjustifiable, and that we, as revolutionists, cannot agree
to it. Joffe has acted in the interests of the German and the
world Revolution, we said. We are in accord with him, and
must insist upon having him called upon. During the months
of November and December Ave had many a fight on this ques-
tion.

(Wolfsteon, interrupting: "How about the vote?") The
Council of People's Deputies was composed of three Socialists
of the Right and of three Independents; this would have enabled
us to prevent any move on the part of the Rights to get Joffe out
of Berlin, if this had not been done already. But to carry the
positive motion of calling him back to Berlin, we lacked the
needed majority. We were three against three, and it was im-
possible for us to get a motion through to have Joffe returned
to Germany. Your clapping there at the presidential table is
not to the point. You cannot require of anyone to stand up for
a thing which cannot be earned through. I must wait the
pleasure of the comrades interrupting me to be able to make
myself understood. What would you have us do in a situation
of that kind? Why, only as much as could be accomplished,
and we had gone as far as was possible. We had emphasised
that we were going to take up the matter again, that the ques-
tion was not settled as far as we were concerned, and we indeed
raised it at every suitable occasion. But it was the attitude of
Comrade Radek himself that made the thing difficult for us. One
day we said to /Comrade Haase in quite an indignant tone :
"Can you imagine that Comrade Radek, whom you have known
as a wise man, should commit, such folly?" It was in connec-
tion with the following affair. Comrade Radek called me up
trorn Moscew through the Hughes apparatus — an apparatus

194

which simultaneously inscribes the message on paper so that
no part of the conversation can be lost — a fact which was un-
doubtedly known to Comrade Radek, and should have made him
exercise caution with, regard to what he was going to communi-
cate. The communication of Comrade Radek was to the effect
that a delegation would be sent to Germany for the first Con-
gress of the Councils, and -that this delegation contained a num-
ber of people familiar with foreign languages charged to carry
on revolutionarp propaganda in the war prisoners camps among

.nglish and the French.

(Interruption: "Bravo!" Remark by Radek: "How
terrible!")

I would approve of such an act as a revolutionary Socialist,
but it is quite different when it comes from a Government
official, and is being communicated at the same time to those
who are not on the side of the Revolution. The intention was to
send agents for revolutionary propaganda into the war pris<
camps. That meant in other words to bring the matter to tin-
knowledge of the whole bourgeois world of Germany, and also
to the Allies, with whom Germany had been compelled t.o con-
clude a four months' armistice. Should that propaganda have
•lermilted by the German Government, it would of course
have 'been regarded -by the Allies as a violation of the Armistice
Treaty. So nothing was left for Comrade Ilaase to do except
r.-'de Radek that, the thing- is out. of the question,
as we cannot entertain that, offer. Radek then replied that if

•11 will have to be given up.
(Lev! and Radek. interrupting: "Well.")

That of course proves nothing, for the offer became known lo
Soil' in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and to the bourgeois
ials, whom we had lo take into consideration.

iterruptiflg: "Why didn't you chase 'em out?")
'I'll is i: {mother matter. I am the last man to oppose any
revolutionary propaganda, but we must take into account the
circumstances and the situation we were in. We all ag
io what, wo arc striving for. But: this case created a situation
for us Independents which put extreme difficulties in our way,
and thwarted our efforts at renewing relations with Soviet
Russia. For Landsburg, Seheidemann, and Ebert, and Soil into
i.argain, pointed out at once — "Now you see what conse-
quences the return <>i this Bmbassv may have for us. It will
- into all kinds of difficulties with the Allies, and may lead
to the breach of the Armistice Treaty at a time when our troops
have been made to clear the left bank of the Rhine. The Allies

195

will advance and occupy the country." To b

a state of affairs would have meant to aron

opinion in Germany, j^gluding the working class. Th

clearly borne in mrnd. So that when Soil' and

clared that there can be no question of the return ot .1

was nothing left to do but to put off the question. We wei

going to give it up. We still hoped that the Mpporiu:

arise for us to carry the thing through. This

gave rise to the report that was published in the "Vor\\

But the "Vorwarts" failed to publish the other repo

would have brought to light everything I just explained.

(Malcher and Radek, interrupting — " Barth confirmed it.")
I did not wish to be so indecorous as to quote Barth, for he
is rather harsh in his expressions concerning you, Comrade
Radek. I suppose that you have clipped a citation quot*
the Vorwarts: Barth nays in his book, with reference to the
matter: "The Right Socialists produced a radio from l;
declaring for a united struggle on the Rhine against the -
alist Entente. It was asinine to make a stupid statement ot
that kind which might have the most deplorable results for the
World Revolution." Thus Barth expresses himself on
matter. It would have been wiser for you not to ha\ •
to Barth. There is another passage with reference to Joffe
stating that he had given money to Hase and Barth for revolu-
tionary purposes. It is verbatim as follows : " I declare Joffe's
wireless message is more than stupid. Should I mention n
those comrades would surely not be among the living, for the
counter-revolution would murder them." My closest scrutiny
of Earth's pamphlet could not reveal anything favourai
you, Comrade Radek. I only found these passage
would not have quoted had it not been for your interrupt inns.

In the meantime, we have left the Government ai;
responsible for its further action's. In the Party press, we li.-m-
come out several times for the renewal of diplomatic
economic relations with Soviet Russia. Just recent h
introduced a motion in the Reichstag to the same efl
rades Stacker and Crispien were charged to support that motion
in the Parliament. We shall, of course, take up thr standpoint
that the relations between Soviet Russia and Germany nn
resumed. Just lately, when Polish Imperialism started its
piratical campaign against Russia our party arranged a pi-.
demonstration with the slogans—" Hands off Russia" ;
live Peaceful Relations with Russia." I don't know whetl..
comrades who are crediting those reports and rumours about

196

the Independents being hostile towards Soviet Russia are ac»
quainted with all that. I hope that they are not, for otherwise
I cannot understand how they reached the conclusions concern-
ing the Independents which have been expressed here.

Now one more word in conclusion. A number of speakers
have said here that according to their opinion our party, along-
side with some others, should not be admitted into the Third
International, because it is not revolutionary. My friend Crispien
has already proved in a general way how baseless this reproach
is. If it were possible to unroll before you the entire history
of our party ever since the (beginning of the German Revolution,
some of you would "change your opinion. They would have to
change it in all honesty. You may be sure that, a party would
not be chosen by five million men against which the papers of
the Communist Party are raising the accusations which have
been brought up and others in addition, if they had not formed
their opinion regarding the justifiability of those accusations.
We have won our position in a most arduous struggle against
the majority Socialists and against the bourgeoisie. We are
justified in our claim that the revolutionary masses of the
German proletariat are with the Independents. And because we
know that the World Revolution is progressing and that the.
proletariat of all countries must form a united front For the
overthrow of capitalism, this is why we have come to Moscow,
and not, as you say, because we have yielded to the pressure of
the working masses. We are ourselves workers and proletarians.

<> workers by descent and breeding. For a quarter of a
century -\ve have been in the labour movement. All our life we

<>ent in the movement, and in the most trying hours of the
war we have stood our ground, sparing no sacrifices in exposing
ourselves lo the capitalist henchmen. Now when one is repre-
sented here as devoid of all revolutionary sentiments, one feels

d in pointing to the scars received in the fight of the
revolutionary proletariat. If your desires coincide with ours
to get the Russian and German proletariat, and then the prole-
tariat of the whole world, together in closed united ranks, then

> our efforts as earnestly as we have done, to find a way
in our further negotiations which will enable us to rally our
forces as soon as possible for the coming battle against capital-
Tor the emancipation of the world proletariat.
ROSMER— It is one o'clock.
The session ends.

EIGHTH^SESSION (PLENARY).

July 29th.

SRRATI— -The discussions are to deal with Hie condition*
admission to the Third International. Comrade Zino>,
open the debate.

ZINOVIEV — We are now coming to one or tin
>i".nt problems on the order of the day. li ly, the

on as to what the Communist International really is and
what it ought to be. But, first of all, a few words of inforn
concerning the work of the Committee. As you knov
mittee was enlarged by the representatives of (he Independent
Socialists of Germany and the Socialist Party of France. Both
delegations participted in the sessions of the Committee, and
took a lively part in the discussions. Some changes have been
introduced in the Theses, but on the whole they have remained
unaltered. The alterations will naturally be brought, up I'm-
discussion here, and you will have the opportunity of parsing
judgment on them. You will see then that the changes inserted
are only nominal. In those cases where the suggestions of the
above-mentioned comrades appeared justifiable, we naturally
accepted them. In the German edition, paragraph 2 has been
omitted, but it has been prserved in the French edition and
reads as follows :

"Every organisation desiring to join the Communist
International shall be bound systematically and regularly m
remove from all responsible posts in the labour move1
(party organisations, editors, labour unions, parliamentary
fractions, co-operatives, municipalities, etc.) all reformists
and followers of the Centre, and to have them replaced by
Communists, even at the cost of replacing at the beginning
'experienced' men by rank and file working men."

Then ail important change was made in Section 7 win-:

formerly read:

"The Communist International cannot reconcile iiseir ID
the fact that such avowed reformists as, for instance, Turatti.
Modigliani, and others should be entitled to consider them-
selves members of the Third International. . . ."
Now the Commission thought it would be right to mention

not only the Italian opportunists, but, being an International, it

is our duty to brand the reformists of other countries as well.

The Committee therefore decided to name at least one of these

198

;rom each country. It therefore should read: Turatti,
Modigliani, Kautsky, Longuet, Macdonald, Hilquit, Hilferding,
and others," — (Interruption: "Grimm.") It is true that the list
is not complete. The Congress might perhaps supplement it.
Then paragraphs 18 and 19 were added. They read :

"18, All the leading organs of the press of every parly
are bound to publish all the most important documents of
the Executive Committee of the Communist International.

" 19. All those parties which have joined the Communist
International as well as those which have expressed their
desire to do so are obliged in as short a space of time as
possible, and in no case later than four months after the
Second Congress of the Communist International, to convene

i>ecial congress in order to discuss these conditions. In
addition to this, the central committees of those part ins
should take care to acquaint all the local organisations -with
the regulations of the Second Congress."
Then the following proposition was made by Comrade Lenin :

" With regard to such parties as came over to the ranks
of the Third Iriternational, conditionally or unconditionally,
but have not radically changed their old tactics (the Inde-
pendent Social-Democratic Party of Germany, the French
Socialist, Party, the Independent Labour Party of England,
the Swiss Socialist .Party, the American Socialist Party, etc),
the Congress holds that for their actual coming over on (In-
side of Communism it is necessary that not less than two-
thirds of the members of their Central Committee and of all
the more important commit tees should consist of comrades
: themselves as Communists without any
<m before tin- Second Congress of the Third Inter-
national."

This proposition was discussed in the Committee and it was

u\s against 3 with two abstaining. But I must

e that we are inclined to withdraw it in its previous form

and to express it only as a wish and not. as a condition on

'it-lion. This will be finite suHir-innl.

Tin «'S in style were int i odur-ed, especially

in tlie point referring to legal and illegal work. They shall be

to you in their final edition.

;ue now to the introductory pail of these Theses. Origi-
nally it read :

" 1 nder certain circumstances, the Communist Interna-
tional may be threatened with the danger of dilution by vacil-

iating and half-hearted elements who hare not yet abandoned
entirely the ideology of the Second International."

The Commit tee has changed thai and decided to be D
xplicit and to say not only "under certain circumstances." bin
that there is danger even now that Communism might be adul-
terated. In this the Committee was right. It is per
that the Communist International is threatened witi
lion through the admission of parties which ha\ >
belonged to the Second International and which are now c<
to us under the pressure of the masses, out of necessity,
cannot rid themselves even if they would of ihe Philistine
bourgeois nature of the Second International. During our
Condiment Congress we faced a number of dangers. Bui we
were not menaced at that, time with the contingency oi
.vatery and of admitting within our ranks a variety 01
Fifteen months ago we were only a handful with regard to which
the facetious saying was: "Your entire International can be
accommodated on ten chairs; it- has no influence what.
The big old parties remained in the Second International. Now
things have changed. These parties want to join the Third
International, and, in as far as the masses are becoming Com-
munistic, we must admit them into our ranks. But we must not
forget that they are coming to us with all their 'bag and baj,
that is, with their old leaders who have stubbornly d
Communism during the war as well as after. What was the
Third International at the time of its foundation in March, 1919 ?
It was nothing but a propaganda society, and remained such
throughout the first year. It is indeed not a small matter being
a propaganda society on an international scale at a perim1
the working class was at the cross roads following ilu-
horrible experiences of the war. I' must emphasise that i
a great organisation of propaganda which brought the id-
Communism home to the masses. Now we want to become
something different and of much greater significance. Y\
no more a mere organisation of propaganda. V- mili-

tary staff of the international proletariat. In this regard the
Second Congress is to turn a new leaf. We must organ is- •
fighting organisation which not only propagates Commu-
but which is making Communism a reality by means oi an
international organisation.

In an article by Paul Louis which I have recently read, tin-
author points out that the collapse of the First International w
due to the fact that it proved unable to avert the war of 1870-
1871, The Second International met with the sam» fare.

209

auwu LmeaUae Of Us ituibi!; the WEI".

International, thv author as&< iu a position similar

i»> Hi:. Second International. This statement, hov

is a social-patriotic lie. The First Intel-national endeavoin

i the war. It struggled against the war and i'ell in the
fight. The Second International, on the other hand, did not ir\
to avert the war and did not avert it. The First International
tell heroically. Its best representatives were slaughtered. But
i he Second Intei-national went down to its defeat with infamy.
This tact we must make perfectly clear to the masses, and we
must denounce the analogy between the First, and Second Inter-
national as being characteristic of social-patriotism and Kaut-
skianism. The First International was in a critical position.
The year 1870 has gone iby; and the four years that have passed
since this European War are of greater significance than four
centuries in another situation and under different historical
factors. But the tradition and the goal of the First International
have remained, and I wish to say that we are now applying
these traditions in our great work of organisation, with certain
modifications, of course. The First International was a highly
centralised organisation: il was trying to direct all economic
strikes from one common- centre. In this ii was successful to
some extent so long as the movement was young and weak.
At the present time, we can have no such centre from which to
conduct great economic struggles. Kvery day, every hour,
economic struggles break out, of which we have even no know-
ledge, for the movement has grown to gigantic proportion*.
But the Second Intel-national was no centralised body at all.
and was the antithesis ol the Iniernfilional. The present period
is one of synthesis of social relations for which we must create
appropriate conditions. This \ve must bear in mind in dis-
cussing the conditions for admission to tin- International.

A number of leading comrades, \\ ho till recently belonged to
the Second Intei-national, imagine ihat adherence to the Third
Inlei national does not involve an; - ponsibilit ies. Com-

rade Jler/.og, of Xurich. has brought with him a cutting from the
" ISerner Tagev. acln " containing an article by Crimm in which
pares the Second Intel-national and its Kxeeuiive
to a letterbox. This is true. 15ut what does the author think
the Third Iniernational ought n. be '.' The Third International.

ling to <;rimm. must o< ir important activities in

various countries; it mus: see in it that various m«
simultaneously proposed in the parliaments of various com-
lUit ibis a mounts to ihe same thing: it is again nothing more

201

:ough somewhat, larger, mur* bulky than ihe
r We must ha^j*fe#n information bur-

aguinsst that. Our informal nm hureau Is in t.:i,| snap*
must better n. Also wiiii regard tn parliamentary action n
would be very well that simultaneous .- . in brand

ing, for example, the League of Nations as ;i band of robber^.
or in drafting measures in opposition 10 the reformists. Iliu
this would be only a formal distinction, li v. <mld not in;t>
a fighting organisation on an international scale. Neither is
financial support at the present time of prim? importance. The
idea which Grimm and the men of his school have of the Third
International does not distinguish it in :-'im the S<

International; it would be a large and better organised mail-box
painted red. This is what the Third International should not
be. Similar assertions have also been made by various Lett
reformists, as for example by Claud Treves in the " Revue " of
the French Radicals. He stands tor the immediate affiliation
to the Third International, but on condition that the Party be
not fettered and that no political mottoes be imposed on various
countries.* The trend of all this is that they wish to enter
immediately but without ibinding themselves, retaining such
autonomy as will enable them to go on in the same old way.
In this respect, Modigliani has been most outspoken; he is a
member of the Third International, but he is no company for us.
While in Paris he (wanted to get Longuet to join the Third In-
ternational, reasoning in the following manner. Why not join
the Third International ? It does not bind us to anything; all
that is required is mailing a post card to the Executive Coin
mittee every two weeks. Why not do that ? Whoever knows
Modigliani, with his opportunistic cynicism, will acknowledge
that it. is just like him to say such things. They regard the
entry-jrito the Third International like coming into an hotel.

All the past fifteen' months of our existence- a brief period,
but fraught with great .significance- should have proved to
every earnest political thinker that the Third International is
nothing of the kind, that we are not going to accept into our
ranks any members who are about to persist on their fo
line of action. We wish to build up an Intel-national of deeds.
I do not share the opinion of Kautsky, that the International is
an instrument of peace; on the contrary, it should be a fighting
organisation in peace time, during the uprising and fo! lowing
the uprising. It should be a rallying ground for that part of
the international proletariat which is conscious of its goal and
\vhicli is prepared to fight for its achievment. The notion is

very often entertained that there is a difference between the

West and the East. Attempts have been made to instil into the
minds of the workers that the Third International is an organisa-
tion of the Eastern proletariat, which does not concern the
workers. The French comrades and the members of the Inde-
pendent Socialist Party have tried to put the matter in the
following manner: we must wait until the entire working class
oi the world joins the Third International, and we can do
nothing till then. As a matter of fact, there is no distinction at
all between the East and the West. The only distinction there
is is between Communism and Reformism, between social paei-
and Communism. The distinction between the East and
the West is utterly baseless. The movement to-day co;
of three divisions in. all countries alike — an outspoken opponn
nisl wing comprising the main bulwark of the bourgeoisie, a
more or less outspoken middle section, the swam]), the
, which also serves as a support to the bourgeoisie, and
a left wing which is more or less definitely Communistic or is
tending towards Communism.

The working class of the West, say of England, knows very
well what is taking place in Moscow. It knows what the Soviet
Government means. Every demonstration shows that the work-
ing people of England have a clear knowledge of it. 11 is high
time that this mythical division of "East" and "West" bo done
away, and that we stop talking to the German workers about
waiting until all the Western workers rally together. We must
not forget, above all, the lessons of the Hungarian Soviet He-
public. The delegate from Hungary has referred to that maMer
while speaking on I lie role of the Party. It is :-. pnvble
historic significance. Let us review the fads. The Huii:

lie made the conditions of admission yrerj M the

•i of the (.'oii'mittoe on Admission some of the comrades
ked lhal n! the Second International are

... ligl'l »»i' I'"' eoiiuii i(>ri.-; n, admission, just as it v.
the II.; oviet Republic. We mu.-u be careiul. The Hun-

garian Part.'/ (-ailed ii;,e!f Socialist-Communist, n appeared as
if it v. matter of difference of opinion. They w-

iiiKi'.le, and we could not then in-

Our Kxeculive eommitKU the error of aequies.

sa yin:", that there is nothing in a naiiie. Hut it proved to he a

M moment, and played a decisive- part in the fate

of the Soviet Republic of Hungary. The Socialist-Communists

accepted the great majority of the old Social Democrats into

their ranks, and in the most critical moment those gentlemen

203

went over to the side of the bourgeoisie. Some of oui r
comrades said that at tfc&.next congress they are going to pro-
pose that their party,*>hich now calls itself Socialist, should
assume the name Socialist-Communist. Here is where wi
call to mind the Hungarian example. We are not splitting hairs
about words, but it is a question as to whether we can have con-
fidence in such Socialists who are averse to break away, and are
trying to smooth over the contradictions. The lesson has cost
the working class of Hungary and of the entire world too big a
price not to realise that, when one gives reformists a finger they
grasp the whole hand and then the head, and hurl us to perdi-
tion. We are out for a pure Communist International. Com-
munism is not going to be brought about in a month. M
battle will have to be fought, a.nd this will have to be done wiih
the aid of an organisation as centralised as possible and of
clearly denned tactics. The gentlemen who wish to treat us to
a postcard affair will be shown the door before they enter. There
is danger indeed that the Third International should come in
vogue after the ignoble collapse of the Second Internationa],
which has left behind it a putrid slough, a decaying corpse. It
is natural that parts of it should break off and attempt to con-
tinue the old policy in a changed form within the Third Inter-
national. Some of them are not, fully aware of it, but this does
not change the situation. The danger is there and we musr lace
it, 1 have read to-day an article in the "Freiheit" of July 13th
entitled the "Task of the International."

I declare quite officially, and I hope the Congress will lake
the same stand, that we are going to adhere on the whole to the
conditions of admission which we have advanced in our
of February 5th. I must state most emphatically thai we will
repudiate every co-operation with the leaders of the Right Wing.
such as Longuet and the like. We are told that Longuet may
have altered his views. Should that be so, should Longuet
accept our views, we would welcome him, provided he i,; sincere
and earnest. I say the same thing to the German coin
We refuse to collaborate with the Right Wing or have anything
to do with the leaders. I make- these declarations, not
speaker of the Committee, but as a representative of the I!<
delegation. In discussing this matter in the Central Committee
of our Party, we reached the following conclusion: In c;u
Italian or other comrades demand a union with these elei.
our Party prefers to remain all alone rather than be forced to
accept into its ranks petty bourgeois elements. With regard to

204

ad Is quite different,
•j ration 1 wish to make ,r our Party.

•. I wish to consider concretely the position

i luit are applying for admission to the International, as
well as of those who have already joined it. I shall .k>al with

irst, regarding those parties which

not belonged to us hitherto and which desire to join us. I havo
collected a good deal of material dealing with the French :
Not being able to read it all to you, 1 shall limit myself >
mosi important items. First of all. 1 must make it clear that we
do not intend to pass too severe judgment on views expres.
riod. To err is human, and there is alwa.

possibility o!' making reparation. But. I shall ei iliings

which deal with mailers of principle. I must mention first Com-
''achin, of whose personal unnphiness ,here is no doubt
ver. Whoever knows anything about his past knows that
though lie has made mistakes, he has nevertheless been an
honest fighter. In an article written by him on the League of
Nations on January 7th, he refers to Mr Wilson as one of the
"last great men of the bourgeoisie of our times." lit! further
goes on to say ihat American democracy did everything in order
to avert the events that have taken place. This coming from a
Communist is quite incomprehensible; it is an outspoken social-
pacili.- nt. IT is in the spirit of the deceased French

mres, who was a social-pacifist. This we must say with
all due respect to his great merits. The ideas of Jaures tradition-
ally prevail in France and other c«; -;d Wilson-
rsistent notions of which even some Communists
cannot rid themselves. At ihe previous Congress the following
episode took place. Fritz Flatten, a Swiss comrade of tli.

presented a stenographic report of the speech made by
him in ent, in which he stated that Wilson is an In

man who could find a peaceful .solution to the (European) pro-
Many of those now adhering to Communist,
led into temptation by this social-pacifism, because il has

• ny a decade by great masters. It ha

ufficiently resisted because of predominating bourgeois

must put an end to it, •• ry definitely to our

French comrades, it is much easier to yield to formal conditions

than to combat cifism, which is a dangerous "bourgeois

•y hindering the class struggle. One may accept thous-

i conditions, but, so long as one remains a social-pacifist,

no Communist and does not -belong to the Third Inter-

205

al. It is necessary to determine candidly
with all that.

There ir. something^Sfse I should like to say concerning
Fiench cor rades. There was an article by Frossard published
on February 13th dealing with the attitude towards the Third
International. In this article Frossard says: "As far as tin-
policy of our party is concerned, it will probably no! change
after joining the Third International. In the coming elections
the Third International cannot prevent us from concluding
alliances with other parties." Apparently the notion prevails
that the Third International is a kind of inn where repre;
tives of various countries chant the "International," make one
another compliments, then — part and carry on the old practice
again. But we shall never allow the accursed practice of the
Second International to go on. I could refer to a great number
of other quotations concerning the practice of the French com-
rades, but I shall limit myself to the one already cited. The
leading articles in the "Humanite" are divided up among the
various parties in somewhat the following proportion : The
Centre parties get 8 leaders a week, the Left 4, and 2 or 3 fall
to the lot of Renaudel. You understand that a thing like this is
utterly preposterous. It is like a mixture of eight drops of water
and three drops of poison, and then as an antidote four drops
01 milk. Such a 'state of affairs cannot go on. Perhaps it finds
its explanation in the history of the French movement. But the
main thing is that it is argued that since the Party consists of
three tendencies, why should they not unite? Frossard stated
that he would rather go to Moscow without Renaudel. He said
it would be a difficult matter to explain things to the Russian
comrades; it is better that he stay at home. Renaudel is re-
ferred to as our friend. This French decorum does not suit us.
But this is not peculiar of the French alone. ' Modigliani writes
to Serrati in the same terms. This French and Italian manner-
ism is alien to us. I hope that the Executive Committee will
be charged to present a monthly account of the activity of each
party so that we have before us a mirror reflecting what is
going on.

I shall read to you a few passages of the last official
communication of the Central Committee of the I.S.P. hand
us by the representatives of that party.

The first reproach says :

"It touches particularly

"A sentence which runs like a red thread through the wholt
letter!"

206

It is true, this sentence really runs like a red thread through
all our declarations of principles. If at the present moment of
relative calm there are some 10,000 comrades of the I.S.P. in the
prisons, then I pay these comrades my utmost respect. I de-
nuit they are true fighters, and true working men at that.
We must try to get in touch with the working men. But this
does not contradict my statement that it has a Right Wing with
Kaulsky, Hilferding, Strobel at its head. Crispien attended
Lucerne with Hilferding and did not want to quit the Second
International. There is a Right Wing.

We are told that no one considers Kautsky any more. But
this is not true. Kautskianism has become an international
phenomenon, and some of the leaders of the Central Committee
of the I.S.P., who believed to have rid themselves of the
K;iut;-.!> l-'.u ideology, are in their deeds carrying out the policy
itsky. We could not do better than take into considera-
tion the fact that there are in the ranks of the I.S.P. working
m« u who are struggling in • nd are opposed to Hie

.hip of the Right Wing, which sabotages the revolutionary
struggle and which has rendered the best services to the bour-
< . It is claimed that, there are no Right leaders in Ger-
many. "It is a breach of loyalty on the part of the Exeeiiiive
ittee (so we are told) to introduce that division of Right
and Left." We must of course he loyal to our brethren in other
countries who are really struggling against the bourgeoisie, but
Ity" towards such men as Kautsky. Hilfenling, and Strobe!
would be equivalent to treachery towards the working-
it v" we do not intend to foster. There is a wide gulf
between us and Ilillerding. who managed to establish comradely
•as with !he Knglish higher officials. What is nmnii-
thread through our letter is precisely that, distinction be-
the workers who are f'gl-ting alongside with us an-.l the
aging the struggle. Tii«- C
tttterly pnx/led to nml.vs';md what
the repronrh is based on. . . ."

en we, in Kunia, wer<> confronted with the Pea
of Brest the situation was clear. The State power was in the
of the working class, which continued to fight in spiie of
tion. German Imperialism had us by the throat, and the
(Jt-rman working class was too weak to render us immediate
• then said lo ourselves that we rausr. -nake a
robbers in order te gam a breathing space— a
phrase then coined. But how was the state of affairs in Ger-
many preceding the Versailles Treaty? Power was in the hands

207

oi" the bourgeoisie or in the hands of Scheidemann & Co., v.
is the same thing. ,4T*ie wily Scheidemann said, "I shall v
my hands of the whole affair and will refuse to sign the Treat \."
He had thus twice deceived the heroic working class or
many. Matters were presented in such a way as if Scheidemann
was against the Peace, and the I.S.P. exerted all efforts to «>m<
to the aid of Scheidemann. It shouted from all the houst
that peace must 'be concluded. Now that party declares
the position in Germany was at that time the same as that of
Russia before the Brest Peace. The German comrades seem to
leave out of consideration this one distinction, that in Russia
the working class was in power and the bourgeoisie was laifl
low, while in Germany the power was in the hands of the bour-
geoisie and the working class was powerless and betray fd a
thousand times. This happened as a result of misconceiving
the situation in March and judging somewhat as foil'
Scheidemann or any Socialist, it makes no difference, all ;
part oi the same working class, of the old Social I>IM,K
This confusion of ideas within the Independent Socialist I
as made it possible for such an assertion to be made, ;m<l *»r
.he failure of realising the difference between a situation \\
the working class is in power and one where power is in the
hands of the bourgeoisie, where the Hindenburgs and Scheide-
manns had their heel on the neck of the working class. We
were often told that there was no great difference of opinion
tween us, thai Kautsky has no great influence in the I.S.P.
ut isn't the spirit of Kautsky in evidence in this doeumeni
anded us by the delegates of the I.S.P. ? And just in ih< same
anner the question of dictatorship is dealt with.
To write such stuff after the January uprising, which snatrhnf
away the dearest and the nearest out of the ranks <>f the work-
ing class; after the experiences of the civil wars in Russia. Fin-
land, Georgia-, and Hungary! Such woi-ds do not issue from fliv
eart of a revolutionary. They must have been reproduced
m an inanimate petty bourgeois machine! It would be more
tting for them to speak of the predominating interests of tin-
ourgeoisie and not of the interests of Socialism. All this de-
laration is based on Kautskianism. If at is true that Kautsky
has lost his influence, why does this document contain all the
platitudes, all the nonsense, all the cou liter-revolutionary stuff
that Kautsky has written? When we as fced the representatives
of the Left Wing as to whether they sigi led the document, they
were not in a position to state that they had not done so. They
merely answered that they had no time, t hat the thing was done

mere

208

eat hurry. These, of cours< poor excuse

is a very bad thing to have the Central Committee decide such

<ns in a hurry. We see how the -defunct Kautsk
dragging the live Dauming out of the water by the hair of his
head, while the latter is energetically shoving off the old dotard
Kautsky together with his counter-revolutionary rubbish. We

> apply Die same gauge to all parties, whether they belong
to us or not. The Tact that a party lias joined us does not
exempt it from our criticism. We must criticise and be frank.
Now I am going to deal with the Italian Party. We have been
emphasising all the time that this is one of the best pa
within the ranks of the Third International. The Italian work-
ing class has endeared itself to us all by its heroism, for we
know that it has taken an earnest stand on the Revolution and
Communism. This, however, does not refer to the leaders. Now
it. may seem to you a dull thing to deal with Turrati am; Modi-
tjliani. But we cannot leave this matter so long as these leaders
tre still in the ranks of the Party. *»At present 'hey are con-
sidered as members of the Third International. In issuing
bership cards for the members of the Third International,
Purrati and Modigliani will also be in possession of such cards.
[Jut tiics* people are carrying on anti-revolutionary propaganda.
rural ti has come out in parliament with a lengthy oration sucli
isjie has made many a time before. In speaking, as is his
iv oil t. in the name of his mother, uncles, etc., Turrati said some
ihing to the following effect: "You. gentlemen of the bour-
geoisie, are in a difficult position; the same is true of the work-
ng class. Let us then stretch forth a helping hand io e;ich
)ther. I therefore propose that you adopt a semi-bourgeois pro-
gramme on the agrarian question, on the housing and food qucs-
ions." The "Avanti" does not report how this speech was
•eceived by the Italian bourgeoisie. Turatti was called to trial
jy the Italian Party. A party that is taking itself seriously
;ould not proceed in such a manner, for there are other things
'or ;\ party to do than putting to Trial such people for saying

which they have* k-ppt repeating for thirty years and
vhirh are in i<eeping wrth their reformist ideas. [ h.'ive ;1 eon
;idfrablr collection of clippings, about from two to three hun-
[ am not in a position to present them all. We are
ibout to issue a Red Book on the Italian and other parties
^errati is going to get a copy, which I suppose he will enjoy

Moh. When Tui-i-a: ."<! why he remained in Hi*

usei I can exercise influence upon Mu« work

ng class." He does no* conceal the fact that h« belongs to th€

Parly because it enables him to appear in parliament and at
various gatherings ^..a reformist in a Socialist garb, am!
member of the Party. He can attend to his little affair* while
being in the Parly. Why should he leave it.? We would advise
our friends to keep in mind what Turrali himself has said
must not allow sueh gentlemen to stay in our party and sabot
age our struggle. We have too many outspoken enemies, ami
must not allow covert foes to remain within our ranks. Com
rade Bombacci, representing the Chemical Workers' I'nion. was
addressing an assembly of trade union representatives of i in-
entire country; and following that speech Turatti came out
babbling forth his reformist nonsense. Bombacci made a rather
mild retort. Why should Turatti be allowed to deliver reformist
speeches in a gathering of trade union representatives and have
Bombacci follow up that speech with a mild retort? So long as
Turatti remains a member of the party Bombacci naturally can-
not say this is our class enemy. We have something more im-

ortant to do than to grant the platform to such gentlemen
d give them the opportunity to speak to ordinary members

f trade unions.

Let me now say a few words about the Swedish Party. In
fortunately The comrades who had been with us at the founda-
tion of the International are not present here now. But we must
speak out in this case also. The Swedish Left \Ying has tailed
to adopt the name of Communist Party. This is not accidental,
lese comrades have published a review entitled "Zimmer-

ald," but did not go any further. The review contains a luim-
r of articles by the Right German Independents. This is not

ccidental either. It comes as a result of mutual sympathies.
But the main thing is that outspoken reformists are occupying
a place in the Party. I shall not speak of Lindhagen, who
ember of the Party. On March 3rd he proposed that the Party

oin the League of Nations, and had carefully elaborated five

mendments to the Covenant of that League. (Reads) :

It is true that there was an article written by the Pari\. dis
claiming those views, but Lindhagen still remains a member of
the Party and thereby also a member of the Third International.
A deputy of the Swedish Party, Comrade Einberg, wrote an
article advancing the social patriotic demand for disarmament,
and declaring that it would be very easy to put an end to the
War Ministry. He goes on to say that, he expects the Right
Social I'emocrats. meaning Branting. lo support him in t
matter Then there is another well known deputy or leadiB
comrade, Ivars Wengerstrom, whose speeches induced Branting
o

210

to remark that he was under the impression that the Left Wing
in Sweden is trying to conclude a marriage with the Social
Democratic Party. Lindhagen retorted to this that he personally
was averse to marrying old Branting. Nevertheless there
some talk in the Party to the effect that such conditions may
arise where such a marriage could be made a matter for dis-
i. With all that, we cannot overlook the merits of the
Left Wing of the Socialists of Sweden. It is a young move-
ment huvmg its origin in the Young People's movement. We are

thai there .'ire ;\ number nf comrades in it who ar<
revolutionists. But we must tell them definitely that we must.
Communist Party that could not think of discussing the
possibility of a marriage with Branting, that has thrown the
idea of disarmament on the rubbish heap, and that does not
ler itself called upon to amend the statutes of the League
of Nations, but. rather to bury them.

The programme declaration of the Danish Left Wing ^
ihot the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot come as a result
of historic upheaval nor by the conquest of power. The Parly
•r>s that with the abolition of militarism would come the
possibility for a bloodless revolution. You have only got to
abolish bourgeois militarism and the prospects for a peaceful
revolution are at hand. But the question arises as to how niili-
tnrism can be abolished without bloodshed either on our part
or on the part of the bourgeoise.

Now MS to the Norwegian Party, in which the Central Com-

torins the Right. Wing of the Party. It was said by

Schefflo that the Norwegian Party consists only partly of

Socialists, because the Party admits into its ranks entire labour

unions. This of course is a grave blunder. We may be in the

best of relations with the labour unions, we may form fractions

: >. but t(f accept entire bodies of organised labour, in-

•n unions and oilier , would be of course

Oily. We ij-.ust say this to the Norwegian Party

wiihou* equivocal ion.

Now about the Yugo-Slav Party. II ealls itself Communist.
There were a number of reformist, articles published by th« Slav
comrades. The party oor,:c>s out in opposition to those comrades
carving on the controversy in somewhat the aame style which
the "Avanti ' uses in regard to Turatti. This is the state of
affairs for which we cannot and must not stand. We must
warn our Yugo-Slav Party that it is not permissible to have
outspoken reformists in its ranks and put the party press at
their disposal.

211

It is quite possible that other parties can point out some
faults in our worff-'as well. Every party belonging to the Third
International has the undeniable right as well as the duty of
calling attention to a>ny error we may commit. The International
is a party that has its affiliated organisations in all countries,
each of which should have the right of intervening and
cising frankly. We have Communist Parties which are huh
Communistic and form the 'backbone of the Communist. '
national. But we have a number of other parties about which
we have no guarantee that they may not deceive the working
class, and thus rob us of some of the confidence which we are
now enjoying in the working class. It is evident that Treves
is doing that very thing every day as a member of the Senate,
and that Bonrbacci's influence is "being impaired by Turatti and
Modigliani. There are again a number of great old parties
applying for admission, a part of whose membership is with us
and stands for dictatorship, -but another part is vacillating. We
do not propose that the French Party be at once admitted, but
that the Executive Committee be given the authority to continue
the negotiations and to ascertain to what extent they fulfil the
conditions, to study the Party press from day to day and then
draw its conclusions after a certain time. The French comrades
have declared in the Committee that they would be satisfied
with such a procedure. The representatives of the Independent
Socialist Party of Germany have made similar statements. We
shall do everything possible to facilitate closer relationships.
The most important thing is to study carefully and conscien-
tiously all the Party publications that are 'being spread and that
we be given the official authority by the Congress to follow up
the matter during a certain period of time, and see how far our
conditions are being .fulfilled. One can accept any number of
conditions and still remain a disciple of Kautsky. The conditions
we have put up are merely to serve as a gauge by which to
measure the extent to which the decisions of the Congres
fulfilled. I am confident that the Congress will make the n
perfectly clear so that every workingman will understand exactly
what the Third International stands for. I declare with full
confidence that no matter what the Centre parties are going to
do and what the leaders will say, the voice of labour in all
countries is on our side. The working people will join our
ranks day by day because the hour of the bourgeoisie has struck
and the semi-bourgeois Secand International has outlived its
time. The time of the actual struggle for Socialism has arrived.
The working men are going to realise this sooner or later and

212

will come to us in spite of their leaders to form with us an
effective fighting organisation of the revolutionary prolei
(Prolonged applause. )r

BALBANOV— The following motion is made : That the
Parties of the Third International are called upon to exclude
from their ranks Freemasonry as a petty bourgeois organic
that is, that the comrades who belong to the Third International,
especially those of the West, cannot belong to the Freemasonic
organisation. The mover of the motion is Comrade Serruti.
The question is going to be discussed later on, but has been
announced at this juncture so that the comrades may 1^
! for the future discussion.

RADEK — Following the session of the Committee on Condi-
tions of Admission to the Third International, when the French
and German comrades expressed their agreement with
conditions, we who were present at the Committee all re-
to mind almost simultaneously the words uttered by Bela Kim
iifler the alliance with Hungarian Social Democracy. He said
he had the impression the thing came off too smoothly. This
same impression prevails with us at the present moment and
we cannot rid ourselves of it.

He who has learned to know the French Party and the In-
dependent Socialist Party of Germany not merely from press
items, will understand that I do not assume the attitu
letting bygones be bygones, but that I wish to present h<

•ngress before the German workers the course of develop
ment of the I.S.P., as we have witnessed it. For it is impossible
thai, a party should change its nature in a single day by the
signing of a piece of paper, by affixing its signature to
certain conditions. We have here two considerations to b<
mind: one is the fact of the continued revolutionising of the
German working class, a fact, which compels us and makes it
our duty to strive to ninke common cause wjth the Independents
and regard them as our comrades in arms. The workt -
longing to the Independents took the war-path against the Khert-
Scheidemann government within a short time after its inaugura-
When I visited Germany, I got the impression that nine-
of !he population were up in arms against 'the G<>
In the fights of January and M, workers of the

!-ty fought shoulder to shoulder with the Com-
munist v.-c; us in hand. In all the prisons wher-
confined they were together with fmlejx

workers. This fact we must not overlook. It forms the h;isis
of our attitude towards the German Independents. On thv

213

other hand, we HJj^ that the majority of the leaders of that

who are still externally playing predominating rol<
I hi- party, have not been progressive factors in the development,
bin have on the contrary retarded it; that, at every step forward
i hey are taking under compulsion, they seek to confuse
the workers. Comrade Zinoviev has quoted a few passages
from the reply of the Independent Socialist Party. I wish to
add a few very brief statements. That document contains a
of the fact that the Independent Socialist Party has
broken solidarity with Soviet Russia, and disclaims any responsi-
bility for those diplomatic relations which culminated in the
te Russian Embassy. The Schiedemann Govern-
ment under Prince Max Von Baden had made the first breach.
But the Independent Socialist Party already formed a part of
the Government at. the time when the Russian Embassy under
the protection of the German machine guns at Borisov addi <
numerous telegraphic appeals and negotiations with representa-
tives of thai Party, who did not raise a finger in the matter.
They said that Joffe must go back to Russia, that before negotia-
tions are renewed, it must be established whether or not he had
offended the Majesty of Sessel. In addition, let me quote the
following from the proceedings of the Session of the Council of
National Representatives on November 19th, 1918:

"Continuation of discussions on Germany's relations with
the Soviet Republic. Haase recommends the policy of circum-
spection . . . Kautsky seconds him. The decision must be put
off. The Soviet Government is not going to last much longer
and will disappear within a few weeks . . ."

This is an official report of a Government session which is
confirmed in the Recollections of Earth, the Independent, who
participated in the Government together with Haase and Dili-
man. When we reproach the Independents with having directed
the German Revolution on to the Rock of the Entente, we base
it on the following fact: When the Soviet Govern i
notified the Government at that time that it was sending
trainloads of foodstuffs, by which it did not intend to assert thai
it was possible for it to send two such trainloads every day,
but that it was sending that bread as a symbolic act of uniting
the destinies of both nations, Haase replied to that notification

t the American Government had pledged itself to send corn
rmany; that he expressed gratitude for the gift, which,
ever, should be utilised to satisfy the hunger of the suffering
^_^on of Russia. When we received this reply, we l<
if the tie which held fast in spite of criticism from Zimmerwald

214

to Stockholm, had been cut asunder. We were given to under-
stand that the Germans prefer to throw in their lot not with us,
who were starving, but with the mighty ones of the capitalist
world, with American Capital. We shall find a common ground
with the Independent workers, but there are things in the
history of a Labour party which are not easy to forget, and we
want to have nothing to do with those leaders who were,
together with Haase, responsible for this.

The breach of solidarity with the working class offering its
assistance is something that no revolutionary can forgive, how-
ever much it may be mitigated by misleading circumstances.
When the Independent Socialist Party says that it is opposed to
the League of Nations, we must answer that it is no great thing
nowadays to be in opposition to that League. Hilferding, Ditt-
man, and Longuet had already attempted to revise some para-
graphs in the Covenant when they got together at Lucerne soon
after the Versailles Treaty. How is one to explain that the
Independents, whilst clamouring for the World Revolution, at
the same time never lose hope of coming to terms with Wilson,
Lloyd George, and Clemenceau? The nature of the Independent
Socialist Party has come to light especially during this period.
We must not forget that, after our comrades had been defeated
in Berlin in the month of March, at a time when the guns of
Noske were still firing, the Independent Socialist Party incor-
porated in its programme the Dictatorship of the Proletariat,
but, when the workers came out to fight for that dictatorship,
the Independent Socialist Party got in the way, trying to bring
about contusion. It behooves us therefore to be on our guard,
and to caution the workers of the I.S.P. : Be ever prepared,
be ever on your guard, for there are leaders in your party who
may direct you on the wrong road, who are capable of betray-
our confidence either because of lack of revolutionary
insight or because of absence of revolutionary initiative.

The question was put as to why the comrades did not join
the Third International right after they had left the Govern-
ment and declared themselves to be a revolutionary party,
have before me the discussions at. the National Conference of
I.S.P. of September 10, 1919, published in the "Freiheit" of Sept.
11, At this conference Hilferding, — of whom it cannot be said
that he is dead for iho Party, as it has been said of Kautsky,
b-o'caii matter of fact, he is the leading spirit in it,—

Hilferding said concerning the question of joining the Moscow
International that it would mean to tie our boat to a sinking
ship. The Third International, he said, was nothing more than

215

Russian Bolsh^v^Sm. That was at the moment when the coun
ter-revolutionary hosts especially those of Denikin and Ko!
were making their onslaughts on Sov;< :. at the time

when every working man loll, in his heart and soul thai all
possible assistance should be hastened to Sovk; K
such a moment a leader of the I.S.P. comes out and
the Soviet Ship is threatened by the storm,— for heaven's sake
don't have our boat tied to it, lest we perish with it.

That conference pledged itself to make up a list of
comrades whose expulsion we demand. But it made no pledge
to call upon the workers not to put up as leaders sue •!.
tionary charlatan who could recommend the German w<;
not to unite with the Russians because the li
We must say to the German workers thai n they rely on v.
conditions and at the same time allow such people at the head,
who could act like this in a moment of danger, then th. .
sold out and betrayed. At the critical moment there is no
knowing — or rather we know too well — what these speculators
are going to do. It has been suggested by the opposition that
we must take into consideration Party autonomy, that the
parlies must do their own house-cleaning. Do clean your !:•
but use not a broom, but a red-hot iron, for it, is a matter not
merely of throwing Hilferding out of the Party but of banishing
from the Party the petty bourgeois spirit and vacillating in-
decision. Should the I.S.P. fail to adopt that attitude, its join-
ing the International will be a mere sham, adding a dead weight
to the International. I feel confident that the workers of the
I.S.P. and their Left Wing will radically change their behaviour
in I lie future. We must frankly declare that it is net a o
or placing the Right Wing of the I.S.I', on one sid". and the

impered in the revolutionary struggle on

The Party has failed up till now to start an oj>en struggle for
power because it expected to get the undersirabl
of the Party by various methods. Not confralnj
mere verbal declarations, the Independents must light sh
to shoulder with the Communist against the Parly trad
which amount to nothing else but calling for revolution will, out
believing in it, and exp. -ng it to come of itself like manna
from heaven.

U is not enough that Stock*, r is theoretically in agreement
with the Third International, and that Duumig is wining a
about Soviet dictatorship, it is necessary that their i»art>
on a policy in opposition to those leaders who are hampering ii
The leaders of the I.S.P. spoke in th© Committee tor un-

lUmal amalgamation witU the Third In ;, Inn Ci

has written in the second edition of his pamphlet that (he foun
dalion of the Third International was a premature act. "How
easy it appears"- --.says Crispien • further— "to solve the question
of joining the Third International by going to Moscow, but that
road does not lead to solution ol' the problem unless we wish
to commit suicide as a revolutionary party. 'v There are many
living corpses in the International: Grispien is our guesi and \\ e
are ghid to see him here alive. The fact that lie came hen- is
due to the pressure exerted by the workers. At the Par!)
conference he declared: "The road to Moscow7 has been blocked
for us. for the Moscow comrades themselves by their decisions
and iheir attitude to the Independents. On the basis of ihese
decisions, we can find a place in the Kremlin only by blindly
submitting to the Communist International and by allowing our-
selves to become dissolved in the Communist-Syndicalist or-
ganisations."

The Independent Socialists have been forced by their rank
and file to go to Moscow. They came here after having learned
i hat the French delegates had likewise been sent. They had no
fault to find with our programme or tactics. This should lead
the workers to draw their own conclusions and to introduce a
radical change in the conditions that prevailed among them up
till now. It is a case of leaders that have been discredited, not
by us but by their own revolutionary workers as misleaders.
We consider the Independent Socialist Party a good revolution-
ary party as far as the rank and file of the workers is con-
d. The German workers must see to it that the work
i be brought to a successful issue and their party become
really revolutionary also with regard to the leaders who should
be keen in the struggle, who should not leave their principles
on paper, but try to embody them in practice from day to day.
C AC 11 IN Comrades, sent to you, with fi'rossard. with i In-
definite and exclusive purpose of mutual information. \\
only make here, as you will understand, comrades, a short de-
claration in our own names.

have read very attentively the Theses on I he conditions

of admission, which ha\e been presented in the name of (he

Utive Ooinmittee and of the competent Commission. We

ha\e thoroughly discussed them with numerous comrades who

with authority. We have just now heard Ih
/.inoviav. We have not been commanded to discuss
ai length. From various sources of information.
Die iMHin and directing Idea.

'trlli:ifll! r joining >«>ii

Irst renotuJtin their press, and in their \,
reformist and opportunist ideas. You wish them to show
pride in Unit; thai they combat their manifestations
field, and (hat they bend every elTort on the
tionary action among" the workers.

We are in full agreement.

This essential demand will have practical con.sei];,
which these parties asking- affiliation will h tn. in

irsl place, it will be necessary t!

his choice, and choose s clearly between reformism and revolu-
tion. This is not a question of persons, and you are rij;hi to
insist on it. But. in the present historic moment, he who still
si rives to collaborate with bourgeois society, at ihe moment
when I he decisive social fight is taking place everywhere, he
cannot find a place in the ranks of the Party of these workers.

We are prepared to demand from all our comrades that ihey
act as Socialists in their unions as well as in the Party. We
are prepared to collaborate fraternally with the revolutionary
militants of the Syndicalist organisation which admits the ne
cessity of political action.

In the second place, more energeticttly than ever musi
paganda be carried on against the idewogy of the imperialists
and all that supports and protects it.

In two years our Socialist group in Parliament has voted
against the credits and the whole budget. Our party has
definitely condemned participation in the Ministry. That is, in
peace times.

If the general War could be precipitated again one day. the
present criminal imperialist policy of the French bourj;-
would bear the essential responsibility . We should refuse to
be associated with it under any form whatever (votes of credit.
ministerial collaboration). We should call to memory thai, in
such circumstances when the national interest Mused

with those of the plutocracy, there should be no duly for the
proletariat superior to its duty towards its class*.

It will be necessary to revise the programme of our Party.
to make it harmonious with the spirit of the Third International,
Strong centralisation, strict control of parliamentary action, of
the press, iron discipline imposed on each member, such seem
to us to be the fundamental conditions of renewed action and
which the present times rigorously impose. You ask us to
assist unreservedly the Soviet republics in the struggle with
oimter-revolution. More rigorously than in the pa

218

shall warn the workers of the necessity of refusing to transport
munitions and equipment for the counter-revolutionaries.

Among the troops charged with the fight against the Soviet
revolutions, we shall carry on our propaganda against interven-
tion by all possible means.

Comrades, such are the declarations which we can make to
you respecting the narrow limits of our mission among you.
We are convinced that if our friend Longuet had been able to
be here, his opinion, after examination, would not have been
different from ours.

We shall return to France carrying your conditions. Faith-
fully, shall we submit them to the Party as well as the complete
literature of the Third International. At the same time, we
shall carry on an active ardent campaign on the situation of
the Russian Revolution.

In some weeks a congress will be called after all the sections
of the Party have been made aware of the facts and have
discussed them. As for Frossard and myself, we shall support
affiliation to the Third International. Nothing would be gained
by multiplying to you verbal affirmations and promises. We
are going to undertake a break with the past, a determined
action on which the Third International will afterwards have
to pass judgment.

LEFEVRE — Comrades, at the Strassburg Congress, the
Socialist Tarty of France decided to get in touch with certain
Socialist Parties to effect — as the majority of the French Party
put it — the reconstruction of the International. For this pur-
pose a visit was also to be paid to Moscow, the seat ot the
Third International. During this visit, comrades Cachin and
FrosHurd daz/led by the greatness of the Russian Revolution,
in bave completely changed Iheir at.til.ude. They have
abandoned their former views on the mailer, and the other day
Comrade Cachin was heard to say at this very table: "!
Kiruciion is folly." This is a precise and frank sentenc

on all (he old ideologies. As a matter of fact, since the
Strassburg Congress the French Socialist Party, I mean i<
jority, has constantly evolved towards the Right with mechani-
cal rapidity. The Lefi iaclion, the faction which we are in the
..I calling the Loriot faction, which has declared i

, the Third International, has increased and keeps on

growing all the time, while on the other hand the old faction.

of Renaudel, if one is to employ a personal term, has decreased

to such an extent that it has become of no account in our party,

,ong the revolutionary elements; for, among th«

219

parliamentary Socialists and in the municipalities, that faction
still predominated It was quite natural that the majority of
the Party turned against those whose growing influence (:;>
it some embarassment, and so we witnessed a union com!
between Renaudel and Paul Faure, and the mixed approval of
the Right and Centre factions given to Paul Faure, who said
in referring to those who stood for the Third International: —
"You speak all the time to the masses of revolution, you do not
know what revolution is: -you have no idea of the actual mean-
ing of the mass movement in France. The masses are con-
servative— they have shown it on November 10th, and do not
trust you (for the Majority of the French Socialist Party at-
taches a religious importance to all matters pertaining to elec-
tions. The masses are not going to follow you in your dema-
gogic course.' You imagine that you are doing propaganda by
holding meetings resembling ritual assemblies where the same
people always come to cheer the same agitators; but you try
to ask of the working class to take drastic and efficient mea-
sures to stop the expeditions 'to Russia, or, better still, to seize
power, and you will then see how far they are going to follow
you. . . ."

Pressman, speaking of the French peasants, had recourse to
similar arguments, and he made It Appear before the masses
that the "extremists" of the Third International are a kind of
maniacs possessed with the spirit of frantic opposition towards
the venerable revolutionists, having no idea of the meaning of
a political organisation. Pressman failed to add that he and
his friends, following the safe demagogic tradition, refrain from
speaking to the masses of revolution, touching it just enough
to obtain applause, but never do anything effective which might
lead to any definite revolutionary gains.

I should like to ask the permission of the Congress to
this matter here more precisely and to give a rapid outline of
the inner workings of the French Socialist Party. The masses
think that the activity of the French Socialist Party means the
activity of the parliamentary group. What is taking place
within the Party is known to no one but to the leaders them-
selves or becomes known when a special occasion i>n
itself in the course of propaganda. But the man who attends
no meetings, who reads no revolutionary papers, the man of
the street, he knows only the parliamentary group and its
discussions, and that for him is the whole of Socialism. It
were no exaggeration to say that the parliamentary Socialist
faction is no less conservative than all the other bourgeois

220

la. lions of the Parliament. I must state that in speaking thus
I am noi actuated by an animosity or rancour which comes as
rhe result of constant struggle against the opposition. If I

allowed the time, I would present here in brief the bio-
graphies of the chief leaders of the Socialist faction in Parlia-
nieni. of such as Paul Boncour, Varenne, and Albert Thomas
who is the undisputed head of this faction. The career of a
man like Varenne, of which hardly anyone in the Intel-national

?iy knowledge, is that of a journalist, manager of a number
of bourgeois papers which appear and disappear one ail or the
oilier, but which are all financed by Albert Thomas, who in his
turn collaborates with Jouhaux in the publication of "Informa-
tion Ouvri<''re et Sociale," and is being maintained by Monsieur
Dulor the editor of the "Temps," the mouthpiece of the French
bourgeoisie. Each of these men retains his seat in Parliament
owing to a strange electoral system, not so much by the will of
the Socialist workers as by the support of some bourgeois anti-
clericalists. This explains why men, for instance, like
Blum, attach so much importance to the trifling questions of
the renewals of relations with the Vatican. I have not the
lime to give you individual examples. But here is a typical one.
Aruby, a young teacher who came to Parliament from the ex-
treme Left Wing of the Socialist Party, had in the course of a
few weeks become perverted by the contaminating treachery of
the parliamentary faction. Shortly after his election, we find
him signing together with General de Boissoudy and the Arch-
bishop of Rennes an appeal for the National Loan. Such things
occur regularly in the Socialist faction, and causes no surprise.
Some time ago we witnessed a comical scene in the Chamber
which is indicative of the utter lack of sincerity in the revolu-
tionary expression made by a French deputy. The law courts
of Rouen insiituted a case against the Deputy of Pas-de-Calais,
Barthelemy, who had organised a public meeting in Sotteville
in conjunction with Comrade Meric. Barthelemy was accused
of having declared thai, in the event of a revolution breaking
out, he would place himself in' the first ranks and would die on
the barricades at the head of the proletarian troops. This case

i-ouglit before the Chamber, and Barthelemy immediately

mounted the tribune and exclaimed: "Do you really believe

French Socialist deputy could do or say such things ? I

baid anything of the sort." And Hie Parliament believed
him immediately, so sound is the reputation of the Socialist
faction. Such piquant occurrances can be witnessed in the
Chamber very frequently. Some time ago Maurin spoke in the

Administrative Committee of the Party of the manner in which
propaganda is to be carried on in France. He said with a
cal frankness that propaganda is to be carried on with a view
of re-electing those men who are already in office and for pre-
paring the ground for new elections. He further said that be-
fore making an electoral address, one has to enquire of the
local authorities about the temper of the given distric'
select some matters pertaining to the immediate material in-
terests of the electorate. But there are more important matters
than the activity of the discredited parliamentary faction of the
French Party. (A deputy is regarded to-day, with two or three
exceptions, as a traitor and as a man of no account. Th>
liament has been thoroughly discredited in the eyes of the
masses. • This is perhaps the most tangible result of the treach-
ery of the Socialist parliamentary faction.)

The Socialist Party has had great success in the muni-
elections. Most of the large cities of France have elected
Socialists. We have from 15 to 18 thousand municipalities.
Before I left for Russia, a conference of these municipalities
•was held at Boulonge for the excellent purpose of co-ordinating
the activities of these municipalities. A number of questions
were discussed at this conference. First of all it was decided
that, in order to save from bankruptcy a number of companies
holding concessions in the municipalities, additional taxation
should be imposed upon the workers of these municipalities.
The idea of allowing some of these companies to fail has been
promptly put aside as revolutionary. When the question
up of preventing the Socialist municipalities from taking part
in the chauvinistic celebrations of July 14th, the motion to that
effect was withheld, and it was a member of the majority.
Mistral, who refused to have the motion brought up before the
National Council. As far as the majority of the conference
itself is concerned, it. was altogether opposed to it. (I am
citing these things haphazardly to give the Congress an idea
of the value of the gift that the French Party is about to make
to it.) It was just after the May strike when the Government
meted out such severe treatment to the revolutions
deputy, who is well known to you, the Honorsil.'

'he honour of receiving in tl which he

is the mayor, two ministers to discuss the question
ring the military cross on the city. Such tinners are being
in the municipalities governed by the Fn n

wonder. tirades, thai tl • \nlu-

tionary elements turn away from th« Party in disgust. And

222

when one hears the reproach thrown at the Third International
it is going to destroy the unity of the Party, we must reply
that one cannot destr.oy a thing that does not exist There is
no unity in the French Socialist Party, for there are men in it
who should not be there, and there are men not there who
should be there. There will be no unity until an effective ex-
purgation in the Party has been accomplished— (this expurga-
lon has been promised by the majority, and we are still wait-
ing for it) —and until a Communist Party, thoroughly disciplined
miprismg in its ranks all the revolutionary Syndicalists
ire now drifting towards the Anarchists, will have been
i'e<i and act in accordance with the Theses which we
•irawn up here.

• ould like to tell you about the May strike, of the conse-
quences it had (which have been rather great) and of the
as which can be derived from it. But time does not allow
1 do that. I only want you to know that those who as-
serted ai Slrassburg that the masses did not participate, were
lying. They did take part and marched out in close ranks, and
t was only the failure of the leaders to stand by that caused
s defeat. One comes to the conclusion that the only party
that could have saved the working people that deplorable ex-
perience would have been a Communist Party.

The conversion of Comrades Cachin and Frossard is only an
individual case. They will go back to France and will bring
iheii declarations, before the attention of the Party. There is
(o tear that, owing to their long opportunistic past and
to ti.e old ha bits of thought (while being perfectly sure that
these comrades are sincere), it is still to^be feared that
to themselves to direct their party towards the Third Interna-
tional, they will suggest such a programme which will be rather
disconcerting for us Frenchmen in making us platonically ad-
to the Third International, but which will be much more
serious for you, comrades, in getting the spirit of treachery of
the Second International into your ranks. I am telling you
that we are living in a stifling atmosphere, which has all got to
be changed. The change in the point of view of two men will
MO iTifluenc" upon your decision. We must adopt a firm
ion, and I assure you that the French masses will
follow us unflinchingly if we ourselves will not waver. \\\. must.
not have these Marxian Theses supplemented by a French no-
tion from the Palais Bourbon, and the carrying out of these
Theses into life should not become a trifling matter by being
put into the charge of men who have during six years so dis-

223

credited the wuiu "Socialism" as to have made it necessary to
change it for the word "Communism."

G-RAZIADEI— I have asked for the floor in order to di.~
a question to which Comrade Serrati has already alluded. But
as Comrade Serrati has dealt with the subject in a manner
which excludes discussion, I now wish to propAle to add the
following thesis to those which are discussed bJKhe Cong

"All parties wishing to join the Comniun . International
should prevent their members from belong; 0' </.»
masons. As a matter of fact, in many couutriMthe Freemasons
constitute a political organisation, which in ijr abstract, formal,
and bourgeois conception of the social conditions, as well as by
its actual construction, serves the aims? of the national and in-
ternational system of the bourgeoisie. Its influence can ;
all the more dangerous, from the fact that this organisation
is secret."

A simple reference to the text is enough to explain my idrn.
This question does not concern the Russians, but it is of im-
mense importance in the Latin countries, as well as in England
and America. The Freemasons exercise a great influence in
these countries. They form a political organisation, which tends
toward the conquest and the preservation of power; it unites
statesmen, men of science, and men of business. It is based
on a conception completely opposed to that of Marxism. It
tries to disguise the difference of conditions between different
classes and nations, under an abstract and formal conception
of their theoretical rights. Finally, it is a secret organisation;
and remembering the fact that in many lands we ourselves have
no secret forces, we can easily be at p, disadvantage. Comrade
members of the Freemasons will be able to establish a control
over us, without giving us any opportunity of controlling their
organisations. In Italy we have had some interesting experi-
ence in this direction. At the Congress of the Party assembled
at An cone before August, 1914, we declared the incompatibility
of comrades belonging both to the Party and to the Freema-
sons. In a couple of months, war commenced. How we are
convinced, that without this decision we should not have been
able to present such an irreconcilable attitude towards the War.
In any case our course would have split at a critical moment.
One of the chief reasons of the crisis which at such a moment
took place in the French Socialist Party is also the presence
of a great number of Freemasons in its ranks. I request the
comrades to consider Comrade Serrati's motion, and I propose
to accept it as a thesis to be added to those presented by the

224

Commission. The Congress must completely decide this quea
tion which is of the greatest interest to many count <

GUILBEAUX— The first year of the Third Internationa;
devoted to the formation of parties and groups. 1 think tl
present we are entering upon a new phase of the develop in nit
of the Communist Intel-national, — the period of the struggle of
tendencies within the International itself. The discussion
are witnessing since the opening of the Congress proves the
existence of this struggle between a Right and a Left Wing,
and I consider it after all as a sign of the great vitality of
Communism. But it seems to me that, 'a tendency is to be ob-
served in the Right Wing which is liable to grow and which it
is the duty of the Left fighters to combat from the very start.

The Manifesto of the First Constituent Congress of the In-
ternational declared that we must fight against centrisrii.
sidered, for good reasons, to be the most dangerous tendency
of the Socialist movement. This Manifesto recommends a
break with the Centre and to form in all countries strictly
Communist groups or parties. I think it is symptomatic that
the Second Congress of the Communist International discusses
the new attitude which is to be adopted towards the Centre1.

The very fact that we allow the possibility of admitting into
the Communist International some elements of the Centre is
nothing else than the beginning of a compromise with reform-
ism and centrism. In the proposed Theses, on the other hand,

ject the Right Wing of the Italian Socialist Parly repro-

i by Turrati; and, on the other hand, we address an
to such parties of the Centre, as the Independents of Germany
or the French Socialist Party. This appears 1o me to be a
contradiction. The difference between Cachin and Turraii is.
of course, great. During the War, the Italian Socialist
displayed much more respectable behaviour than the French
Socialist Party, the latter having made itself guilty of the
meanest treacheries. On the other hand, in the Theses pro

; hero, it has been emphasised that no Communist must
forget the lesson of Ihe Hungarian Soviet Republic which had
to pay so dearly for the amalgamation of 111" Oomn«:

lists. There is a great danger involved in dcalirm

the representatives of the parties of the Centre. I know

hat you are trying to point out to them all the faults

committed by them since the beginning of the War, but I also

in the Communist Internal ional and even in the

Party ti

the French Socialist Part.v ;md Miv

225

German Independents. They argue that these parties have the
masses behind^tnem, whereas, in reality, the French and Cci
man Communist Parties are of little importance as far as the
masses are concerned. On my part, I think that it is a
artificial method of attracting the masses to speak to them
through their old leaders.

I don't think that there is reason to exult at seeing the re-
presentatives of certain centrist parties, transported into the
revolutionary atmosphere of Moscow, declaring to have been
won over for Communism. I have no doubt of their sincerity,
but I wonder whether in Paris, in the putrid atmosphere of the
Socialist Party or of Parliament, they will not relapse into their
former aberrations. We must not forget that the ground for
the foundation of the Second International in 1884 was being
prepared for several years. The comardes dealing at present
with the Socialist Parties imagine that they will be able to
create in one day an organisation and a press which could be
utilised for revolutionary purposes. They are preaching a kind
of futurism. We must organise the framework of a strong Com-
jnunist Party and into it the masses, but not only by artificial
means. I adhere to the view, as already expressed by Comrade
Lefevre, that the French Socialist Party is essentially a parlia-
mentary party, and we must not admit it here in spite of the
declarations of its representatives. The indispensable split un-
fortunately did not come off, and only when this split will have
become a fact will there be in France a Communist Party com-
prising the partisans of Comrade Loriot and the Syndicalists
of the Rosmer-Monatte faction, and which will have the masses
on its side. We cannot win over the French masses to our
side by means of artificially converting the French Socialist
Party into a Communist Party. If after six months' or one
years' trial, we accept parties which were betraying and erring
for years, I fear that they will finally gain the* i. ^'ority in the
Communist International and will succeed in coverinb the red
banner of the Third International with another banner closely
resembling that of the Second International. We must not
start dealings with parties which, in spite of their assertions,
do not give any guarantees for the future.

HERZOG (Switzerland)— In this whole discussion, it is also
necessary to enlighten shortly the Party relations in Switzer-
land. As you know, the last Party conference of Switzerland
drew up the resolution to leave the Second and join the Third
International. But a further resolution has been accepted, ac-
cording to which the above resolution is first to be presented
p

226

to the members of the Social-Democratic Party lor decision by
nduin. The first voting decided to le. second, but

o join the Third International; on the contrary, the Party
presidium must be given the right, and it mn •;> the

duty of entering into connections with all revolutionary ;
for composing a great revolutionary International, i.e., a Fourth
International. Then the Party presidium did all in its pov,
order to execute this resolution. At Bern, negotiation.
plaee with French Socialists. The party presidium seni
rade to Germany to carry on negotiations with the I.S.P.
we Communists exposed the manoeuvre, they tried to sr
it. especially the "Baseler Vorwaerts." Also Ihe Party
(Hum has been white-washed in this affair. Such vacillating
policy, as we see it in Switzerland, on the leaving oi'the Second
International, such policy of hesitation, has recently ;
been carried on in Switzerland by the Social-Democracy,
well known, it decided to join to Kienthal and Zimmerwald, and
when we, the revolutionary workers, urged that \\\>
tions be executed in practice, saying that the affair is v~.
settled by joining Kienlhal and /immerwald, but the \
programme must be realised, they must try In bo active in a
revolutionary way. they must address themselves with propa-
ganda lo the army and revolutionise the soldi en the
Party did all in its power to render impossible out
We were obliged to unite the revolutionary workers into groups.

We ha\e tried in all bigger places to join together
Communist groups; we have built of them a central orr.
turn and have drawn u;> a prograi: we did r

said that we must begin activity and pro;
the ai ding to the leading principles drawn up ir

lid. We have to say to the worker's, if the Pa
do not execute the gre; i ctions, you must do it.

is the reason of the conflict and of the exclusion of Ihe
nimiisls from (lie Social-I (emoeral ie Party of Switxerland. This
propaganda we have systematically carried to Ihe end.

distributed in the armj ids of lea

which was our duly, being revolutionary Communists. T
the reason we have been thrown out. In Zurich th-
Kn-ai general strike. I have said lhal Ihe general sink-
to he earried out. and when we made propaganda fur i
wi-i-f excluded from the Parly. The whole ion of the

old r< volulionary group was excluded. In ordei come

dead pnlil ieall\ . we were rn-npelled to enter upon Ihe founda-
tion of the CiMiiMiunb,! Party. P.y intonsh" v party

succeeded in organising Party sections in all bigger places.
We succeeded in winning the sympathy or great workers'
masses. The qf?T Party Central Committee is afraid thai I lie
great mass of the workers will pass over to us; this was the
reason of the manoeuvre at Olten to convene a Party confen-
ence consisting of Left Socialists and of the Centre, and they
resolved to send two representatives to Moscow, in order that
Switzerland be admitted to the Third International. After-
wards these people declare we are in the Third International,
we are revolutionary Communists. They think that by joining
the Third International they will keep the workers' masses
with them. It is a task of this Congress to declare also to
these people of the Swiss Social-Democracy: You are to prove
in the practice that you really want to fight in a revolutionary
way. Only after having proven this can you be admitted into
the Third International. A very great danger prevails, namely,
that a great deal of opportunist Centre elements are coming
into the Third International, and this will have the consequence
that these elements will be preponderating in the Third Inter-
national. We have to fight quite energetically against this
danger and 'the same principle we employ against the Indepen-
dents, against, the 'French Party, we must employ it also against
the Social-Democratic Party of Switzerland. By sifting severely
these elements, we can prevent the germs of dissolution from
penetrating into the Third International, and we can make it
that the revolutionary activity existing actually in the masses
be not weakened in the next years to come.

GOLDENBERG- — As far as I am concerned, I shall not vote
for Comrade Zinoviev's Theses. I shall not vote for them, as
I see therein a great mistake in the method. I shall try to ex-
plain shortly this mistake.

If we, the adherents of the Third International, are asked
what is the significance of our conduct in the Socialist Party,
we answer as follows : —

The War has divided the international proletariat into two
hostile camps: one one side, the counter-revolutionary faction
consisting of the workers' aristocracy, that layer of the prole-
tariat which the development of capitalism brings ever nearer
to the likeness of the lower strata of bourgeoisie, and on the
other side the revolutionary faction consisting of the lower
strata of the proletariat. Before the War, these two factions
stood side by side within the various national parties; after the
War they represented no more the conflict of tendencies, but
came out in armed fight Using Comrade Lenin's words— con-

228

troversy by arguments has been replaced by controver.-y with
arms. Out of these two am agonist •
with the bourgeoisie, the other proved 10 I
tative of ilie revolutionary proletariat.

How must the Third International, being the international
organisation of the revolutionary proletariat, beha\.
the Socialist Parties in which the split between the counter-
revolutionary reformist Socialists and revolutionary Communist
Socialists has not yet been effected V That is the quesiinn on
which we have to give an answer to-day.

The Theses proposed by Comrade Zinoviev determine a num-
ber of conditions, by means of which the so-called
Socialist parlies will be admitted into tin- Third Interim
It is this manner of procedure I cannot agree with for my part.

The Third International, being ;

of the revolutionary proletariat must be comprised excli,
of representatives of the revolutionary proletariat of all coun-
tries, and cannot contain non-Comnumisi elements which have
proved to be counter-revolutionary elements, agents of the
bourgeoisie.

The conditions put. to the centrist parlies are such
enable the French Socialist Tarty, the Cerman I-
Socialist 'Parly, the Norwegian Socialist Parly, (Me... to
into the Third International provided they declare them
ready to accept and follow Communist tactics.

I declare that in this way we only increase the com
already 'prevailing in these parties. I want to .'-peak <
here part icularly of the French Socialist Party, which I know
.• than the others.

T'ne French Socialist Party is made up nearly onlirely <
stratum of the Labour aristocracy, which during the War;
to be extremely reactionary. During the War, all the 1.
of the French Socialist Party without exception we;
in the ranks of the bourgeoisie against the international
taruil. They have? voted the War credits up to the end <
War, and even some months alter the Armistice.

here such a representative of the parliamentary faction,
who has voted the War credits. There is here
deputy who, last year, declared in the French Parliament that
the preliminary three-twelfths demanded by the Government
should not be voted for, but who was willing to vote for two-
twelfths. Now a. party of such merits is truly fit to stand for
the counter- revolutionary campaign of Koltchak and Deniliin.

Whilst the Russian proletariat was waging a d tight

international brigands.
if Hie French Socialist Party in Parliament voted
••edits which were to supply these counter-revolutionary
armies.

on the behaviour of the French Socialist Party
tlio War? Lefevre said just now that the Congn
burg was a step backwards. As 1,0 me, I say it w;.

i> backwards; it has unmasked the .French Socialist Parly,
irs oif the French Socialist Party in order to deceive

i asses used a revolutionary phraseology. They declared

elves to be in i'avour of proletarian dictatorship and
against the bourgeoisie. They declared themselves to be adher-
ents of historical materialism, but when they found themselves
confronted with the problem of national defence, it was then
seen ihat the alliance between Paul Faure and Renaudel was
no criminal alliance, but it reflects the true spirit of all those
who put themselves either in the Right Wing, in the Centre, or
even in the Left Wing of the Party. The French Socialist
is a party decomposed by reformist, petty, bourgeois ele-
ments. Its entry into the Third International will contaminate
the latter.

Comrade Zinoviev's Theses put a number of conditions for
its affiliation. You have seen how easily they have been ac-

: by those very persons who only the other day were so
rabidly opposed to them. The representatives--^!' the French
Socialist Party who are present at this Congress belonged lo
the group which stubbornly, and with all means at its disposal,
endeavoured to discredit the Third International. They are not

>ecause their hearts are with us; they are here only be-
cause ihey have the feeling that the Third International is the
only revolutionary force in the world, and that no other or-
ganisation is able to resist it. They have tried with all their
might to oppose this Third International by a counter organ i-sa-
- tion which was to accept everybody desiring to join it on I he
condition that they were to declare themselves against the
principles of the Third International. They searched over the
whole of Europe for parties which they could lead against the
Third International. I still recall their activity in th»* Party
and in the Socialist j>ress. They endeavoured to discredit, not
only the ideas of the Third International, but even those ot its
fighters who had the greatest authority within the Fn-m-h
Socialist Party. I, recall the campaign of calumni-
against all those in France who represented (he Third Interna-
tional.

230

And we are going to ask these men to come into the Third
International solely because they pretend to accept its principles
— solely because they verbally gave their assent to these prin-
ciples. It is not my intention to criticise the sincerity of Cachin
and Frossard. I don't want to enter on this domain. I simply
assert that men who in spite of their revolutionary phraseology
proved to be tried counter-revolutionists cannot become Com-
munists in the course of some weeks. The tone of the declara-
tion you listened to just now gives you an idea of the real value
we have to attribute to the acceptance of the Communist prin-
ciples by Cachin and Frossard. What will be their attitude
once returned to France, in front of those who for a long time
were defending there the principles of the Third International?
There is a committee in France which has placed before itself
the task to spread amongst the masses and within the Party
the ideas of the Third International. HOW is Cachin and Fros-
sard going to behave towards this committee and its fighters —
the same Cachin and Frossard who were their most stubborn
adversaries? But I also ask what will be our attitude when
Cachin and Frossard return to France and say: "But we are
in the greatest accord with the leaders of the Third Interna-
tional. We have discussed everything with them; there are no
real divergencies between us." I was just reading some num-
bers of the "Humanite" in which there are some reports on the
visit of Cachin and Frossard to Russia where our Russian
friends gave them a splendid reception. They have been .-id
mitted to a session of the Moscow Soviet and there only some
friendly remarks were exchanged between comrades who are
not separated by any divergence of importance. That is what
the "Humanite" asserts, and that is what — once at home —
Cachin and Frossard will be asserting too. They will take up
again their opinion which they were maintaining before their
departure to Russia, namely, that Comrade Lenin, if he were
in France, would agree with them and not with us.

I raise my voice against this artificial manner of getting
into the Communist International such elements who are not
even in favour of it. In the name of my imprisoned comrades,
in the naTiie of the veritable interests of fho French proletariat,
I declare that. I cannot agree with such proceedings.

The only means at the disposal of the French revolutionary
proletariat adapted to the fight on the side of (he Third Inter
national are to constitute a firmly organised Communist Tarty
r-jnlaininK only Communist (dements. The tragical side of the
situation in France is that till now it was impossible for us to

ourselves

within tli- ild not

the work of organisation and edu<
which alone will render possible the constitution of a tirmly-

;sed Communist Party.
The standpoint I am defending

say io i he, French Socialist Party: on sucii conditions \\ •
willing to admit you into the Third Internal inu;, I but we must
Lake an attitude that would compel both the reformist and the
revolutionary elements of the Tarty to make the split, \vhi-
iiiiUl not be made, for only this split will render p"

•iL of a Communist Party com prisms
id (he Communist Syndicalists. !i willl render p«
:misalion and eilucalional work which w»

tioi al ;in, and which alone is a source . b and

;!y 1'or the Communist Inicrnalional but for the
whole Proletarian Revolution.

BORDK1A|-I wish to present to \ ou some remarks which 1

a«d to the introduction to the T tented by

mmiiitll. I also wish to incorporate one moi <

condition in Ihe part which reads: "The parlies which have up

till now preserved their old democratic programmes should

':em without delay, and to work out.

a new Communist programme adaptable to the peculiar condi-
tions of their ami conceived in the spirit

• Third Communist International. The programmes of the
parties am'liated to Ihe Communist International should

rule be submitted for sanction to the (V

lltive Committee. Should Ihe lait-
Clint 10 sanction, the Party has the right m appeal to the

The present Congress is oi primary significance, for ii
to pui Ihe main principles of the Third Inlernat ional on a linn
foundation and is the champion of those principles. It was in
Aprii. 1917, I believe, that Comrade Lenin returned to K
and. having drawn up the main principles of the m \v programme
f the Communist Party, he told us thai it was necessary
nstruct the International. He said that this work lias to be
arried on towards the goal, first, of getting rid of '
atriots, and second, of those Social Democrats of the Second

• ational who consider it possible In liberate Hie proletariat
without resorting to arms in the class war and without bringing
about the dictatorship of the proletariat following the triumph
of the Revolution. The conquests of the Russian Revolution

232

have placed us on Marxian basis, and the revolutionary move-
ment, which has been saved out of the ruins of the Second In-
ternational, must be based upon a new programme leading on to
the formation of a new international organisation. I believe
that the situation we are in to-day has nothing fortuitous about
it, but has been determined by the course of history. But we
are in danger of having the elements which we ought to banish
penetrate into our ranks.

When the war cry of the Soviets was heralded by the Rus-
sian and international proletariat, we witnessed a spontaneous
revolutionary rising in all countries, and we saw the proletariat
fall in line and march towards the same goal. We have seen
that the old Socialist parties in all countries were breaking up,
giving birth to Communist organisations which are engaging in
the revolutionary struggle against the bourgeoisie. This hap-
pened right after the war.

Unfortunately, however, the movement was somewhat checked
in the succeeding period, for the German, Bavarian, and Hun-
garian Revolutions were put down by the bourgeoisie. And now
the parties of the Second International, in seeking to affiliate
with us, declared that they accept our mottos concerning the
war and the Revolution.

The war is now over. Questions of militarism and national
defence are of no immediate importance. It is therefore very
easy for them to assure us that in case of another war they are
not going to repeat the same blunders in the matter of Civil
Peace and National Defence. The Revolution also — the (Vnhe
parlies think is a question of the distant future, which our is
not called upon to face immediately, and they therefore declare
themselves ready to accept the Theses of the Third Inier-
national; that is, Soviet power, the dictatorship of the prole-
tariat, revolutionary terrorism, etc.

It would therefore be rather dangerous for us should we com-
mit the blunder of accepting such gentlemen in our ranks.

The Third International cannot force the course of history,
It cannot forcibly bring about the Revolution. All we strive lor
is to prepa're the proletariat. But it is essential, comrades, that
oui- movement should take into account past experiences and
the lessons ol (lie war and of the Russian Revolution. It is to
this that we must give close attention.

The Ki;rhl elemenls accept our Theses, but are doing it in
a very unsatisfactory fashion. They are doing it reluctantly,
hut we must demand Ilia! Ihe acceptance should be complete
without reservations, either theoretical or practical. We have

seen the first grand application of Ih- Marxian tlieor\ ami
practice in RussiSipin a country where class lines have nol
so very distinctly^-awn. It follows, therefore, that in \V-
Europe, where the development of capitalism has n
apex, tbis method should be applied with much more vigour and
precision. People are accustomed, after the fashion of cili/en
Prospert, to make a distinction between reformists and revolu-
tionaries, but this' terminology is obsolete. There can lie no
reformists now, for the crisis of the bourgeois world ma I ••
reform work impossible. The Socialists of the Right Wing Know
this, and declare themselves to be for the overthrow of the
ing regime; they call themselves "revolutionaries," but they
hope that the nature of the impending revolution will be differ-
ent from that of Russia.

I am of the opinion, comrades, that the Communist Inter-
national should be unwavering and should resolutely maintain
its revolutionary policy. We should erect firm barriers against
the intrusion of the Social Democrats.

We must get these parties to make definite declarations ft,
principles. We should as a matter of fact have one common
programme for all Communist Parties of the world, a thing
which is unfortunately impossible at the present time. The Third
International has no practical means to guarantee that those
gentlemen are going to follow the Communist programm-
any rate the condition that I propose to include is as follows:
In These 16, where it says: "The parties which have up till
now preserved their old Social-Democratic programme should
be pledged to revise them without delay, and work out a new
Communist programme adapted to the peculiar conditions of
their respective counties. ..." I propose that (he phrase,
"adapted to the peculiar conditions of their respective coun-
tries," etc., be substituted by "in which the principles of the
Communist International be formulated in an unequivocal langu-
age and in thorough keeping with the resolutions of Intel-na-
tional Congresses. The faction of the Party which will deelare
itself in opposition to the programme should be excluded from
the organisation"; this to follow directly after the phrase, "lo
work out a new Communist programme," and further:

"The parties which, having changed their programme ami
joined the Third International, have nevertheless tailed io nil-
fill that condition, should convene a special congress and adopt
uniform tactics."

It is necessary to put this question concerning the conserva-
tive minorities of the Right in a very concrete form. JJut I

_< ^H ~~~, I

234

have not heard tin

make any explicit statements thai they were going to dri,

of the Parly Kenaudel and his like.

Those voting against the new programme should In

; he Party. The programme is not a matter of discipline,
ceepts it or declines it. In .the latter event, the comrade
must leave the Party. The programme is binding for all of us.
li is not a thing which is imposed only upon the revolutionary
majority of tin: Party. All parties wishing to be admitted into
the Third International must be pledged to it. It ha
finally established to-day that wishing to join the Third Inter-
national does not. necessarily mean being accepted b;

1 am of the opinion that after this Congress the Lxecuiive
Committee should be gi\en the opportunity LJO see to it thai Hie
obligations imposed by the Third International be fulfilled. Until
thai period oi' organisation is over the doors must be I;
and there should be no other road for admission than personal
membership in the Communisi Parly of a certain country.

I prop se thai Hie condition drawn up by Comrade Lenin
which h\d been withdrawn be re-introduced; that is, that the
parties desiring to be admit ted should have a cerlain propor-
tion of Communists in the leading organs oi' the Party. I would
rather have them all Communists.

II is imperative that we combal opportunism everyv

But that task would bo rendered very dilheuli if we should
open Ihe doors to admit those who had stood oulshl
moment when we are about to purify the ranks of Ihe Third
International.

In llu1 name of ihe Loft Wing of the Italian Socialist Parly.

land that we lake upon out combal and 1

opportunism in Italy, but we do not wish that this should be
confined to Italy alone, for the opportunists driven out in Italy
may join ihe Third International elsewhere. We derlare that
we must return lo our respective countries following our joint-
work here, and we must Close our ranks against
traitors, and against all ihe cnomi Communist Revolu-

tion.

SKIMIATI !' to announce that the Internal ional

Conference of. Women Communisls is to open
morrow al six o'clock at Ihe Grand T -on are i

lo attend.

/INOVIEV— The Session is adjourned to re-conven
8.30 p.m.

PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
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Full text of "The Second Congress of the Communist International : proceedings of Petrograd session of July 17th, and of Moscow sessions of July 19th-August 7th, 1920"

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