Skip to main content

Full text of "The Secret Diary Of Robert Patrick 1861 1865"

See other formats

o Greensboro 








/ Ncwberry 




j JacKson 



C lent on 

Moor* B|fox| 

The Wanderings Of 

975,78 Pjlte 
Reluctant rebel 


Batrick $5,00 

Reluctant rebel 


Reluctant Rebel 

Reluctant iwebel 


The Secret 
Diary of 
Robert Patrick 



Copyright 1959 by 
Louisiana State University Press 

Manufactured in the United States of America by 
J. H. Furst Company 

Designed by Jean Kyle & Associates: 
Pauline Manning 

The Library of Congress has cataloged this book as follows: 

Patrick, Robert, 1835-1866, 

Reluctant rebel; the secret diary of Robert Patrick, 1861-1865 
Edited by F. Jay Taylor. [Baton Rouge] Louisiana State University 
Press [1959] 

260 p. illus. 24cm. 

1. U. S. Hist. Civil War Personal narratives Confederate side. 
2. TJ. S. Hist. Civil War Regimental histories Louisiana In- 
fantry 4th. 3. Louisiana Infantry. 4th Regt, 1861-1865. I. 
Taylor, F. Jay, ed. n. Title. 

Full name: Robert Draughon Patrick. 
E605.P3 973.782 59-9083 $ 
Library of Congress 


A dele Nash Ethridge 


Evelyn AND Terry 


Several years ago I was invited to examine a private collection 
of Indian artifacts at the home of Mrs. Adele Ethridge in Coif ax, 
Louisiana. Although the Indian relics proved to be of great 
interest, my attention was diverted when Mrs. Ethridge remarked 
that her uncle had fought in the Civil War and had kept a journal 
of his experiences. Moreover, this manuscript had been treasured 
and preserved. Within a few moments I was curiously reading 
the yellow pages of this historic document and marveling at the 
penmanship of Robert Draughon Patrick. Mrs. Ethridge also 
produced photographs of " Uncle Robert " as well as several note- 
books and letters written by him while serving in the Confederate 
army. It was soon agreed that I would take the manuscript and 
make a careful study with a view toward publication. 

The original diary, now in my possession, exists in a large 
ledger of 3 pages. Patrick, a well-educated man with many 
talents, wrote the journal in small notebooks using Benn Pitman 
shorthand. At his leisure the author would transcribe the short- 
hand into the ledger. These notebooks, which are also in the 
possession of the editor, were sent to the Phonographic Institute 
of Greenville, Ohio, for a professional transcription. In comparing 
the two accounts only a few discrepancies were noted. Mrs. 
Ethridge has also generously placed at my disposal several letters 
written by Patrick during the conflict. With the exception of a 
few pages, the diary, notebooks, and letters are in an excellent 
state of preservation. 

The diary has been reproduced as nearly as possible in the 
form in which it was originally written. Dates of entries were 
verified and corrected in rare instances. In several chapters para- 
graphs were broken when they ran too long for good reading. 



Several omissions from the manuscript were made to sustain the 
reader's interest. For example, Patrick's detailed descriptions of 
the weather and frequent comments on the difficulties of learning 
shorthand seriously impair the movement of the narrative and 
were deleted. All parentheses in the work are those of the author 
while brackets indicate additions or changes made by the editor. 
No attempt has been made to correct errors in spelling and all 
misspelled words are repeated faithfully as they were written and 
are not labeled [sic]. Fortunately, Patrick was gifted with an 
uncommon ability to express himself and usually did so in an 
accepted form. 

I have tried to identify most persons mentioned in the diary, 
especially those in Patrick's regiment, and friends living near 
his home in Clinton, Louisiana. These names appear in the 
appendix and can be readily located by reference to the index. 
The spelling of names in various sources did not always agree, 
and in cases where verification was impossible the most frequent 
spelling was used. Obscure nicknames and first names without 
surnames which had no direct connection with the narrative were 
generally ignored. 

Notes have been provided to assist in identifying little known 
places or things as well as dates, lesser battles, strategy, events, 
and rumors of events. Certain other matters are explained for 
the serious reader. Whenever possible the most important source 
or secondary work has been cited. 

This research was made possible in part by a grant received 
from the Southern Fellowships Fund. I also make grateful 
acknowledgment to Deans H. M. Weathersby and John R. Tim- 
merman and the Louisiana College Faculty Research Fund. 
Without such generous assistance this book would not have been 

I am indebted for their friendly interest and assistance to Presi- 
dent G. Earl Guinn, Librarian Sammy A. Dyson, Dr. and Mrs. 
E. Frank MasingiU, Mr. Grady Welch, Miss Paula Halbert, Miss 
Jerry Lowery, Miss Wyn-Nelle Lee, Mr. Penrose St. Amant, and 
Mr. Abraham Attrep, all of Louisiana College; to Judge H. H. 
Kilbourne, Mr. and Mrs. Ventress J. Woodside, and Mrs. Mary A. 



Norwood of Clinton; to Mr. and Mrs. L. F. Taylor of Gibsland; 
to Mrs. Ethel Holloman and Mr. Tommy Kohara of the Alex- 
andria Daily Town Talk; to Mr. James M. Robinson, editor of the 
St. Francisville Democrat; to Dean John R. Hubbard of New- 
comb College, Tulane University; and to Miss Elsie M. Hahn of 
Greenville, Ohio, who is one of the few persons able to transcribe 
Pitman shorthand today. The editor is deeply grateful to Mr. 
V. L. Bedsole and Miss Marcelle F. Schertz of the Department 
of Archives, Louisiana State University, for their assistance in 
locating important manuscript material, particularly one of 
Patrick's lost notebooks. 

For their extensive and helpful suggestions I wish to express 
my appreciation to Professors Bell I. Wiley of Emory University, 
Frank E. Vandiver of The Rice Institute, T. Harry Williams of 
Louisiana State University, Louis Rubin of Hollins College, 
Bennett H. Wall of the University of Kentucky, Mr. Stephen E. 
Ambrose of the University of Wisconsin, and particularly to Dr. 
Edwin Adams Davis, editor, Source Studies in Southern History, 
also of Louisiana State University. 

A note of gratitude is likewise due Professor Raymond D. 
Nichols of Louisiana College who lent his artistic talent to the 
maps and line drawings. 

My special thanks are due Mrs. Ethridge for permitting me to 
prepare her uncle's diary for publication. Those who love history 
and treasure historical documents as does Mrs. Ethridge, help to 
assure future generations of a more careful understanding of their 
nation's past. 

Finally comes love and thanks to my son Terry and to my wife 
Evelyn who endured so much and typed such long hours. 


Louisiana College 
Pineville, Louisiana 
January, 1959 

Table of contents 

Preface vii 

Introduction 3 

i " Away we went down the old rickety railroad " 29 

APRIL, 1861-OCTOBER, 1862 

ii " The dark line of entrenchments " 46 


in " The grandest scene that ever I beheld "... 73 

JANUARY, 1863-MARCH, 1863 

iv " Tired, hungry, and worn out " 108 

JUNE, 1 8 63-o CTOBER, 1863 

v " Up to Dalton and back to Mobile " .... ISO 

NOVEMBER, 1863-APRIL, 1864 

vi " Johnston is in full retreat " 159 

APRIL, 1864-JULY, 1864 

vii " We can't run much further " 188 

JULY, 1864-AUGUST, 1864 

vni " Where's everybody gone to? " 204 


ix " A weary heart and a worn out body " 223 

SEPTEMBER, 1 8 6 4- J A N U AR Y , 1865 

Appendix 257 

Index 263 

Maps and illustrations 

The Wanderings of Robert Draughon Patrick . . end papers 

The Area Around Clinton facing 9 

The Campaign to Atlanta .... ... 170-71 

Robert Draughon Patrick frontispiece 

The Courthouse at Clinton facing 10 

A Page From Patrick's Notebook 70 

A Page From Patrick's Ledger 71 

" Would you like to look over this morning's paper, Miss? " 134 

" It beat walking though, an even two to one " 211 

" Don't allow him to drop that until you go into camp tonight " 234 


Reluctant Rebel 


The fighting phase of Confederate army history has been more 
than covered in numerous personal narratives. But the problems 
of logistics and supply what went on behind the shooting and 
marching of the soldiers is a relatively unknown quantity in 
Confederate history. Robert Patrick's diary throws much light on 
this obscure area of activity. 

Comments on the quality of Confederate supply officers are 
especially revealing. Combatant soldiers habitually disparaged 
the commissary and quartermaster officers. Patrick's first-hand, 
undoctored observations indicate that Johnny Reb's low esteem 
had abundant justification. 

Especially valuable also are Patrick's comments on civilian con- 
ditions in areas near army camps and along the route of march. 
Because of his location in the rear, and the nature of his duties, 
Patrick saw much more of the people and the country in the 
no-man's-land bordering the fighting zones than did the ordinary 
soldier. His observations on destitution and dissolution in the 
environs of Johnston's army in Georgia in 1864 are particularly 
revealing. He shows that Southerners suffered about as much 
from Confederate as from Yankee depredation. 

Patrick's honesty, literary craftsmanship, and lack of inhibi- 
tions in expression give his narrative unusual realism. He is much 
franker about the evils that accompany war than are most diarists 
and correspondents of this orthodox and romantic age. He was 
a keen observer who had a flair for descriptive writing. His 
diary helps to recapture the spirit of what has been described as 
America's most dramatic conflict " the last war between gentle- 
men." The journal abounds in humor and numerous anecdotes 
which contribute much to its liveliness. "Poor Clarence/* 



Patrick wrote, " I never knew before that he was so much ad- 
dicted to drinking. If he had been as fond of his mother's milk 
as he is of whiskey, he would have been awful hard to wean." 
Even when he suffered, Patrick's humor was irrepressible. He 
blamed his troubles on the treatment of ** ignorant, sap-headed 
physicians " who through doses of calomel and quinine " injudi- 
ciously administered " either " kill the individual or ruin his con- 
stitution for life." 

The Patrick journal is also a contribution to the history of the 
state of Louisiana. It vividly describes Ms hometown of Clinton 
and serves, in part, as a wartime history of this then small village 
located in the southeastern section of the state. Other descrip- 
tions of Port Hudson, Greensburg, New Orleans, and Berwick 
City are recorded. The difficulties of communication and travel, 
the attitudes and plight of the people, as well as the state of 
public morale are likewise revealed by the diarist. 

Nor does Patrick neglect the military because, after all, he was 
first a soldier, serving most of the war in one of the state's best- 
known regiments the Fourth Louisiana Infantry. This regiment 
has a particular claim to be remembered in Louisiana because its 
second colonel was Henry Watkins Allen, afterwards brigadier 
general in the Confederate service and wartime governor of the 
state. Patrick was a particular friend of Colonel Allen and he 
gives us a splendid portrait of this gallant officer- The diary is 
also one of the best contemporary records of the Fourth Regiment 
as it marched through Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, and 
Georgia. When the end came this group was but a ragged, 
hungry, war-torn remnant listing one of the highest records for 
casualties in the entire Confederate army. 

The pages of Robert Patrick's diary also reveal an intimate 
portrait of this young Southerner. He had an alert mind and was 
usually far superior to his comrades in intellectual ability and 
achievements. His formal education began at the age of five and 
continued in private schools until his seventeenth birthday. His 
observations give the reader a careful look into his life as a young- 
man-about-town in the prewar era and as a talented clerk in the 
Commissary and Quartermaster departments of the Confederate 


Robert was a worthy representative of a well-established, MgHy 
respected upper middle class Louisiana family. He was accepted 
in the best social circles in the village of Clinton. He was inter- 
ested in politics, music, and literature. His favorite author was 
Shakespeare although he enjoyed the writings of Scott, Moore, 
Thackeray, Pope, and Byron as well as the novels of such popular 
writers as Eugene Sue, Wilkie Collins, William Gilmore Simms, 
Charles A. Murray, Samuel Warren, and Charles J. Lever. His 
journal indicates a profound respect for the Bible and religion 
although he dwelt very little on spiritual matters. 

Patrick was a firm believer in Southern rights and there can 
never be any doubt concerning his loyalty to the Confederacy. 
He always regretted, however, that " we are not engaged in a 
holier cause/' Patrick was in full agreement with the school of 
historical thought which holds that fanatical agitation of small 
groups on both sides caused the Civil War. Although many con- 
temporary historians still hold to the primacy of the slavery issue 
in evaluating the causes of the struggle, Patrick blamed the 
radicals on both sides of the Potomac and Ohio rivers. He wrote, 
" If I only had the fanatics of the North and the fire eaters of 
the South in equal numbers in a pen together, I'd make * dog 
eat dog.' I'd * make Rome howl ' for once/* 

Yet his fierce hatred of the Yankee invaders was almost bound- 
less. Upon passing the grave of a Union soldier he once com- 
mented that this small plot of earth was a " just reward " for 
those who " must come to the South to murder our citizens, burn 
our houses, desolate our homes and lay waste to our country; to 
make war upon women and children turning them out to die of 
cold and want, without the slightest compunctions of conscience/' 
He longed for the days when peace would be restored to the 
unhappy Southland and, by some miracle, the Confederate states 
could enjoy their independence. Even then he exhibited skepti- 
cism, as he predicted that Texas would not be satisfied and would 
soon seek to disrupt the new nation. 

Robert never ceased to hope for victory but he had little faith 
that Southern independence could be achieved on the battlefield. 
After the defeats at Vicksburg and Gettysburg his comments indi- 


cated a growing anxiety and a realization that the South would 
eventually lose the war unless England and France intervened or 
the North quit the struggle. During the Atlanta campaign he 
began to consider seriously his postwar plans. His earlier graphic 
descriptions of an optimistic South thrilled with the prospect of 
a quick and glorious victory soon faded into tragedies of defeat, 
devastation, refugees, incompetence, shortages, and death. Even 
so, Patrick declared that he was " not in favor of stopping the war 
until we are united." 

Viewed critically as a reliable account of the contemporary 
scene, the Patrick diary is not without deficiencies. Some of the 
material is reminiscent rather than a day-by-day record; the 
detail is frequently excessive; and there are gaps in the narrative 
resulting from Patrick's losing his notebook on several occasions. 
This sometimes gives the journal a lack of cohesion and move- 
ment. He often digressed in his writings, and continuous comment 
on certain subjects such as his health was almost a mania. This 
was especially true during long, cold months in camp when rela- 
tively little action was taking place. He was usually careful, 
nonetheless, to distinguish fact from rumor and much of the 
narrative is corroborated by other reliable data. 

In addition to his wartime narrative, Robert Patrick left a 
detailed account of his life in the antebellum South. 1 In this 
biographical sketch Patrick recalled that 

Mother [Emeline Draughon Patrick, 1811-1869] says, and she ought to 
know, that I was bom on the 24th day of December 1835. My earliest 
recollections were of being at my grandfather Robert Draughon's plan- 
tation, near old man Shropshire's place, a distance of two or three miles 
from Hebsibah [Hepzibah] Church. 2 That has been a long time ago, but 

*As a preface to his diary Patrick filled thirty-seven pages of the ledger with 
recollections of his youth. He stated that "I have decided to write a brief sketch 
of my whole history. It will not fill many pages and as I have nothing to do, it will 
be as well to employ my time and amuse myself this way as any other/* Unless 
otherwise indicated, all quotations in the Introduction are from Patrick's journal and 
letters and are not footnoted. 

a The only remaining trace of the old church is its almost abandoned cemetery where 
Patrick was buried beside the grave of his father on December 9, 1866. Robert 
Patrick's mother and his Uncle Robert Draughon were also buried in Hepzibah 



although I was very young at the time, I still remember how everything 
looked. I remember the house, which was a double one, with a hall or 
passage between and a gallery in front. The horse lots and stables stood 
rather in fronting the dwelling, and a little on the right of the house as 
you approached it. I remember the cross-barred gate before the door, 
with a huge rose bush growing beside it, and on the left of the walk 
running from the gate to the house there was a wide spreading beech 
tree, under whose grateful shade I have spent many a childish hour, and 
in the cool, pleasant and melancholy autumnel days, I gathered many 
a pocketful of the rich, brown mast that the breeze had blown upon the 
ground. I remember the smokehouse, the kitchen, and the old sweetgum 
tree that stood near. The gum balls were always a kind of mystery to 
me, and I always considered them the most wonderful production of 

About this time being nearly five years old, and being able to repeat 
the alphabet both forwards and backwards very rapidly, which was more 
than most of the larger children could do, I was sent to school, along 
with the other children, my aunts and uncles. The old schoolmaster's 
name was Gas, a great, big bellied old fellow, who was very good natured 
and kind. He boarded at my grandfather's and took a very great fancy 
to me, on account of my aptitude at learning. 

Although Robert could not recall additional details of Ms life 
at Grandfather Draughon's plantation, he did describe the serious 
financial reverses suffered by his family in 1841. Patrick's father, 
Reuben Woodworth Patrick (1798-1855), and his father's 
brother, Palmer Patrick (1796-1865) , formed a partnership and 
attempted to operate a trading boat on the Red River. Robert 
remembered that " everything went on swimmingly for a time, 
until one morning Palmer came up among the missing, with a 
considerable amount of ready money belonging to the firm." 
Other irregularities were traced to Palmer Patrick and soon the 
firm was forced into bankruptcy. Reuben Patrick was burdened 
with heavy debts which were not wholly cancelled until 1854. 

After this ill-fated venture Reuben Patrick borrowed a small 
sum of money and moved his family, including Robert's baby 
sister Mary Adelia (1840-1923) , 3 to Greensburg, Louisiana. 

$ On December 6, 1866, just two days before her brother Roberts sudden death, 
Mary Adelia Patrick married James E. Nash. On April 7, 1877, they became the 








There lie opened a small store, but because of his many debts 
the business had to be carried in the name of Harrison McKie, a 
relative of the family. 

Once again Robert returned to school His teacher was the 
Reverend D. B. Roberts, whom Patrick described as a "simple, 
childish old man, with little or no education, though as a matter 
of course he could have taught all such chaps as I was for years 
to come." Patrick complained that " there was no society about 
Greensburg at that time, and nearly all who lived there were 
ignorant, vulgar, low flung people and my family had blessed 
little to do with, them." He also observed that 

The country all around Greensburg is very poor and the citizens, as a 
class, poor and ignorant, and they seem to think more of a little money, 
cash,, than they do of any amount of education. We had a garden spot 
attached to our premises, and the ground was so poor that my father used 
to say that the vegetables would grow up until they could see themselves, 
become ashamed of their appearance, and hide themselves in the earth 

There was very little business done in Greensburg and all the goods 
were brought there from New Orleans, across the lake via Springfield. 
From Springfield they were transported in wagons* The principal business 
was done in the whiskey and card playing line. All the youth of the 
surrounding country took to whiskey and gambling like ducks do to water. 
Any boy who could play cards and drink whiskey I don't think they 
ever had any other kind of liquor was looked up to by the balance of us. 
How I longed for the time to come when I could walk up to the bar and 
take my drink, or sit down to the card table and have a four handed 
game of seven up. What an admiration I had for a fellow who would 
stand up and curse another, and if he resented it, knock him down, and 
give him the devil generally. After I had left these scenes however, I 
came to have a perfect fear and horror of a drunken man. 

They would have a general muster every month, and that was the grand 
day for drinking. The military was composed entirely of cavalry, and a 
grand display they made on their thin, grass gutted, piney woods poneys, 

parents of a daughter, Esther Adele Nash, who married James W. Ettridge on 
February 9, 1914. Mrs. Adele Nash Ethridge is currently residing in Alexandria, 
Louisiana, and it is through her kindness and understanding that this diary, written by 
her Uncle Robert, has been made available for publication. 


with their manes and tales filled with cuckleburs, and looking as though 
they had never had a curry comb or horse brush upon their shaggy, 
woolly hides. 

Every now and then during the parade they would draw up in front 
of a groggery and the commanding officer would order a bucket of 
whiskey to be brought out, and carried down the line. 

The Patrick family resided in Greensburg for almost a year and 
then moved to Clinton in 1842. Clinton was an aristocratic com- 
munity with, a population of one thousand which served as the 
center of a vast cotton growing area in the Feliciana country of 
southeastern Louisiana. This region differs from most of southern 
Louisiana in that its early settlers were largely of Anglo-Saxon 
rather than of Latin origin. 4 The predominance of this stock, 
particularly English, is reflected in its culture and architecture. 
The classic tradition may still be observed in the courthouse and 
in a score of homes. 

Clinton was a very prosperous community prior to the hos- 
tilities of the sixties. Versatile leadership had favored the area. 
Its rich plantation economy, its banking institutions, and even its 
commerce and industry, were well-established. It was the terminus 
for the Clinton and Port Hudson, one of the first railroads built 
in the state. The village was a cultured one and the social life 
was brilliant and gay. The educational institutions of the parish 
had achieved a reputation by 1850 which was not surpassed by 
any other parish in the state for several decades. 

Reuben Patrick secured employment as deputy clerk under 
Franklin Hardesty, 5 who was at the time Clerk of the District 
Court in Clinton. Young Robert resumed his studies as a student 
of Miss Eliza Mills " a strict disciplinarian and very exacting/' 
He lamented that " my powers were always taxed to the utmost 
... to memorise the long lessons she gave me. Instead of being in 
bed asleep, where a child my age should have been, I was sitting 

* The Patricks migrated into the Feliciana area from upper New York and the 
Draughons had moved from the Edgefield district of South Carolina. 

5 In tribute to this close friend Keuben Patrick named his second son Franklin 
Hardesty Patrick (1851-1907) . In the diary Robert refers to his brother as " Little 


The Courthouse at Clinton 


up poring over my long lessons, thus depriving me of my natural 
and needful rest and undermining my constitution." Robert 
stated that he received many thrashings from Miss Eliza but 
admitted "learning more than I ever did at any other school 
in the same length of time." 

Among the childhood events recalled by Patrick was the Presi- 
dential election of 1844 when Henry Clay and James K. Polk 
were candidates. Robert declared that he was a Whig " a strong, 
tremendous Whig, and I thought that the fate of old Clay de- 
pended upon the vim which I would sing the electioneering songs, 
and the number of times I would shout e Hurra! for Clay and 
Frelinghuysen.' " 8 But the Whigs lost the election and Patrick 
blamed Clay for the defeat. " I do not believe old Clay was a 
Southern man at heart/' Patrick wrote, " because he didn't wish 
to see the South strengthened by the annexation of Texas." 

In 1845 young Robert enrolled in a new school kept by Martin 
Townsend, whom he described as " a Yankee by birth, but a 
well educated man and a good teacher." School days continued 
until 1851. Holidays were passed in hunting and fishing but 
were marred on several occasions by hard spells of sickness. That 
he was growing up was evidenced by his increased romantic in- 
terest in the young ladies. One lively affair, which he erroneously 
described as my "first and last love scrape," involved a young 
Clinton belle by the name of Josephine Rich. " Great Caesar! 
how I loved her. I thought she was the prettiest and the smartest 
creature that I ever saw." But his ardent love for " darling Jose- 
phine " soon cooled and the romance ended. Although there were 
several other occasions when Robert was entranced by the com- 
pany of certain young ladies, particularly " Maggie," he never 
seriously considered marriage and died a bachelor. 

In the spring of 1851 Robert Patrick was taken into the firm 
of his uncle, R. H. Draughon, to learn bookkeeping. This arrange- 
ment lasted only a few months when Reuben Patrick decided 
that his son should study medicine. Accordingly, Robert was sent 
to the local office of Dr. A. J. Ranaldson to serve as an apprentice. 

* Theodore Frelinghuysen, Whig candidate for Vice-President on the ticket with 
Henry Clay. 


Patrick explained that lie got along very well until one night the 
doctor was called upon to amputate the arm of a Negro which had 
been mangled in a gin. " I had to hold the arm, which snielled 
worse than a dead horse, while he performed the operation. After 
it was through with the Doctor proposed to have an oyster supper, 
but I had no appetite for anything of the kind. The next morning 
I informed him that I thought the profession would not suit me 
and that was the last of my studying medicine/' 

Once again Robert assumed the position of bookkeeper for 
R. H. Draughon. It was in his uncle's store, he sadly related, that 
" I learned to drink. In the backroom . . . where he kept almost 
every variety of wines and liquors and secure from observation, 
was where the tempting ruinous draught first passed my lips." 
Robert's addiction to drinking was a serious problem that he was 
never quite able to solve. Although freely acknowledging his 
love for drink, Patrick declared that he had never had any 
disposition to gamble and " never played for anything except on 
one or two occasions /* 

In late 1854 Reuben Patrick established himself as an inde- 
pendent businessman in Clinton and Robert became his chief 
assistant. The partnership was cut short, however, by Reuben 
Patrick's sudden death in the spring of 1855, He had traveled to 
Iowa to purchase stores and on the return trip he died of cholera 
in St. Louis. 

Robert was not content to remain in business without his father, 
and in the winter of 1855 he was appointed local agent for the 
Clinton and Port Hudson Railroad, Patrick explained that he 
" got along tolerably well, though I continued to drink a good 
deal/* But he was restless in this position and soon returned to 
work for his uncle as bookkeeper, a position he held until the 
summer of 1860. At that time he was appointed deputy sheriff. 
" This was an easy job/' Robert wrote, " for I had never more 
than two hours work a day, because I was office deputy and had 
no riding to do. ... I liked this situation first rate, and I remained 
in it until the breaking out of the war/' When hostilities began 
Robert Patrick enlisted in Major Samuel E. Hunter's company 
of volunteers, the first unit organized in East Feliciaua Parish, 



On the 28th day of April, 1861, the Hunter Rifles, nearly one 
hundred and fifty strong, climbed aboard the train at the Clinton 
depot and amid many tears and sad farewells were off to Port 
Hudson. Shortly after arriving the soldiers embarked aboard the 
transport J. A. Cotton and were soon steaming down the Missis- 
sippi for New Orleans. Robert described the boys as " all in a 
high glee and as we had some violins aboard, they were fiddling 
and dancing all the way down/' After several days of " frolicing " 
around the Crescent City, the troops were assembled at the old 
Metairie race course. This site proved to be unsuitable for a 
military encampment and the troops were transferred to Camp 
Moore, located some seventy-eight miles north of New Orleans in 
the higher climate of St. Helena Parish. There on May 25, 1861, 
the Fourth Louisiana Infantry Regiment was mustered into service. 

Patrick was detailed as a clerk in the Commissary Department 
but fearing criticism that he might be shirking duty, he resigned 
this position, took up his rifle, and went into the ranks. The 
Fourth Regiment was soon dispatched to the Gulf Coast along 
the Mississippi Sound to protect this region against invasion. Life 
was pleasant at the regimental encampment in Biloxi. Robert 
commented that his tent was " right on the beach, where we could 
bathe as much as we wished, and had any amount of fish, crabs, 
and oysters." 

Patrick complained, however, " that staying in the ranks didn't 
pay. That everyone was looking out for an easy place, and that 
no one thought any more of me, nor gave me any credit for giving 
up an easy position and going into the ranks. I therefore resolved 
to get through the war as easy as I could. But I didn't intend to 
use any dishonorable means to attain this end." Thus when the 
regimental quartermaster offered Robert a position as clerk, he 
accepted and noted that "from this time on, I carried a gun 
during the war only when I saw proper to do so, and that was only 
on one or two occasions." 

The Commissary and Quartermaster were two divisions of the 
Confederate War Department charged with the responsibility of 
food and subsistence and with seeing that these materials reached 
the army. The Commissary provided the soldiers with food and 



the Quartermaster was concerned with blankets, tents, uniforms, 
shoes, cooking utensils, and certain hospital supplies. The Quarter- 
master was also charged with army transportation, with pro- 
viding feed for all livestock, and with the payment of troops. 
Because of the nature of their duties these divisions worked very 
closely together. 

Robert Patrick served as a clerk in both the Commissary and 
Quartermaster divisions, assuming responsibility wherever his 
services were ordered. Although he occasionally assisted the pay- 
master and scoured the countryside for commissary stores, most 
of his time was spent in various regimental and brigade offices 
keeping books and making quarterly returns. 

Perhaps there was some tinge of conscience that he was not 
fighting in the front lines, for Patrick found it necessary to 
explain that 

I did not seek nor desire the " bubble reputation," nor did I have any 
particular desire to make myself " food for powder. 1 * In short I had no 
military aspirations whatever, and I only entered the army from a sense 
of duty alone, for I conceive it to be the bounden duty of every man to 
serve his country, in some capacity, when called upon to do so. No man's 
too good to serve his country. I soon found however that there were easy 
places in the army as well as elsewhere, and that they were to be filled 
by someone. At first I declined all offers of easy positions, because I 
thought it looked better and that it was my duty to bear my part of the 
labors, the hardships and the dangers incidental to the life of a soldier, 
but I soon saw that every man was laboring hard to better his condition, 
and every one who had any capacity and a great many who didn't, were 
striving with might and main for office. 

I made no efforts in this way because as I said before I had no military 
aspirations whatever, but after watching the workings of the wires in all 
their various little ramifications, I came to the following conclusion: That 
I would take the comfort and accord to others the glory, or I would give 
them the glory and I would take the comfort. 

Apropos, this reminds me of a passage in the First part of Henry 
Fourth. It is part of a conversation between Prince Hal and Jack 
Falstaff just before the battle, when old Jack has sad misgivings as to 
how he will come out in the fracas. Prince Hal remarks, "Why, thou 
owest God a death." Falstaff, " Tis not due yet; I would be loath to pay 



Mm before his day. Why need I be so forward with him that calls not 
on me? Well 'tis no matter. Honor pricks me on. Yea, but how if honor 
prick me off when I come on? How then? Can honor set to a leg? No. 
Or an arm? No. Or take away the grief of a wound? No. Honor hath 
no skill in surgery then? No. What is honor? A word. What is that 
honor? Air. A trim reckoning! Who hath it? He that died o 3 Wednesday. 
Doth he feel it? No. Doth he hear it? No. Is it insensible then? Yea, to 
the dead. But will it not live with the living? No. Why? Detraction will 
not suffer it therefore I'll none of it! Honor is a mere scutcheon and so 
ends my catechism." 

I do not mean to imply that I ignore honor. Quite the contrary. I 
resolved from the first to do my duty and my whole duty wherever I might 
be placed, and when I enlisted, I mentally repeated the words of Feeble, 
old FalstafFs recruit. " By my troth I care not; a man can die but 
once; we owe God a death; 111 ne'er bear a base mind; an't by my destiny, 
so: an't be not, so; and let it go which way it will, he that dies this 
year is quit for the next." 

After I had been in the service about three months, I saw that no one 
thanked me nor cared anything more for me because I worked hard, or 
drilled hard, and stood my guard regularly. I resolved to accept the very 
first position that was offered me which would render my soldier life 
disagreeable enough at best more pleasant and easier. 

In the autumn of 1861 the various detachments of the Fourth 
were assembled and sent to Berwick City, Louisiana, located 
seventy miles southwest of New Orleans at the mouth of the 
Atchafalaya River. This region served as a terminal point for 
the Texas trade and was also an important center for blockade 
runners. Robert remained in Berwick City until the middle of 
February, 1862, when the regiment was ordered to Jackson, 
Tennessee, to join the Confederate army commanded by Albert 
Sidney Johnston. 

Shortly after arriving in Jackson, Patrick was detailed as a 
clerk in the office of General Braxton Bragg, a position he main- 
tained until the Fourth moved to Corinth, Mississippi, a few 
weeks later. Patrick related that he did not have much to do with 
Bragg as "he always had his head working on something that 
the balance of us didn't know anything about." He described 
the General as a tf tall, fine looking man and very stern." Later, 



he was much more critical, commenting that " Bragg is not fit for 
a general . . . the most he is fit for is the command of a brigade 
and he would make a damned poor brigadier. ... If Jeff Davis 
will just let old Bragg alone, I think he will do us more damage 
than the enemy." 

Efforts were made to have Patrick remain in Bragg's office but 
when the Fourth Regiment entrained for Corinth on March 21 
he managed to get aboard. This trip was a miserable one for, 
" The weather was dreadful ... it was cold and the rain poured 
down in torents." After this toilsome journey, the regiment went 
into camp near Corinth. Robert declared that he was amazed 
at the vast assemblage of men: " As far as the eye could reach 
over the hills and vales, the earth was thickly studded with the 
white tents of the soldiers. Men, horses, wagons and mules were 
crowding in every direction. A slow, cold rain mingled with sleet 
fell all day long. . . . Long trains of cars passed up and down the 
road every hour of the day and night, and the shrieking of the 
locomotive made the most dismal sounds imaginable. . . ." 

The Fourth remained near Corinth for several weeks. Patrick, 
displaying an optimism that was characteristic throughout the 
war, wrote his sister, " The enemy are reported thirty thousand 
strong, encamped on the bank of the Tennessee. I do not know 
whether they meditate an attack on us or not, but I will vouch 
for one thing, and that is if they leave the river they will be the 
worst whipped set of men that ever started out to fight or we will 
be entirely cut to pieces. They cannot march through Mississippi 
and they had as well * subside/ " 

The Union army under Grant, however, was even larger than 
Patrick surmised. Instead of " subsiding " they fought and eventu- 
ally won the battle of Shiloh, April 6-7, 1862, the first great battle 
of the war in the West. Although primarily concerned with caring 
for the quartermaster stores, Patrick found himself in the thick 
of the fighting: "About sunrise on Sunday morning, April 6, 
1862, before we had fired a gun, Bob McKie was killed on one side 
of me and Jim Depriest on the other. I began to think it pretty 
warm to be so early in the action. This sort of work was kept up 
all day and the Regiment lost very heavily. How I escaped 



unhurt Is a mystery. But so it was." Robert wearily recorded 
that " I toughed it through . . . but I resolved that if I could 
honorably keep out of it that I would never go into another." 

Upon returning to Corinth with the retreating Confederate 
army, Patrick was detailed to the office of Brigadier General 
Daniel Ruggles to serve as the general's private secretary. Al- 
though he held an important position, Patrick was not satisfied 
working for " this bull headed old brute " and at the earliest 
opportune moment he slipped away to rejoin his regiment which 
had evacuated Corinth on May 30, 1862, with General P. G. T. 
Beauregard's army. 

Robert found a portion of the Fourth Louisiana at Edward's 
Station, Mississippi, while the remaining companies were in Vicks- 
burg constructing fortifications. A. short time later the regiment 
was ordered back to Louisiana to assist in driving Federal troops 
out of Baton Rouge and possibly New Orleans. In October, 1862, 
Patrick moved into Port Hudson with the troops assigned to build 
the works at that point. He modestly exclaimed that " my Regi- 
ment was the first to fortify Vicksburg and now were the first to 
fortify Port Hudson." It was expected that the completion of 
these fortifications would make Port Hudson a second Gibralter. 

It was at this point that Robert began to make regular daily 
entries in his diary, commencing with the date of October 21, 
1862. 7 Robert explained that he had nothing better to do and 

this nice blank book having been presented to me by a friend, I have 
determined to jot down a few memoranda of my doings and thoughts 
during the war, not that I expect it to interest anyone else, for I do not 
intend that any other person besides myself shall ever read it, but I 
write it, first, for amusement, secondly, because in after years it may 
afford me some pleasure to peruse it. 

There are a great many unpleasant passages in this part of my life 
which I shall either leave untouched or merely revert to them incidentally, 
because it will not afford me any pleasure to recall my misdoings. I 

7 Since Patrick did not begin the daily entries in his diary until this date, his 
account of events prior to October 21, 1862, (Chapter I) is a reminiscence and not 
a part of the diary proper. 



intend however to "stick pretty closely to my text," that is, I shall 
record things very nearly as they happened as well as I can remember, 

I should never have kept the diary, if it hadn't been that I desired 
to learn Phonography. 8 I accidentally came in possession of a little work 
on Phonography, published in Cincinnati by Elias Longley, and as I 
had so much idle time on my hands while in camp, I concluded to 
devote my leisure moments, to the study of this brief and easy mode of 

Having obtained a pretty good idea of the rudiments, the next thing 
was to practice it until I became proficient. I copied from books and 
newspapers until I got tired of that plan, and I thought it better to 
write original matter entirely. As I know no one who understood, I 
could not open a correspondence in that style, and being thus left 
entirely to the resources of my own mind I resolved to keep a diary, 
wherein I would record such little things as should occur around me, 
with an occasional comment upon the same. . . . 

Patrick's resourcefulness soon manifested itself in a series of 
glowing descriptions and valuable detail depicting Ms stay at 
Port Hudson. Although not particularly happy with his situation 
there, Robert liked it because he could visit his home in Clinton 
at least once a week. Because of the nature of his duties he had 
many long, boring hours to while away sitting around the fire 
" telling long yarns and eating roasted potatoes." He promised 
his mother that he would stop drinking but he found this pledge 
a very difficult one to keep. Other days were spent studying 
phonography, reading, writing in his journal, acting as recorder 
in court martials, trying to find salt and tallow to send to his 
mother, and, of course, keeping books in the supply organization. 

Frequently Patrick and his friends would saunter down to the 
bluffs of the river to view the Yankee gunboats as they steamed 
up from the south to shell the works. On one occasion he com- 
mented that they seemed to be " firing on some sugar houses on 
the other side of the river this morning which they are very good 
at considering the houses cannot fire back, and is a very safe 
way of carrying on a war." Full of confidence, he wrote, " If they 

8 An earlier form of shorthand. 



get this place, it strikes me that they will have to fight a little 

Robert was never in robust health. Sometimes his troubles were 
of his own making, such as the day his stomach was " a little 
deranged from drinking corn beer that Andrew made/* In other 
instances, however, he described his sufferings as neuralgia, 
diarrhea, pains in the top of the head, affections of the spine, 
and numerous other unnamed ailments. Once he stated that his 
health was so bad that he was afraid he would not be able 
to enjoy it " after our independence is gained." Patrick had little 
confidence in Confederate doctors and he cynically observed, " It 
is astonishing what an amount of ignorance there is amongst the 
Medical fraternity." 

According to Patrick's narrative, the grandest scene witnessed 
by him during the war occurred the night of March 14, 1863, 
when the Yankee fleet, commanded by Admiral David G. Far- 
ragut, attempted to run the batteries at Port Hudson: " About 
11 o'clock we heard a heavy gun, and then the shell, then another 
and another, and finally the whole of the fleet let loose on us. ... 
It was not long however before every one of our batteries cut 
loose, and of all the noises that ever I heard, this beat it. The 
very earth trembled." Robert had a splendid view and he vividly 
described the action. The most beautiful sight of all, he related, 
occurred when the Federal frigate Mississippi exploded, caught 
fire, and floated down the river, lighting the sky with a lurid glare. 

Patrick was spared the long siege at Port Hudson when early 
in April, 1863, he was temporarily detached from the Fourth 
Regiment and ordered northward with General Abraham Buford's 
brigade to join General Joseph E. Johnston at Jackson, Mississippi, 
and co-operate in his attempt to relieve the beleaguered fortress 
of Vicksburg. After a long, arduous journey Patrick and his 
comrades arrived in Jackson where orders were awaiting to harrass 
the rear of Grant's army. The next few weeks were spent in 
performing this duty, marching and countermarching, and suffer- 
ing greatly from the heat and thirst. The command expected 
every day to receive orders to break out of the Big Black swamp 
and attack Grant's rear, but the chance never came. Before 



contact could be made with the enemy, Patrick hastily recorded 
that " astounding intelligence has reached us that Vicksburg has 
fallen. Pemberton has surrendered. We are in full retreat." 

Leaving the heart of the Big Black swamp at dawn on July 6, 
1863, and in grave danger of being captured by General William 
T. Sherman and units of the Federal army, the Fourth Louisiana 
marched thirty-five miles to their destination without a halt. 
This was a bitter experience for Patrick: " No water dust, dust, 
dust. My God it is awful. ... I didn't get any sleep last night, 
nor have I had anything to eat for twenty-four hours and I feel 
pretty well worn out. I never want to be on another retreat." 
The morale of the men sank. Robert commented that the troops 
were " low spirited. . . . Desertions are frequent [and] the men and 
horses fall by the wayside every few hundred yards." The memo- 
ries of this catastrophe remained with Patrick throughout the 
course of the war. 

After a diversion to Enterprise, Mississippi, to prevent an ad- 
vance of Federal cavalry which threatened in that direction, 
Robert and the Fourth Regiment were ordered into Mobile for 
garrison duty. Quarters were assigned to Patrick on Government 
Street and there he prepared to spend a pleasant winter. 

In late November, 1863, Robert received a furlough and re- 
turned to his home in Louisiana. " I found Clinton very much 
changed in appearance," he related. " The long row of stores on 
the east side of the square known as ( Brick Row * had been de- 
stroyed by fire, as also had all the buildings on each side of ' St. 
Helena Street. 3 I also found a very great change in the ideas and 
sentiments of the people. They were trading liberally with the 
Yankees, and hauling cotton to them all the time. This illicit 
trade was carried on to an astonishing extent. ... I also heard 
a great deal of complaint against our cavalry serving in this 
vicinity. . . I heard the citizens denouncing the cavalry and many 
of them told me that they would prefer seeing the Yankees to 
seeing our cavalry. . . ." Like many other loyal Confederates 
Patrick viewed such activities with dismay. When his furlough 
ended Patrick seemed almost glad to leave, commenting that 


" everything looked so gloomy that there was little or no pleasure 
In remaining, outside of the gratification of being with my family." 

Upon returning to Mobile, Robert discovered that his regiment 
had been ordered to Dalton, Georgia, to reinforce the Army of 
Tennessee under General Joe Johnston. Accumulating various 
records and stores, Patrick boarded a train and, after a long, 
painful journey through Montgomery and Atlanta, he arrived in 
Dalton on December 31, 1863. Not altogether happy with his 
new assignment and somewhat distraught, Patrick recorded that 
"in the distance on all sides, the prospect was anything but 
cheerful. All looked ' naked, brown, and sear * and the background 
of this uninviting picture was formed by a chain of dark and 
gloomy looking hills, which seemed with their frowning rugged 
sides to preside over this apparently God-forsaken district." 

The tour of duty in Dalton was short, however, for the regi- 
ment had arrived too late to be of any service. In early February, 
1864, word reached Johnston that Federal troops were moving 
eastward from Vicksburg, presumably headed for Meridian and 
then Mobile. At the urging of President Davis, Johnston ordered 
several regiments back to Alabama. This included Patrick and 
the Fourth Louisiana. 

Soon after reaching Mobile, Robert endured a siege of pneu- 
monia that almost cost him his life. Even after reporting back to 
active duty his health continued in such poor state that a Medical 
Examining Board pronounced him unfit for field service. At 
Patrick's request he was detailed to duty with the quartermaster 
of General James Cantey's brigade, the general supposition being 
that this unit would remain in Mobile for the duration of the war. 
But the quiet, serene garrison life on the Gulf Coast was suddenly 
interrupted in April, 1864, when Cantey's brigade was ordered to 
Dalton as reinforcements for Joe Johnston's Army of Tennessee. 
Sherman soon moved out from his fortified position near Rocky 
Face Ridge, Georgia, to open the Atlanta campaign, one of the 
decisive actions of the war. Robert Patrick and many other 
Confederate soldiers were rushed to the front to help stem the tide 
of Sherman's advance. 

In early May Patrick arrived at Resaca, Georgia, a large 


quartermaster depot on the Western and Atlantic Railroad several 
miles south of Dalton. Even then Johnston's army was retiring 
and from this date until the occupation of Atlanta in September, 
Patrick records a long, steady, bitter retreat which saw the heroic 
Confederate army, fighting an enemy greatly superior in numbers 
and equipment, repeatedly outflanked and beaten back. Robert 
wrote that " the prospects are very gloomy for us. ... I cannot 
place much confidence in what I hear, though I have not the 
slightest doubt that Johnston is retreating." A few days later 
he admitted that " Johnston is in full retreat and there is no 
doubt that we have received a good thrashing from the Yankees/' 

The diary reveals the effects of this retreat on the helpless 
civilian population. Patrick wrote, " They talk about the ravages 
of the enemy in their marches through the country, but I do not 
think that the Yankees are any worse than our own army." He 
described Marietta, Georgia, as " the prettiest place that I have 
seen anywhere in my travels." He sadly related, however, that 
" The whole town was in an uproar and confusion . . . citizens were 
standing about in little groups as if undecided what to do; the 
female portion of the community were at their gates looking 
anxiously up and down the streets; the railroad was filled with 
cars and the locomotives were puffing and shrieking up and down 
the track. All was confusion, worse confounded." Despite these 
reverses, Robert wrote that the " Confederacy still holds up its 
head and presents a bold front. . . . Our army is in good spirits 
and have an abiding faith in Johnston." 

But President Davis had no such faith in " Old Joe," and on 
July 18, 1864, Patrick recorded that " an unexpected and startling 
announcement " had been received: " Gen. Johnston has been 
removed and Gen. [John B.j Hood takes command." Robert was 
very dissatisfied with this change in commanders. For the first 
time he indicated a fear that Atlanta would fall, " for the enemy 
is too heavy for us, and they have taken ' Old Joe 9 away from 
the helm." 

Almost every inch of ground in the long retreat to Atlanta was 
disputed. The Confederate soldiers, Patrick wrote, by " their un- 
exampled, desperate, fighting qualities have even won the admira- 


tion of the Yankees. . . ." All the valiant efforts of the Confeder- 
ates, however, could not save Atlanta, and in early September, 
1864, the city was occupied by Sherman's victorious troops. 

In fleeing from Atlanta, Patrick became separated from the 
wagon train and for several days he straggled southward trying to 
escape capture. During these wanderings he witnessed the chaotic 
and tragic plight of a civilian population suffering from the head- 
long retreat of one army and horrified at the advance of another. 
Robert vividly describes the pillage, destitution, and the effects of 
the war on the morals of Confederate women. 

On September 4, 1864, Patrick overtook the wagon train and 
resumed his duties in the supply organization of Hood's shattered 
army. He wrote, " This has been an awful retreat, and the army 
is scattered to the four winds. The country is full of stragglers, 
and the men are deserting by the hundreds. I don't see what 
delays the enemy. If they would only come on, they can capture 
the whole concern." But Sherman broke off the offensive and 
retired his troops into Atlanta. Hood retreated to Palmetto, 
Georgia, and sought to reorganize and reinspire his defeated army. 

Robert was detailed as clerk in the commissary of General 
Edward C. Walthall's division and was soon back into the 
routine of his regular duties. The rest at Palmetto was brief, for 
in early October Hood turned northward to operate against Sher- 
man's communications. It was a feeble effort and Patrick com- 
plained, " Nothing works right. The trains are all mixed pell-mell. 
Nobody knows where to find anything or anybody. There are no 
bread rations. We now miss the master hand of Gen. Johnston. 
Nothing worked wrong while he had command." 

The Confederates struck the railroad at Big Shanty, Resaca, 
and Dalton. Patrick's narrative faithfully records the events 
and describes the route traveled. Hood contemplated drawing 
Sherman into battle, but upon being advised by his corps com- 
manders that his troops were not in condition to risk a fight with 
an army of such vast numbers, he turned his attention to the 
west and planned the invasion of Tennessee. 

At Gadsden, Alabama, Hood was joined by General Beauregard 
and after considerable deliberation Beauregard authorized the 



proposed Tennessee campaign. Without further delay the army 
moved in the direction of Guntersville. Unable to cross the 
Tennessee River at this point Hood moved his troops to Decatur, 
then to Courtland and Tuscumbia. Patrick complained that 
" this kind of service is enough to wear any man out. We travelled 
hard . . . until after night, and then we must grope around in 
the darkness and find wood and water and by the time we cook 
our supper it is 12:00 o'clock and we must be up three hours 
before day. . . . This ... is a constant thing and it is using me up/' 
He stoutly maintained, however, that " it is better to fight always 
than give it up." 

After enduring many irritating delays at Tuscumbia, Hood 
finally got his army across the river and on November 21, 1864, 
they moved in the direction of middle Tennessee. Patrick and 
other noncombatants in the brigade train were ordered into Mis- 
sissippi where office duties could be performed in relative safety. 
Leaving Tuscumbia on November 9 and traveling via Frankfort, 
Alabama, and Smithville, Mississippi, Patrick arrived at a camp 
near Aberdeen, Mississippi, on November 20. 

The chief pleasures afforded Robert at this new location were 
the affections of Margaret Ross whom he described as " passably 
good looking and tolerably intelligent." He explained that he was 
making love to Maggie " right heavy " and that she allowed him 
" to take a great many liberties . . . which I do not think she 
would allow anyone else to take." 

Such pleasures were short lived, however, for on December 27 
Patrick's unit was ordered into Columbus, Mississippi. With a 
tinge of sadness he recorded that " Maggie let me hug her and 
kiss her for perhaps the last time. [She] says that she will never 
forget me and I do not believe that she will for I never talked to 
any woman in my life as I did to her. . . She gave me a lock 
of her hair before we parted/' 

After arriving in Columbus on December 28 Patrick established 
an office and was soon back into the routine of his responsibili- 
ties. He sent Maggie a " paper of snuff which I ascertained she 
was in the habit of using " and wrote her many long letters. 
On December 30 he learned of Hood's disaster in Tennessee. 



" Taken all together/' he wrote, " the aspect of affairs is anything 
but encouraging. ... If the government allows Hood full swing, 
he will soon terminate his army." 

After the shattered remnants of the Army of Tennessee re- 
treated to its base at Tupelo, Mississippi, Robert received orders 
to report to his old commander, Major Mulherin, at West Point, 
Mississippi. The final entry in Patrick's diary, dated January 30, 
1865, notes that he would " leave in the morning at daylight if I 
can get all things ready. I am glad to get away though I would 
like to have received a letter from Maggie before I left." 

Considering Patrick's meticulosity it is hard to believe that he 
did not continue his journal until the end of the war. Since the 
final entry was written on the last page of the ledger, it is probable 
that Robert continued writing in another book which has unfor- 
tunately been destroyed or lost. 

But what happened to Robert Patrick during the remaining 
months of the war? Certain facts have definitely been established: 
(1) He left Columbus, Mississippi, to join Stewart's corps, which 
was bound for the Carolinas. (2) He wrote a letter from New- 
berry, South Carolina, dated April 24, 1865. (3) His name ap- 
peared on a list of Confederates paroled at Greensboro, North 

Carolina, " , 1865." (4) He was back home in Clinton 

by July 27, 1865. 9 

The tired, battered Army of Tennessee, reduced to less than 
twenty thousand, was summoned to the Carolinas to join their 
" Old Joe " Johnston in attempting to stop Sherman's march from 
the South. 10 Newberry was on the route traveled by the army in 
its efforts to join Johnston. Also, this village served as a supply 
depot for the Confederates. So it is probable, then, that Patrick 

Andrew B. Booth, Records of Louisiana Confederate Soldiers and Louisiana Con- 
federate Commands, Vol. Ill, Bk. II (New Orleans, 1920), 81. A notation in 
Patrick's handwriting on the back of the original manuscript indicates that he had 
returned to Clinton at least by July 27, 1865. 

10 Hood had resigned from his command and after a few weeks under the leader- 
ship of General Richard Taylor, the army, upon reaching the Carolinas, was once 
again placed under the command of their beloved Johnston. Stanley F. Horn, The 
Army of Tennessee (Norman, Oklahoma, 1953), 422-23. 



went to South Carolina with, the Army of Tennessee and remained 
in Newberry with the commissary stores. 

The pitifully small Confederate army under Johnston was no 
match for Sherman's 110,000 troops and, after the surrender of 
Lee on April 9, Grant's unoccupied army of 180,000. Johnston 
sadly realized that the end was at hand and with the permission 
of President Davis, negotiations were opened with Sherman to 
discuss terms of capitulation. Patrick describes these last days in 
a letter to his friend Bill: 

I sit down to write you though I fear that you will never receive it 
because it is such a difficult matter to get letters through just now. I 
presume you have heard all the news, but I will give you a recapitulation 
of the whole of it. I have my doubts about the whole of it being true, 
though it is all believed to be true. General Lee and his army sur- 
rendered to Grant on the 16th [9th] inst. All the captured men have been 
paroled and Gen. Lee himself is on parole in Richmond. This is true 
because the soldiers are passing through this place by hundreds everyday, 
and one of Lee's army, a Louisianian, promises to take this letter through. 

There is no doubt that an armistice has been declared for it has been 
officially announced everywhere and Gen. Johnston has sent couriers all 
over the country stopping the enemy, where ever he can send the intel- 
ligence to them, and we are now sending supplies to the Yankee Genl 
Stoneman's forces, which are only some 30 or 40 miles from Chester, and 
were making their way to Johnston's rear. 

All this I know to be true, but the following needs confirmation. " That 
Abe Lincoln was assassinated at the theatre in Washington City. That 
Seward and his son were both mortally wounded at their residences by 
another assasin at the same time that Lincoln was slain in the theatre. 
That the Confederacy has been recognized by England and France. That 
they have had a fight with the Federal vessels off the Balize. That the 
port of Charleston has been blockaded by the French fleet." X1 

President Davis in a speech at Greensboro said that everything would 
come out right and that an honorable peace would soon be secured to us. 
A wagon train laden with bullion passed through this place last week. 
This was the coin contained in the Banks at Richmond. Everyone 

11 Seward's wound was, of course, not fatal. Rumors of foreign intervention 
kept alive Confederate hopes to the very end. 



thinks we will have peace shortly and I think so myself. Johnston's army 
is said to be in the finest kind of spirits with a large amount of supplies 
on hand. Everything remains in status quo for the present. The armistice 
is said to be for sixty days, but I cannot say for how long a time it is. 
Confederate money is said to be worth dollar for dollar in greenbacks in 
Richmond this I don't believe. 

My health continues very good, and I hope that matters will soon be 
arranged so that I can return home. 

Two days after Patrick wrote this letter, Sherman and Johnston 
agreed to the final terms of surrender and the activities of the 
Army of Tennessee came to a close. According to these provisions 
the men were not arrested as prisoners of war but were immedi- 
ately paroled and allowed to return home. 

Patrick returned to a devastated homeland and tried to recon- 
struct the life that had given him many fond memories prior 
to the war. He was reappointed to his old post of deputy sheriff 
and served in that capacity until his death on December 8, 1866. 

' 'Away we went down the old 
rickety railroad " 


On the 28th day of April 1861 our company numbering nearly 
one hundred and fifty got upon the cars at the Clinton depot. 
There was a large crowd assembled at the depot to see us off. 
I had a sweetheart then and with tearful eyes we bid each other 
farewell. There were many tears shed and many sad partings on 
that bright spring morning. Away we went down the old rickety 
railroad to Port Hudson. We found a large crowd assembled there 
to see us off, and here was another parting for a great many of our 
company lived in this part of the Parish. 

We got aboard the good steamer " J. A. Cotton/' and were 
soon under way for New Orleans. The boys were all in a high 
glee and as we had some violins aboard, they were fiddling and 
dancing all the way down. At one time so many had crowded the 
upper deck that it threatened to give way, and in fact it would 
have gone down in a few minutes if the crowd had not gone back 
towards the cabin. One fellow, I don't remember who he was, 
taking it for granted that everything was lost, jumped overboard, 
but as we happened to be close to shore, he managed to get out, 
minus his hat and coat. 

We arrived at New Orleans about 4 a.m. the next day. I 
didn't sleep any as there was such a noise and confusion, that 
I found it impossible. We were crossed and piled all about in the 
cabin, on chairs and sofas and under the tables. As soon as we 
reached the levee, I went out to the market and had a cup of 
good strong coffee, which refreshed me considerably. 


The next day we were marched off the boat and drawn up in 
line, on the levee, and our names were called by a man named 
Grivot, I do not know what position he held, but he was a 
good looking man and wore a very red cap. After we had all 
answered to our names, we were marched up to the St. James 
Hotel, where we had a most miserable breakfast. 

After breakfast we were marched down to the cotton rooms of 
Messrs. Oakey and Hawkins on Carondelet Street. We were 
penned up in this place, about 150 of us like cattle and as the 
weather was quite warm, it was a terrible place to stay in. 
Hunter 1 placed a guard at the door- way so that no one could 
leave without his permission. Tom Fiester was on guard without 
a gun, and Jno, Morgan took a notion that he would go down 
anyhow and undertook to pass Fiester. Fiester told him to halt 
but John insisted on going down and Fiester struck him a blow 
between the eyes with his fist, and made a complete star, like a 
pane of glass makes that has had a pebble thrown against it. Said 
I, " John, you remind me of the song ' We'll hoist on high the 
bonnie blue flag that bears a single star ' " but John didn't seem 
to relish my jokes. He said there was no fun in a man's getting 
his face bunged up after that kind of a style. It certainly couldn't 
be very amusing to him but it was to the balance of us. 

I got permission from Hunter to pass down, and I went out 
into the city. I had about $40 with me, and I thought I would 
splurge a little. So I spent two days and nights frolicing around 
and then my money was gone. I hadn't a cent left. I slept at 
the St. Charles Hotel, and I borrowed money enough to pay my 
hotel bill from Hilliard. After this I went to where the troops 
were encamped at the Metarie Race Course. 2 This was an 
enclosure a mile round, and in it were spacious brick buildings, 
comprising the Judges stand, gambling rooms, stables, etc. 

We had no very agreeable time at this place, for there was a 
large number of troops cooped up in a very small compass. We 
suffered considerably for water, as all the water we used was 

1 Samuel Eugene Hunter, major, later colonel and commander, 4th Louisiana 
Infantry Regiment. 

2 This was Camp Walker, under the command of Brigadier General Edward L. Tracy. 



brought from the river in old pork barrels, and in addition to 
being warm and muddy, the old grease and salt that had been in 
the barrels previously gave it a very bad taste. We were almost 
stifled by the smoke for our cooking or mess fires were very close 
together. Our Regiment was then made up, and our company 
which was too large for one, was divided into two, and the officers 
were elected accordingly. Hunter was made Major of the Regi- 
ment, Allen 3 Lt. Colonel and Robt. J. Barrow 4 was Colonel, 

The authorities finding the Race Course unfit for a camp de- 
cided to make a camp on the Jackson Rail Road, and we were 
sent to Tangipahoa where we cleared off the ground and pitched 
our tents. This camp has ever since been known as " Camp 
Moore/' in honor of Thos. 0. Moore, the then Governor of the 
State. 5 It was awful hot in our tents and extremely disagreeable 
on that account, but in other respects we did very well. We had 
excellent water and plenty to eat. 

I forgot to mention that before we left New Orleans for Camp 
Moore that I was detailed as clerk in the Commissary depart- 
ment, but I wouldn't remain there because I thought the boys 
would think that I had come out into the service with the inten- 
tion of procuring a detail of some kind, but this was not the 
case, because I knew so little about army matters that I was not 
aware that there were any such officers as Quartermaster and 
Commissary. For fear, as I said before, that they might have 
some such notions, I resigned my position, and took my rifle 
and went into the ranks. This was a voluntary thing on my part, 

3 Henry Watkins Allen. In March, 1862, Colonel Allen assumed command of the 
regiment. He was severely wounded leading his men across an open field in an attack 
on Baton Rouge, August 5, 1862. Because of these wounds he resigned from his 
command in January, 1863. In November, 1863, Allen was elected governor of 
Louisiana. See Luther E. Chandler, " The Career of Henry Watkins Allen " (Ph. D. 
dissertation, Louisiana State University, 1940) . 

4 Robert J. Barrow, a native of Bayou Sara. The New Orleans Daily Crescent 
(May 9, 1861) remarked: "A better selection of officers could not have been made. 
These gentlemen are known throughout the state for their chivalrous character and 
military accomplishments." Barrow was an elderly man, however, and actual command 
soon passed into the hands of Allen. 

5 The Fourth Regiment organized with ten companies containing 850 men. It 
mustered into the Confederate service at Camp Moore, May 25, 1861. 



because the Commissary was very anxious to have me remain 
with him, and came to my quarters and endeavored to induce 
me to go back. 

All the Regiments above and below our number (4th) were 
sent to Virginia, except the 3rd which was sent to Missouri. My 
Regt. was ordered on the Coast. On our way there [we] were 
delayed for several days at the lake end, on account of not having 
transports to take us over. It rained nearly all the time we were 
here and we had nothing to protect us from it. The musquitoes 
were positively awful. I never saw the like. They came upon us 
in clouds. We called this " Camp Misery " and an awful camp it 
was. At length we got away from this place and took the Steamer 
for Biloxi, Miss. 

Our Regiment was now divided. A part was at Pass Christian, 
a part at Mississippi City, a part at Biloxi, another at Ocean 
Springs, another at Pascagoula and another at Ship Island. 6 We 
were sent to Biloxi, where we had a splendid camp and good 
water. Our camp was right on the beach, where we could bathe 
as much as we wished, and had any amount of fish, crabs and 
oysters. There was a splendid breeze all the time, and we got 
along as well as we could wish, and in fact much better than we 
ever did anywhere else. We were ordered to Ship Island, though 
we didn't remain there more than a week before we were ordered 
back to Biloxi. We remained at Biloxi until September when the 
whole Regiment was ordered to Mississippi City. 

I now found that staying in the ranks didn't pay. That every- 
one was looking out for an easy place, and that no one thought 
any more of me, nor gave me any credit for giving up an easy 
position and going into the ranks. I therefore resolved to get 
through the war as easy as I could. But I didn't intend to use any 
dishonorable means to attain this end. 

Kilbourne, who was Regimental Q. M., offered me the position 
of Clerk, which I accepted, and the first work I ever did was to 
assist in paying off the troops at Mississippi City. From this time 

e The Fourth Regiment was sent to the coast along the Mississippi Sound to protect 
this region against the possibility of invasion. Colonel Allen had his headquarters in 
Bay St. Louis where the largest detachment of troops was stationed. 



on I carried a gun during the war only when I saw proper to do so, 
and that was only on one or two occasions. About this time I 
received a furlough to go home. During my absence the Regi- 
ment was ordered to Berwicks Bay. One half the Regiment was 
quartered at Berwick City, 7 and the other part under command 
of Major Hunter was sent higher up. 

We built good quarters at Berwick City and got along very 
well there. We got as many oranges as we knew what to do with. 
They grew in the greatest abundances. 

The land here is exceedingly fertile, though it is low and marshy 
and requires a great deal of drain'g. The soil is alluvial, and 
where it has not been cleared is covered with a dense growth 
of very heavy timber, principally cypress, which are covered 
with moss. 

The forests have a lonely, sad and mournful aspect, with their 
dark green foliage and long tresses of gray moss. To walk out 
into the woods here is about as solitary an affair as a man could 
well imagine. This must certainly have been the paradise of wild 
beasts when the country was owned by the aborigines and even 
now there is plenty of large game to be found. 

They make nothing but sugar here and all the planters are 
immensely wealthy. They do not raise a stalk of corn or cotton. 
They find it cheaper to make sugar, and purchase corn by the 
flatboat load from the West. 

Our rations were not so good here as they had been, and all 
we received was beef, salt and flour. Beef doesn't amount to much 
without grease of some kind to cook it. We had sugar and coffee. 
It was about this time that Fort Donelson fell. 8 

We were ordered about the middle of February 1862 to Jackson, 
Tenn. The Regiment went on, but I remained at New Orleans 

7 Berwick City, now Berwick, Louisiana, served as a terminal point for the Texas 
trade and was also an important center for blockade runners. Occupation of this 
region would have given the Federals access to Alexandria and other important 
cities near the center of the state. See Robert U. Johnson and Clarence C. Buel, eds., 
Battles and Leaders of the Civil War (New York, 1884-87), III, 586, 595. Herein- 
after cited Battles and Leaders. 

8 February 16, 1862. Fort Donelson was located on the Cumberland River in 
northwestern Tennessee. Its loss was a critical blow to the Confederacy. Ibid., I, 



for a few days with Kilbourne to fix up some papers. I went on 
several days afterwards in company with Dr. Pope our surgeon, 
Joe Whitehead and Bill Carter. 

We left New Orleans and on arriving at or near Amite City, 
we learned there had been a collision just ahead of us. A " soldier 
train " that was going up collided with a freight train that was 
coming down. It was an everlasting smash. The up train had the 
7th Miss. Regt. on board, and that train was almost a complete 
wreck. I counted twenty dead bodies lying side by side and I 
don't know how many wounded there were. It was an awful affair. 

We reached Jackson, Tenn. two or three days after, and found 
the Regiment encamped at the fair grounds. The weather was 
extremely cold and the ground remained frozen for several days. 
Gen. [Braxton] Bragg had his headquarters at Jackson. One day 
Col. Hunter (he had been made Lieut. Col. while we were here) 
came to me and said that Gen. Bragg had sent to the Regt. for 
a clerk and that he thought I would suit him. I agreed to go, and 
accordingly I went to his headquarters and reported to his Adju- 
tant Geo. G. Garner for duty and went to work immediately. 
Major Garner I found to be a very nice man and I got along very 
well indeed. With Gen. Bragg I hadn't much to do, as he always 
had his head working on something that the balance of us didn't 
know anything about. Bragg was a tall, fine looking man and 
very stern. 

I remained in Bragg's office until we were ordered down to 
Corinth, and then I returned to my Regiment. I didn't say any- 
thing to Garner about leaving. A young man by the name of 
Falconer, who was afterwards Adjutant General of the Army of 
Tenn., was also a clerk in the office with me. I told him that I 
thought I would return to my Regiment. He attempted to dis- 
suade me from it, saying that Bragg would make four or five 
Generals in the course of a few weeks and that he (Falconer) 
would be appointed Adjutant to one of them, and that if I re- 
mained with Bragg that I could take his place in the office and 
that it would not be long before I would be an Adjutant General 
myself. I would not listen to this advice, however, and in this I 
was very foolish. 



I returned to the Regiment and we took the train for Corinth. 
The weather was dreadful, for it was cold and the rain poured 
down in torrents. On account of some accident which occurred 
to a train ahead of us, we were compelled to stop, and camp in 
the woods near the Rail Road. This was after night and the rain 
still poured down. We remained in the woods all night without 
any protection from the weather, and it certainly was a very bad 
night. The next day we built up large fires and proceeded to dry 
our blankets and clothing as well as we could. 

We remained at this camp three days without anything to eat 
but finally we got on down to Corinth where we obtained rations. 
On arriving at Corinth we found a large number of troops en- 
camped around the town in every direction. I never saw so many 
men in one body before. As far as the eye could reach over the 
hills and vales, the earth was thickly studded with the white tents 
of the soldiers. Men, horses, wagons and mules were crowding in 
every direction. Here we found the 16th and many other Louisi- 
ana Regiments. We encamped on our arrival North of the town. 
I shall remember that day. A slow, cold rain mingled with sleet 
fell all day long. It was extremely disagreeable. 

The next day we were ordered down South of the town im- 
mediately on the Rail Road. We went into the woods and cleared 
off a camping ground and were soon as comfortably fixed as the 
circumstances of the case would admit. Long trains of cars passed 
up and down the road every hour of the day and night, and 
the shrieking of the locomotives made the most dismal sounds 
imaginable throughout the lonely night. We remained in this 
camp nearly four weeks I think it was and then came on the battle 
of Shiloh. Ellbourne insisted upon my not going into the fight; 
but go I would. I toughed it through but I resolved that if I 
could honorably keep out of it that I would never go into another. 
It was not expected, occupying the position I did, that I should 
participate and the thing was voluntary on my part. About sun- 
rise on Sunday morning, before we had fired a gun, Bob McKie 
was killed on one side of me and Jim Depriest on the other. 9 I 

9 These were the first casualties suffered by the Fourth Louisiana. The Confederate 
army was almost cut to pieces with total losses of 10,699. Federal losses were 13,047. 
Ibid., I, 485. 



began to think it pretty warm to be so early in the action. This 
sort of work was kept up all day and the Regiment lost very 
heavily. How I escaped unhurt was a mystery. But so it was. 
The next day's fighting was very heavy, but nothing to compare 
with that of the day previous. 

On Monday about 12 M. our army fell back towards Corinth 
the most completely disorganised and demoralized army imagin- 
able. If the Yankee army had been in a condition to have followed 
us they could have captured the whole concern. But they were 
too badly used up to attempt anything of the kind, and all that 
saved them was the strong re-inforcements brought up by Genl 
[Don Carlos] BuelL It was a terrible battle. I cannot pretend to 
give the particulars or even the general outlines of the battle. 
Historians will do that. 10 

Shortly after the battle of Shiloh, Gen. Ruggles 11 being in 
want of a private secretary I was sent to him and recommended 
as a suitable man to fill the position. I called at his headquarters 
and had a conversation with him in regard to the matter. He 
told me what my duties would be, and I agreed to remain with 
him, provided he would consent for me to rejoin my regiment if 
I should at any time become dissatisfied. He said certainly. 

Accordingly I packed up my knapsack and reported to him the 
next day for duty. His Adjutant General's name was Roy Mason 
Hooe A very pale, sickly looking young man and a nephew of 
the General's. He was a right clever young fellow too, and he 
and I got along very well together. One day, a short time after 
I had gone on duty with Ruggles, I was sent with a message to 
Gen. Bragg's q'rs. The sentinel would not allow me to go in. 

10 The battle of Shiloh (Pittsburg Landing) , first great battle of the war in the 
West, opened early Sunday morning, April 6, 1862. The issue at Shiloh did not 
involve any strategic point. It was a pitched battle between major armies struggling 
for control of the Mississippi River. Faulty execution of battle plans, the untimely 
death of General Johnston in combat, a depletion of reserves, plus the arrival of a 
fresh Union army under General Buell, resulted in a defeat for the Confederates. 
After the battle the Confederate army retreated to its base in Corinth, a strategic 
railroad center in northeast Mississippi. Ibid., 465-607. 

11 The Fourth Regiment was attached to the second corps of the Army of Mississippi 
under the command of Bragg and was a part of the first division under the immediate 
command of Brigadier General Daniel Ruggles. 



I told the Sargeant of the guard to announce my name. This he 
did, and he received an order to allow me to pass in. When I 
entered the first man I saw, was Major Gamer, Bragg's Adjutant 
He met me very cordially and remarked " You have come at last." 
I answered that I had, but said I, you speak as though you 
expected me. 

" Certainly " said he " I have been expecting you for several 
days. Didn't you receive my note? " 

" No," I answered " I have never received any communication 
whatever from either you or Falconer since we left Jackson, Tenn." 

" Why " said he " I wrote a note to you stating that Falconer 
had been made an Adjutant General, and that I needed your 
services very much, and that I wished you to report to me 
immediately. You could not be found in Corinth, and after mid- 
night, I sent a courier out to Monterey where your Regiment was 
temporarily posted. The courier returned, reporting that he could 
not find you, but that he handed the missive to the Major of your 
Regiment who said that he would deliver it to you. This was all 
satisfactory, and I have been waiting very impatiently for you 
to make your appearance, ever since." 

" I am very sorry " said I " that I did not receive your note. 
The Major did not give it to me and now it is too late, for I am 
private secretary for Gen. Ruggles and of course I cannot do 
otherwise than remain with him for the present at least." 

" I regret very much " said he " that you failed to get it, for 
I am sadly in need of some one to assist me. If anything goes 
wrong between Ruggles and yourself advise me of the fact, and 
I will order you to report to me immediately. I can order you 
away now but such a proceeding would be considered ungentle- 
manly. I do not think you will get along well with Ruggles for 
he is an old brute." 

After remaining a short time with Ruggles, I found that his 
opinion of him was correct. He was an old brute. Being an old 
army officer and a New Englander, he had no conscience nor 
mercy on any one. He was very exacting and it was a difficult 
matter to please him. There were several other clerks there, but 
ncrne of them ever did anything unless it was more than I could do. 



I had to sleep upon the table where I wrote, in order to be ready 
to write out orders at all times of the night. Whenever Ruggles 
came in I had to have my hat off, and have a chair ready for him. 
One day I handed him a document to sign, and as I was standing 
by waiting to receive it from him, he turned around suddenly, 
and said " Haven't you any more politeness than to look over 
my shoulder when I am writing? " 

" I was not looking over your shoulder " said I. " I was not 
thinking of you or what you were doing." 

On another occasion I took a dispatch in to his room. When 
I entered, he was sitting down. Gen'l [Leroy Pope] Walker was 
sitting on his left and General Patton Anderson was sitting on his 
right. I went in with the intention of laying the document upon 
the table as was my custom. He reached out his hand to receive 
it, and I handed it to him. He rose from his chair and his face 
flushed with anger. " Mr. Patrick " said he " have you no more 
politeness, have you been so ill bred as to hand me a document 
between two gentlemen? " 

This made me very angry, and I replied " You reached out your 
hand to get it and I handed it to you. If you hadn't done this, 
I would have laid it upon the table as I always do. If I had 
refused to hand it to you when you reached out your hand for it, 
what would you have said about it? " 

" I have heard enough sir " he said " go back to the office." 

" I will go back " I said to myself " but I shall not remain here 
much longer to be insulted and brow beaten by such an old 
numskull as you are." 

A few days subsequent to this little episode I applied to him 
for leave to rejoin my regiment, but he refused, and peremptorily 
ordered me back to the office. 

" Where there's a will, there's a way " I mentally repeated. I 
have the will and I'll be hanged if I don't find a way to get out 
of your jurisdiction. In the meantime my regiment had been 
ordered to Vicksburg to put up some heavy guns and to fortify 
the place. My officers and friends were all gone and I had no 
one to assist or advise me in this emergency. If Col. Allen or Col. 



Hunter had been there, I could have gotten away without any 
difficulty, but they were at Vicksburg. I thought of appealing 
to Major Garner, but I was tired of staying in Corinth. I was 
anxious to get away from the infernal hole, with its dreadful water 
and miserable rations. We were crowded to death and half 
starved, and I wished to get to some place where I could procure 
a plenty of wholesome food and breathe a little pure air. Corinth, 
and especially Corinth with old bull headed Ruggles attached, was 
more than I would willingly endure. 

But how to get away was the question. I could not leave on 
the train without a pass, and that pass must be procured from 
Ruggles or some other commanding officer. 

I thought of Major Winens of the 19th La. Regiment. A day 
or two after my interview with Ruggles, Winens came to my 
office, and he and I had a conversation about it. He told me he 
would see about the matter and that he would come over next 
day and report progress. In the meantime Hooe had thrown all 
the work of the office on me. He did nothing now but sign his 
name, and very often he would not rise from his bed to do this 
and I would have to carry the document to his bed to obtain his 
signature. I worked like a horse. No pay and almost starved, 
was the compensation I received, with an occasional scowl from 
Old Ruggles. 

When I lay down that night I came to the following determin- 
ation. If Winens returns tomorrow and reports that he can do 
nothing for me, I am resolved to work no more for Huggles let 
the consequences be what they may. If he sends me to the guard 
house all right. I'll go there. I will be placed in irons before I 
will put my hand on paper again for him. With these notions 
in my head I went to sleep, though I had to get up several times 
during the night and issue orders to the Division, in accordance 
with orders from Bragg's office. 

The next day Winens came over. He told me to wait patiently 
for a few days. That Ruggles would be superceded by Gen. 
[Thomas C.] Hindman and that if I was smart I might manage 



to get away then. Verbum sapientes. I would await further 

A few days afterwards, an officer came into the office. He 
wished to see Gen. Ruggles. I showed him into Ruggle's room. 
He soon returned to the office. During a conversation he had with 
Captain Hooe I ascertained that he was Hindman's Adjt. Gen% 
and he had come to know, now that Hindman had command 
of the troops formerly commanded by Ruggles, if he could obtain 
the house then occupied by the latter for his office. 

When he came out of the office he and I had some conversation. 
He seemed to be a little green about his duties. He returned 
next day and we had a long conversation. He asked me if I 
would act as his clerk. I told him I couldn't answer positively 
then. I also told him to ask Ruggles for his old books and papers 
to see how his business had been managed. He did so but Rug- 
gles refused to let him have them. He told me about it, I then 
remarked that he (Ruggles) couldn't refuse to allow him to look 
at his books and to demand it of him as a right. This he did and 
Ruggles placed his books at his disposal for a few hours. 

I sat down and wrote off a copy of all the forms I knew and 
when he went away I handed them to him. He thanked me for 
ray kindness. The next morning I went down to Hindman's 
headq'rs where I found the Adjutant sitting at a desk writing. 
I bid him good morning and stated to him, that I was tired of 
my present occupation, and as my friend General Ruggles, was 
now out of command I would be obliged to him if he would write 
an order for me to report to my regiment at Vicksburg, without 
delay. " Just sit down " said he, " and write out such an order 
as you wish and I will sign it." 

I wrote the order and he signed it. I folded it up very carefully 
and put it in my pocket book, and bidding the Captain good 
morning I started back to Ruggles' office. As I was passing the 
house occupied by Ruggles as his sleeping quarters and where lie 
transacted all his very private business the old man called to me. 
" Mr. Patrick, as soon as you get breakfast corne over, I hare 

18 Patrick is probably referring to the Latin phrase verbum fat sapienti which is 
literally translated as, a word to the wise is sufficient. 



some very important business on hand wliich demands immediate 
attention/ 3 " All right sir " was my answer. 

I got my breakfast and went over. The papers I had to copy 
was the programme of the evacuation of Corinth and the plan of 
the retreat. 13 

" Now Mr. Patrick " said he " I think I can rely upon your 
discretion and secrecy, can't I? " I told him I knew he could. 

" Well " he continued we are to evacuate this place, and to be 
accomplished successfully, it requires great secrecy, and if nothing 
is divulged we will be away from here in less than two weeks." 

I went diligently to work at the papers marking down the 
routes of the different divisions etc, I had been at work about 
two hours, when the old fellow came in and took a seat beside me. 
" Mr. Patrick " said he " why is it that you are so opposed to 
staying with me? Do you still wish to leave me? " I told him 
that I was dissatisfied and that I still felt inclined to leave him. 

" You are not fit " said he " for a soldier and you make a 
splendid clerk and secretary; the best I've ever had. You are an 
excellent amanuensis and I think it very foolish in you to wish to 
rejoin your Regiment and enter the ranks when you can get places 
so much easier and more genteel/* 

I told him that all that made no difference, and that I would 
never be satisfied while I remained with him. 

" Well " said he " I am going to leave this place in a few days 
and you may prepare yourself to go with me. Do you have good 
rations? " I told him my rations were most wretched. " You 
Charles! " speaking to his servant. " Charles bring Mr. Patrick 
a dozen or two of those eggs that I received yesterday." 

The eggs were brought, and I tied them up in my handkerchief. 

" It is about dinner time now, and you had better stop work 
until after dinner." 

13 The evacuation of Corinth took place during the night before May 30, 1862. 
With the approach of a superior force of Union troops from Shiloh, Beauregard with 
great skill and secrecy was able to withdraw his army to Tupelo, Mississippi, fifty-two 
miles to the south. This was a great loss for the Confederacy. With Corinth went 
Fort Pillow and Memphis, all of West Tennessee and northern Mississippi, and 
even the river itself down to Vicksburg. See T. Harry Williams, P. G. T. Beauregard: 
Napoleon in Gray (Baton Bouge, 1955) , 153-56. 



I laid down my pen, put on my hat and started to my quarters. 
The old man went with me as far as the door. " Now Mr. 
Patrick hurry back, for you know that it is very important that 
those papers should be made up immediately." 

" Oh yes! certainly sir. I am aware that this matter should 
meet with prompt dispatch." 

I left him. I thought to myself you infernal old doughguts, 
you expect to poke your finger in my eye don't you. You think 
you have bought me over with a few soft words and a dozen eggs, 
but before three days elapse you'll find out who's bought and 
who's sold. You'll know who is entitled to the bill of sale you 
or me. 

I made tracks for my domicil. Although I was very hard up 
for something to eat, and really wanted the eggs the worst kind, 
yet I hated old Ruggles so bad that I would not eat them and 
I gave them away to some soldiers on the way. It was now 12M 
and the train for Grand Junction left at one p. m. I hadn't much 
time to lose. I packed my knapsack, rolled up my blankets, put 
something to eat in my haversack, filled my canteen with water 
and I was ready. I saw a negro passing by and I hailed him. 

" Don't you want to make a dollar? " 

" Certainly, I does " said the darkey. " Well, take these things 
down to the depot for me and I'll give you a dollar. Go down 
past that house " pointing to Ruggles' quarters " and take the 
left until you come to the Rail Road, and then follow it down 
until you reach the depot. I am going another way, but I will 
be in sight of you in a few minutes." 

" All right sah! " and away went the negro with my baggage. 

I went down by the back way for I didn't wish old stick-in-the- 
mud to see me. 

As I passed his quarters I saw the old fellow walking out to 

I said half aloud " If you ain't a euchred General one time, 111 
be damned." 

Previous to leaving the Adjutant's office, however, I told one 
of the clerks that if the General should send for me which I 



biew would be the case to send back word that I had gone over 
to the 16th La. Regiment. 

I went to the depot, paid the negro his dollar, procured trans- 
portation tickets to Vicksburg on my order, jumped on the train, 
and the way I went a glimmering. 

I subsequently learned the following from one of Ruggles* 
clerks. Ruggles sent over for me about an hour after I left. 
Postlewaite, the clerk alluded to above, sent back a message that 
I had gone over to the 16th La. Regiment. He sent over two or 
three times during the afternoon to know if I had returned, but 
he invariably received the same answer. The next morning he 
came over himself and not finding me there, he sent a courier 
over to the 16th to know if they had seen anything of me. No 
one had seen me. He then sent out a company of Arkansas 
cavalry to search all over Corinth for me with instructions to 
arrest me wherever they found me, and bring me into the presence 
of His Royal Highness. But nary find. 

He came into the office, after the cavalry had reported their 
want of success, and pretended to be in a good humor about it, 
saying that I had played off a fine joke on him, but Postlewaite, 
said that it was only assumed in order to conceal his discomfiture 
in being outwitted by me. This was the last I saw of Ruggles 
except once. I saw him at a distance a few days previous to the 
fall of Atlanta. 

After I arrived at Grand Junction I went to Jackson, Miss., 
thence to Edwards 3 Depot, where a portion of my Regiment was 
recruiting, while the other part was at Vicksburg, and planted 
the first guns that ever frowned down from the " Hill City/' x * 

At Edwards' Depot, which is about midway between Jackson 
and Vicksburg I had a very pleasant time. Here I got some vege- 
tables and milk and butter, which refreshed my whole system. 
I could take a bath nearly every day which I considered very 

14 While camped at Edwards* Station, the companies of the Fourth Regiment were 
detailed in rotation to work on the batteries being erected at Vicksburg. Finally, the 
entire command was ordered into the city, and remained during the so-called first 
siege of Vicksburg. War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Record* of 
the Union and Confederate Armies (128 vols., Washington, 1880-1901), Series I, Vol. 
XV, 6-12. Hereinafter cited as Official Records. 



conducive to good health. I became acquainted with quite a num- 
ber of young ladies and I was invited out to dine very often and 
altogether I passed the time very agreeably. I thought I never 
would get enough milk, especially buttermilk and fruit. 

Shortly afterwards we were all ordered to Vicksburg which was 
as mean a place as Corinth. 

After my return to the Regiment Captain Wooster, the Com- 
missary, came to me and asked me to take charge of his affairs 
and make up his papers. This I consented to. He told me I could 
take the papers anywhere I chose, and that if I wished to he 
would obtain a pass for me to go home. I told him I would prefer 
the pass to go home, and he obtained one without any specified 
time being mentioned in it. It was unlimited. 

We made our way on down to Liberty without any trouble. 
Wedge assisted me in making up the papers, and in about four 
weeks we had them completed and started back to Vicksburg. 

On driving up to Edwards' Depot we found that our Regiment 
had been ordered down to Camp Moore, 15 and a few minutes 
after our arrival a train passed down with our Regt. on it. As Dan 
and I were not prepared to go just then, we remained at Edwards' 
Depot and took the train next morning for Jackson, Miss. We 
afterwards got safely through to Camp Moore. The troops were 
ordered down to Baton Rouge, but I was ordered to remain at 
Camp Moore. 

Soon after this I was taken sick with fever. I suffered very 
much from pains in all my limbs. I was sick for eight or ten days. 
I was occupying a house by myself with the exception of Mrs. 
Stone's negro Tom, I had him hired at the time. He waited on 
me, though he would go off sometimes and stay half a day at a 
time. One day having had fever so much and having no one to 
notice me, I got up and wandered away into the woods. I wrote 
home for a conveyance to take me to Clinton and as soon as I 

15 The Fourth Regiment was part of an expedition, under the command of General 
John C. Breckinridge, former Democratic candidate for President, sent into South 
Louisiana to drive the Federals out of Baton Rouge and possibly New Orleans. 
Brecldnridge's little army, only 4,000 strong, left Vicksburg on July 27, 1862 Ibid. 



was well enough. I went over, though it was a full month before 
I recovered entirely. 

We were posted for several weeks at Baton Rouge and we were 
afterwards sent to Port Hudson. My Regiment was the first to 
fortify Vicksburg and now was the first to fortify Port Hudson. 
We had a mean time at Port Hudson and the only reason why I 
liked to remain there was because I could come home once a week. 
It was about this time that I commenced keeping a diary in short- 
hand and from this time on I shall make memoranda from it, or 
perhaps I may confine myself to the diary entirely. 


The dark line of entrenchments " 


My diary commences with the date of October 21, 1862. 
There are a great many things that are wholly uninteresting but 
nevertheless I will write down the greater portion of it. 

Port Hudson, Tuesday, October 21, 1862: Weather fine and 
clear though very dry and dusty. The only thing in the way of 
excitement today was a fuss between Batchelor and a man named 
Dave Weathersby. Weathersby was the driver of our ambulance, 
and Batchelor, being half drunk, without permission got in, to 
which the driver objected. Harsh words were passed and finally 
they came to blows. The driver struck Batchelor with a stick 
and Batchelor stuck his knife in his head. The wound was not a 
dangerous one, and there was no particular damage done. 

The 128 pounder came down on the cars to-day, and will soon 
be put up and in working order ready for the enemy when they 
come up the river. 1 

Morris Davis of the band is sleeping in my tent now, and I 
find him a very agreeable man. He is very well informed on 
almost any subject that is brought up in the course of COnver- 
^he Confederates experienced considerable difficulty in obtaining guns to mount 
at Port Hudson. The Federals had a large gunboat, the Essex, in the Mississippi 
above Baton Rouge, and thus the heavy guns could not be brought down by boat 
The only means of acquiring them was over the little Clinton and Port Hudson 
railroad that led through the piney woods. The guns were cast in the foundry at 
Osyka, Mississippi, then hauled into Clinton by wagon and thence shipped by rail 
into Port Hudson. 



sation. He told me that lie had kept a diary ever since he has 
been in the army, and being a good draughtsman he has sketches 
of all the places we have been, together with a plan of the battle- 
field of Shiloh. It was looking at his diary that first induced me 
to keep one. It was well enough to do so I suppose, because it 
serves to pass away the idle hours now, and it may afford me 
some pleasure to read it over in after days. 

Lewis Davis who is working in Port Hudson for the Gov't. 
made me two trestles or benches on which to lay some planks for 
a bed. I went up town today with a wagon and brought down an 
old door shutter, which I laid on top of the trestles and on top 
of this I laid some hay and then my blankets which made a 
tolerable bed, and kept me off the damp ground. 

I make a fire in front of my tent every night where a few con- 
genial spirits assemble and we while away the long hours until 
bedtime by telling long yarns and eating roasted potatoes. 

Wednesday, October 22: Today I must collect the amounts 
due the Commissary from the officers. I never saw just such a 
man as Wooster is. If it were not for my attending to the matter 
he never would collect anything. He says he never refused a man 
a favor in his life, and I believe it. They will come here and 
borrow the last piece of clothing he has. I see there is a dispo- 
sition to impose upon him, and here lately when they come to 
borrow, I speak for Wooster and tell them that he hasn't the 
articles to spare. Wooster stands by with his hands in his pockets 
and doesn't say a word. He always has his hands in his pockets, 
and always burns off the bottoms of his pants, standing too close 
to the fire. He is the best man I ever became acquainted. There 
never was a man with a better heart. He is a true soldier too, and 
a thorough fighting man. There's no discount on his courage. 

The former book-keeper of the Commissary did not attend to 
his duties as he should have done and I have had to bring up all 
the books and papers since it has been a Regiment. 

The last dispatches say that John Van Buren 2 has made a 
speech to the people of the North in which he urges them to put 
a stop to the war. Dispatches also say that Indiana has gone 

3 The son of former President Martin Van Buren. 



for the Democrats, and Ohio too, and Pennsylvania, or in other 
words, they have gone against the administration of old Abe 
Lincoln, the reprobate. 3 This speech will probably benefit us as 
much as a victory. 

General [Simon Bolivar] Buckner and the Honorable H. R. T. 
Nelson have been making speeches in Kentucky in favor of the 
Confederacy which (it is generally supposed) will have a very 
beneficial effect. 

When I was at home the last time, I promised mother that I 
would not drink any more, and I intend to stick up to it if pos- 
sible. I say " possible." I know it is possible, the question is 
whether I will do it or not. The last time I got on a bender, I 
lost all my money about $20.00 which would have done me 
some good if I had only kept it. At any rate, it would have paid 
my debts and that would have been a great help to me. 

Thursday, October 23: Weather fair and bright without any 
prospect of rain. Still very dusty. I cannot hear at all out of my 
ear that has been affected by neuralgia, and I fear that I will not 
be able to hear out of it at all any more. 

Friday, October 24- Colonel Hunter drilled the men to-day 
and after the drill, he drew them up in line, and made a speech to 
them in regard to a charge made against him of cowardice at the 
battles of Shiloh and Baton Rouge. As well as I can recollect 
the following is the substance of his remarks: 

I would like to have your attention for a few minutes, while I make a 
remark or two to you. I have ascertained within the last few days that 
there have been evil reports flying around through the Regiment about 
me, and the substance of them is that there have been certain charges 
brought against me of cowardice and that I am about to be court-martialed 
for it; that this man says he has heard another man say, that he heard 
another say, thus and so. Now I have been to see General Beal* in 
regard to the matter and I have demanded of him, that a Court of 

8 Patrick is referring to the congressional elections of 1862. Five important states 
which Lincoln had carried in 1860 sent Democratic delegations to the House of 
Representatives. Only by a slender margin were the Republicans able to retain control 
of Congress. See J. G. Randall, The Civil War and Reconstruction (New York 1937) 

4 General William N. R. Beall, commander at Port Hudson. 



Enquiry be convened immediately to investigate this case, and ascertain 
whether or not these charges are well founded. 

I wish to meet my accusers face to face, and I wish any and every man 
in this Regiment, who thinks or knows that I have at any time acted 
in a manner unbecoming an officer and a gentleman to make his appear- 
ance before this Court, and give his testimony to that effect, and I 
now say to the officers and privates of this Regiment, one and all what- 
ever you may have to say in regard to this matter, to come before this 
Court, convened expressly to hear you, and say it. If I know of any 
one who thinks or appears to think that he knows anything derogatory 
to my character I shall summon him, and insist upon his testimony 
being laid before the world. This course I shall pursue in justice to 
myself and in justice to you. If at any time I have acted an inglorious 
part, I wish to be cast aside and no more thought of, as all such men 
should be, but if these charges are groundless and made through malice 
I wish to stand like Caesar's wife above suspicion. 

It seemed strange to me that he didn't find out sooner that 
the Regiment had been talking about him, but as is usual in such 
cases the individual most interested is the last one to know of 
it. This matter of Hunter's was brought about through malice. 

I am reading a book by Wilkie Collins called " Basil." I like 
it very well. 

Sitting musing in my tent a while ago I built a huge castle in 
the air. Suppose I thought, that I was the happy owner of say 
three or four millions, what would I do? Then came my mighty 
castle, and as its broad portals, massive pillars, huge domes and 
shining minarets came slowly into view, I became entirely lost 
to all external influences. What a delightful journey I had with 
some agreeable companions to England, France, Germany, Spain, 
Italy, in fact all round the world. What a magnificent residence 
awaited me when I returned etc. etc. etc. 

I have also been thinking what business I would follow after 
the war is over, if I live. I have a notion to go into the grocery 
line which I think would be best suited to my capacity and 
means. But I suppose there is no use of thinking much about 
such things until the war is over with although there is a slight 
hope of peace now. There is a little cloud of dissatisfaction arising 



in the North that may come to be a storm before it quits, which 
I hope it will do. 

Hunter has just been around and asked me to act as recorder 
in the Court of Enquiry about to be held in his case which I have 
consented to do. The opening of the Court is postponed until 
to-morrow morning. 

Saturday, October 25: 8 a. m. Weather cloudy with every 
appearance of rain. My tent is not very well ditched around, and 
I think it good policy to follow the old maxim " in time of peace 
prepare for war " so while it is not raining I shall ditch my tent 
and then the storm may come. I have heard nothing of the 
Court of Enquiry this morning. 

9 a. m. Hunter has just sent Dick Worsham over with a horse 
for me to ride over to " Court." 

4p.m. I have been busy all the day, taking down testimony 
in Hunter's case. The Court has adjourned until 9 a. m. tomorrow. 

Monday, October 27: My time for a day or two has been 
wholly engrossed with the Court of Enquiry. Col. Hunter came 
to my tent this morning and told me that he wished me to go 
down to Mr. Piercers where Colonel Allen was lying wounded, 
for the purpose of obtaining his testimony. 

Thursday, October 30: I have been to see Col. Allen. I found 
him in bed, and he seems very cheerful. I took his testimony in 
the case. He had a long talk with me about my experience with 
Gen. Ruggles. It pleased him wonderfully. He says Ruggles is a 
*' damned old Granny." He seems to think this affair of Hunter's 
will all end in smoke. As he says it is a " nine day's wonder." 

Saturday, November 1 : Weather fair and dry and comfortably 
cool. It looks like it didn't intend to rain any more and the earth 
is perfectly parched and the dust is flying in clouds. 

Brigade inspection is going on now in camp and Colonel Hunter 
is calling the roll and mustering the men in. They have made it a 
rule now that no one shall receive pay unless he is here to answer 
his name. I was not present to answer to my name as I was busy 
writing up the record of the Court, but I was told that Hunter 
answered for me and put my name down as present which I 
suppose secures my pay. 



The Court Is to sit again to-day as General [J. C.] Gorham has 
come back and he wishes to summon more witnesses in the case. 
I wish it was all over with for I am getting very tired of it. 

Sunday., November 2: Bill Montan has been sick for some 
days and I have been compelled to issue every morning. I am 
generally up before day and commence giving out the rations 
directly after daylight. 

I am through with the testimony in Hunter's case and I have 
now only to bring up the record which will take me the better 
part of to-day although it is Sunday. I would be willing to bet 
two million, if I had it, that there will not be anything done with 
the case. 

John Overton got drunk yesterday and kicked up the devil in 
general, and he was corporal of the Guard too. Last night while 
sitting in my tent writing, I heard John over at the guard-house 
swearing like blazes, and I understood this morning that he 
broke away from the guards and went lumbering down the haU 
before they caught him at the foot of the hall. I remember when 
John was considered a respectable man and mingled in good 
society, but now, alas! He is scarcely tolerated among the boys. 
This is all from the effects of drinking liquor that has brought all 
this on. 

Tuesday, November 4- I have not been able to write any in 
my journal all day yesterday on account of having to make up 
the record of the proceedings of the Court, but I hope to be 
through with it in the course of a few days more at the furtherest. 
To-day we read over the testimony and compared the copy with 
the original and found it nearly correct. 

Clay Davis came down to-day on the cars bringing me a letter 
from Sis in which she says for me to send up some salt if possible. 
I will try to do so, but the only chance is to get it out of the pork 
barrels, which I think I can do after the pork is taken out. 5 
Clay says he will send me down all the dispatches that he receives 

5 The Confederacy was poorly supplied with salt. Needed not only as a seasoning 
but as a preservative, and with supplies restricted because of the Union blockade, every 
possible source of salt was sought. See Ella Lonn, Salt as a Factor in the Confederacy 
(New York, 1933) . 



while he remains in Clinton, which will suit me exactly if he will 
only do what he promises. 

I shall try to go home as soon as I am through with this infernal 
trial. It will not do to go before it is through with for if I do, I 
will be apt to get caught which would not be very agreeable to me. 

Wednesday, November 5: I received from Colonel [William R.] 
Miles this morning, the opinion of the Court which I appended to 
the transcript and also made a copy of Hunter's answer in the 
case. I have now seen the opinion of the Court and I suppose the 
next thing on the program is to give my opinion, which for the 
benefit of future reference, I shall put down why and it is as 
follows that the trial was the rottenest thing in the way of a 
trial that I ever saw. There was no use to attempt to convince 
that board of the guilt of Colonel Hunter because all the testi- 
mony in Christendom would fail to do that. They have evidently 
made up their minds that he should be found not guilty and there 
was no use bringing any witnesses against him. Old Miles himself 
would turn and twist the testimony of the witness to suit himself 
and in favor of Hunter, and whenever a witness was brought 
upon the stand that was not favorable to the case of the accused, 
he was frowned down and his evidence made to read in Hunter's 
favor, if possible. The truth is, that it was utterly impossible to 
bring Hunter out guilty before such a Court because they are 
officers themselves and they did not wish to set a precedent before 
the men. Taking it altogether, I think it is the lamest thing I 
ever saw. 

After I got through with the transcript of the record, I bundled 
up my dirty clothes and made for the depot to go home, and that 
too, without a pass. I succeeded in getting off and remained until 
Friday the 7th inst. 

As soon as I arrived in camp, Hunter came to my tent and 
told me that Colonel Miles wished to see me, and as soon as I 
had finished my dinner, I went over to see the old cock. All he 
wanted was for me to sign a certificate to the record which I did. 
I told him before I gave it to him there ought to be a certificate 
attached, but he said that the signature of the court was sufficient 


but when he carried it up to General Beall, he returned it to 
him for the certificate of the recorder. 

Saturday, November 8: I am busy to-day boiling down some 
brine to make salt to send to mother. The tallow I have not been 
able to obtain yet, but I will get it as soon as possible. 

Sunday, November 9: It was quite cool last night, a very 
heavy frost this morning. It was so cold that ice formed a second 
time in the bucket of water between daylight and sun-rise. 

I got through boiling my salt yesterday and I have now about 
half a peck of very good salt. As soon as another barrel of pork 
is opened, I will obtain what there is in it and send the whole 
of it up at the same time. 

Bill Montan and I made some candles to-day which look well 
enough if they will only prove as good as they look. 

The camp is very quiet to-day. Mr. Godfrey did not preach as 
usual although he was here this morning and stayed for some time. 

Monday, November 10: I went out with a wagon this morning 
and brought in nearly a cord of wood. This I want to make a fire 
before my tent, by which to roast potatoes and tell lies. 

Gen. [John B.] Villipique died yesterday at Gibbon's house 
where he was quartered, of typhoid pneumonia. 

The report in camp to-day is that Lord Lyons the English 
Minister, has arrived in New York, or Washington, I do not 
remember, and that he has received instructions from his Govern- 
ment to offer terms of peace, or rather to mediate between the 
powers. 6 

Tuesday, November 12: Yesterday the weather changed a 
little. It turned much warmer, clouded up and began to rain 
lightly in the evening. It rained a slow rain nearly all night last 
night and the heavens this morning looked dark and lowering with 
a slight fall of rain. 

I am reading the "Wandering Jew" by Eugene Sue, and I 
find it interesting. 

6 There was strong sentiment in some official circles in England advocating medi- 
ation. Lord Palmerston, the British Prime Minister, turned against the proposal, 
however, when reports arrived describing the failure of the Confederate invasion of 
Maryland and the drawn battle of Antietam, Frank L. Owsley, King Cotton Diplomacy 
(Chicago, 1931) ,361-83. 



I began the other day to write a sort of history of what has 
transpired since I have been out in the wars as well as I can 
recollect them and I now wish that I had kept a regular journal 
of all that transpired at the time. 

The news in camp this morning is that General Lee has whipped 
the Yankees in Virginia, that he has routed them,, in fact/ and 
that Seward 8 has said that foreign intervention is inevitable, all 
of which I hope is true. 

I am reading a novel called, " Prairie Bird " written by the 
Honorable Charles Augustus Murray. I think he is an English- 
man and he also wrote " Travels in North America." I read this 
book a long time ago, I think it was in '46 or '47, or about the 
time of the Mexican War. Reading this book again is almost like 
meeting an old friend. For some cause or other, I have frequently 
thought of passages of this book, especially when reading sketches 
of frontier life and hunting stories. It brings to mind memories 
of my early boyhood when everything went right, and which 
seem to me now the happiest of my life, for then I had no troubles 
nor cares upon my mind and could enjoy unalloyed happiness. 
Sometimes I look back upon my past life with much regret, being 
conscious (as I now am) of what I could have been and what I 
could have done if I had only pursued the right course. 

I attribute all rny faults and short-comings to that awful habit 
of drinking which has truly proved the bane of my existence and 
if I only had my life to live over again, how differently I would 
act. But there is one thing I shall try to do in the future, and 
that is to be benefited by past experience and when this war 
closes, to make a new start in the world. There are two great 
obstacles in the way, one is drink and the other is bad health. 
If I am afflicted with the first, it is my own fault, the other is 
beyond my power to a certain extent. I am confident that reading 
trashy novels has been a very great injury to me in my earlier 

7 As was so often the case, the rumor was false. Only a few cavalry skirmishes 
were fought during the month of November, 1862, in Virginia. Lincoln was trying 
to find a general who could smash the Confederates and take Richmond while Lee 
was reorganizing his forces after the indecisive Battle of Antietam. See Douglas 
Southall Freeman, Lee's Lieutenants (New York, 1946) , II, 

8 William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



years because I know that I have been influenced more or less 
by them ever since and even now I see the effects of it to myself 
at times. 

I am reminded of a joke that occurred before the war. Tom 
Skipwith and Jimmie Doyle were Deputy Clerks and I was 
Deputy Sheriff under Alex Norwood. Jim Doyle had been 
troubled with pimples on his face and as he supposed these 
pimples were very detrimental to his good looks he went round 
to the Druggist and bought a bottle of some kind of a preparation 
to put on his face. One day Tom Skip came into the office with 
the bottle in his hand saying "Look here what I have found. 
Jim Doyle is trying to improve his good looks." While we were 
looking at the bottle and laughing over it Alex Norwood stepped 
in, and he had a good laugh about it. The label was unusually 
large and had only a few words written on the upper margin. 
Said I " Boys let's make a few remarks on this label, and we will 
astonish Jim the first time he looks at it," Alex and Tom readily 
agreed to this and first one and then another would make a sug- 
gestion, which was written upon it, until the label was entirely 
filled with something like the following. " Cure for baldness 
certain remedy for diarrhoea, specially recommended for stubborn 
cases of the piles, affords instantaneous relief to women in the 
family way " and a great many other things of the same order 
we wrote until the label was entirely full. "Now** says Tom 
" I'll take this bottle and do it up in the paper and place it right 
back where I found it, and when Jim looks at it, I think he will 
open his eyes. 35 

Tom took the bottle and placed it right back where he had 
found it and we thought no more about it. I suppose it must 
have been about two weeks after this that Jim Doyle rushed into 
my office, pale, breathless, and very much agitated. 

" Why what on earth is the matter Jim " said I " you look as 
pale as a ghost." 

ce You would look pale too " he replied " if you had such a joke 
played off on you as I did. I wish I knew the man that did it. 
I would kill him, right now/' 

** Why Jim *' said I " it must be something terrible. Sit down 



there and compose yourself and enter into explanations. I am 
completely in the dark." 

" Well, before I proceed to make any explanations I wish to 
know if you wrote anything on a label of medicine that I had in 
the office? " 

The light began slowly to break in upon me. Seeing Jim's 
excited condition I thought the better plan would be to deny the 
thing in to to. This I did, answering that I had no knowledge of 
the existence of such a bottle as he described. This was a whopper, 
but I had said it and I stuck to it. 

" Well " said he " I will tell you just how it happened. I was 
sitting in Mr. D'Armond's parlor last night (Jim boarded there) 
talking to the young ladies. Some how or other the conversation 
turned upon pimples on the face, and the girls remarked that 
they had some on their faces, and remarked that they wished they 
knew something that would take them off. I told them that I had 
a bottle of something that was prepared for the purpose and 
that if they wished it I would get it when I went down to the 
Postoffice. They told me by all means to bring it up with me. 
I went down to the Postoffice, and after I had taken out my mail 
I went over to the clerk's office to get the bottle. It was very 
dark in the office and I could not find the candle. Knowing 
exactly where the bottle was I didn't trouble myself any longer to 
look for the candle, but searched for the bottle in the dark and 
found it. I went up to the house, but there was no light in the 
parlor and the girls had gone to bed. I saw one of the servants, 
and without suspecting anything, I sent it to them. 

On rising this morning, I found that identical bottle sitting 
on my bureau, and the label was perfectly covered with the most 
vulgar words and the names of the most vulgar diseases that you 
ever heard of. I went to breakfast, but neither Mrs. D'Armond 
nor the girls would speak to me and the girls wouldn't even look 
at me. This made me feel mighty bad, and a little while ago Mr. 
D'Armond called me aside and wished to know what I meant 
by sending such a thing as that to the young ladies. I explained 
the thing to him but he doesn't seem to be fully satisfied about it." 

Jim went away in a terrible stew. I didn't say anything about 



the matter until Alex came down, and then I called Tom Skip 
in and told them about it. They enjoyed it immensely and so did I. 
I told Aleck to go over and explain the matter to D'Armond which 
he did and I heard no more of it. 

It was a good joke on Jim but he didn't see any fun in it. 

Sunday, November 16: Their gunboats are below the point 
firing on the batteries. I can hear the shells hissing through the 
air, every shot. I hope they will have a good old time of it. 

The band has returned and we have music now. As it is here 
so seldom now, it is a fact worthy of notice. 

Bill Montan, John Roe and myself went down to the river to see 
the gun-boats, but they had gone down the river out of sight, 
though I hear them firing some distance below this point, ap- 
parently about 10 or 12 miles from this place. They were firing 
on some sugar houses on the other side of the river this morning 
which they are very good at considering the houses cannot fire 
back, and is a very safe way of carrying on a war. If they get 
this place, it strikes me that they will have to fight a little first, 
and not only a little, but a great deal because we are, or will be, 
pretty well fortified and ready for any landed force that they can 
bring against us, although our force is inconsiderable. 

Tuesday, November 18: There is no news of the gun-boats 
this morning. When last heard from, they were some 10 miles 
below Baton Rouge, firing away at nobody knows what, but I 
presume at sugar houses. 

I saw a man bucked at the Guard House this morning and it is 
very humiliating to be placed in such a fix. 9 

Wednesday, November 19: The way it rained last night was 
a caution to little fishes. The fly of our tent got very slack which 
caused the tent to leak and I was put to some trouble to move 
my bed on which it was leaking pretty freely. 

Yesterday the Orderly Sargents in the different companies were 
ordered to make out a list of all the men that have been detailed 
from each company. This is done, I suppose, to find out whether 

9 Bucking consisted of placing the culprit in a sitting position, tying his hands 
together, slipping them over his knees, and then running a stick or rifle through 
the space beneath the knees and over the arms. 



there are any able bodied young men in the different departments 
of the regiment. I suppose a few days will show what it is for. 

I think that I will go up town to-day and buy a newspaper. 
Matthews and I subscribed for the Memphis Appeal for 2 months 
to-day that is, we wrote the letter and it will be mailed 

No news from the gunboats this morning. I suppose they have 
gone to New Orleans. 10 

Thursday -, November 20: The rumor in camp last night was 
that the Yankee gunboat Essex, was coming up to try our 
batteries, but we have heard nothing of her. If she comes along, 
I feel pretty sure that she will get well warmed up, even if she 
is iron-clad. 11 

I must go and get another load of wood today. If I don't 
keep a fire, I can't get any company. The boys don't like to talk 
in the dark. 

Friday, November 21: Weather very fine indeed, being clear 
and cool and very bracing and invigorating. 

I have a strong notion to write to Crawford at Camp Moore 
and see if I can obtain a situation with him as there seems to be 
entirely too many in the Commissary Department in this regi- 
ment and it is evident that one of us at least ought to leave it. 
All that keeps me from writing to Crawford is that I thought 
Wooster might be made Brigade Commissary under Allen and he 
has already told me that he will give me a place with him which 
would probably be better than attempting to obtain a place 
with Crawford. 

Sunday, November 23: I wrote a letter to Crawford yesterday, 
but I have not sent it off yet. I wish Wooster would come back 
and see what he is going to do and let me know. I do not like 
to stay in the Commissary where there is so little to do. The men 
in the regiment notice it and make remarks about there being 
so many in the Commissary. 

10 New Orleans had been captured by Union forces in late April, 1862. 

II The Essex was a river vessel of 1000 tons equipped with 15-inch guns. It partici- 
pated in many actions along the Tennessee, Mississippi, and Red rivers. See H. Allen 
Gosnell, Guns on the Western Waters (Baton Rouge, 1949) , 



Monday, November 24: We are moving our camp to-day over 
about where Miles' Legion is. I like the move in some respects 
and in some respects I do not. I like it on account of its being 
less exposed to the north wind from the river, and I dislike it 
because we will probably not have such good water as we have 
here and it will probably not be so dry there as it is here. The 
reason why we have to move is because they are going to build 
the breastworks right through our camp. 

I took a walk yesterday to look at the breast-works they are 
building near the river and they look quite formidable, having a 
base nearly 30 feet through and a ditch about 7 or 8 feet deep 
which will be quite a job to get through. 

Tuesday, November 25: Yesterday the regiment moved from 
our camp at the Gin House to the woods near Slaughter's field 
and not far from his dwelling house. 12 I had right hard work 
fixing up my tent, clearing off the ground and many other things 
too numerous to mention. 

I read a splendid speech made by Richard Ogleman, which has 
been published in the Memphis Appeal of the 20th inst. He is 
down on the abolitionists and down on the domination of old Abe. 
It is a splendid speech and will have some effect. I look upon the 
triumphs of the Democratic Party as indications of peace. I think 
that it shows a diversity of opinion in the North which will be 
fatal to the successful prosecution of the war, and if they fail in 
this wondrous campaign, they might as well give it up and be 
willing to quit as they are almost exhausted now and one more 
failure will wind up the ball. 

We had a great game last night in my tent. John Roe, 
Matthews, Haynes, and I played a game of "Smut" and our 
black faces presented a laughable spectacle as each one was 
blacked in his turn. 

The weather's fair but there are light clouds floating around 
which indicate rain at no distant day. My tent is in a very low 
place and if it begins to rain before I get it ditched, it will be 

13 One and one-half miles southeast of the village of Port Hudson. See map of the 
battlefield in Battles and Leaders, HI, 596. 



very apt to drown me out. I like our present camp well enough 
if it doesn't prove to be a regular swamp in wet weather. 

Wednesday, November 26: I slept very badly last night being 
troubled with the worst kind of dreams and nightmares. 

I went to see Hunter this morning and obtained leave of ab- 
sence to go home to-day. I wish to go for several reasons 1. I 
wish to be present at the concert. 2. I wish to have my coat cut 
out. 3. I wish to buy some tobacco besides several other little 
things of minor importance. 

The latest dispatches, which arrived last night, say that France 
has proposed to England and Austria and Spain to recognize the 
Confederacy and that if they decline, that she will recognize us 
herself without the others. There was also some talk of armed 
intervention, but I do not believe a word of it. 13 

I have been troubled a great deal with sties on my eyes which 
causes them to be inflamed very much. Studying Phonography 
is a great strain on the eyes and I think studying and reading 
Phonography is the cause of my eyes being sore now. Last night 
I tried to keep a wet cloth on them to reduce the inflamation. 

The report here is that New Orleans has been reinforced by 
28,000 Yankees and that they meditate an early attack upon 
this place. If they do, all I have to say is that they will have a 
good old time of it. 

Friday, December 5: I left for home on the 26th ult. and 
reached there about 9 o'clock that night. I did not return until 
Monday the first of December. I was detained by an accident 
which happened to the cars as we went up. The passenger car 
ran off the track while crossing a bridge, tearing up the track 
behind it, without leaving a vestige of the timbers on the track. 
We were forced to leave the passenger car on the track and pro- 

18 These reports received by Patrick were only partially true. France, suffering from 
a shortage of cotton, did attempt to obtain the aid of England in recognizing the 
Confederacy and breaking the blockade. This was the position with reference to the 
South which Napoleon III maintained until the end of the war, namely, that he 
would recognize the Confederate states and break the blockade, should England 
abandon her neutral position and join him. England was always willing to discuss 
the matter when distress in the cotton districts should demand it, but the British 
were unwilling to move in the direction of intervention. Owsley, King Cotton 
Diplomacy, 75. 



ceed to town without it. There were several ladies in the car at 
the time the accident occurred and it is a great wonder that they 
all escaped without being hurt. We arrived at home about 9 
o'clock that night without further delay. Every one at home had 
gone to the concert and as it was rather late, I did not go but 
made myself comfortable before the fire until they returned which 
was about 11 o'clock. 

On account of the cars not being able to run, I remained at 
home until the following Monday. I saw nearly all the girls in 
town, Willa among others. She looks as well as ever. I never 
thought her very handsome although I used to make love to her 
and everybody thought that she and I were engaged. I think 
that she considered it an engagement herself and I am certain 
that the old folks thought so. I always liked her well enough but 
could not stand the family, the old man especially. I never had 
the most distant idea of marrying her although I cannot blame 
her for thinking so because my actions implied it as strong, if 
not stronger, than words would have done. I blame myself for 
not showing my hand earlier. 

I attended the concert on Friday evening and liked it very 
much. Miss Jane Stoke devoted herself entirely to the piano, 
playing only accompaniments to songs. Sure it was a charming 
sight to see her led out by the handsome Mr. Cain of the band. 
How graceful she looked while sitting at the piano, her beautiful 
neck about as long as my arm and as large as a broom-stick; her 
charming auburn locks about the color of carrots; her beautiful 
rounded, snow-white arms, which look like the leg bones of a 
turkey after all the flesh has been taken off, or a well-rope with 
a knot tied in it; her heaving bosom and swelling bust were 
exhibited to the greatest advantage on this momentous occasion. 
Taking her altogether, she looked like the devil as she was led out 
to the piano and her back seemed as though it would break in two, 
she was so long and limber. Mrs. Hardesty looked a little seedy, 
like the tail end of better times. I suppose she cannot obtain 
the thousand and one little articles from the millionaires now that 
she had before the war and consequently, cannot bolster herself 
up and look as well as she used to when cash was more abundant 
than it is now. 



Miss Hannah Roach looked tolerably well but seemed to be a 
little embarrassed on first coming out, but she soon recovered 
herself and sang a song in very good style. 

Mrs. Comstock next attracted my attention. She looked as 
ugly as ever. She sang in opera style and piled on some of the 
most excruciating agonies, but she sang so much better than that 
of the others. 

Mrs. Ball thought she sang very well and evidently appreciated 
her own music if no one else did. Her mouth shut and opened 
like a rat-trap. Garnell Crocket made a short and appropriate 
speech which broke up the concern much to my satisfaction. 

For the last day or two, John Roe and I have been making a 
chimney to my tent which makes it very pleasant in cold weather. 
It took fire last night and came near burning up chimney, tent 
and all. To-day we have had old Prince working at it, sticking 
more mud on it and I hope it will not be getting out of fix so often. 

Monday, December 8: I have just returned from town. I went 
to see John Bradford, but he was not at home. I discovered that 
there are quite a number of troops concentrated at this place; in 
fact a great many more than I supposed there was here. I had a 
very good opportunity of seeing the breast-works that will soon 
be completed. They seem to be capable of serving as defences, 
sure enough, and no mistake. If the Yankees will only attack us 
here, I imagine they will think there are some here at any rate. 

Nothing new from the enemy or from our own forces. I never 
see any papers now and cannot find out anything that is going on. 
The Memphis Appeal, I am told, has been removed to some other 
place, I do not know where, but I suppose to a place of greater 
safety and this is the reason why I have not received my paper. 
It may probably come along sometime or other. 14 

14 To escape the invading enemy several papers moved from town to town but 
continued to publish under their original titles. Perhaps the most famous for its 
wanderings was the Memphis Appeal, being facetiously referred to as the " Moving 
Appeal." One writer has said that it moved so frequently that when last heard of it 
was the "Memphis-Hernando-Grenada-Vicksburg-Jackson-Atlanta-Griffin Appeal." It 
was finally overtaken at Columbus, Ga., at the end of the war. E. Merton Coulter, 
The Confederate States of America, 1861-1865, Vol. VII of " A History of the South " 
(Baton Rouge, 1950) , 495-96. 


Tuesday, December 9: Weather very fine indeed. Just cool 
enough to be pleasant. 

No news from our army as yet. We never see any papers and 
the telegraph brings nothing. I heard that General Bragg was at 
Granada with about 15,000 troops, but there is no confidence to 
be placed in this report. I think that we will hear startling news 
before a great while. 

My health has not been very good for several days past. I have 
been troubled with a cough and a soreness in my breast which 
prevents my sleeping well at night. The other morning I could not 
sleep and I got up about 3 o'clock and remained up until daylight. 

Our chimney makes my tent very comfortable, but when the 
fire goes out, I get quite cold, sometimes I arise and make up the 
fire and then go to bed again. We have splendid wood to burn. 
I had a large ash tree cut down and split up into wood of the 
right length to suit my fire-place. 

Monday, December 15: I have just returned from home. I 
went up last Friday to see about my clothing. I have lost all my 
under clothing by the inadvertency of the negro that brought 
them down for me. There is a great deal of sickness among the 
soldiers now and they are dying right fast at the hospitals in 
Clinton. 15 

The very evening that I left, the gun-boats came up near Port 
Hudson and on Saturday and Sunday, there was considerable 
firing heard from the direction of Port Hudson, and I have 
ascertained since I came down to-day, the following particulars 
on Saturday, the gun-boats were lying below our batteries when 
some guerillas, a company of whom were on the other side, 
employed a negro man to hail one of the boats, which he did, and 
the commander sent a yawl with about 20 men ashore to bring the 
negro on board, as they thought, but when the boat approached 
the shore, a partisan fired on them, killing some five or six and 

15 Several buildings in Clinton were used as Confederate hospitals. These included 
Silliman College, Masonic Hall, and the stately Henry Marston home. The Silliman 
and Marston buildings are not only still standing but are in current use. See Annie 
Sanderson Kilbourne, " War Times In and Around Clinton, Louisiana," Louisiana, His- 
torical Quarterly, XIH (January, 1930), 64-66. 



wounding several others, and they beat a hasty retreat. This 
caused the gun-boats to let fly with shells and grape in the woods 
for a good while. They afterwards fired at a mill, but did no 
damage. Yesterday (Sunday) morning, Boone's battery crossed 
the river and went down to where the boats were and let loose 
at them with light artillery and it is reported that they damaged 
one of the wooden boats considerably and that she had to be 
towed off by the iron-clad " Essex." 

The news from above is that the enemy are retreating from 
Granada, which has been threatened for some time by the 
Yankees. I presume that old Bragg has given them a good fright 
by menacing their rear and they have taken the back-track to 
Corinth. 16 A fight is daily expected in Virginia about Fredericks- 
burg; in fact, the enemy have already commenced firing on the 
town and that too, without giving the inhabitants any warning 
whatever. 17 

I came down on the train with some Arkansas troops and 
several of them were drunk which made it very disagreeable 
traveling, but suppose it was pleasant enough for them, but I 
am certain it was very unpleasant to me. 

I am now reading " Ten Thousand a Year " by Samuel Warren. 
I have read this work before but it has been so long that I have 
nearly forgotten it and it is nearly as good as new now. 

Tuesday, December 16: Weather very fine indeed after a 
storm we had yesterday. It is neither too cool nor too warm for 
comfort, and the sun shines bright and beautiful this morning. 

I have just been looking at the artillery company drilling in 
front of my quarters. They put their horses through at double- 
quick occasionally, which is pretty tight on them over the ridges 
of the field. 

I pass my time very pleasantly here now, not having much to 

16 Grant's army was forced to retire from Grenada after the Federal supply depot 
at Holly Springs, Miss., was destroyed in a daring raid by Confederate troops 
commanded by General Earl Van Dorn. Battles and Leaders, III, 475. 

17 Patrick is referring to the battle of Frederieksburg fought December 11-15, 1862. 
Counterbalancing the discouraging defeats in the West, Lee and the Army of Northern 
Virginia won a crucial victory. General Ambrose E. Burnside commanded the defeated 
Union army of 113,000 troops. Ibid., IE, 70-148. 



do but Issue every morning to the regiment which I generally do 
by breakfast time. I arise, generally about day-light, and some- 
times a little before. The first thing I do is to make up a fire, 
wash my face and make myself comfortable until the men come 
for their rations, and after this, I have nothing more to do for 
the day. 

The small pox is said to be in camp and for fear of taking it, 
I was vaccinated while I was at home but it doesn't feel like it 
would make a sore. 

Our rations are right slim now. We have nothing but meal and 
beef and that is very inferior. I think that is what causes so 
much sickness in camp. We should have a changed diet occa- 
sionally and the water we have to drink is also very bad indeed 
and it stinks at that. Andrew, our cook, has some corn beer made 
and I drink that in preference to the water although it is almost 

Last night Captain Wooster, Captain Reed, John Roe and I 
made a rum punch and sat up drinking and talking until bed 
time. We did not get tight nor any ways under the influence of 
the liquor though. 

The report in camp is that there has been a fight in Fredericks- 
burg, Virginia, in which we have been victorious. The dispatches 
are meager. It was not exactly at Fredericksburg that the fight 
took place, but near there and was brought on, I suppose, by the 
attempt of the Yankees to cross the river, and the dispatches 
which were very short indeed, are saying that the battle would in 
all probability be resumed by daylight the next morning. 

Louis Napoleon has made overtures to England and Russia to 
mediate between the contending parties in America to put a stop 
to the war, but they have both declined doing so. The Mobile 
Evening News, speaking of this refusal on the part of the other 
powers, says it is " very much like the first ( no ' of a young 
maiden to the wooings of her lover they only need a little 
persuasion to make them say ' yes 3 not that they wish to recog- 
nize us, but this proposition of France puts England and her 
selfish policy to a very severe test." 

The Richmond Examiner pronounces General Burnsides [Am- 



brose E. Burnside] to be in a very bad " fix " just at the present 
writing. General Lee is in his front to dispute the passage of the 
river, while, according to the abolition program of campaign, it 
was his business to have been somewhere else until the Yankees 
had crossed the river. Meantime, the late heavy rains have ren- 
dered the roads next to impassable in his rear and in the direction 
of Falmouth. The single railroad from Aquia Creek, not yet 
finished, is inadequate to furnish his army with supplies, much 
less to afford it the means of a safe retreat. Yet he must move 
forwards or backwards. To stay where he is involves speedy 
starvation, to go backwards is official decapitation, and to go 
forward he must fight the best army in the world to disadvantage. 
Meantime, the Confederacy is waiting his determination. A 
Yankee letter to the Herald says the Kebels are holding their 
position with the greatest effrontery. 18 

Wednesday, December 17: The report in camp this morning 
is that the enemy is coming up the river with all their fleet com- 
posed of gun-boats, mortar boats and transports, all of which 
have passed Baton Rouge on their way up. The orders are that 
no man shall leave camp and to prepare for a fight. I suppose 
they will not be able to do anything for several days yet, although 
they may fire on the farm houses and sugar mills for I do not 
think that they will attempt to do anything with the batteries 
on the shore for they are too timid to come near without a very 
superior force. The little thrashing they received the other day 
has had its effect upon them and I suppose they feel somewhat 
exasperated by losing several of their men and having one of their 
boats injured by our artillery sharp-shooters. By to-morrow, we 
will know what they expect to do. 

Thursday, December 18: Weather very fine indeed, clear and 
cool. The Yankees have landed about 1,200 men at Baton Rouge. 19 

18 The plight of the Union army was not as desperate as Patrick believed. Burnside 
was relieved of his command by President Lincoln. The Union army then went 
into winter quarters and in April, 1863, General Joe Hooker launched his "On to 
Richmond " campaign. 

19 Federal troops, convoyed by a detachment of Farragut's fleet, took possession of 
Baton Rouge at daybreak December 17, 1862. Outnumbered Confederate forces with- 



They arrived there day before yesterday. Our men were at work 
on the breast- works until mid-night last night and I suppose they 
will continue to work them both night and day until they are 
completed and ready for the Northern Vandals. 

It was reported in camp last night that President Davis would 
be at Port Hudson tomorrow. I do not know whether this is 
true or not. 20 

I have been quite unwell to-day. I was up this morning at two 
o'clock and did not go to bed again. My stomach is a little de- 
ranged from drinking corn beer that Andrew made the other day. 

Wade Mackey wrote to me yesterday to try and get his negroes 
sent home as he is afraid that they will take the smallpox. They 
have been working for the government at Port Hudson. I do not 
think that he can get them as we need all the hands that we can 
raise just at this moment. 

I took the following from the Mobile Evening News, a strong 
electioneering document 

The canvass has been a bitter one between the republicans and democrats, 
but the former, with the Government to back them, have not been able 
entirely to supress their antagonists. 

The New York Caucasion publishes a " Ten- Year Record " of 
the Republican Party, with a boldness which is likely to consign 
the editor to Fort Lafayette. 21 

Friday, December 19: I have been quite sick ever since night 
before last. Last night I was very unwell indeed. My bowels are 
entirely out of fix and I was up almost the entire night. I kept 
a fire burning all night and slept very little. 

The news in camp to-day is that we have repulsed the enemy in 
Virginia and that the Northern army is in a state of mutiny; 
that they refused to charge our batteries a second time; that our 
loss was about 1,800 and theirs about 8,000. 22 The enemy are 

drew without a battle. The city was held without opposition until the war ended. 
Battles and Leaders, HI, 586. 

20 The rumor was false. 

31 A prominent Federal prison. 

23 Reference is to the Confederate victory at Fredericksburg. Total Union losses 



retreating from Granada, Mississippi, and are falling back to 
Corinth. If we can only rout them in Virginia and in northern 
Mississippi, the day is certainly ours without a doubt. The 
Yankees are reported as being pretty strong. 

Tuesday, December 23: I have been sick for several days and 
this is the reason for my not writing regularly in my journal. 

I am getting very uneasy about the Yankees paying Clinton a 
visit although I think they would hardly be mean enough to burn 
down the town. 23 

I am in hopes that I will receive some money today from the 
Brigade Commissary as I am entirely minus any cash whatever. 
I sold a pair of pants for a very fine shot gun the other day which 
I sent home to little Frank. I think I got it very cheap and is, in 
fact, a much better gun than the one I gave $35.00 for a year 
or two ago. 

Wednesday, December 24: I spent a restless, I might almost 
say, a sleepless night. My head has been affected for several days 
with something like neuralgia and last night it was worse than 
usual and I am suffering from it a great deal to-day. 

This is my 27th birthday. It astonishes me a little at the 
rapidity with which they come around now. A year once seemed 
to me almost like an age, but now I count time by years where 
I once counted it by days and even hours. 

I wish this war was over so that I could be making something 
for old age, if I ever live long enough to be an old man. I am 
conscious of having mis-spent my time, it being worse than 
thrown away, in spending what money I made and contracting 
bad habits, which I find it no easy matter to get clear of. I intend, 
if I live next year, to lead a different life from what I have been 
doing for the last seven years. I shall endeavor, in the first place, 
to break off from as many of my bad habits as possible, and if 
the war breaks up, I intend to go into business on my own 
account, and try to lay up money for hard times. I suppose my 

in the battle were 12,653, while the losses of Lee's army numbered 5,377. Battles and 
Leaders, HI, 145, 147. 

M Small detachments of Union troops were sent out from Baton Rouge on foraging 
raids. A few buildings on St. Helena Street were burned by the Federals in Clinton. 



intentions are good enough if I will only carry them out. I shall 
try to adhere to them although they say the way to hell is paved 
with good intentions. 

Charlie Whitman our quartermaster, asked me this morning if 
I would act as his clerk, that he knew nothing of the business and 
did not know how to make out his returns. I told him that I did 
not wish to leave the commissary, but that I would assist him in 
getting through with his papers. I have three positions offered 
me now. One with the Post Commissary, one with the Brigade 
Quarter Master, and the other with the regimental quartermaster, 
but as I have already a very good place and one that I think will 
suit me better than any other, I think I had better keep it. 
Captain Wooster is a very fine man indeed and a man that I have 
no difficulty in getting along with, and besides, I have a great 
deal of leisure time to read and write, which I would not have, in 
all probability, with the others. Therefore, I think it best to 
remain with him as long as possible. 

There is no news from our army in Virginia to-day, but I hope 
that everything is going well. Sometimes I wish I had remained 
as secretary in General Bragg's office, just to know what is going 
on, and then again, I know that I would have had a right hard 
time of it and on the whole, I am glad that I have come back to 
the regiment. 

There is no news from the Yankees at Baton Rouge lately, but 
I suppose that they are still there making preparations to attack 
us. If they do, they will have a good old time of it, for the men 
we have here are fighting men certain, and they will never give 
up this place until they are badly whipped. 

I am still reading $10,000.00 a Year. The book, taken alto- 
gether, is a very fine thing and worth the perusal by anyone. 

The report in camp to-day is that Charleston, South Carolina, 
has been surrendered to the infernal Yankees, but I do not believe 
a word of it. 24 

Saturday, December 27: I have not written any in my journal 

24 This was only a rumor. Charleston was under siege but did not surrender until 
the approach of Sherman's army in February, 1865. 



for several days as I have been taking Christmas. There was a 
great deal of drinking among the men in camp. 

The weather is dark and cloudy and last night it was very 
rainy. It is warm with every prospect of more rain to-day. 

There is no news from our armies anywhere. The last dis- 
patches that I have seen state that Burnside has resigned, that 
the radicals wish to put General Fremont in command and the 
conservatives desire to re-instate General McClellan. 25 I hope 
they will put Fremont in command because that will be very apt 
to make the Northern armies dissatisfied. 

John Roe and I got hold of a little tallow to-day and we have 
been making some candles out of it. John stole some simple cerate 
over at the surgeons and we have put that in with the tallow 
which I am afraid will not work very well. 

I pass a good portion of my time in playing cribbage with 
Matthews and John Roe. Matthews has taken it into his head 
to learn Phonography, but I am afraid that he has not the req- 
uisite determination and application to master it, because I 
think I have stuck to it right steadily and I have not done much 
at it yet, and I fear that I never will unless I have someone to 
help me along. I intend to devote a certain number of hours each 
day to the study of Phonography after the first day of January 
next, which is only a few days off now, by which means I hope to 
accomplish something. 

I have just heard a gun fire and I suppose that the Yankee 
boats are coming up to give us a little trial. 

Four in the evening. The weather is turning much cooler, and 
I think it ought to, for it has been almost as warm as summer 
for the last week. 

The report is that we have captured Jackson, Tennessee, and 
one or two other small places together with a large number of 
arms and 1,500 prisoners. 26 

25 Lively intrigues were afoot in political Washington. President Lincoln removed 
Burnside from his command and General Joe Hooker was selected as the fourth com- 
mander to lead the Union army against Robert E. Lee. 

26 Patrick is evidently referring to the movement of Confederate raiders into this 
region. Under the command of General N. B. Forrest these troops won successes at 
Humboldt and Trenton. They failed, however, to capture Jackson. On January , 


v C 

KV V ^^ ) r 

> . ...'? r ;-:-- -. , v-':*-: r--,.^ ^ 

A Page From Patrick's Notebook 

'%*: -<L^4M-*& - ^f-i-t^- ^3U*i<-* - -y#-t4* 

,' 3Rt'V;.' '^^A^^^ti'^f^^^ '"&* 52* *4^Y's '*^,f **^*^jp'' W^^v*^'':^*.*., <^-* 

" If ' "'***" " '" ^ *'' '^IK "' ' "' '" ' '' ? \*i * ''&?"* i ' ' ' * * ** V? ty'*- ' ' 'Cf' ' "' '' .*,'fV ' i 

'" '?'~ '*'. t ,/Ht^v*^ 1 'iftftttft^tf^if 3G& * ^C^njt^%^f j k <esisn^"*&' f : !'-*~* Sl 4S^*<f**'2- ' > H^-*".*(r ..'.'^e^iji^Md , ' *JS^, 

. ' .''''.i:'''*':^'^';''".-^'/ 1 '^ ",',"'". ; f '-V- . '. ;''* -'^rvu' '. ; y. . -/, 'V'.'; _ '#j^:>: ' ^?!': 4 '-'-^": 

""'i ' * '***^4 ^*"% xt-r*^**'*-'*^^J ;-'<*rTi^"^^^"l''<si^^^ ^^^fU^sW '--*- 

? - -' .'", >">.'./, .':' , . ' <,.; '-V .*' . i/>"- 'V^./ri^, ^i '* ' -;' -, '^-' ', V v /5 

r.'^-Vvv'.- -' 1^ ', 1 V. '-V; - J/^'-.^'^*'^- 1 .*' 1 v. :';>'' \V t * %"S 

.'< 'tidSGE&i&jtt' *&+ *4>lai*'* 'isrl^^fifjU^t *X*r1**^ ' 

'^^^^"S^'^j/.-^ll^^:^^ ' " " 

j^^fiU^y''^^^!^ ' *i^ *^-f **^"jji&& 
^_ i^^^i '^2^' '.^i^^fi^ J; 

^' ; ^^^;1s^^ 

^^|Wf^>^ ^^^-^ ; ^^^ 
; "^^^^^^^^ 

Pagre From Patrick's Ledger 


This is Sunday, the 28th day of December, 1862, the last 
Sunday in the year. It will not be '62 much longer, and the years 
are passing away rapidly enough. I feel a little lonesome and 
melancholy as I cannot help feeling at times, so I have con- 
cluded to stroll a little way from my quarters for the purpose of 
being alone and left to my own reflections for a short time. 

To while away an hour, I have taken my " pozish," as the boys 
say, in good distance from my quarters on the margin of a wood 
over-looking a field that has been cultivated in corn this year and 
from which the fences are now all taken away and the field itself 
cut in twain by our line of breast- works which go entirely across 
it. The oaken fence rails have been used as barricades to hold up 
the earth works of the fortifications on the inside, the outside 
being ditched with a ditch full six feet deep. The owner of the 
place can rest assured of one thing and that is that he will not 
be under the necessity of making a ditch to drain his land for 
this will certainly last for all time to come. 

It looks very lonely and but for the dark line of entrenchments 
and an occasional company or regiment out drilling, one would 
suppose that the Confederacy was at peace with all the world, 
I think if ever there was a time that * tries mens souls/ this must 
be one of them, for we have to labor under the greatest difficulties 
in the world and have had very little clothing and very scanty 
fare provided for us, and for several. months at a time we have 
not had any pork or flour issued to us. We receive half rations 
of rice and peas. Of salt, we did not receive full rations but we 
manage to get along. The sugar and molasses is of such an 
inferior quality that we can scarcely use it, and as for clothing, 
I have never received anything from the Government yet be- 
cause the Government had nothing to give me. I have received, 
instead of clothing due me within the last two years, the sum of 
$50.00 which would not buy me two pair of boots to-day for they 
have been selling for the last twelve months at $40.00 a pair. I 
am not complaining of these things, but I merely mention it to 

1863, the whole command withdrew, recrossing the Tennessee Eiver at Clifton. BatUeg 
and Leaders, HE, 452. 



show that these are times not only to try men's souls, but it 
also tries their purses. 

I know that if the Government were able, it would pay us off 
in coin. It shows the tremendous discount at which the money is 
now, and what it will eventually come to, no one knows. For my 
own part I have never had any faith in our currency, but if it will 
serve to carry us through the war I will be satisfied. I tell mother 
every time I go home to invest her Confederate money into some- 
thing real, something tangible. There is the greatest field for 
speculation now that I ever saw, and if I were only free from the 
army, I verily believe that I could accumulate a wagon load of 
Confederate currency. 

It is my firm conviction that this war will come to a close by 
the first day of next May, if the political aspect of things in the 
North betoken anything. 

The grandest scene that 
ever I beheld " 


Port Hudson, Saturday, January 3, 1863: I have not made 
any entries in my journal for several days as I have been on 
another visit up home and only returned here yesterday. 

Little Frank came down with me and is here to-day. He wishes 
to go back to-day, but the weather is so bad that I am endeavor- 
ing to persuade him to remain until to-morrow. It rained nearly 
all night last night, and there is every appearance of very bad 
weather to-day. It is very dark, raining slightly with very heavy 
thunder in the distance. 

I do not know that I am making much headway in Phonogra- 
phy now, but I think I shall study a little harder this year than I 
did last. If one year of pretty close study will not make a pho- 
nographer of me, I shall come to the conclusion that I have not 
sense enough ever to make one and that I had better give it up as 
a bad job. 

I did not wish little Frank to go home to-day, but he slipped off 
and went home any-how. He went without his dinner and did not 
take my dirty clothes with him so I shall be under the necessity of 
going up town to-morrow and carrying them up myself. 

The news to-day is that we have made a complete victory of it 
in Tennessee which I hope is true. 1 

1 Reference is to the battle of Stone's River or Murfreesboro, Tennessee fought 
December 31, 1862-January 2, 1863, 



Sunday, January 4: This is a very beautiful morning after a 
very stormy night and it is turning much cooler. 

I think that the Yankees are pretty well nonplussed, and I 
think the end is not far off. The Yankee Army under Burnside 
has sustained a perfect Waterloo defeat at Fredricksburg, Vir- 
ginia; they have been routed at Murfreesboro, Tennessee, and 
from the last accounts we have given them the worst of it at 
Vicksburg, 2 where they have been fighting for a week past, so that 
I cannot see what they are to do now to carry on the war. We will 
probably hear some news from Vicksburg to-day as the weather 
has cleared away and the lines can work. 

Major General Gardner 3 is in command here now and he is a 
very strict disciplinarian. He says that no man shall be allowed 
to go outside of the lines under any pretext, and this, I suppose, 
puts an end to my going home for the present. 

This is another lonely day in camp, but I feel a little elated 
at times when I think that the war is nearly over. If peace were 
only declared to-day, I would feel like a bird let loose from 
his cage. 

The report is that the Yankees have left Vicksburg, and if 
this is the case, there is a strong probability that they have given 
the matter up because they had 60,000 men there and if they 
could not make the landing with that number, they had better 
give it up. 

I am entirely out of anything to read now, but I think I can 
find something in the camp. I went down in town to-day and 
bought several novels from Barton, who has opened a book store. 
I got one called " Diana of Maridor " by [Alexandre] Dumas, 
" The Indies " by Mrs. [Emma D. E.] Southworth, and one of 
Fredrika Bremer's works. 

Monday, January 5: Morris Davis and John Roe sat up until 
very late last night, telling long yarns about bears, panthers, etc., 
and I did not go to sleep until nearly 12 o'clock. John and I will 
be busy cutting wood to-day as we are about out of fire wood. 

While I was up at home the last time, I was arrested and put 

3 The battle of CMckasaw Bluffs. 

'Franklin Gardner. Gardner relieved Gen. Beall on December 7, 1862. 



in jail and the way of it was this Will Shropshire came to me to 
go with him to see the commandant of the post to endeavor 
to obtain a furlough to go to Vicksburg for the purpose of bring- 
ing home his brother who had been wounded in the battle up 
there. He wished me to go with him in order to identify him as 
one of the 4th Regiment, etc. I went around to Colonel Lee, who 
is commandant of the post. He said, during our conversation, that 
I spoke imprudently to him. I replied that I did not. He said 
I did and so one word brought on another until he said that he 
would send me to jail. I told him to send and be damned to him. 
He sent for Tom Scott, who, by the way, is a damned swell 
head, and had me arrested. I went down to the jail and remained 
five or six hours. I stayed with Caleb Gail down stairs and slept 
with him a part of the night, and then went up home. Tom Scott 
and the others thought that I remained in jail all night and locked 
up at that. 

I shall not forget Tom Scott for the unnecessary part he took 
in it for there was no necessity for his being so harsh as he was. 
He is acting in a manner injudicious for the purpose of currying 
favor with the officers over him, and he is doing this at the 
expense of those who are his neighbors and would be his friends. 
Those for whose favor he is striving so hard for are all strangers 
to him and he will probably never see them again, but those who 
suffer for it are persons living in the same parish with him and 
I am one of them. Those men whose boots he is licking now 
will be gone away very soon, but I will still be there and the time 
may come when I will be able to repay this thing with interest. 

There is to be a general inspection of the troops to-day by the 
Inspector General. We have had no late news from Vicksburg, 
Tennessee or Virginia, I suppose on account of the wires being 

Captain Wooster told me to-day that the Post Quarter Master 
intended to have me detailed to write for Mm. I went up there 
a while ago to see him and he had a long talk with me about it 
and he talks very fair. He says that he is willing to do what is 
right. He wishes me to take charge of the whole thing and do my 
best and that he would see that I was amply paid for it and that 



I should receive at least $80.00 per month, and that I should not 
be any loser by the transaction, so I took him at his word and 
I am going up there in the morning. There is only one thing that 
I regret by it and that is that I will be compelled to give up the 
study of Phonography, and that, too, at a time when I am just 
getting to see that I can write with something like ease. I hope 
that I will suit the office that I am going into as this is the first 
opportunity I have had to make something. 

Friday, January 9: Have had no opportunity of writing in 
my journal until this morning and it is so dark and rainy that I 
can scarcely see how to write. 

I am now in the office of the Post Quarter Master and I am 
doing very well so far. I have a great deal of work to do and 
I shall have very little time to practice Phonography. Captain 
Raphael the Quarter Master, treats me very well indeed and 
seems to be a very clever man, although I have been told by a 
great many that I should not stay with him a week. 

I am trying to make up a mess as I have been boarding with 
an old French lady down town, and I shall send a man over to 
Waterloo for some dishes, etc., but as it is a very bad day, it is 
uncertain whether or not he will go. I am paying $10.00 a week 
for my board now, and I think I can live cheaper than that by 
having a mess. My wages will be, I think, about $100.00 or 
$125.00 per month which will enable me to pay off some of my 
debts at home if I make anything above my expenses. I have a 
first rate office to write in immediately on the bank of the river 
in Port Hudson, although I believe that I am out of range of the 

I have no leisure time on my hands at all, but I shall do my 
best to keep my journal up by working at it every morning before 
breakfast. General Bragg is falling back from Murfreesboro, Ten- 
nessee, or in my words, he is running like the very devil, 

Sunday, January 11: There is a very heavy fog upon the river 
this morning and the weather's quite cool. 

Captain Raphael treats me very politely and in fact, he treats 
me very kind. Yesterday, he gave me two pairs of good, woolen 
socks and a pair of $50.00 boots. 



I have a very nice little rough bed to sleep on and a very com- 
fortable room for a bed-room. I am getting along very well with 
my work. I have a great deal to do and cannot make any very 
rapid headway towards my quarterly returns. My health is not 
very good. My bowels have been somewhat deranged. 

Monday, January 12: This is a beautiful morning and looks 
more like spring than winter and is just cool enough to make it 
comfortable. My health is a little better than it has been for 
the last week. 

I saw the old " Essex " yesterday down the river, but she was 
very careful not to come in range of our guns. 

Tuesday, January 13: I am quite unwell this morning being 
afflicted with diarrhea, and having very severe pains in my 
stomach and bowels. This hangs on to me for a long time so 
long in fact that I am afraid that it is becoming chronic. 

The inspecting officer was here yesterday and told me that he 
would be here this morning to examine into my books and papers. 

I have a great notion to send home for my violin, but I am 
afraid that it might get lost and I would not lose it for any 
consideration as my father gave it to me. 

I have no work to do at night, but as my eyes are so weak and 
the lights I have so dim I cannot read or write at anything. This 
is the reason why I thought that I would have my violin brought 
down so that I could amuse myself during the long evenings. I am 
doing my best towards getting my books in shape to make my 
quarter returns. 

I have been very unwell the greater part of the day and this 
evening I took my pony and went down to the regiment to see 
our surgeon, Charlie Lewis, to obtain some medicine, but when I 
got there, I did not find him at home. I received some pills from 
the assistant which I will take to-night. 

I wrote home for my violin to-day which will be down to- 
morrow. I think I can spend my evenings very pleasantly here 
with my fiddle and a few books. I am reading " The Lady of 
Monacero [Monsoreau] " by Dumas, which, though very dull at 
the beginning, becomes very interesting as I advance. I consider 



him one of the best writers of the age, although Dickens, Thack- 
eray and one or two others are certainly very fine authors. 

I was lucky enough to buy thirteen yards of flannel from the 
Captain to-day which I sent home to mother and I know that she 
will be very glad to get it. 

I do not think that there has been anything of importance 
transpiring lately and there is no news from Baton Rouge indi- 
cating anything like a forward movement from that point. 

I am getting along very well thus far with the Captain and I 
presume that I shall continue to do so as there is nothing to 
prevent it that I can see at present. He is a strange sort of a 
genius anyway and I think that I will be able to make him out 
fully after a while. One thing I have ascertained beyond a doubt 
and that is that he is a regular toady, that is he is willing on all 
occasions, to kiss the feet of those above him and that is the main 
reason why he obtains offices and retains them after he has once 
got them, and another discovery I have made is that he is not a 
man of his word; that he slips out of his promises. 

I wish to write more to-night, but the light is too dim and 
my eyes are too weak to write any longer. 

Thursday, January 15: Last night was a very rainy and 
stormy night indeed, but wet and dark as it was, I had to go out 
several times during the night. My bowels were in a very bad 
way and I must certainly do something for them. 

I am so hurried and have so little time to keep my journal, that 
it is very defective and is not a " true type of the times " for it 
does not show all that is going on. It is correct as far as it goes. 

The weather is turning very cold and I think it will be freezing 
by morning unless it turns much warmer than it is now. I in- 
tended to go down to the regiment this evening, but it is so very 
cold and there being no one in the office except myself, I think 
I shall defer it until another time. 

I notice a great many birds (commonly called rice birds, al- 
though they resemble the black bird more than anything else) 
flying and lighting on the ground in the yard, and if I only had 
a gun, I think I could kill about 20 at a shot. We are not having 
a very good time now in the way of rations and in fact, the 



rations we have received for 10 days are really not sufficient to 
last us 5, but I think that we will be able to furnish a much better 
table a little after we receive something from home and as 
Bill has gone up to-day, I presume that he will bring some eatables 
down with him. 

Friday, January 16: I was quite unwell last night as usual, 
and I am scarcely fit for business to-day though I must go 
through with it. So far as I can learn, Raphael is well pleased 
with me and I like him well enough if he was not such a liar. 
He will make the fairest promises in the world, but he will not 
stick to them. He promised to give me some of his hams when 
I get my mess started, but since I have had the mess going, he 
has not said a word about hams or coffee. To-day, I think I shall 
try to get a ham out of him if it is possible. I have no beef at all 
to eat as the Commissary sent me all my meat at once and it is 

Saturday, January 17: The weather's freezing this morning. 
The frost looks like a young snow and the ground is frozen hard. 
This is pretty severe weather on the troops that are without tents, 
and there are a great many that have none and a great many of 
the men are destitute of shoes and clothing. 

Bill Stone brought down some butter and eggs and we are 
living on that entirely, though I think that I shall try to get a 
ham out of Raphael to-day. He is decidedly the damnest liar 
I ever saw. He doesn't hesitate to tell the most unblushing lies. 
I get along very well with him though and so far as my work is 
concerned, he never troubles me and I have everything my own 
way, which is about the only way that I can get along with him 
because if he insists upon ruling me in this particular, I should 
be forced to quit. 

Sunday, January 18: This is Sunday and I think that I shall 
do as little work as I possibly can to-day. I am kept very busy 
all the time and have just about as much as I can well attend to, 
though I always try to do very little on Sunday and keep it as 
a sort of a rest day. 

Monday, January 19: It is a very dark, rainy, gloomy, cheer- 
less morning indeed. It rained nearly all night last night and 



continues to rain this morning with every appearance of keeping 
it up until night again. The roads are almost a smooth sheet of 
water and where there is no water the mud is a foot deep and the 
roads leading out of town that are traveled much by the army 
wagons are almost impassable or they soon will be, so there is a 
great dearth of news at present. We cannot hear a word from 
anywhere. The old " Essex " is lying down below and fired some 
guns this morning at something. A plan is being laid to blow her 
up with something like a submarine battery as soon as they can 
have it fixed up. I am afraid that it will not succeed although this 
same man who is contriving this, managed to destroy two other 
boats up the Yazoo River and if he has been successful before, 
I do not see why he should not be able to accomplish the same 
feat here that he did there. 

My health is improving some though my bowels are still in a 
very unhealthy condition. 

I fear that Raphael, if he does not be very careful, will lose his 
position because he is narrowly watched by the officers above him 
and I am certain that they have no confidence in his honesty and 
they have already accused him of dishonesty by speculating in 
clothing left to be issued to the soldiers and to sell to the officers. 

Tuesday, January 20: I was reading a paper of the 1 5th last 
night and I came to the conclusion from what I read there that 
old Bragg was very badly whipped in Tennessee. We cannot 
obtain any news from there which I think is ominous because if 
the news was good, it would not be long before we read all about 
it. Bragg and Breckinridge between them, got our army cut all to 
hell and now they are skedaddling back again to save themselves. 

Bragg is not fit for a general and I have always contended for 
that, and the most he is fit for is the command of a brigade 
and he would make a damned poor brigadier. He got his name 
up in the Mexican War when he had command of a battery under 
General Taylor, and he never had anything there worthy of note. 
All that gave him such a reputation was that the picture makers, 
the getters-up of these cheap prints had a picture of a man in 
uniform of an American soldier ramming away like the devil 
at a six pounder, with the following words under it "A little 



more grape, Captain Bragg " and this same cheap print has given 
old Bragg his fame. If Jeff Davis will just let Bragg alone, I 
think he will do us more damage than the enemy, and I believe 
that he is cowardly too. I know one thing, that he is a perfect 
tyrant, and I never saw a tyrant yet but what was a coward. 

Matthews stayed with us last night and played the violin until 
the string broke and busted up the fun. 

My health is not very good, and I feel very unwell this morning. 
Two or three men have died within the last day or two in camp 
of the smallpox. 

I have been kept quite busy to-day. I have so many calls 
that it keeps me very busy to attend to them all, besides the 
other work I have to do on my books, but as I have just a moment 
to spare, I thought that I would write a little in my journal. 

Mother sent me down some light bread to-day, which is the 
first flour I have seen for some time, and as we have butter and 
new molasses to eat with it, it will go first rate. 

I am not at all displeased with my position if Raphael will 
only stand up to his part of the agreement, which I suppose he 
will do as there is nothing to be lost by him in the transaction, 
for he can make the Government pay it, but if I had to depend 
upon his generosity alone, I fear that I would fare rather slim 
for I have ascertained beyond all doubt that he is a great liar 
and that his word will not do to depend upon. But it makes no 
difference to me how great a liar he is so he pays me. He has a 
sack of salt and I tried to buy half of it from him, but it was no 
good, he would not sell it. He also has a lot of hams and told me 
that as soon as I made up my mess, that he would give me some 
of them; but the mess has been made up for two weeks and he 
has never said ham to us since, and the worst of it is, I do not 
think he ever intends to say anything about it. 

Dinner is very late to-day and I am getting extremely hungry. 
In fact, as the back-woodsmen say, " I am right wolfish." 

No news yet from Tennessee or Virginia, but I presume that 
the Yankees have got the best of us there lately, though we must 
expect some reverses. 

I notice that the Government stock looks very much under 



the weather. The reason is that they have not a sufficiency of 
good food. The corn they have has been exposed to rain and 
is very much heated and is very unhealthy for stock and they 
get little or no fodder, and the work they are required to do is 
very heavy indeed, the most of it being to pull stores up the hill 
at the landing near the depot. 

I have not been down to the regiment for several days, but I 
hear that they are all getting along very well. The smallpox is 
creating some alarm among the soldiers, but I do not think there 
is much of it in camp and the most of the men have been vac- 
cinated, so there can be but very little danger of its becoming 
contagious in the army. The particular reason of there being so 
much sickness is because the men are exposed to the weather 
without tents to sleep under and their food is not good. If I were 
compelled to live alone on the rations that I received from the 
Commissary, I would have a very hard time of it, certain. 

Wednesday, January 21: It is very foggy this morning and I 
suppose it will not be many days before we have rain again and 
then another freeze. 

The Chief of Ordnance was in the office yesterday. He called me 
out of the office, saying that he wished to speak to me privately. 
I went out and he told me that he wanted me to quit Raphael 
and go with him in the Ordnance Department. He argued that I 
could not stay long with Raphael any-how; that no clerk ever had 
remained with him any length of time, etc. I told him that 
Raphael thus far had treated me very well and that he promised 
very fair indeed, but that I had caught him in several lies lately 
and that if he did not come up to his promise at the end of the 
month in regard to my pay that I would report myself to him 

No news from our armies or from the Yankee hordes that are 
swarming over the country. 

I heard just now that two deserters from the Yankee army 
have just come over to us from Baton Rouge. I cannot hear 
what news they bring as to the force and purpose of the enemy 
in regard to Port Hudson, though I have understood that the 
enemy are fortifying the place and send troops off at night but 



bring them back again in the morning for the purpose of deceiving 
us. This is an old trick and I suppose that our generals are too 
shrewd to be duped by anything of that kind, especially when we 
have or ought to have so many spies in Baton Rouge, for we 
certainly have a great many friends there that would willingly 
give us all the information that we require in regard to them and 
their movements. 

Friday, January S3: The river is rising very rapidly. It rose 
last night about 18 inches and is still on the rise. The work stock 
as well as the battery and their horses fare very badly in the way 
of forage, having nothing to eat except corn alone and that in a 
very bad condition. 

Sunday, January 25: I had no opportunity of writing in my 
journal yesterday. I was quite busy all day, but what made the 
matter worse was that the inspector sent word that he wished 
a complete statement made out of all the receipts, issues and 
amount remaining on hand, which he says must be made out by 
12 to-day. I went up to see him yesterday. He wears long soapy 
locks, shoulder straps and gold stripes down his pants. He seems 
to understand his business though, and explained to me what I 
had to do. 

I saw John Bradford yesterday for the first time since last 
summer. He has been quite sick and looks very badly now. I 
think from his appearance and from what he told me that he had 
a case of pox on hand which will be about as much as he can well 
attend to for some months to come. He is coming down to see 
me to-day and then I will find out all about it, and, of course, I 
shall give him the best advice I can in the matter. There are 
many things I would like to say this morning, but I have too 
much work on hand. 

Thursday, January S9: I have been hard at work all day and 
I feel very much fatigued more so in fact, than I usually do, 
I am weary, so weary with this soldier's life that sometimes I 
almost wish myself over all my troubles and safe in the other 
world, but this, I know, is wrong and I am much better off than a 
great many others because I am not exposed to the inclemency 



of the weather as I have a good place to sleep and my work is 
such as I have always been accustomed to. 

I heard from the regiment last night and they had a big fuss 
amongst them. It seems that Tom Skipwith had a sort of gather- 
ing at his tent and they had, as a matter of course, plenty of liquor, 
and they all got drunk. Lieutenant McCarthy, who was one of 
the number, got into a difficulty with Tom Skipwith, and knocked 
him in the top of a tree that had been cut down, and as it was 
dark and McCarthy drunk, he could not find him, but kept 
asking the by-standers where Tom was. At length Tom recovered 
sufficiently to answer him and as soon as he discovered Tom's 
where-abouts, he jumped on him and pounded him good before 
they could take him off. Major Pennington came over to see 
what was the matter and when he arrived" there, he immediately 
called McCarthy, saying that he put him under arrest, where- 
upon, McCarthy proceeded to knock him down and got his head 
in the fire-place and beat him up considerably, which I am right 
glad of for he is nothing more than a grogg shop bully, having 
been a bar keeper in Lake Providence before he entered the 
service. I suppose that he will, of course, have McCarthy arrested 
and court martialed for it, which would be very mean in him 
because he pitched into him like an ordinary blackguard that he is. 

My health is very bad indeed and I hope that I may be able 
to weather it through this storm though I am afraid that I will 
not be able to enjoy it after our independence is gained, although 
I am in a much better position than I would be if I were in the 
ranks, still I am heartily sick and tired of the war, but I suppose 
that I must make up my mind to go through with it all, and I 
think I see peace in the not distant future. I will hail the day 
with joy that brings peace over our distracted country and so will 
many thousands of others, for there is no pleasure in the land 
while this state of things lasts, but end it must and will, and that 
to, in a very short time for one side or the other must give it up as 
a bad and hopeless undertaking. 

I frequently think of the happy hours of my boyhood and then 
I wish myself a hermit, away from the cares and ambitions, the 
strife, and the jarrings of the active world, with no seductions of 



dissipation, neither prolonged stimulants, nor the late hours of 

But my eyes are weak and my light so very dim that I cannot 
see to write so that I must close for to-night. 

Saturday, January 31: This is a beautiful morning and 1 wish 
we could hear news to correspond with the weather. I have heard 
within the last day or two that the Yankees have been able to 
run the ferry boat through the channel. They have got opposite 

Sunday, February 1: This is the first day of February an- 
other month and very little done by either of the armies. This 
is a very dark and gloomy day. It is beginning to rain already 
and it is not yet 8 o'clock, so I suppose that we will have a 
rainy day of it. 

I am kept very busy now and about the only time that I can 
obtain to write in my journal is in the morning before breakfast, 
and as I very often over-sleep myself, I do not always have an 
opportunity to write in my journal. 

Kentucky has declared herself out of the Abolition Govern- 
ment/ Illinois and Indiana have placed themselves in a very 
threatening attitude. The Northwest does not seem to like the 
idea of supporting the New England States and will evidently 
split the northern states wide open in spite of all that they can 
do to prevent it. I think that I see the day breaking and that 
we will have peace in a few months. The Yankees are preparing 
for another " On to Richmond/' but there must certainly be a 
deep gloom over the whole army. 

I have positively had two or three hours of leisure time, and I 
have been taking a nap, though I am afraid that it will prevent 
me from sleeping tonight. I was not sleeping well these long 
nights and I almost hate to see night come. 

I am reading " Davenport Dunn " by Charles Lever, and a first- 
rate thing it is too. I have also Pope's works to read now, though 

4 The situation in Kentucky was very confused because of conflicting loyalties. 
The government of Kentucky refused to furnish troops for the North, and endeavored 
to enforce neutrality, but by the end of 1861 the legislature had declared its allegiance 
to the United States. 



as I have commenced " Davenport Dunn," I would finish that 
before I undertake to read the other. 

The river is rising very fast and I suppose it is as high now as 
the Yankees desire it. There is no news from the Yankees that 
I can hear other than that mentioned above. 

I believe so strongly in there being peace by the first of May 
that I am making my calculations as though it were a foregone 
conclusion, and I expect to be out of the army and at home by 
that time if I live to see that day. 

We have a very poor table now, the particular reason being 
that we have no cook that knows anything about cooking, and 
that makes the matter much worse than it has been. 

Monday, February 2: I rose early this morning after a terrible 
night's rest. I walked out a little to obtain some fresh air. I notice 
that the " Father of Waters " is rising very rapidly and is now 
quite high. Almost every time I look at the river, it reminds me 
of the song that Gus Heckler used to sing the chorus of which 
went as follows 

To the South, to the South, to the home of the free 
Where the mighty Mississippi rolls down to the sea 
Where a man is a man if he is willing to toil 
And the humblest may reap the fruits of the soil. 

I learned last night from a steam-boatman, that the Yankees 
have not been able to effect anything at Vicksburg as yet; that 
it is an utter impossibility for them to do anything with the 
ditch they have been digging; that on account of the current, at 
that point, or rather eddy, that they will never be able to make 
the water run through the ditch, and another reason, he says, is 
that the surface of the ground is much lower about the middle 
than it is at the extremeties, thereby causing the water to over- 
flow the canal, and thus the water would be conveyed away to the 
swamps and all the water would enter from each end and flows 
out of the middle. 5 He also stated that the Yankees were desert- 

5 Patrick is referring to " Grant's Canal." In June, 1862, Federal forces landed at 
Be Soto, Louisiana, which is opposite Vicksburg, plans being to cut a canal across the 
mile-wide peninsula formed by a hairpin turn of the Mississippi. It was hoped that 



ing by 50 ? s and 100's; that in a skirmish the other day, we ob- 
tained papers from the body of an officer who was killed, their 
whole plan of attack on Vicksburg. 

I have been suffering greatly from a pain in the top of my 
head. There was a man in the office yesterday who told me that 
it was an affection of the spine; that it would get in the back of 
my neck; then in my shoulders; then in my back; that it would 
finally affect all my limbs. This is not a very pleasant prospect 
truly, but I hope this will not be the case. 

I think that I will invest some money in a newspaper again 
and see if I can get the money through this time. I have sent 
the money several times, but I have never heard of the money 
nor paper either. 

Friday, February 6: The weather since last Tuesday has been 
very cold indeed and the ground has been frozen nearly all the 
time, and I keep big roaring fires all day and night too. 

About a week ago, and a few days after his spree and fight with 
McCarthy, Tom Skip went to Bayou Sara to a concert on another 
spree and while there, he and a man by the name of Kendrick, 
who is our forage master, got into a fracas with some of the 
citizens and they mauled our two friends in good fashion. They 
struck Kendrick over the eye with an andiron, shot him on the 
top of the head and struck Tom Skip on the head with a piece of 
iron. All this occurred to-night one week ago and Kendrick told 
me a while ago that Tom Skip died last night at Jackson, Louisi- 
ana. I am inclined to think that this is not true and I hope it is 
not, still it is not at all improbable for a blow from a fire-dog 
would not be apt to come very gentle. Kendrick said that Tom 
had a very hard fit on the morning after the fight. 

One of the Yankee gun-boats passed the batteries at Vicksburg 
by the negligence of the men at the guns and she was nearly by 
them before they saw her. Since she passed Vicksburg, she has 
taken three of our steamers which are now lashed together in the 
middle of the Mississippi at the mouth of Red River, and the 

the river could be diverted through this channel thus by-passing Vicksburg and 
enabling the Federal gunboats to pass down the river without running the batteries 
at Vicksburg. 



gun-boat has gone up Red River. There is a plan on foot now to 
capture her, and an expedition starts out this afternoon, or to- 
night, on the steamer " Dr, Beatty " for that purpose. I hope 
they will succeed. 10 3 000 Texas cavalry are in that neighborhood 
and I suppose they will assist in her capture if it can be done. 6 

Tuesday, February 10: Since writing last I have been up home. 

I have been quite unwell lately, and I am now scarcely able to 
sit up. I cannot find out what is the matter with me. I have 
no fever that I know of yet I grow weaker every day. I have 
been to two or three surgeons but they do not seem to know. 
It is astonishing what an amount of ignorance there is amongst 
the Medical fraternity. The most of them will administer a large 
dose of calomel to the patient it doesn't matter what his disease 
may be, without caring how much the constitution may be in- 
jured. Then comes dose after dose of quinine and other strong 
medicines until they either kill the individual or ruin his constitu- 
tion for life. If a man recovers under their treatment, he is 
always sick afterwards from the effects of their strong medicines 
injudiciously administered, and they will remark " that man has 
no constitution; he can't stand anything." No I suppose he 
couldn't nor never can while life lasts, because his whole system 
is thoroughly filled with the very worst of mineral and vegetable 
poisons. I know these fellows and I am suffering now from the 
treatment of ignorant, sap-headed physicians. 

Wednesday, February 11: I arose this morning about 4 o'clock 
and sat by the fire until daylight, I feel much better than I did 
yesterday and I hope that I will soon be well again, although I 
am yet very weak. The chief surgeon gave me a couple of pills 
night before last made, I think, of Blue Mass, which did me a 
great deal of good and if I could only regain my strength, I think 
that I would be all right again in a very short time. I have been 

e Reference is to the Federal gunboat Queen of the West which in early February, 
1863, ran past the Vicksburg batteries. The Queen steamed up the Old River, 
Atchafalaya and Red, capturing supplies and causing considerable damage. She was 
captured, however, by Confederate forces in the Red River, repaired and outfitted 
as a gunboat in the Confederate navy. Gosnell, Guns on the Western Waters, 177-203. 
See also J. Thomas Scharf , History of the Confederate States Navy (New York, 1887) , 



living almost like a dog for the last six weeks, having had nothing 
to eat but beef and very bad corn bread, and this is so miserably 
cooked that it was almost impossible to eat it. 

I have heard nothing more of the gun-boat that passed Vicks- 
burg the other day. The last accounts, she had gone up Red 
River since which time I have not heard a word from her. 

There is to be a transport up the river to-day, (they say) to 
bring up prisoners to Vicksburg for the purpose of exchanging 
them, and in view of the passage of this boat, the General Com- 
mandant has ordered all the batteries to be masked with brush of 
the branches of trees. 

Saturday, February 14: My health continues very bad indeed 
and my head and eyes are very much affected. I suffered a great 
deal last night from it, which prevented me from sleeping much. 

This is the 14th of February St. Valentine's day, which brings 
to mind many a happy day spent with the girls at home. 

Yesterday I got all my papers fixed iip for my discharge which 
I will obtain in about 10 days. It is not my intention to leave 
the service, but by getting a discharge I will be able to obtain 
better wages. 

Sunday, February 15: Yesterday was Bill Stone's birthday 
and I told him that his mother received a mock valentine about 
2 years ago. 

I have got my papers all fixed up for my discharge and all that 
remains to be done now is to send them on to General [John C.] 
Pemberton to be signed by him, and this Dr. Barnet promises to 
have done for me and I suppose that I will receive them in about 
10 days. 

From all accounts, the Yankees are preparing to make another 
attack on Vicksburg, though the high water has drowned them 
out on the peninsula opposite the city and they are moving up 
the river to dry land, I presume to better arrange for the attack. 
Two boats have already passed and I suppose that they can all 
pass when they see proper. 

I think that there will be peace in a short time for the following 

1. The Northern Government has been kept up by the capitalists 



of the northern states and they are beginning to tire of the good 
work because they do not see when their money is coming back 
again, and gold is now at 167^ in New York with an upward 

2. There are dissensions among them, particularly in the west, 
which will be certain to break up in a grand row sooner or later. 
Valandingham 7 has made another flaming speech in the United 
States Congress, which will be a terrible blow to the radicals and 
they acknowledge it themselves. 

3. We will most certainly be recognized by some of the leading 
powers of Europe before many days pass over our heads for all 
the working classes of Prance and England are suffering terribly 
from a cotton famine and they will be very apt to take some 
measures to alleviate their sufferings. 

For these reasons, I think that there will be a cessation, of the 
war before a great while. 

I have just finished reading Tom Moore's " Lalla Rookh " for 
the third or fourth time in my life and I find it prettier every time 
I read it. Captain Fogg has all the Waverly novels 8 here and I 
believe that I will read them, for strange to say that with all my 
reading, I have never read these. The print is so very fine that it 
hurts my eyes to read them. 

As I write very few letters now, I have taken a notion to keep 
a copy of them all the more for tlie purpose of practicing Pho- 
nography than anything else and besides, sometimes I would like 
to know what and to whom I have written. If I only had a copy 
of all the letters that I have written since the war, I would be 
very glad indeed, for I have written a great many that I ought 
not to have written and although that is the case, I would like all 
the more on that account to be possessed of them. The following 
is the copy of a letter that I wrote to Charlie Hyde at Edwards 
Depot. He is there in the hospital as steward. 

llth February, 1863 

I have taken up my pen at least a dozen times and deliberately seated 

7 Clement L. Vallandigham, Democratic politician and leader of the Ohio Copperheads. 

8 Sir Walter Scott, Waverly Novels (25 vols., London, 1852-54). 



myself to write you a long letter, but just that often have I failed in 
accomplishing my task. I am on the way now and if Uncle Jeff's mail is 
true to its trust, you will receive this one provided you are at Edwards 
Depot, where, as the fellow says, " you orter be." 

My health has been very bad indeed ever since Christmas, and for the 
last week, I have scarcely been able to go about though I have forced 
myself to keep up. The particular cause of my bad health I attribute 
to bad food we receive, being nothing more than damaged corn-meal and 
very tough beef. 

I must say that never since I have been in the army have I fared 
so badly and in truth I have been almost starved. If better food is not 
provided for the troops we will certainly lose a great many men from 
this cause alone. Last week corn on the ear was issued to the troops in 
lieu of meal, and I call this getting pretty low down, don't you? 

There is a great dearth of news about Port Hudson and there is noth- 
ing occurring of interest, and we are all at a dead-lock for the want of 
some little excitement. The only thing on the tapis just now is the 
rumor that a boat is coming up the river under a flag of truce, with 
prisoners to be exchanged at Vicksburg. There was a little sensation 
created by the passage of the gunboats past the batteries at Vicksburg 
which, from all accounts, they were enabled to do through the want of 
watchfulness on the part of our men. She has captured three of our 
steamers at the mouth of Red River and destroyed all of them, after 
which she went up Red River to commit other depredations, I suppose. 
I think there are some exertions being made by the General commandant 
at this post to capture this gun-boat by means of cotton-clad rafts, but 
whether or not there is any show of success I am unable to say, though 
the probability is that, like most of our aquatic attempts, it will prove 
a singular failure. 

From my office I have a fine view both up and down the river which 
helps matters a little, though I must say, only a very little. 

Charlie, I am thoroughly disgusted with a soldier's life and I so long 
for a little peace and quiet once more that the contemplation of the 
war's lasting another 12 months, makes me sick at heart and I sometimes 
almost wish that my hopes, my joys and my sorrows were ended. 

I often think of the many bappy hours we spent together in Clinton 
of our balls and private parties, our evening and Sunday visits, our 
sweethearts, Anne May and Phyllis May of our occasional sprees and 
serenades in which we were involved in sundry troubles with irate teachers 



and professors, of our music box in the store that played that pretty air, 
" What is Home without a Mother." 

Ah! Those were happy days, Charlie, brighter I fear than we will ever 
spend together again, but my mind constantly reverts to those by-gone 
times, and in hours of despondency, are about my only solace. Some 
drown their sorrows in the glass, others seek comfort in religion, but 
as I have abjured the one and make no profession of the other, I must 
content myself with reflections and dreams of the past. 

I wish you were down here. I could have obtained a good easy place 
for you in the office with me where you would have had little to do and 
no responsibility. Do you think you could get off or would you feel 
inclined to do so if I got you a clerkship. It would be better on one 
account you would be much nearer home and you could take a trip 
up to Clinton occasionally. I was up at Clinton the other day, but 
everything presents a cheerless and gloomy appearance and even the 
dogs and little negroes look downcast and foresaken. The piano is never 
heard and of my old violin, I can only say that she lies unstrung, and 

The harp that once through Tara's halls 
The soul of music shed, 
Now hangs as mute on Tara's walls 
As if that soul were fled. 

Write soon and be sure to let me have your opinion in regard to my 
attempting to secure you some position. 


Monday, February 16: I have been amusing myself this morn- 
ing by reading Pope's Essays which I think are very fine. 

Bill Stone went up home Saturday and will be down to-day I 
presume, and I hope he will bring something to eat with him. If 
he only brings down some butter, it will suit me for if I have 
good biscuits and butter, I can get along. 

I have been working very hard to-day on abstract " K " which 
I hope to be through with by to-morrow night if I am not 
interupted. 9 

Bill Stone came down to-day and brought about $40.00 worth 
of stuff with him. He brought two turkeys at $4.00 each, two 

9 Abstract "K" was a requisition for all issues except fuel, forage, straw, and 



geese at $1.50 each, some lard at $1.00 a pound and eggs at $1.00 
a dozen. Bacon sells at 60^ a pound, flour at $100.00 a barrel, 
potatoes at $2.50 a bushel. These are pretty high prices and it 
is a hard matter for us to keep up our mess as the Government 
does not furnish us with anything but tough beef and com meal. 
The Commissary pretends to issue rations of rice, but we eat up 
$10.00 worth of rations at two meals. 

Tuesday, February 11: I was up this morning before day, I 
wake now about an hour or two before day nearly every morning. 
The nights are so long that I cannot sleep all night. One reason 
is because I go to bed very early and another reason is because 
I am not well and suffer a great deal from pains in my head and 
limbs and my belly is very often out of fix. 

Raphael continues to treat me very kindly indeed and I am 
well pleased with him if it only keeps up. He says that he expects 
to go to Mobile and will be absent for about 20 or 30 days and 
that I must act as quarter master while he is away. 

This has been a very rainy and unpleasant day, but I think 
that it will fair off by night and turn cold. I would like to see 
fair weather, but I do not desire to see cold weather. 

Our forces have succeeded in capturing the Yankee gun-boat 
" Queen of the West " up Red River, and the captured boat in 
company with the gun-boat " Web," 10 which is one of our boats, 
are in pursuit of another of the Yankee concerns. This is good 
news and I hope we will hear more of it. Our little steamers are 
poking their noses out of Thompson's Creek once more. I suppose 
they think they are safe now that the boat has been captured. 

Wednesday, February 18: Nothing new to-day. Nothing from 
Baton Rouge or Port Hudson. I heard, though, that the Yankees 
had received marching orders, but I do not believe a word of it 
and even if it is so, they cannot do anything to hurt us because 
if the deserters tell the truth, there is great demoralization 
amongst them and we need apprehend no danger from that source 
at any rate. 

10 The Confederate ram William H. Webb a powerful side-wheeler which one 
authority describes as "quite possibly, at the time, the fastest thing afloat." Gosnell, 
Guns on the Western Waters, 193. 



I received something to eat from home to-day. Some light 
bread, onions and mutton which is first-rate and coming in good 

Thursday, February 19: The " Dr. Beatty " a steamboat they 
have fixed up with cotton to take the Yankee gun-boat that is up 
Red River, left this afternoon. She had three pieces of light 
artillery and one piece of heavy ordnance in the bow. I hope she 
will be successful, but I will never believe that she will do any- 
thing until I hear it is so. 11 

I went down to the regiment this evening and they told me 
that Scott Worthy and Sam Williams went on the gun-boat to- 
day. It is all right to hunt up a fight, but I am not one of that 
kind. If I am ordered into a fight with the regiment, I will do the 
best I can, but I will not put myself to any trouble to seek it, 
that is certain. 

Friday, February 20: I was up this morning very early and 
made a fire. This is a beautiful day and quite cool. It is the 
prettiest morning I have seen for some time and everything looks 
as pleasant as spring only it is a little too cool. 

No news from Yankees anywhere. I read a speech of Sollace- 
berry's 12 the other night and it is on very much the same style 
as Vallandigham's. Sollaceberry is from Dellaware and I think 
he has been placed under arrest once by the Yankee Government 
for his free speeches. 

Saturday, February 21: I was up this morning by 3 o'clock. 
My head hurt me so badly that I could not sleep. Directly after 
daylight, I took a walk down to the boat landing and saw the 
steam-boat " Frolick " leaving under a flag of truce for Baton 
Rouge for the purpose of exchanging some prisoners. 

I have succeeded in getting some tallow 25 pounds for 
mother. That is, I have the order to get it at the Commissary 
which I will send for this morning. I shall also try to buy some 
salt, if it is possible. 

There is no news of the motions of the enemy nor of our 

"Reference is to the Union ironclad Indianola which had also successfully steamed 
past the Confederate batteries at Vicksburg. 

13 Willard Saulsbury, U. S. Senator (Democrat) from Delaware. 



army. If anything is going on, we cannot hear it, though there 
is a sort of rumor afloat that there is to be an armistice, but 
there is nothing to confirm it. 

Comrade Bill Stone and Bradford Barnets are looking on over 
my shoulder at my writing and keep pretending to understand 
what I am putting down. Comrade says "Well, I never saw 
anything like that afore/ 5 There is always such a din and crowd 
around me in the office that I can scarcely write as a general thing. 

Charlie Lewis was in the office this evening and stayed a good 
while. I got an order for him to have a pair of boots made at the 
Government shop which is now in the charge of Captain Raphael. 
I also procured a bottle of liquor for Captain Pullen to-day. 
These fellows were very kind to me in assisting to procure my 
discharge, which, by-the-way ought to be here in a few days. 

I have all the volumes of the Waverly novels, but the print is 
so small that I cannot read it without hurting my eyes. I have 
nothing to read now, but three of Shakespeare's plays "The 
Tempest," " All is Well that Ends Well/' and another. 

Sunday, February 22: I was up this morning by the time it 
was light. We had an inspection of all the wagons, mules, etc., 
this morning and there was quite a string of them nearly a 
quarter of a mile long. 

Tuesday, February 24'- After dinner I went up home. I had a 
very pleasant time going up, all things considered. Mother has a 
great many boarders now in fact, every house in town is a 
boarding house and still there is not enough to supply the 

The report in Clinton while I was there, was that the Yankees 
were preparing to attack us at Port Hudson, but when I returned, 
I heard nothing of it. 

Several young ladies came down to-day on the cars Miss 
Steward, Miss Rogers, Miss Reems, Miss Dunn and some others. 
They said that they expected to remain in camp until day after 
to-morrow and I think they will have rather an unpleasant time 
of it. 

I think myself that the Yankees will have to do something 
before long because it will not do to stay where they are because 



that will never subjugate us and it seems to me they are afraid 
to begin. Prom all accounts they are about to commence hostili- 
ties at Vicksburg. The more affairs develop themselves, the more 
fully I believe that the war will terminate at an early day. 

Wednesday, February 25: I arose this morning at half past 
five and after it was light, I took a walk down to the depot and 
back. The steamer " Texas " is lying at the landing and I think 
she is the prettiest boat that I have seen here yet. She came 
down yesterday but I did not hear from what point. 

There is no news from our flag of truce boat which went down 
several weeks ago. The rumor is that the Yankees have de- 
tained it. For what reason is not known but I suppose that she 
will be along after a while. 

Thursday, February 26: I went down to the regiment yester- 
day and they were expecting marching orders, and sure enough, 
this morning they are all on board the steamer " Red Chief " 
bound up the river to fight the Yankees. The Yankees are at 
Morganza and over on the other side of the river and the 4th 
Regiment, Miles Legion and Fenner's Battery are ordered up 
there. I hear the bell of the boat now as they are backing out 
from the land and their band is playing " The Marseillaise." 

There is nothing new from Vicksburg. At last accounts, the 
enemy had commenced bombarding the city. The Yankees, I 
think, are trying to get above Port Hudson and cut off our com- 
munication with Red River and this force is sent up to cut 
them off. 

This is a very gloomy, dark and dreary day, and the men who 
have been sent over the river will have a very bad time of it 
indeed for there is every appearance of a storm and a more dreary 
prospect than the river and opposite shore presents at the present 
moment could not well be imagined, at least for this portion of 
the country. I hope they may be successful in their expedition 
which I think it more than probable will be the case. 

The "Dr. Beatty" returned to-day bringing the intelligence 
that our gun-boat "Webb" had sunk the federal iron clad 
"Indianola," carrying four 11-inch Columbiads. She sunk in 
shallow water and they are taking her guns off now. I think they 



will be able to raise the boat itself in a few days. It looks like 
the men at Vicksburg allowed them to pass one at a time inten- 
tionally for the very purpose of capturing them after they got by. 
At any rate, we have succeeded in making prizes of two of them 
if we are able to raise the last one, we will then have three which 
will be able to cope successfully with any single vessel they can 
run by our batteries at Vicksburg. 13 

I have heard nothing more from my discharge, but it ought to 
be here in a few days at the latest. 

The boats landed the troops at the Hermitage, about three 
miles above Port Hudson, and they are to march from that point 
towards Morganza. They will certainly have a dreadful time of 
it to-night unless they can obtain shelter from the storm in some 
of the houses. 

Soldiering is an awful business, sure, and I think that every one 
is dreadfully disgusted with it. I know I am and from all ac- 
counts, the federal soldiers are as tired of it as we are. There is no 
use for them to attempt to disguise the fact. 

Friday, February 27: Raphael told me yesterday that he 
wished to send me up to Clinton with some stores for the hospital 
there, which will suit me very well as I have not much to do in 
the office just now. 

We had about 30 or 40 condemned horses turned over to us 
from the batteries the other day and Bill Stone and I have 
selected one apiece which we intend to fatten up for our own use. 
The Captain told me that I could keep mine if he proved to be 
any account, and I think he will although he is very poor at 

The troops that went off after the Yankees yesterday played 
hell finding them. They went up as far as Hermitage, which is 
not more than three miles above Port Hudson and remained there 
through all the rain and storm of yesterday and returned a little 

13 On February 24, 1863, the Union gunboat Indianola, was overtaken near New 
Carthage and captured, after a fierce battle, by the Confederate rams Queen of the 
West and William H. Webb. Fearing recapture, the victors blew up the vessel. Later 
it was decided that the Indianola was not irretrievably destroyed and salvage operations 
were undertaken. Gosnell, Guns on the Western Waters y 194-201. 



while ago to Port Hudson without doing anything, that is the 
way to whale the Yankees. 

This kind of weather will put a stop to the notions of the 
enemy for a while at any rate because I know the nature of the 
country between this place and Baton Rouge, and it is certain 
they cannot advance with any show of success over the miry 
roads, for it is little better than a swamp all the way from Port 
Hudson to Baton Rouge. 

It is thought that we will be able to raise the wreck of the 
" Indianola " without much trouble and I hope it may be so, for 
then with the aid of " The Queen of the West/' " The Webb," 
and what cotton boats we can bring into the service, we can clean 
out the river below this point without much difficulty, I think, or 
if we do not clear the river, we will annoy the enemy very much. 

The last news I have heard is that Brute Butler was killed in 
Washington City by Bouligni from New Orleans, but I do not 
believe a word of it. 14 

Saturday, February 28: I suffered very much from my eyes 
last night and this morning they hurt me considerably. Last 
night was a terribly stormy one. It seemed as though the flood 
gates of Heaven had let loose sure enough, for I never heard a 
harder rain fall than that last night. 

I was up this morning by the time it was light and the weather 
to-day is almost as bad as it was last night. This will certainly 
prevent the Yankees from making much head-way towards an 
attack on Port Hudson. The country between this place and 
Baton Rouge is almost one continual lake after such a rain as 
we had since yesterday. 

I saw by the papers that Governor [Claiborne F.] Jackson of 
Missouri is dead and [Thomas C.] Reynolds is now the Governor, 
and he has issued his proclamation asking all good citizens to 
join the Confederate army and help to whip out the Yankees. 15 

Sunday, March 1: A new month begins to-day and I hope it 
will be a more pleasant month than the last one was. I tried to 

14 Benjamin F. Butler. The rumor was, of course, false. 

15 After 1861, the Confederate governorship of Missouri was little more than a title. 
The Confederates, however, maintained a government in exile until the end of the war. 



keep out of doing any work to-day as It is Sunday, but I have 
been compelled to make out my semi-monthly report in order to 
have it ready to send on to-morrow. 

I am about to make a race with Bill Stone between two of the 
old bags of bones in the yard for $20.00. Bill backed out of one 
race that he made with me. 

I employ the most of my leisure time in reading Tom Moore 
and Pope, though I prefer the former, not on account of its 
depth, but on account of its jingling along so smoothly and has 
so much of love in it. As I never intend to marry, it would appear 
that I would have no taste for such reading, but I have. In fact, 
I am very fond of such works and more, I presume, on account 
of old associations than anything else for I never read a verse of 
Moore's works without its reminding me of the happiest days of 
my life spent with the girls in dear old Clinton. A retrospective, 
however, brings to mind the pleasant times when I was in love 
with Lizzie Hardesty, Josephine Rich, Louise Rowen, and Sam 
Butler, who was my particular crony at that time, was deeply 
enamored on Anna Dunbar to whom he was afterwards married. 
It is really astonishing how hard I loved Josephine Rich. I almost 
worshipped her for about a year, but after that, some-how I 
never knew exactly why, I took a very violent dislike to her, and 
in fact, I believe it was mutual between us. In later years, I took 
a fancy to others, but they too have nearly slipped from my 
thoughts and now I have no particular regard for any of them. 

I have many friends among the ladies, but I believe I am past 
the age for loving them. I have spent many happy hours with the 
girls, and I notice that I have also spent all my money and now I 
think that it behooves me to make a sufficient amount of money 
to provide for all my wants for the future, or in other words, that 
all my energies must be applied to money-making for a time at 
least. With a capital of four or five thousand dollars, I have no 
fears of failing to make as much as I want. I am fully satisfied 
that a married man is happier than an unmarried one, but still 
I cannot make up my mind to marry. 

Monday, March 2: This is another beautiful day and the sun 
shines congenially and warm and it makes me feel more cheerful 



after having such very bad, comfortless weather as we have had 
for the last two months. 

We have had no mails here since last Friday on account of 
the railroad bridges being out of repair and there has been no 
news by telegraph that I have heard. 

Bill Stone and I took a ride yesterday up to John Bradford's 
where I had a long chat with John and borrowed a volume of 
Byron from him which I have been reading to-day. When we 
were coming back, Bill's horse, an old, poor looking creature that 
seemed as though the life was almost out of it, started off and ran 
away with him. This is the horse that Bill intends to run against 
my mustang pony. I think I will beat him though for the pony 
is as quick as lightning and he must start right fast if he gets 
off before mine. We are to run them the first day of next April. 

I heard yesterday that our men had blown up the gun-boat 
" Indianola." 

Friday, March 6: I went up home day before yesterday and 
I have just returned. While I was at home, I told mother as pro- 
visions were so scarce, that it would be much better for her to 
close our house, which she has consented to do. 

As soon as I arrived here, Captain Raphael asked me to ex- 
change over-coats with him, which I did as my coat, although a 
very fine one, was too large for me and his just fit me. My coat 
I obtained at the Battle of Shiloh, out of an officer's tent and I 
gave it to one of our wounded boys to lie on and he brought it on 
to Corinth. If it had not been for this, I would have been com- 
pelled to leave it on the field as it was out of the question for me 
to take care of it. Mine is the most valuable coat, but I saw 
that he was anxious to have it so I traded with him. 

There is nothing new in camp that I can hear. The last dis- 
patches say that Van Dorn has captured 3,000 prisoners at a 
little town about 15 miles this side of Nashville. There are no 
particulars of the affair. 16 

10 The battle of Thompson's Station, Tennessee, fought March 4 and 5, 1863. 
Confederate cavalry under Major General Earl Van Dorn defeated a small Union 
force commanded by Colonel John Coburn. Some 1,300 Federal troops surrendered; 
the rest fled. Robert S. Henry, The Story of the Confederacy (New York, 1943) , 2S8. 



Sunday, March 8: I did not rise this morning until nearly 
7 o'clock, lit my pipe and took a walk down to the steam-boat 
landing and returned to the office. My head gets no better and 
my eyes are very much affected by it and sometimes I am not able 
to see how to read or write which makes me very uneasy about it. 

There must be a perfect stand still everywhere just now, but 
we will probably have an avalanche of news from Vicksburg before 
many days, for from all accounts, the Yankees are preparing for 
an attack. Three deserters from the Yankees at Baton Rouge 
two noncommissioned officers and a private came in yesterday 
and they say there is no unanimity of feeling amongst the men in 
Bank's command, that they are divided on the negro question. 
They said that the rumor is that they will attack Port Hudson at 
an early day, but these men say that the Yankees will not fight, 
that it is not much of an army anyway. This may all be very 
true, yet still I think it behooves us to be preparing as though it 
were the best organized army in the world. 

The papers say that Hooker's command in Virginia is abso- 
lutely being thinned out by the desertions. The Lincoln Congress 
has passed the Conscript Act bringing out all between the ages of 
18 and 45. This will make a tremendous army, to be sure, but the 
question is, will they fight after they are brought out. If not, 
they will only be worse off than they were before, and in truth, 
they already have as many men in the field now as they can 
maneuver well. 17 

Sir Robert Peal, Member of Parliament and Chief Secretary of 
Ireland, made a public speech in England, in which he recom- 
mended to Lord Palmerston 18 to recognize the South. He thinks 
that a split in the Union will more surely effect the extinguish- 

17 It was not until 1863 that the Federal government passed a national conscription 
law. By the provisions of this act (March 3, 1863) all able-bodied male citizens 
between the ages of twenty and forty-five were declared liable to military service. 
Numerous exemptions, the practice of buying a substitute, and lax enforcement caused 
the act to become one of the great scandals of the war. About 46,000 conscripts and 
118,000 substitutes, comprising some six per cent of the Union forces, were drafted 
into the Federal armies. Randall, Civil War Reconstruction, 410-15. 

18 The British Prime Minister, 



ment of slavery more than anything else. He urges it on account 
of the dullness of trade, the sufferings of the poor, the increase of 
taxes to the diminution of revenues; that the subjugation of the 
South is utterly impossible, and that if the reconstruction of the 
states is the point in view, that the only way to effect it is by 
reconciliation and not by force of arms. In the North, they look 
upon our recognition by France as a certain fact, and they are 
very much afraid of a general recognition in Europe. 

Kendrick was telling me this morning all about the difficulty 
that he and Tom Skip got into at Bayou Sara, and he says that 
Tom would have recovered if it had not been for his own impru- 
dence. After he was able to walk about, he got some rum and 
got very drunk, which caused inflamation to ensue and produce 
death in the course of a few days. So much for drinking liquor. 

Monday, March 9: Yesterday, we heard very distant, a rapid 
firing in the direction of Baton Rouge, and deserters that came 
in yesterday reported that the Yankees are preparing to advance, 
but I think it will be impossible for them to make any headway 
if this weather continues because it will make the roads too bad 
for baggage trains and artillery. If the accounts we receive be 
true, they are very loath to come, and will endure the battle 
without a hope of success. 

I learned this morning that we had a skirmish with the Yankees 
this side of Baton Rouge and that the enemy is advancing in 
full force. 19 

Tuesday, March 10: I have nothing to do this evening and I 
have taken a seat on the hand-rail of the gallery to take a view 
of the river and of what is going on. 

The weather is cloudy with a slight rain falling and the 
prospect is very hazy. The fog is drifting up river in banks and 
the shore on the other side as far as I can see, is under water. 
There is a crevasse above which is submerged the other side 
for miles and miles. There is no one to be seen except an occa- 

1J> General Banks was attempting to move 1S,000 men from Baton Rouge to the rear 
of Port Hudson in early March, 1863. This move was made in an effort to co-operate 
with Admiral Farragut who tried to send a part of his fleet past the Port Hudson 
batteries on March 14 and 15, 1863. Battles and Leaders, HI, 590. 



sional soldier with a bucket or a bundle on or under Ms arm, but 
as the rain is beginning to fall pretty heavy, my operations are 
cut short. 

^ Thursday, March 12: This is a beautiful morning and looks 
like spring sure enough. There is some excitement this morning. 
The Yankees are reported coming up with their fleet of gun-boats 
and mortar boats and are only about 5 or 6 miles below the point, 
I will believe they are coming when I see their boats in the river, 
and not until then because I know that they will not venture to 
bring up their land forces until they have their fleet in fighting 

Captain Fogg is sick and has gone to Clinton and this throws 

the forage to my hands again, which I was in hopes I had got 

clear of it altogether, but at the very time that I did not want 

anything to do with it, it comes in on me. Damn the luck, I say. 

Friday, March 13: There are 5 of the enemy's vessels in sight 

this morning. Four of them appear to be men of war, and the 

other is the " Essex," The four have masts and smoke stacks. 

They have landed about 150 men at Springfield which is about 

10 or 12 miles below on this side of the river, but I understand 

that they have gone back again, I suppose that it was merely a 

reconnoitering party to ascertain how the land lies. I am not 

particularly fond of fighting, but I must say that I would like 

very much to see an engagement between the boats and the 

batteries. I have heard nothing of the main body of their army. 

Sunday, March 15: About dark last night, I saw the whole 

fleet drawn up in line of battle, just above the head of Prophet's 

Island. 20 I remarked to Bill Stone that I thought there would be 

the devil to pay next morning, because if I could judge by the 

motions of the vessels, they intended to try our batteries. I 

told him that we had better go to bed early for they would in all 

probability commence before day. Bill laughed at the idea. 

About 11 o'clock we heard a heavy gun, and then the shell then 

another and another,, and finally the whole of the fleet let loose 

on us, though our batteries did not answer for some time. It 

30 A few miles south of Port Hudson just out of range of the Confederate heavy guns. 



was not long however before every one of our batteries cut loose, 
and of all the noises that ever I heard, this beat it. The very 
earth trembled. It waked everybody up in Clinton, and was 
heard very distinctly high up on the Jackson Rail Road. This 
was kept up without the slightest intermission, until near two 
o'clock, when they drew off, with the loss of one of their finest 
vessels, the " Mississippi." She took fire, and floated away down 
the River. It was a grand sight to see her, as she drifted slowly 
down, lighting up the neighboring shores and the turbid tide of 
the Mississippi with a lurid glare, and the shells on her decks 
were exploding constantly. After she drifted below Prophet's 
Island her magazine exploded with a tremendous roar. Several 
other vessels were badly damaged. 

This was the grandest scene that ever I beheld. The flag ship 
" Hartford " succeeded in passing the batteries and is now lying 
up about Waterloo. The gun-boats have steam up and I suppose 
that they intend to make another attack on us before night, but 
as I am very much fatigued, not having slept any last night, I 
have not time to note the particulars. One thing is certain, and 
that is that the crews of the boats suffered severely and there was 
more than a hundred lives lost on " The Mississippi " alone. 21 

Raphael ordered me to have a wagon brought to the door and 
put his trunk containing some $50,000 or $60,000 dollars, and 
my most valuable papers in it and carry it up to Maj. Bennett's 
quarters. I started up with them in a four mule wagon, and when 
we got about half way the shells began to fall so thick that the 
mules became frightened and ran through a panel of fence that 
was down, and there they were the mules through the fence in the 
enclosure and the wagon outside. The driver could not manage 

21 Operating with the Queen of the West and the Webb, the Confederates regained 
control of the waters between Port Hudson and Vicksburg. This included the Red 
River system which the Confederacy was dependent upon for transportation and 
supplies from Central and North Louisiana and Texas. Since Admiral Porter did not 
have any ships available to send down from his command above Vicksburg to regain 
supremacy, Farragut decided to come up from below and run the Port Hudson batteries 
with his fleet of steam sloops and gunboats. Farragut had in his fleet several large, 
new, screw sloops-of-war, as well as the old side-wheeler Mississippi, which had 
carried Perry to Japan in 1852. Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies, 
I, 19, 20, 24. See also Gosnell, Guns on the Western Waters, 204-22. 



them, and the shells were falling thicker and thicker every 
moment, and I soon became convinced that the mules, wagon, 
trunks and boxes, would soon be blown to the devil if I didn't get 
away from there. I saw several negroes passing, full speed and I 
tried in vain to get some of them to assist me. They were too 
badly frightened to heed anything. After a while another came 
along, almost out of breath. 

" Stop there! " said I. " I want your assistance here a few 
minutes to untangle these mules." " No sah! I can't stop now " 
said the negro blowing like a porpoise. " Yes, but you must " I 
answered, and drawing a pistol I told him if he didn't help me 
that I would kill him on the spot. This brought him to a stand, 
and he very reluctantly went to work to render some assistance. 
I at length succeeded in disentangling the mules from the pickets 
and I had no further trouble. But taking the money and papers 
up to Bennett's was no better than leaving them where they 
were at first, because the shells fell just as thick or thicker there 
than they did at my quarters. 

The negroes were dreadfully frightened. One in his terror, broke 
off towards the woods through the darkness, and not being able 
to see before him he ran over a stump and broke his neck. 

There were several women who had come down to see their 
husbands in the camp. They tried to get away and not knowing 
the geography of the country, they fell into a stream of water and 
a woman and child were drowned. I gave an order for coffins 
yesterday as they succeeded in recovering the bodies. I think 
that the Yankees are too badly damaged to make another attack 
for some time. 

Monday, March 16: It looks very dismal this morning and 
there is a very heavy fog on the river so that nothing can be seen 
50 yards from the shore. General Buford 22 stayed all night with 
us last night, and he is " some " when it comes to size. I think 
that he will weigh at least 300 pounds. 

All the damage that we have done to the Yankees so far as I 
can learn, is the loss of one of their steam-ships which was burned 
as mentioned above, and another was so much injured that she 

22 Brigadier General Abram Buford, Confederate cavalry commander. 



called out to our men not to fire on her any more that they were 
in a sinking condition and surrendered their vessel, which drifted 
away with the current. 

The weather is cloudy and heavy thunder is rumbling in the 
distance and judging from appearances, I think that we will have 
a rainy night of it. We all think that we will have another bom- 
bardment to-night, though if we have injured the enemy as much 
as we think we have, they will not be able to make the attack to- 
night. I believe they can pass if the night is very dark and cloudy. 

I can hear nothing of the movements of the main body of their 
army, though I presume that it is on its way to make the attack. 

A Yankee Captain, who was wounded and taken prisoner yester- 
day afternoon outside the breast-works, when told that one of 
their splendid ships was burning, exclaimed, " It is not possible, 
it is not possible," but they convinced him of his error by pointing 
out the burning vessel, which cast a lurid glare over the turbid 
waters of the mighty Mississippi. It was a gratifying and happy 
sight for our brave boys to see her timbers falling one after 
another, and amid the roar of artillery, could be heard the loud 
shouts of our men as the flames mounted higher and higher and 
deck and masts and yard-arms were enveloped with a firy, wind- 
ing sheet. As she drifted slowly down the stream, her guns were 
going off as fast as they were heated by the fire and shells were 
exploding every few minutes, and finally about 5 o'clock, as the 
current took her past the point, her magazine exploded with a 
tremendous noise that shook the very ground. 

Thursday, March 19: Banks army, which was within a few 
miles of Port Hudson the day after the bombardment, took fright 
at something and rushed pell mell back to Baton Rouge without 
waiting to be fired on by our troops at all and they are now all in 
Baton Rouge, where, from all accounts, they are likely to remain. 
I do not know how Banks can get around making an attack on us, 
and then again, I cannot see how he can do it because his men will 
not fight. 

Sunday, March 22: Heavy firing below between midnight and 
day this morning, but I cannot learn the cause of it. From 2p.m. 
until 4 p. m. yesterday the enemy kept up a steady shelling at 



the steamboats that were unloading at the landing. They shoot 
with marvelous accuracy, and they have one gun of most extra- 
ordinary range. It must be at the very least calculation 5 miles 
and I think that it is fully 6 from where they fire to where the 
shell falls. The old citizens who are about here say that it is 
eight miles, but I know that there never was a gun nor ever will 
be one that will shoot 8 miles. I will cut the distance down one 
half and say 4 miles, and still it is extraordinary shooting, though 
I am ignorant as regards heavy ordnance and it may be a common 
thing to shoot 5 or 6 miles. All the shells fall about 100 yards 
from my quarters and occasionally one comes into the yard. 

I think after a while they will get guns of range sufficient to 
shell Port Hudson from the Gulf of Mexico. The gun they fire 
at us must certainly be some new patent. 23 

Our boats took with a leaving pretty quick, some of them to 
Bayou Sara and some of them up Thompson's creek, where they 
will remain awaiting orders. 

Saturday, March 28: I have not written in my journal for 
some time, the particular reason being that I have been too lazy 
to write. 

There is nothing of importance going on. Raphael has been 
made Major of Buford's brigade and he turns everything over to 
Captain McGuire, who is the Post Quarter Master now. I am to 
go with Raphael. All the men who were under Raphael have 
made him a present of two stars to go on his coat. Four of us 
are having two stars made for him out of two $5.00 gold pieces, 
which will be completed in a few days. No news from the Yankees. 

a3 These shells were fired from an 8-inch. Parrott gun mounted aboard the Union 
gunboat Genesee. The Confederates referred to these missiles, which were about two 
feet long and two hundred pounds in weight, as "Limping Toms." The shells were 
plainly visible in the air and would sometimes skip over the ground at short intervals 
before finally exploding. One observer has written that the shell looked " something 
like a beerkeg." John S. Kendall, ed., "Recollections of a Confederate Officer," 
Louisiana Historical Quarterly, XXIX (October, 1946), 1122. 


Tired, hungry, and worn out 


Clinton, Tuesday, June 1, 1863: It has been a long time since 
I have written in my journal two long months and since that 
time a great many important things have transpired, but I shall 
confine myself to my own peregrinations during this time without 
attempting to give anything like a correct account of what has 
been done by the armies on both sides since the first of April last. 

I am now writing at home upstairs with no one to bother me 
except a little negro boy who is beginning to talk quite distinctly 

I shall now proceed to give a very short account of 

1. My personal adventures, trials, troubles and tribulations. 

2. As well as I can remember, the leading points in the con- 
ducting of the war up to this time. 

3. The present aspect of things. 

4. My thoughts as to the future. 

Gen. Buford made Raphael his Qr. Mr. and this gave him the 
rank of Major. Raphael insisted upon my going with him, and 
as I had promised him some time before that when he went away 
from Pt. Hudson that I would go with him, I could not well 
get out of it now, though if I had consulted my own feelings in 
regard to the matter, I would have remained at Port Hudson. As 
matters afterwards turned out, my leaving with Raphael, was the 



best thing I could have done, because it saved me from the horrors 
of a siege. 1 

About the first of the month of April, having transferred every- 
thing over to Captain McGuire that we had on hand in the 
Quarter Master's Department, Captain (now Major) Raphael 
packed up our effects to start with General Buford to join 
General Johnston's army in Tennessee. He rode up to Harris- 
burg in company with General Buford and Staff while I took pas- 
sage on the cars to Clinton. I did not reach home until about one 
o'clock next morning on account of the cars running off the track 
several times. Colonel Pond and I rode on the engine in front 
of the smoke-stack and had a very tedious and unpleasant time 
of it and it was made still worse by the conductor's placing two 
trunks on the platform where we were sitting very cozily up to 
that time. However, we managed to get through pretty well 
although we were very glad to reach the end of our journey 
safely. We had a crowd of soldiers on board too. 

Buford and Staff did not arrive until the next day about 10 
or 11 o'clock. We remained two or three days that is Raphael 
and I, but the others went on to Osyka [Miss.] the day previous 
to our departure. The day after they left, Raphael, Colonel Jack- 
son, commandant of an Alabama regiment, and myself, and a 
driver whose name was Battson, started in an ambulance for 
Osyka. We campt that night within 1 miles of Osyka and the 
next day about 10 o'clock arrived at Osyka. 

Where we campt that night was a house in which dwelled an 
old lady with several children, two of whom were girls nearly 
grown and the eldest, who, by-the-way, was very pretty, looked 
like she was [pregnant] although she was not married, or at least 
if she was not in the family way, Colonel Jackson and I were 

We halted the remainder of that day and night at Osyka. 
Having a little more bedding with me than I thought absolutely 

1 Buford's Brigade was ordered to Jackson, Mississippi, with instructions to join 
the forces of General Joseph E. Johnston and co-operate in the defense of Vicksburg. 
Patrick was thus spared the long siege of Port Hudson which, although on a smaller 
scale, was just as severe as the siege of Vicksburg. Port Hudson surrendered to 
Union troops on July 9, 1863. Battles and Leaders, HE, 586-98. 



necessary, I sent two pair of blankets home by Bloom and Adler 
who were on their way from Jackson, Mississippi to Clinton. 

The next day we left for Jackson and arrived there about 5 
o'clock and after having all the baggage taken from the cars, 
we obtained a room at the Confederate House near the railroad. 
We had all our books, papers, etc., put away in the cellar of the 
house to remain until we wanted them. 

I remained there several days until Raphael procured a leave 
of absence to visit his family at Mobile, and he obtained an order 
for me to return home and remain there until I received further 
instructions. Going from Jackson to Osyka I fell in with Felix 
Delee. I telegraphed home for a conveyance, but after remaining 
there two days, and no conveyance for us making its appearance, 
Felix and I hired a vehicle belonging to Dick Rigby to take us. 
We had not gone more than three miles from Osyka before one 
of the fore wheels of the concern came all to pieces and there we 
were. Felix took one of the horses and went forward to see if he 
couldn't hire another vehicle, and while he was gone, Frank drove 
up with mother in the carriage, and Hardesty's old Henry was 
driving the two mules with the wagon. 

Felix had returned by this time with a buggy wheel that he had 
borrowed from someone. This was put on to Rigby's buggy, and 
Felix and I got in the wagon and we all started back home. 

It was long after dark when we crossed the Amite River. When 
we got opposite Rogers' place the mules took fright at something 
and ran away with the wagon. I managed to get out behind, when 
I saw that old Henry was already out and the reins dragging the 
ground, but Felix was lying in the bottom of the wagon asleep. 
Everything transpired so suddenly that I hadn't time to give 
Felix any warning, and away the mules went with the wagon. 
Clatter, clatter, clatter it went as it bounded over gullies, roots 
and stumps. The sound grew fainter and fainter, until finally 
it ceased altogether. Henry had by this time got up complaining 
that he was hurt, but I knew that this was all put on to cover 
his cowardly abandonment of the reins. We walked on up the 
road for about half a mile, until we came to a portion of the 
wagon, hind wheels, and a little farther on we saw the wagon 



body. I called Felix. He answered from under the wagon body, 
which, in falling off, had turned bottom side up, with Felix on 
the under side. We raised it up and enquired if he was hurt. 
He got out and shook himself, and after a thorough examination 
he said that he was all right. This was a fortunate escape. Farther 
on we found the fore wheels, and still farther on we found the 
mules fastened to a tree. Someone had tied them there. 

We managed to get home in the other two vehicles and the 
next morning I sent Frank out after the mules and wagon. 

I remained at home until the 6th June [1863] awaiting orders 
from Raphael, but I could hear nothing more from him. The 
Yankees had already made one raid upon the town, and I had 
been informed by the Comdt. of the Post, that the evacuation of 
the place had been decided upon, and it was to be accomplished 
on the night of the 6th June. 

I accordingly decided upon leaving that day and as I could 
hear nothing from Raphael I determined to rejoin my Regiment 
as a high old private once more. I was to take Frank and the 
wagon and go to Brookhaven [Miss.], thence on to the regiment 
wherever it was. 2 Clay Davis was going with me as far as Mag- 
nolia, Miss. He was telegraph operator at that place and had 
been over home on a leave of absence, and was now returning to 
his post again. Not wishing to make the trip from Brookhaven 
to Johnston's army alone, if there was any company to be had, 
I went round to see Moses, who was at home on furlough and 
asked him if he wouldn't go. He said he was not ready. 

As I was standing in the front door, ruminating on things 
generally, I saw Clarence Bell and W. D. Lea pass by in a buggy. 
As Clarence was a member of the 4th the thought struck me that 
he would probably like to go. 

1 went down to his house forthwith, and met him at the gate 
as he got out of the buggy. I made the proposition to him, repre- 
senting that if he felt desirous of returning to the Regiment this 

2 On May 1, 1863, the Fourth Louisiana was sent out from Port Hudson to intercept 
Grierson's raiders (see D. Alexander Brown, Gmersoris Raid, Urbana, 1954) but, failing 
to do so, it was ordered to hurry northward and join Johnston's army at Jackson, 
Mississippi, and co-operate in the efforts to relieve Vicksburg. 



would be the best opportunity that he would have, as he would 
have company and save the expense of this journey to Brook- 
haven, which at this time was quite an item, for he could not hire 
a team to go there for less than $75.00 or $100. He said he 
would go and the arrangement was made that I should drive out 
to Isaac Jackson's and wait for him and Lea there, and that we 
would go from Jackson's to Lea's and remain all night and make 
an early start next morning. We went over to Lea's and remained 
all night. 

I had known Lea's wife during her school-girl days, and seeing 
her again reminded me of the many happy hours I have passed 
away with her and the other girls that went to school to old 
Mr. Taylor in Clinton, among whom were several very pretty 
girls, who were then my sweethearts, for I was a fast young man 
in those days, and could always boast of 5 or 6 true loves at the 
same time. 

I could relate a great many things in regard to my young lady 
friends and sweethearts, but, although those days have long past, 
I do not think it proper to mention all those little affairs that 
occurred under the intoxicating influence of love and passion. 

I have always been very fond of ladies' society, but as for the 
" frail fair ones " the " nymphs de pare " I have no use. But I 
must return. 

Lea treated us very hospitably, and he lived well. The next 
morning when we were ready to go, he made us a present of a 
fine ham and other edibles to take along with us, and accompanied 
us several miles on our way, to point out the right road, for all 
of which we thanked him, " and shoved our boat from shore." 

[A portion of this page was cut from the original diary. It 
seems, however, that Patrick and his companion traveled for 
some distance before they approached a native and requested 

We didn't ask nor desire anything more of him than a little 
water. He came out to where we were making our arrangements 
to camp, for the purpose, I suppose of seeing who we were, and 
what we were doing in such close proximity to his possessions, and 
this was all right enough. 


I asked him if he would give us some water. " Yes! Yes! Cer- 
,ainly you can have some water. I have a well in my yard, but 
,hat is for the use of rny family, but if you will drive your wagon 
ound below the horse lot you will find an old well there, and I 
Jiink you can manage to obtain some water out of it, as much 
it least as you will require/' We drove around as directed, he 
bllowing, and continuing to talk incessantly all the time. 

"Mind now" said he "don't drive against that little tree" 
3ointing at the same time to a little scrubby black-jack that was 
standing by the road-side " that is a fine little tree. Don't drive 
)ver those rails " he continued, as we approached a pile of pine 
saplings that were lying in a pile before us. " I intend to make a 
fence of them; now here's a nice little grassy place that will just 
suit you, drive this way and stop your wagon right here." 

I began to think he was exceedingly kind, and I thought we had 
fallen into good hands for once, but still I didn't like his not 
giving us some of the good water out of the well in the yard and 
tie seemed to be devilish particular about a little worthless 

" Now gentlemen " said he " you are perfectly welcome to any- 
thing I have, and I will do anything I can to accomodate you 
and make you comfortable." 

" Where are you going? " 

I told him we were going to rejoin the army. " What Brigade 
do you belong to? " I told him. " Just help yourselves gentlemen 
to anything that will be of any use to you. I would rather you 
wouldn't turn your mules in the lot. Can't you tie them just as 
well out here? " 

I told him I could. That I didn't wish to put them in the lot, 
but preferred having them outside near where we would sleep. 

" I am sorry that I have no corn to give you, as mine is about 
out, but if I had any you should have it, but unfortunately I 
have not purchased any lately." 

I replied that we had an abundant supply of forage and would 
not require any of his. " I would invite you in to supper but the 
table has been cleared off, and there is nothing left." I thanked 
him, telling him that we were very well supplied with rations. 



When we produced our store of provisions, he didn't see any 
bread, although we had plenty. He didn't wait for us to ask for it. 
No indeed! He was too polite for that. 

" I wish I had some meal to give you to make bread of, but we 
are nearly out, and what little we have is musty, and not fit to 
eat, and we have a long ways to bring it from the mill," which 
last I afterwards found to be a lie, as the mill was not more than 
a mile and a half from his house for we past it on our way to 

By this time Frank had produced the bread from our " Com- 

" Ah! I see you have some bread. That's lucky. I intended 
if you didn't have any to send for my cook and have some made 
for you. So it will save me the trouble." 

" Where did you say you were from? " I told him. " Clinton! 
Oh! Yes Clinton! Aha! A right pretty little place I suppose. 
I have never been there but I have heard it spoken of very often. 
What did you say your name was? " 

By this time I had begun to tire of his talk, and disgusted with 
his bogus kindness for I now saw his whole drift, which was in 
the first place to ascertain who we were and all about us, and 
in the next place, to have us where he could keep an eye on our 
movements, and I felt a perfect contempt for him, because he 
reminded me by his voice and manner of speaking and actions 
generally of Parson Poole, one of the most contemptible indi- 
viduals of the human species. 

I answered him rather abruptly that I had never told him my 

" Ah! Oh! Yes! I beg pardon, I declare I do. Excuse me " he 
continued in a whining sort of tone " I suppose you would not 
mind telling me what it is; I really beg pardon though, I thought 
I had asked you before, He! He! He! " and wound up with a 
sickly sort of laugh. 

I had a great notion to get out of the wagon and kick his stern 
all over his own premises but " in the first place, firstly " I 
doubted my ability to do that, because he was a larger man than 
I, and in the next place, I concluded he wasn't worth kicking even 



if I could administer the dose without resistance. I therefore 
concluded that the better way would be to make a clean breast 
of it, and get the load off my stomach, and put it on to his if he 
wanted it, so I told him my name; I told him all our names; I 
told him how old I was, where I was born, where I had lived up 
to the breaking out of the war, when and where I had joined the 
army, how long I expected the war to last, and went on to say 
that if I knew myself, that I would tell him where I would go to 
when I died. He stood looking at me with his hands in his pockets, 
until I got through. 

" Can I do anything more towards making you comfortable? " 
said he. 

" I don't think you can " I replied " as you have already done a 
great deal, and we could not reasonably ask you to do anything 

He went away under the impression that we felt ourselves 
under eternal obligations to him. He was a full blooded Yankee 
and no mistake. 

Clarence Bell got very tired, and was constantly wishing that 
he had never left home, and would propose to me to turn back 
and as he said, let old Johnston and his army go to hell. He 
cursed the pine roots and stumps, and the hot weather and the 
dust, to his entire satisfaction. 

We met a negro riding a mule. " How far is it to hell old man " 
said Clarence. 

" I dunno marster, but I speck if you should happen to drap off, 
you'd soon find out," said the darkie showing a row of ivory. 
Clarence dried up. 

I never knew before that Clarence was so much addicted to 
drinking. If he had been as fond of his mother's milk, as he is of 
whiskey he would have been awful hard to wean. 

Clarence saw some chickens on the road side that morning and 
tried to catch some of them but failed. 

At noon on the second day we stopped at a spring of clear, cold 
water, where we bivouacked for a couple of hours and then 
went on. 

The second night we camped on a creek near the site of an old 



mill that had been destroyed by the Yankees on one of their 
raids, within a mile and a half of Brookhaven. We arrived at 
this camp sometime after night. There was an impassable bridge 
over the stream near the mill which we thought was all right, but 
when we drove on it the mules refused to go. It was very dark 
and on getting out to examine the premises we found a number 
of planks gone. As it was impossible to turn round we unhar- 
nessed the mules and shoved the wagon back by hand. 

From this camp we heard heavy firing all night at Vicksburg. 
Early next morning we entered Brookhaven. I saw more signs of 
the Yankees, in the way of blackened ruins of buildings and 
camps near the town. After we reached the village I dismissed 
Frank with his wagon and sent him back home. We took the train 
from Brookhaven for Jackson about 9 a. m. We arrived at the 
getting off place, about three miles South of Jackson at 11 a. m. 
The rail-road for three miles below Jackson had been destroyed 
by the Yankees. 

As my carpet bag was very heavy and the weather excessively 
warm, we hired a negro with a two mule wagon to take us up to 
Jackson. It seemed to me that this was the hardest riding wagon 
that ever I got into. One of the mules had what the negro called 
a fistula on his shoulder, and he bled so profusely at every step 
that I thought he would not be able to go. Every time we stopped 
there was a pool of blood at his feet. 

We stopped at the house of a citizen and asked for a canteen 
of water. The lady said that she could not afford to fill our can- 
teens as water was too scarce but that we could have a drink. 
Clarence emphatically pronounced it a hell of a country, said 
that it was bad enough to go without whiskey, but when the 
water rations were cut off too, he intended to resign (Clarence 
was a high private) . 

This scarcity of water prevails all through this section. 

We saw Colonel Allen, our old commander, at Jackson. He was 
just returning from Richmond. I enquired of him the whereabouts 
of our Regiment and he informed us that it was on the Big 
Black River 10 miles west of Canton, and that the best way to 



reach them was to take the train to Canton and then get on 
from there the best way that I could. 

About this time we began to feel a little hungry and our grub 
had gin out. We bought a bologna sausage and a pound of 
crackers. I think I shall remember that sausage, for it didnt 
agree with my feelings, and I felt like I had been metamorphosed 
in a caison for a six pounder, and Clarence hinted at having found 
something similar to a dog collar in the middle of the sausage, but 
I didn't believe him. 

We took the train at 2 p.m. for Canton and arrived there at 
5 p. m. same day. On getting out of the cars at Canton, I saw an 
officer standing in the door of a house near the depot, and I 
enquired of him the wherabouts of the troops. He answered me 
very abruptly and very ungentlemanly, that it needn't concern 
me where the troops were, but to go immediately and report 
myself to the Provost Marshal. I repeated to Clarence who 
was hard of hearing what the fellow said and it seemed to render 
him very uneasy and he enquired of me what we should do. I 
told him that we would go and obtain accomodation at a hotel 
in the town until we could ascertain where our Regiment was. 
We went to a hotel, the only one in the place, and asked for 
lodgings but were informed that the house was full. We got our 
meals at the hotel, but had to sleep on the gallery on our blankets. 

I saw Raphael at Canton and told him that I intended to rejoin 
my regiment. 

The next day we found a wagon going empty to Big Black, and 
we obtained permission to go on it. We reached the river about 
sundown and remained there with a Kentucky Regiment until our 
Regiment came along next morning. 

At Canton I exchanged my carpet bag for a knapsack. When 
the Regiment came up I saw Kilbourne and he told me to put my 
baggage in his ambulance. 

We encamped on a stream of stagnant water called Bear Creek 
If miles east of Big Black and eight miles west of Canton. 

We marched from our camp on Bear Creek to a camp on Big 
Black, thus bearing towards Vicksburg again on the Canton and 
Vieksburg road. This was a splendid camping place, being a 



lovely and retired grassy plot, covered with luxuriant grass, per- 
fectly level, and having on three sides large and noble forest 
trees, and there was a splendid spring of water, that afforded a 
good supply. 

This was near Seattle's Bluff, in the vicinity of which is laid 
the scene of [William Gilmore] Sims' story of the "Border 

We remained at this camp about a week, when we moved on to 
our next camp, about nine miles farther on the road towards 
Vicksburg just beyond a little town called Livingston where we 
were fortunate enough to find another spring of good water. 
Livingston is a poor looking village with perhaps 150 or 200 
inhabitants. The next morning we marched about eight miles 
farther on towards Vicksburg. 

(Here my journal commences again regularly. The reason why 
I didn't keep it in this manner all the time was because I didn't 
have paper and pencil convenient, but I shall endeavor to keep 
a daily record from this time.) 

Wednesday, June 24, 1863: Last night it rained very hard. 
There are only two tents in the Brigade. Gen. Maxey 3 has one 
and Col. Hunter has an older one, that leaks very badly. Capt. 
Kilbourne, Col. Hunter, Parson Godfrey, Jim Doyle, Jim Blow 
and I are messing together. 

Between Canton and Jackson on the railroad I noticed large 
fields of corn thrown away on account of the negroes all running 
away to the Yankees. 

I have heard very rapid firing during the last two hours in 
the direction of Vicksburg. An assault on the works I presume. 

Thursday* June 25: Weather very cool and bracing for the 
season. Our camp is very pleasantly located, being in the thick 
woods with plenty of shade and first-rate water. 

The whole of this portion of the country is very poorly watered, 
and there are no running streams between Big Black and Canton 
and very few springs. The planters use cistern water, altogether, 
To use the water of the Big Black will not do, for there is so 

3 Brigadier General Samuel Bell Maxey. 


much decayed vegetable matter in it, that it is certain to bring 
on sickness. The majority of the planters own large plantations 
and own a great number of slaves. The soil is alluvial and is 
very rich, producing splendid crops of corn and cotton. A planter 
whose place is only a few miles away, says he will make this year 
100,000 barrels corn, and perhaps more. The citizens are said 
to be aristocratic and purseproud. 

Our rations are meal, beef and salt, and hardly enough of that. 

Wednesday, July 1: We are ordered to move this morning. 
Moved on towards Vicksburg 5 miles and camped near a hollow 
filled with muddy stagnant water. We suffer for water. 

Thursday, July 2: 10 a. m. We have just passed the village 
of Brownsville. The citizens were standing at their gates with 
buckets and pitchers of water, handing it to every man that 
passed. This was the most acceptable thing that could have been 
offered us. 

We met a carriage this morning containing some handsome 
young ladies, and one in particular looked very pleasing with 
her sparkling eyes and rosy cheeks. I have thought of her twenty 
times today as I was marching along through the heat and dust 
and almost dying with thirst. 

The weather is very warm, and the heat of the sun is over- 
powering. Two of our regiment fell from sunstroke today. We 
are now only three miles from the enemy's pickets. 

Sunday, July 5: The weather is very dry and the roads a foot 
deep in dust. It is rumored that we are to leave today. 6 p.m. 
We have received orders to move at half past one tonight. 

Monday, July 6: Instead of getting off at 1 o'clock as ordered, 
we did not move until after daylight. The astounding intelligence 
has reached us that Vicksburg has fallen. Pemberton has sur- 
rendered. 4 We are in full retreat towards Jackson, Miss. 5 We 

4 July, 1863, was a tragic month for the Confederacy. Grant surrounded Vlcksburg 
and undertook a memorable siege of that city. Vastly outnumbered and with his 
troops suffering from hunger and lack of supplies, Pemberton surrendered his army on 
July 4 the day after Lee's defeat at Gettysburg. A few days later Port Hudson fell 
and Federal forces controlled the Mississippi from its source to the Gulf. 

5 The command had expected every day to receive orders to break through the Big 
Black swamp and attack Grant's rear. But the chance never came and at dawn on 



have had a terrible march to-day. No water dust, dust, dust. 
My God it is awful. The citizens all along the route take the 
buckets off the well ropes to prevent our getting water and we 
are suffering for the want of it. 

Clarence Bell, and Jim Nash went into a planter's house and 
asked for water. He told them he had none. They then offered 
$S for three canteens full. He accepted the money and gave them 
the water. 

I didn't get any sleep last night, nor have I had anything to 
eat for twenty- four hours and I feel pretty well worn out. The 
heat is intolerable and the dust awful. I never want to be on 
another retreat. 

Tuesday, July 7: OS again this morning towards Jackson. 
Reached Jackson about 12 M. 

Friday, July 17: There has been more or less fighting during 
the last ten days and the enemy have thrown a great many shells 
into the town. 6 We received orders a little after dark last night, 
and we moved on towards Brandon. Reached Brandon just as 
day was breaking. iVery tired and sleepy. Kilbourne's two 
servants Bill and Henry ran away last night. 

Saturday, July 18: Took up the line of march at daylight 
made 13 miles and camped at a mill pond. 

The men are very low spirited and have been ever since they 
heard of the fall of Vicksburg. I never saw such depression. 
Desertions are frequent. 

Monday, July 20: Moved at one p.m. Another terrible days 
march. The men and horses fall by the wayside every few hun- 
dred yards. I never saw anything like it. The cry is water, water, 
water. Got into camp about 10 at night tired, hungry and 
worn out. 

July 6 the men were instructed to effect an immediate retreat without stopping until 
they reached Jackson. Kendall, " Recollections of a Confederate Officer," loc. cit., 1145. 
e Patrick is referring to the " siege " of Jackson. As soon as Johnston received the 
bad news of the Confederate surrender at Vicksburg he fell back to Jackson. On July 
9, Gen. Sherman, commanding three corps of the Federal army, appeared on* the scene 
but instead of attacking he laid siege to the city. On the sixteenth, after a week 
of scattered skirmishing, Johnston evacuated Jackson and retreated eastward. Sherman 
did not pursue him but burned the city and retired to Vicksburg on July 23. Stanley P 
Horn, The Army of Tennessee (New York, 1941) , 20. 


Our men are deserting us by the hundred. 

Thursday, July SS: There is nothing new. Our army is rapidly 
diminishing. Hundreds are deserting every night. I stopped at 
the house of a small farmer today to see if I could have some 
washing done. While there I had a conversation with the lady of 
the house. She said that fifteen or twenty of the soldiers called 
at her house and represented that they were sick and asked for 
food and lodging. She says she put herself to a great deal of 
trouble and inconvenience, and deprived herself of nearly every- 
thing she had, for they are poor, to accomodate them. She gave 
them both food and lodging. They left before day the next morn- 
ing. On looking about next morning she discovered that her dairy 
had been entered during the night and all her dishes taken away 
and everything in the dairy either missing or destroyed. On going 
into the garden she found that all her vegetables were gone. They 
had also left the fence down so that the stock got into the 
field and were destroying the whole crop. The family is left in an 
almost destitute condition. This is only one instance out of a 
thousand, nay, one out of ten thousand. 

Friday, July 24: We moved our camp some 4 miles today and 
it is thought that we will remain here some time. We are near a 
creek of clear running water being the first we have seen in a 
long time. 

Saturday, July 25: I am anxious to hear from home. The last 
time I heard from there the Yankees were approaching the place, 
and no intelligence has reached me since that time. EHbourne 
and I went out in search of forage to-day, but we could not find 
any for sale. This section is very poor; there's nothing in it. 
There is one redeeming feature amid all the desolation, and that 
is the remarkably fine well water. The creek water is better than 
any we have found yet, though it is not as good as that we have 
about home. 

We stopped at a house on our way back to purchase some honey 
and while there I fell in love with one of the feminine gender. 

She was like Juliana in the song " tall and slender, and slender 
round the waist." When she straightened up good and unwound 
herself, she appeared to be fifteen feet long and when she rose 



from her chair she reminded me of the unfolding of the huge 
serpents we sometimes see in shows. Her face was thin and sharp 
and her nose keen enough to split a hair; she was slab-sided and 
had very large hands. She had very long legs being split up 
almost to the chin. Her legs looked like straws and were bowed 
like a pair of hams. Her dress came down a little below her 
knees and she wore very heavy shoes, about a number 7 I should 
judge, and no stockings. When she once got in motion "take 
keer." She went plum across the house at a stride. 

Tuesday, July 28: Eolbourne has gone to Morton 7 today and 
I am paying off the officers. Desertions still continue. 

Wednesday, July 29: I am getting along very well and about 
as well satisfied as a man could be under such circumstances. If 
there is no room for self reproach and an absence of physical pain 
I think any man ought to be able to make himself contented. 
Contentment is the one great thing. It is the summit of human 
happiness. But no man should be contented to remain idle and 
inert and of no use to himself or others. We should all live to 
some purpose. 

Friday, August 7: I have been very busy for the last five days 
extending pay-rolls and paying off the troops. 

We have received orders to move in the morning. We are bound 
for Enterprise, Miss. 8 Our horses do not fare very well now. 
Three green cornstalks per day for each horse. The desertions 
are more frequent than ever, and they leave by whole companies, 
officers and all. The Mississippians and Tennesseeans are nearly 
all deserting. I have heard of no Louisianians going yet. 

Saturday, August 8: I was awakened a long time before day 
by sharp talking, the rattle of chains and harness, the tramp of 
men and mules, besides various other sounds equally disagreeable. 
First Charlie Scharch a teamster was cursing another teamster 
named Easly, both loud and deep. It seemed that Easly had 
deserted the night before, and had carried off all Charlie's cooked 
rations. At length he subsided, and I had hardly fallen into a 

7 Morton Station in Scott County, Mississippi. 

* The regiment was ordered to Enterprise to prevent an advance of Federal cavalry 
which threatened in that direction. 


comfortable dose again before Pete Green the wagon master 
opened in full cry, about the loss of a Gov't horse, supposed to 
have been carried off by Easly. This however proved not to be 
the case. Pete finally hushed up and I again closed my eyes, 
hoping to get a good nap before day. Vain hope. Jim Doyle had 
got into the tent and opened his battery of words upon us. He 
was abusing Craig and Daniels for appropriating some provisions 
he had purchased. He poured his hot shot and shells on their 
devoted heads, until the " first sweet dawn of light " began to 
appear through the trees in the orient and I got up feeling drowsy 
and nervous and ready for the day's march. 

2 p. m. We are now at a railroad station called cc Forest/' Jim 
Blow and I rode about 3 miles in search of water. We at length 
found some muddy stagnant stuff, but we were very glad to get it. 
We raked off the black scum and pitched into it. As we were 
returning I saw Jonathan Embree in an ambulance. I didn't 
recognise him at first. He once boarded at our house. He was 
a clerk for a short time for Levi Bloom & Co," 9 but he drank so 
much that they would not keep him. He looked pale and emaci- 
ated. He said he was captured at Baker's Creek by the Yankees 
and had been sick for a long time. 

The troops go through by rail and the wagon train goes across 
the country. I shall go with the latter. 

These open pine woods are very hot the tall pines afford no 
protection from the sun. 

Sunday, August 9: Off for Enterprise this morning. 

Monday, August 10: Made 25 miles today. Country very 

Tuesday, August 11: Up by the time it was light, but didn't 
get off until after sunrise. Reached Enterprise about 11 a. m. 
where we found the Regiment. 

The country all around here is as poor as it can be. 

Wednesday,, August 12: Drew clothing for the Regiment to- 
day. Bought me some cloth to make shirts. Also 2 pair silver 
sleeve buttons. 

*A dry goods and grocery establishment in Clinton. 


I called at tlie house of a citizen to see if I could get my shirts 
made. I found a homely girl and her mother at the house. In 
answer to my enquiry as to whether they could make my shirts, 
the old lady said I could get them in a few days, if I would leave 
the cloth, and give her the measure of the shirts. This I did. 

While here I saw a fair instance of how the Tennessee boys 
work their way with the citizens. It has always been a mystery 
to our regiment how the Tennesseeans managed to procure such 
a quantity of fresh vegetables, milk, butter, and everything else, 
while we were starving for them, and offering any price. When 
our boys went about the citizens they seemed surly and unac- 
comodating and showed no disposition to grant us any favors, 
for which I could not blame them because the soldiers I know 
to be a great nuisance. 

When I went in, I found a gaunt, sallow faced Tennesseean 
sitting in the little parlor. He looked like he had been reared from 
infancy on goobers, green apples, persimmons and dirt. His eyes 
looked like two bullets set in a pile of clay. He was occupying a 
chair near the centre of the room, with his hands stuffed into 
his pockets, and his feet crowded into a pair of number eleven 
government brogans. 

After I had been there a short time I ascertained that the 
object of his visit was to purchase a chicken. The lady said that 
she had a few but that she wished to keep them for her own 
use, as it was an impossibility to purchase them through the 
country, and besides that some of her children were sick and she 
needed what few she had and could not think of selling them. 
This would have been enough for me, but it wasn't half enough 
for my Tennessee friend. 

" Well " said Tennessee who spoke in a drawling tone " we uns 
(Tennesseeans nearly all say we uns and you uns) we uns hain't 
got nothin' to eat hardly, and the feller what stays with me is 
sorter sick, and I want to buy a chicken for him." 
^ " I would like very much to accomodate you " replies the lady 
" but as I informed you just now I haven't one to spare." 

" Well but you know how it is with us poor soldiers in camp, 
we can't git nuthin " whined Tennessee. 


The lady repeated what she had already said, but Tennessee 
begged until she was almost forced to let him have it, and finding 
that it was impossible to get rid of him, she had one caught, 
though I know at the same time she wished him at the devil. 

He took the chicken and commenced again. " Hain't you got 
some buttermilk? " 

" Yes " she replied with an air of resignation " I have some 
but I expect to reserve it for dinner." 

" Well " drawled Tennessee once more lengthening his counten- 
ance, which had almost resumed its natural appearance after 
receiving the chicken " I hain't been very well, and I have the 
heartburn mighty bad, and everybody says buttermilk is a 
mighty good thing for the heartburn and I think you ought to let 
me have some. Now can't you let me have a little? " 

Tennessee went out to get his milk and I left, thoroughly dis- 
gusted with his pertinacity, with him, and with his whole tribe in 

This is the way that the citizens are annoyed by the soldiers, 
and for this reason I dislike to enter the house of a citizen for any 
purpose whatever. The Tennesseeans are very annoying in this 
way; more so I think, than the troops from any other state. They 
are great peddlers and speculators on a small scale. They will sell 
anything in the world they possess and they think every one else 
will do the same thing. 

They will come around our mess fire and want to trade for the 
dinner that's cooking. 

The other day as I was riding from town with a small bundle 
on my arm, I met a great many Tennesseeans and everyone would 
ask me what I had to sell. I met one fellow by himself, pulling 
along in the hot sun, with the sand about shoe mouth deep and 
the perspiration pouring from his face. 

" What you got to sell Mister? " said he stopping and wiping 
the streams of sweat from his face. 

" Nothing " I answered. 

" Well, did you see anything up that way that looked like it 
was fit to eat? " 



" What was it? " said he apparently much interested. 

" I saw a pair of old pants hanging on a fence that I think 
would make good soup." 

" Kiss my and go to hell damn you " said Tennessee 

very much incensed. I rode on. 

The water is better than any we have had. 

Friday, August 14' Issuing clothing to the Regiment. 

Sunday, August 16: I understand we are to go to Mobile. I 
was made Q. M. Sgt. on 1st Aug. 

Saturday August 22: I have been sick for several days and 
I feel quite unwell today. 

Sunday, August 30: Left for Mobile. 

Monday, August 31: Arrived in Mobile. 

Thursday, September 10: Hall's Mills, Ala. near Mobile. Kil- 
bourne and Hunter left for home at 3 p. m. They took a four 
mule wagon with them for the purpose of bringing back such 
things as may be sent to the men in the field by their friends. I 
have sent for a number of necessary articles. 

There are no mills here and the only thing that could have 
given it the name of Hall's Mills, is the site of an old mill, 
apparently not used for years and partially demolished. There 
is a narrow, deep, swift, clear running stream, that turned the old 
mill in its palmy days. There is a clear running spring here, 
but the water is mineral of some kind and affects the health too 
much to use constantly, and we therefore use water from the creek 
alluded to above. 

This has been a camping ground for troops ever since the war 
began. It was primarily a camp of instruction for all the Alabama 
State troops. A great many of Bragg's troops were stationed here 
during the time he had command of Pensacola. There are about 
150 houses standing. They are placed in rows, regularly, and this 
regularity and the size of the buildings gives it the appearance of 
a small village. Some of the buildings are quite spacious and two 
stories high. Others again are mere log huts. The timber for a 
mile all around has been cleared away, forming a large and 
splendid drill ground, the terror of the soldiers. 


The place has an exceedingly lonely appearance, and to look 
around it gives one the blues. 

Saturday, September 12: We were ordered to Mobile this 
morning. I let Jim Doyle have my horse and I went in the buggy 
with Mr. Godfrey. 

We arrived at Mobile about 10 a. m. and went into camp on 
Government Street near battery No. 9. We are to have lumber 
furnished us to build winter quarters here, but building barracks 
is no sign that we will remain any length of time. I hope we will 
not be ordered away before next spring because it is really awful 
to move about in cold weather and I always dread it. We have no 
tents and we are compelled to take the weather as it comes. 

Col. Allen has been made a Brigadier and the day before we 
left Hall's Mills, he made us a speech, and shook hands and bade 
farewell to his old Regiment. It was quite aSecting and there was 
scarcely a dry eye in the Regiment. He was loved by the men, 
for he was always their friend, and a braver man never lived, 
than that same Col. Allen. May success attend him through life 
is my wish, and I believe when I say this that I speak the senti- 
ments of the whole Regiment. He leaves for the Trans-Mississippi 
Dep't tomorrow to join his command. 

My health is improving. 

Sunday, September 18: The weather is pleasant enough now, 
and the nights are getting cool enough to sleep with some degree 
of comfort. 

Last night in company with some of my comrades, I attended 
a concert of negro minstrels at Odd Fellow's Hall. The music was 
poor, the songs and jokes were stale, and altogether it was a 
miserable affair. After the performance we had an oyster supper 
and then paid a visit to St. Michael Street. 

Saturday, September 26: I took a long ride this afternoon. 
Went out 2 or 3 miles on the Shell Road, down on the Bay and 
thence nearly all over the city. 

Monday, September S8: I saw Billy Lane at the Battle House 
to-day! he informed me that the business houses (or nearly all of 
them) in Clinton had been destroyed by fire. He is just from 
home and on his way to Bragg's Army. 


I am reading " Vanity Fair " by Thackery and I think it is a 
first rate thing. 

Thursday, October 1: It rained pitchforks last night and when 
I awoke this morning I found myself surrounded by water a 
foot deep. 

My old horse has got to be a bigger fool than "Watch." I 
have heard that " Thompson's Colt " was noted for being extra- 
ordinarily foolish, but in my humble opinion, I do not think he 
could " lay over " my horse. He has always been very docile until 
last night. Just before dark I went to give him a bundle of fodder 
and when I got in about ten steps of him, he got scared at me, 
or the fodder, or maybe both. I had him tied with a very heavy 
grass rope and it was impossible for him to break it. He pulled 
and pulled, until I thought his head would be separated from his 
body. He got the rope drawn down over his ears, and there he 
stood, as stubborn as he could be, with his ears pulled down over 
his eyes, and sticking straight out before him, and every time 
I would come any ways near him, he would almost break his 
neck pulling at the rope. I finally went up anyhow, and gave him 
the fodder and feed of corn, but he wouldn't touch it. 

This morning when I got up I went out to see how the old 
fellow was getting along, and there he stood with the rope still 
pulled down over his head and his ears pointing towards the 
tree to which he was tied. He looked the very picture of stubborn- 
ness, and I couldn't help laughing at his woe-begone appearance. 
I tried to get up to him. But, no sir! I couldn't come that, with- 
out insisting upon his pulling his head off. I went away and al- 
lowed him to remain in that condition nearly all day, until he 
finally took a notion to eat " suthin " as old man Elder says. 
After this I found him as gentle as ever, and I could tie him with 
a thread ever after and he wouldn't attempt to break it. That 
grass rope gave him a lesson worth remembering. 

Sunday, October 4'- I have not been to church since we have 
been here. I would have gone to-day, but I have a boil on my 
nose which causes it to look too much like a brandy blossom for 
me to make my appearance in church. I have not made the 
acquaintance of any ladies since I have been here and as I am in 



the same dilemma that Flora McFlimsey was, viz. " nothing to 
wear," I think it very probable that I shall not endeavor to 
squeese myself in. 

Thursday, October 8: Kilbourne and Hunter returned from 
home to-day, both looking well. 


Up to Dalton and back to Mobile 


Mobile, Alabama, Saturday, March 26, 1864: Here is a long 
gap; nearly six months. 

While riding out one day not long since I lost my notebook 
containing all my phonographic notes, since the 8th October last, 
but I will endeavor to fill up this from memory as well as I can. 

One evening about the first of November '63 I was sitting by 
the fire in front of my quarters where we were encamped on 
Government Street. It was a dismal evening. A slow rain was 
falling, and the wind swept by, cold and chilly. Wallace Mat- 
thews came up to where I was sitting, thus solemnly ruminating 
on better days gone by, and remarked that it was a very un- 
pleasant night. He said he had but one blanket and to sleep out 
on the open common, such a night as that promised to be was 
more than he could endure. He told me that he intended to go 
round among the citizens and see if he couldn't find one humane 
enough to give him a shelter for the night, even if it were nothing 
better than a dog kennel. As I was quite unwell, I observed to 
him that I wished him to see what he could do for me also. 
After a little while he returned saying that he could obtain a room 
for himself and one for me that is a room for the two together 
provided he would bring a note of recommendation from his 
Captain. This he obtained from Captain Fiester, and over we 
went. The house was nearly opposite our camp and just outside 
the breast-works. 



On knocking at the house we were met at the door by the lady 
of the house, and he introduced me to her, as Mrs. Golthwaite. 
She told us we could occupy the room already pointed out by her 
to Mr. Matthews, and told us to make ourselves as comfortable 
as possible. Matthews forthwith led the way to a room in the 
basement, which was very comfortable, with a good bedstead, 
mattrass and fireplace, and we soon made ourselves perfectly 
comfortable, by building a fire and spreading our blankets on the 
mattrass, besides divers and sundry other little arrangements. 
We had tables and chairs and were fixed up about as well as we 
could desire. It beat out-doors " all hollow." I slept well that 
night; much better than I had for a long time previous. There 
is a great difference between a plank and a mattrass. 

I took a survey of the premises next morning. The building 
was a very nice one and quite commodious. The grounds were 
handsomely laid off, and planted all over with a variety of trees 
and shrubs, which were very well arranged. The whole place had 
a cheerful, pleasant look, and I liked the idea of having my 
quarters there. 

I liked the kitchen arrangements very much. The kitchen was 
built over the cistern and a pump was fixed in the middle of the 
room near the stove. The cook had no trouble in getting an 
abundant supply of good, clear water at a moments warning. 
Mrs. Golthwaite treated us very kindly indeed during the time 
we remained there, and frequently sent us little delicacies, which 
were thankfully received and duly appreciated by us. 

On the 19th November '63 I received a furlough to go home. 
Mrs. Golthwaite very kindly filled my haversack with every thing 
that was nice, and at 5 p.m. on Friday the 20th Jake Burns 
assisted me to carry my knapsack down to the depot. Jake and I 
took a farewell drink together, and away I went for Meridian. 

It rained all night long. I arrived at Meridian a little before 
day. It had ceased raining and had turned cold. It was very 
dark and as I was not acquainted with the village, it was with 
difficulty that I found a hotel. I did at length succeed after 
sloshing about through the mud and water and stumbling over 
the cross-ties and parts of old machinery for nearly half an hour. 



I got into the hotel and deposited my luggage in one corner. 
There was a stove in the room, but there was such a crowd 
around that I couldn't get near it. After standing around for a 
long time, some one vacated a chair and I got an opportunity to 
warm myself. 

About 7 a. m. I took the train for Brandon, where I arrived a 
little before sundown, 

I obtained passage from Brandon to Crystal Springs a distance 
of 35 miles, in a buggy with a Capt Chadwick. 

From Crystal Springs to Liberty, I went in a two horse or 
rather two mule conveyance with a man named Jim May, who 
kept a hotel at Crystal Springs. He charged me $75. 

I found Clinton very much changed in appearance. The long 
row of stores on the east side of the square known as " Brick 
Row " had been destroyed by fire, as also had all the buildings 
on each side of " St. Helena Street." 

I also found a great change in the ideas and sentiments of 
the people. They were trading liberally with the Yankees, and 
hauling cotton to them all the time. This illicit trade was carried 
on to an astonishing extent. The cotton was never carried to 
Baton Rouge by the men the women always took charge of it, 
and rode down on the cotton. The guards would allow the women 
to pass. 

I heard a great deal of complaint against our cavalry serving 
in this vicinity. All the way down from Crystal Springs to Clin- 
ton, I heard the citizens denouncing the cavalry and many of 
them told me that they would prefer seeing the Yankees to seeing 
our cavalry. I thought this was a very bad reputation. Widows 
and those families whose heads were in the army complained more 
than the others. The cavalry who were guarding the roads near 
the enemy's lines would allow the cotton to pass on the payment 
to them by the owner of $10 or $0 per bale, and when those 
persons would return with their wagons laden with the articles 
they had purchased with the cotton, they would again levy a tax 
on them by taking such things as they desired. Others carried 
the matter farther still and would demand the money of persons 
they met on the roads. These men were called " cotton tollers " 



and " Jay hawkers " but they were nothing more nor less than 
regular highwaymen. They would steal cotton from the gin- 
houses of the planters and send it to Baton Rouge. Some of them 
accumulated large amounts of money. I was astonished at all this. 
Nearly everybody seemed to have lost all sense of right and wrong 
and Honesty the jewel was decidedly at a discount. 

I remained at home a little over three weeks, but everything 
looked so gloomy that there was little or no pleasure in remaining, 
outside of the gratification of being with my family. 

Having procured a conveyance to the Rail Road, I left home to 
rejoin my command about the 18th December 1863. During my 
short stay at home, I had made a little money speculating, and 
before leaving Mr. Jackson's I loaned him $00, and made Uncle 
Giles McKie a present of $50. I also gave Aunt Epsy 1 $75 before 
leaving Clinton. 

I went to Brookhaven in the conveyance I had. The weather 
was very cold and the ground was frozen during the whole trip. 
My vehicle broke down once, which detained me one whole 
afternoon, but as good luck would have it, I was not more than 
half a mile from a blacksmith shop where I had the machine 
repaired. I didn't mind the delay much, as there were two good 
looking girls at the house, and as they had plenty to eat I re- 
mained all night. I took the train at Brookhaven to Crystal 
Springs. From Crystal Springs to Brandon I went in buggy. At 
Brandon I took the train again for Mobile. 

While walking about the city I met Tom Fiester, who, as he 
had left home the day after I arrived there, I thought was with 
the Regiment, which was then at Dalton, Ga. 2 I wished to go on 
to Dalton next morning but he insisted upon my remaining until 
next day and we would go together. So I postponed my departure 
until the next day, but as he was not ready, we were to go the 
day following. As he was never ready we postponed the matter 

1 Aunt Epsy Draughon Davis, Robert's mother's sister. 

2 The 4th La. Regiment had been transferred from Mobile to Dalton, Ga., where 
they joined the Army of Tennessee under General Joe Johnston. After the disastrous 
Chattanooga campaign, Bragg had been relieved of his command. Johnston had 
assumed command of the army on December 27, 1863, at Dalton and was attempting 
to instill new life into the dejected Confederates. Horn, Army oj Tennessee, 805-315. 



from day to day until we had been in Mobile ten days. We did 
however finally get away. 

Tom Fiester had a lot of stores consisting of several very large 
heavy boxes, filled with clothing for our Regiment, which he was 
to deliver to the men on his arrival. Tom ascertained that his 
brother Henry was lying at the point of death at the village of 
Tuskegee, Ala. and he got off the train between Montgomery and 
West Point, leaving Jim Doyle and myself in charge of the stores, 
with instructions to await him at West Point. We went on to 
West Point, and got our stores off the train, but we could not 
find any place to store them, so we had to put them under the car- 
shed, and guard them all night. It was quite cold too. We ex- 
pected Fiester according to promise but he didn't come, so Doyle 
and I determined to take the train on to Atlanta that night. 

At 9 p.m. Fiester still not making his appearance, we got 
everything on the train and started for Atlanta. It was a terrible 
night. It commenced raining a short time after we started and 
rained all night. On arriving at Atlanta which we did several 
hours before day, I told Jim that we would endeavor to find some 
place to put the stores and find a bed; that if we failed in finding 
any place to store them that we would seek some rest and protec- 
tion from the storm ourselves, and let the stores go to the devil. 
Fortunately we found a man, a member of the 30th Regt. (La.) 
who said he had some stores to guard and would also take charge 
of ours, and we went off in search of a hotel. 

After cruising around in the Egyptian darkness and wading 
through mud and water ankle deep, we at length found a hotel. 
We enquired if we could be accomodated with a bed. The man in 
the office informed us that the house was crowded. We then asked 
for a clean place on the floor that we were amply supplied with 
bedding. He said that if we had blankets, that he could supply 
us with a room, and a bedstead with a mattrass on it. This we 
gladly accepted, and slept very well until next morning. This 
refreshed us considerably because we both needed rest very much. 
We got a first-rate breakfast, for the moderate sum of $2 each and 
our beds he didn't charge us anything for, which I considered 
exceedingly liberal for a hotel keeper in these days of extortion. 


Would you like to look over this morning's paper, Miss? : 


At 6 a. m. we took the train for Dalton. We were unable to 
obtain transportation for our boxes, and we left them in charge of 
the man in the 30th to bring on next day when he brought his 
own. It continued to rain incessantly all day and the earth was 
completely flooded with water. 

On the train I was sitting immediately fronting a very pretty 
young lady. She had dark hair, dark eyes, fair complexion, and 
regular, handsome features. I admired her. She kept her eyes 
almost continually on me and I never looked towards her but 
what she was gazing at me. I finally came to the conclusion that 
I would rake up an acquaintance some way. With this very- 
laudable end in view, I drew from my pocket, a morning paper. 

" Would you like to look over this morning's paper Miss? " I 
enquired, in the politest manner I knew how. 

" How do you sell 'em? " she asked. 

I explained to her that I was not a newsboy nor a " dealer in 
trifles" That I was a glorious son of Mars a " bold soger boy " 
a fighting chicken, a regular game cock and one that would 
undoubtedly do to tie to, and added that I offered her the paper, 
thinking she would like to read the news. She said she didn't 
care about reading it. As the ice was now broken we continued 
the conversation for some time, and I soon discovered that she 
was very illiterate, though possessed of good common sense. 

I noticed that she was constantly spitting some dark colored 
fluid from her mouth. I thought she had the toothache, and had 
perhaps something in her mouth to cure it. I looked on the floor 
,and there was a great puddle at her feet. It resembled tobacco 
juice very much, and by George it was tobacco juice, for I saw 
her spit out the old chew and put in a fresh one. I " wilted." 

A soldier sitting near me remarked, " she is mighty good looking 
but she is awful on tobacco." 

About 5 p. m. on the 31st day of December 1863, I landed at 
the village of Dalton, Geo. 

It had ceased raining but the ground was one grand loblolly 
from the tramp of thousands of men and animals, and the running 
to and fro of supply and baggage wagons. The clouds still looked 
lowering and the weather was growing colder rapidly. 



There was nothing to be seen in the vicinity of the depot, 
except a few houses which looked as though they were deserted, 
all the fencing and everything about the premises having been 
torn away by the soldiers I presume. In the distance on all sides, 
the prospect was anything but cheerful. All looked "naked, 
brown and sear " and the back-ground of this uninviting picture, 
was formed by a chain of dark and gloomy looking hills, which 
seemed with their frowning rugged sides to preside over this 
apparently God-forsaken district. Jim Doyle and I left the heavi- 
est of our baggage at the depot in charge of the guard who 
happened to be from our Regiment, and went in search of the 
camping ground of the old 4th which, after a toilsome walk of 
over a mUe, through mud and water, we at length reached, al- 
most worn out, for we both had a considerable amount of baggage 
to carry. On reaching the camp we found that the Regiment was 
tolerably well fixed up, all having very comfortable log houses. 3 

I took up my quarters with Bill Montan and Moreau Purdy. 
That night (Dec. 31/63) the ground froze very hard, and during 
the remainder of our stay there which was twenty one days I 
think, the ground didn't thaw. It was impossible to do any 
writing on account of the ink's freezing. I would place the ink- 
stand in the warm ashes, but when I dipped my pen in it, it would 
freeze before I could transfer it to the paper. 

I never experienced such cold weather, or I never spent such a 
disagreeable time, as I did during my stay at Dalton. I was very 
well provided with thick clothing or I really believe that I would 
have " gone up the spout." 

Ten years ago while on my way to school in Tennessee, I was 
delayed at this place for several days, but I didn't think then 
that I would revisit, as a half-starved, half-frozen Confederate 
soldier. Then everything before me seemed bright and joyous, 
for it was summer and all nature seemed gay and happy, and it 
corresponded with my feelings, for I had no cares upon my mind, 
nor anything whatever to trouble me. But now it was different. 
I felt dejected and heartsick as I wandered over those cold, bar- 

s The 4th. Regt. arrived too late to be of any service and the Louisiana soldiers 
followed the retiring Confederate army into Dalton. 



ren, cheerless hills. The wind sighed along in mournful cadences, 
through the dismantled forest trees and over the rugged hilltops, 
and I could not help thinking of the comforts of home and all its 
pleasures when I contemplated this desolate scene. 

Tom Fiester didn't arrive for nearly a week after I got there. 
He informed me that his brother Henry was dead. He died at 
Tuskegee, Alabama of consumption, the disease having been 
brought on by exposure during the siege of Vicksburg. Poor 
fellow! He escaped all the shells and balls to linger a few months 
and die in an obscure village. I think I would have preferred 
sudden death from a cannon shot, to a lingering illness, which 
would inevitably result in a dissolution of body and soul. 

The rations while we were at Dalton were worse than any we 
had had yet. It was thrown down in the butcher pen and was 
covered with mud and dung and a decent dog would have turned 
up his nose at it, but a hungry man will eat almost anything. 

One morning the glad tidings came that we were ordered back 
to Mobile. The men were wild with delight and congratulated 
each other upon the happy prospect of leaving this dismal place. 
A declaration of peace would scarcely have been hailed with 
greater delight than was this order. 4 

We were ordered to be ready to move to the Rail Road at 
daylight, but so anxious were the men to get away, that they were 
all ready with their baggage long before the day broke though 
we didn't get away until after dark that night. The trip down 
was a very unpleasant one to all hands, and particularly so to me. 

It rained a little shortly after we left Dalton and when we 
reached Atlanta, It was very cold and the rain had turned to sleet. 

John Bradford was quite sick and so was I. We were both 
threatened with pneumonia. We were compelled to remain all 
night in Atlanta, and I knew that it would not do for John or 
me to endeavor to sleep out in the open air in our present con- 

* In early February, 1864, word came to Johnston from General Polk in Mississippi 
that Sherman was advancing eastward from Vicksburg with an army of 35,000 men. 
Polk reported that the Federals had crossed the river at Jackson and were presumably 
headed for Meridian and then Mobile. On orders from President Davis, Johnston sent 
several regiments back to Alabama to assist in the defense of Mobile. Horn, Army 
oj Tennessee, 315-16. 


dition. I therefore went out although I was scarcely able to walk 
and searched around until I found a room for John and myself. 
If it hadn't been for obtaining this room I don't know what we 
would have done, and I know that we would have fared very 
badly, and would in all probability have been down with pneu- 
monia which, by the way I have had three times already. 

The next day we left Atlanta for West Point, and the weather 
still cold. On arriving at West Point I hurried immediately to the 
only hotel there was and secured a room for myself and Jno. 
Bradford. We were both still unwell and had grown worse instead 
of better. 

From West Point to Montgomery I had a very good time. I 
was in a cabcar which had a stove in it. In this car were Kil- 
bourne, Hunter, Dr. Hereford, Dr. Craig 5 and one or two others. 
They played poker all the way. Kilboume was the only one 
excepting myself, that was not in the game. 

After reaching Montgomery which we did in the night, I found 
myself much worse, though I managed to keep on my feet. I saw 
Jno. Bradford and he said he thought lie couldn't go any farther. 
I told him that it was impossible for me to render him, any assist- 
ance because I was utterly exhausted, and could scarcely drag 
one foot after the other. 

The next morning we left Montgomery for Mobile, where we 
arrived about ten or eleven o'clock that night. I found Hunter 
after searching about some time in the dark and obtained his 
permission to go to a hotel, as I was entirely too unwell to do 
anything more than go to bed. 

I procured one of the many cabs standing near the steamboat 
landing and I repaired immediately to the City Hotel on Royal 
Street. I preferred stopping at this place, for many reasons the 
principal one being because I was acquainted with an Irish 
chambermaid there who I knew would wait upon me. 

5 J. M. Craig, surgeon. Dr. Craig kept a diary during the march of the 4th Regiment 
through Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, in the dosing months of 1864 and the 
spring of 1865. This short diary is of particular interest because Dr. Craig kept a 
memorandum of the casualties in the command. See John S. Kendall, ed., " The Diary 
of Surgeon Craig, Fourth Louisiana Regiment," Louisiana Historical Quarterly , YIH 
(January, 1925), 53-70. 



I was sick at this hotel for about two weeks and during this 
time Margaret (I didn't know her other name) waited on me and 
treated me very kindly. After I had been at the hotel about two 
days, who should step in but John Bradford. He looked the 
worse for wear, and if his looks were any indications of his feel- 
ings, he must have felt perfectly wretched. He said he was no 
better than when I parted from him at Montgomery that he 
started on to Mobile the day after we did, and that he was now 
completely used up, though he thought he would call and see how 
I was getting along, having learned that I was at the hotel. I was 
glad to see him and I tried to persuade him to take a room next 
to mine, but he would not consent to this, saying that he thought 
it would be better for him and me too to go to a hospital. 

I told him that I didn't like the idea of a hospital and that I 
would remain where I was unless I got much worse. He told me 
that he was going to the Louisiana Hospital, which was kept 
exclusively for the benefit of Louisianians, and that he wished me 
to call on him in case I should recover before he did. This I 
promised to do and exacted the same promise of him. He went 
on to the Hospital while I remained at the hotel. 

After a day or two Ejlbourne and Dr. Hereford called upon me, 
and insisted so strongly upon my going to the Hospital, that I 
finally consented. The La. Hospital, to which I went was in the 
charge of the Sisters of Charity and I found them exceedingly 
kind. I was put in the same ward with Jno. Bradford, who was 
quite sick by this time. My name and Regiment and date of 
entrance into the Hospital was tacked to the bed-post at the foot 
of my bed, and I was considered " one of 5 em." This was the first 
time that I ever entered a Hospital as a patient and it was also 
the last time. I remained there two nights and days, and that was 
enough. I was still able to walk, and I resolved to leave. I re- 
ported the fact to the physician in charge, but he insisted upon 
my remaining because I was not well by any means. I insisted 
upon going however and he finally consented to give me a discharge. 

I would have remained there, but there was no fresh air allowed 
to come in the room, and the smell from old sores and wounds, 



mingled with the scent of " drugs, chemicals and dyestuffs " was 
more than I could endure, when it could be avoided. 

I hired a cab which I found upon the street and returned to my 
old quarters at the City Hotel, where I remained until I recovered. 
John Bradford was sick for a long time after I got well and accord- 
ing to promise I went up to visit him frequently, which seemed 
to relieve the tedium of his illness and apparently afforded him 
much pleasure. John got straight and " at himself" in the course 
of time however. 

About this time Kilbourne and Hunter both received furloughs 
to go home. As my health was so bad, it was apparent to both of 
them that I was not very well qualified physically for field service, 
and they wished before they went home to obtain for me some 
easy situation and with this end in view they introduced me and 
recommended me highly to a Major Woolfolk, Qr. Mr. of Gen. 
[James] Cantey's Brigade. 

Woolfolk said that he required a man of some experience and 
capacity in his office, and would be very glad to have me with 
him, but according to the laws of Congress it would be necessary 
for me to go before a Medical Examining Board and if after 
examining me they pronounced me unfit for field service, then I 
could ask for and receive a detail where I wished. Dr. Hereford 
was extremely anxious to have me go with him to East Louisiana. 
He was going there as Medical Director of the district and his 
headquarters would be in Clinton and by going with him I would 
be at home all the time. But I declined his offer, because I didn't 
like to remain at home and be pointed at as a home soldier, and 
another reason was that I didn't wish to be connected in any way 
with the cavalry, because it had such an unenviable reputation, 
both at home and abroad. 

I went before the Medical Examining Board and stood the 
examination and they pronounced me totally unfit for field ser- 
vice, and at my request recommended a detail with Major Wool- 
folk, Qr. Mr. of Cantey's Brigade. I went on duty in this Brigade 
because the general supposition was that it would remain in 
Mobile all the time, as it had already been there two years, 



and there were no indications whatever of its being ordered away. 
So I went into Maj. Woolf oik's office as his clerk. 

This brings me to the 24th March 1864. I have written this 
up as well as I could from memory and all the main points are 
inserted though as a matter of course there are a thousand and 
one little incidents unmentioned, which were in my daily journal. 

Thursday, March 24.: This morning I awoke about 1 o'clock, 
and as I felt not the slightest inclination to sleep and was tired 
of lying in bed, I got up. After I got up I was in nearly as bad 
a fix as before, for I had no candle and I was too poor to buy one. 
I dressed myself and blacked my boots by the light of the moon, 
which shone most gloriously through my window. I went down 
to the market, but it was so early that there was no one there 
except a few fish dealers. 

I took a long walk up the street until I saw the eastern horizon 
across the bay tinged with light and then I turned my steps 
towards Woolf oik's office, of which I had the key. I built up a fire, 
for it was rather chilly, and drawing out my Shakespeare, I read 
" As You Like It " until breakfast time, after which I came down 
and proceeded with my day's work as usual. To-day I wrote a 
long letter to mother, which as there is no mail communication 
now, I expect to send by some of the boys in the Regiment who 
have received furloughs and will leave in a day or two. 

From what I have seen of Woolfolk I like him very well, and 
I think that he and I can get along without any difficulty. 

Cantey's Brigade is now at a station called Pollard on the 
Montgomery and Mobile Rail Road, some 60 or 70 miles from 
Mobile and about 3 or 4 hours run from the city. 

There is another clerk in the office with me by the name of Hart 
Collins, from Clayton, Alabama. He seems to be a very clever 
sort of man, though he is rather dictatorial in his manner. He 
dictates to Woolfolk what he should do and what he should not 
do. He is conceited too, and thinks he knows it all. 

Yesterday I made the following resolutions 

I. That I will drink no more liquor for the space of 12 
months unless prescribed by a physician in case of abso- 
lute sickness. 


II. That I will attend strictly to business and always be at 
my post. 

ELI. That I will shun bad company. 
IV. That I will not swear. 
V. That I will read at least one Chapter in the Bible daily, 

if practicable. 
VI. That I will not contract useless debts. 

To-day, I have adhered strictly to all the above articles. 

Very rainy, bad weather and extremely unpleasant out doors. 

I stopped drinking on Sunday, 20th of March, 1864. 

Friday, March 25: Came down to the office at the usual hour. 
I am boarding with an old French lady on St. Francis Street, by 
the name of Moore but I certainly cannot continue there much 
longer for I have to pay One Hundred and twenty five dollars 
per month board while I receive only Ninety dollars per month, 
and the old lady said this morning that she intended to raise the 
price of board. I receive three dollars per day in lieu of every- 
thing else. Out of this I must board and clothe myself with board 
at $125 per month. Now this is utterly impossible and I must 
make some arrangement by which I can sustain myself. It seems 
to me that the Confederacy is about played out of provisions. 

The troops only receive ten pounds of meat per month with 
corn meal and salt. 

This is a beautiful day after a very rainy afternoon and night. 
My money is all gone and I ana once more without a cent. 

There are more rumors of recognition afloat but I do not place 
any reliance in them. 

I saw Major Raphael, my old Pt. Hudson boss, the other day 
on the street. He informed me that he was in the cavalry service 
now, and that he was going down to Clinton with Gen. [Thomas 
H.] Taylor, who is placed in command of the cavalry down there. 

I wrote a long letter to Jim Mansker to-day and as I had not 
sent off the one that I had written to mother, I left the office 
and walked up town to see if I could not find some one to send 
them out to the Regiment by, so that they could be forwarded 
home. On reaching Royal Street I saw Ben Johnson sitting on 



the steps of the Customhouse and I handed them to him. Ben 
observed to me that he intended to go to Clinton in a few days 
and asked me to go with him. If there was any way to go I think 
that I would apply for one, but I do not think that there is very 
good policy in walking 20 miles through a barren country. 

I have complied with all my resolutions except #5. 

Saturday, March 26: I arose this morning about daylight and 
blacked my boots, shaved and dressed. Read two or three chap- 
ters in the Bible and a part of Hamlet, had my breakfast and 
came down to the office. 

I am dead broke again without a cent in the world, not even 
enough to buy a box of matches of which I stand very much in 
need, nor a candle to go to bed by, but it makes little difference 
as I am getting so that I can adapt myself pretty well to circum- 
stances. A week or so ago I was so low down that I was forced 
to sell my pocket knife, for which I received $20.00, which was a 
very small price for it. I wanted tobacco and so I sold the most 
useful article I had and I sorely felt the use of it afterwards. 

A Frenchman, who boards here, was kind enough to repair the 
lock of my valise which had been broken on the way from Dalton 
to Mobile, and I think this is about the first thing that I have ever 
had done for nothing since I have been in the army. 

I have adhered to all my resolutions except No. 6. 

Sunday, March 27: I arose right early this morning and read 
a few chapters in the Bible. I am writing in my room at old Mrs. 
Moore's before breakfast, I think spring has come at last. I hear 
the swallow twittering in the air and this, I think, is a very 
good sign. 

I will give a description of my boarding house. It is an old 
rackety concern that looks as though it had been built before 
" Noah was a sailor " and is in very bad repair. My room meas- 
ures about 10 by 12 feet, containing a single bedstead with a 
feather bed on it. The walls are plastered but as the room leaks 
very badly, the ceiling is falling off in places. There is a dilapi- 
dated old wash-stand in one corner on which is a broken basin 
and a pitcher with the spout broken off. There is a row of pegs 
suspended from which are a pair of my old pants and a vest, an 



old mirror that seems to have been a very good one in its palmy 
days but which looks now as though it had performed a journey 
from the 4th story window to the pavements and had been in the 
retreat with Johnston's army from Big Black with the Yankees at 
their heels. Yet there is enough of it left in the corners for me 
to see how to shave and comb my hair. The frame is very old 
fashioned, and I presume was very fashionable a hundred years 
ago. When I look at it I sometimes wish it could give me a 
history and a likeness of the many persons who have stood before 
it. I have no doubt many a dandy swell has shaved Ms counten- 
ance, pomatumed and combed his head, and given his fancy 
cravat the last fashionable touch before that glass, previous to 
making his appearance in church, the ball-room or the theatre. 

How many a fair maid has viewed herself in that old mirror, 
lacing her corsets, arranging her curls, and painting her cheeks. 
Perhaps it was some old maid on the wrong side of forty, trying 
to make herself appear but " sweet six-teen," or maybe some 
old lantern-jawed preacher or deacon of the church, strapping his 
razor and shaving away on a face as large and rough as a rawhide. 

I have no doubt old glass you could tell some funny incidents 
if you could but speak. What a pity it is you can't and had you 
kept a diary, wouldn't it be a rich affair. 

There is one window which has so many broken panes that I 
am well supplied with fresh air whether I wish it or not. A very 
good fire-place (though I never have any wood to make a fire, 
and it had as well not be there) , a door with a lock to it, an old 
chair, table with leaves to it on which lie my shaving apparatus, 
my Bible (given me by Mrs. Moore) my Shakespeare and sundry 
old books and magazines, my old cob pipe. 

Mrs. Moore is old, ugly, ill natured, fond of scandle and deceit- 
ful, and she is in a terrible way this morning and is pitching into 
all of us generally, which makes it extremely disagreeable. I hope 
that we may be able to get off to-morrow anyhow. The old 
woman says that she intends to charge us $40.00 a week now and 
I cannot stand it so I am making some other arrangements as 
soon as possible. 



This is a lovely pleasant day and if this weather continues long, 
we will soon hear of something doing among the Yankees. 

I have no hope now of the war's stopping before Lincoln's term 
expires, which will be the 4th of March, next, and I hope to see 
the day when peace will be restored to our unhappy and dis- 
tracted country. Oh! what rejoicing there will be when that 
blessed day arrives. I am thankful I have survived as long as I 
have. I ought not to grumble at what I have to do for I am much 
better off than most of the boys who started out with me, for 
they have a much harder time than I do. They have short rations 
while I have a plenty; they are compelled to stand guard and 
have to go under strict military discipline, while I have nothing 
to do at night and can go to bed when I please; they are com- 
pelled to sleep in all kinds of places, while I have a good bed and 
room. I have cause to be grateful. This all comes of having 
business habits and having good friends and being able to write 
a good hand. 

I intend to leave Mrs. Moore's to-day and board with Collins 
until we leave for Pollard, which will be in the course of three or 
four days at the fartherest. All that delays us now is that the 
boxes in which to put our books and papers is not yet finished. 
As soon as that is done, we will leave, although Mobile has got to 
be a second home to me, I believe I will get along better over 
there than I will here. I will be out of the way of temptation 
which will enable me to combat more successfully my appetite 
for strong drink, which has got almost too firm a hold on me. 

I read General Johnston's official report of the military opera- 
tions in Mississippi last night, and he throws all the blame of the 
fall of Vicksburg on General Pemberton. He says that Pemberton 
disobeyed orders in every instance, which I have known was the 
occasion of the fall of Vicksburg. 6 

Monday, March 28: Yesterday, I left old Mrs. Moore's board- 
ing house and I am now boarding with Collins and sleeping at his 
room. His room is No. Ill, Dauphin Street and he hires a 

6 Most Civil War students believe that the fall of Vicksburg was inevitable but that 
Pemberton might have saved his army had lie heeded the orders of Johnston. For 
example see Horn, The Army of Tennessee, 215. 



mulatto woman way down on Conception Street to cook for Mm. 
We have first-rate fare. We will leave here in a day or two 
longer, certain. 

^The weather is bad again with a slow rain falling and a cold 
wind blowing. Hunter is expected back in the course of a few days. 

When we get over to Pollard, I intend to write home in diary 
form and I think that I shall make me a book in which I will 
keep a copy of ^ all my letters as I frequently like to read them 
over. I am getting so now that I can write Phonography very well 
and if I have leisure, I shall endeavor to abbreviate a little more 
than I have done. 

^ I find that I am $290.00 in debt, but this I hope to be able to 
liquidate before a great while. The new currency bill just passed 
by Congress has put the people in the Confederacy in quite a 
commotion. 7 The price of everything has gone up at least 50 
per cent during the last two days. This bill is nothing more nor 
less than a repudiation of a part of the Confederate debt. Bad 
policy is my opinion. When any State or Government begins to 
repudiate it is getting in a mighty bad way. 

I have complied with all the " laws " to-day. 

Tuesday, March 29: I retired very early last night and I arose 
this morning before day and blacked my boots and came down to 
the office by the time it was getting light. 

I think we will be able to get off to-morrow. I learned yesterday 
that there were two letters in camp for me which I would like 
very much to get before leaving town. I was told that they came 
by mail. If this is the case, I do not know who they can be from 
as there is no mail communication with Clinton that I am aware 
of, though they may have been dropped in the office by some one 
who brought them by hand to this place. 

I shall read a few acts in " Hamlet " this morning. Dear old 
Shakespeare. He is the only companion I have now and I never 
get tired of reading him. 

I received two letters to-day one from mother dated February 

7 Patrick is probably referring to the Act of February 17, 1864. This was a highly 
complicated law which provided a last desperate measure to reduce the Confederate 
currency and increase its value. Coulter, Confederate States of America, 160-68. 



1, and one from Mrs. Montan dated December 16, 1863. I learned 
from mother's letter that she had sold two hogsheads of sugar to 
Woulkway at $1.25 per pound, which was entirely too cheap. I 
hoped that she would keep it until she could do better than that 
with it, and since the passage of the new currency bill the money 
is almost worthless. 

Woolfolk leaves to-day for Pollard with positive instructions to 
us to go to-morrow, so we must go nolens volens. Well! I care 
not. It matters little where I go, so it is all one to me. I had as 
well be at Pollard as Mobile and perhaps better, for it may be 
more pleasant there than here. 

Pollard, Thursday, March 31: At 2 o'clock, I got aboard the 
steamer " Senator " and left for Pollard. There was nothing of 
interest which occurred on the route. We arrived at Pollard about 
9 o'clock last night. We had all our books and papers along and 
a considerable amount of Quarter-master's stores. The stores we 
were compelled to leave at the terminus of the railroad under a 
guard of which Dave Thompson is the sergeant. I am stopping at 
the hotel, or rather what purports to be a hotel, kept by a man 
named Welsh. It is certainly the poorest affair that I ever saw 
in the way of a tavern. My bed is a poor concern, but of this I 
do not complain for I am used to sleeping in all sorts of places 
and I am also accustomed to the hardest kind of fare, but this 
beats anything I have found yet. On the table we have nothing 
but bread and meat (fresh pork) both miserably cooked, and the 
pork without enough salt on it, this with corn-meal coffee without 
milk or sugar comprises the bill of fare at Mr. Welsh's hotel, for 
all of which he charges the very moderate sum of twenty dollars 
per day. 

I expected Collins to sleep with me last night, but he did not 
do so. After I had been asleep a short time last night, some one 
came in my room and woke me, saying that Mr. Collins intended 
to sleep with Hamilton and that he (Collins) had sent him to 
sleep with me. I told him all right, to roll in, which he did. He 
had not been in bed long before I found out that he had the itch, 
but as he was already in the bed and had been sent by Collins, 
I did not say anything, but I did not like the idea of sleeping 



with a man who had this lothesome disease. However, there was 
no help for it, so I just kept my side of the bed and insisted on 
his keeping his side, which he did. I hope that I will not contract 
the disease. This morning as soon as I saw Collins, I asked him 
why he sent a man to sleep with me who had the itch, and he 
replied that the fellow was a liar, that he did not send him there, 
that Hamilton had refused to allow him to sleep with him on that 

Pollard is a railroad station on the Mobile and Montgomery 
Rail Road and is 52 miles from Tensas River which is the 
terminus. From Tensas to Mobile, it is 2 miles which is traveled 
by steamboat, making the whole distance from Pollard to Mobile 
74 miles. This place is high and dry in a pine woods with excel- 
lent water. It is rather lonely here, but it will suit me very well 
for I do not care much for company and I am well enough satis- 
fied if I can only get enough to eat and a pretty good place to 
sleep. I have no mess arrangements made yet and I am stopping 
at this miserable hotel on expenses which Woolfolk must pay as I 
have no money. 

This is a regular March day. The wind has been very high 
ever since early morning, though it is not at all cold. 

My library now consists of a Bible and Shakespeare and " The 
Manual of Phonography " which latter I have not studied any 
in the last six months, but which I intend to thoroughly master 
this summer if I have time. 

I see no indications of a move towards Dalton yet. 

Saturday, April 2: Nothing new going on to-day. I have been 
pretty hard at work getting up receipts and making out invoices. 

We have some trouble about our cooking arrangements. We 
cannot get any one to cook for us. We have a negro woman 
cooking for us now, but she says that she cannot cook any longer 
than Monday, and I do not know what we are to do as we have no 
cooking utensils and even if we had, we have no time to cook. 

Yesterday being the first day of April, the place was filled with 
women. They are very poor people and the wives and daughters 
of soldiers in the army and they came to draw their rations which 



are issued to them regularly by the Government every 10 days 
beginning with the first of each month. 

They are about the ugliest set I ever saw, and they are de- 
cidedly hard cases. I have been from Dan to Beersheba, but as 
little Bloom the dutchman used to say " nevare before did I see 
such a ting by Got." The old ones are long, lean, lank, spindle 
legged and wiry looking and are so thin that a strong breeze would 
apparently blow them over the tops of the tall pines among which 
they were born and reared. They have sharp noses and thin lips. 
The younger ones are nearly all short, thick set, chubby girls. 
Some have sallow, sickly complexions, and look as though they 
had lived on craw-fish, terrapins and dirt all their lives. Others 
are dark and about the color of a new saddle, with coarse, black, 
straight hair which gives them a very ordinary and niggerly look. 
Their dress is very common indeed, though some of them sported 
their Sunday finery. They appeared to be in the depths of ignor- 
ance and if " Ignorance is Bliss/' then are they truly happy. 

I saw nearly 100 of them, but there was not one good-looking 
one in the crowd, nor one that was even passable. I saw some 
young men, acquaintances, and I suppose, beaus of theirs, walking 
about with them and they appeared to be as green as the girls 
and matched them first-rate. They walked along with their hands 
in their pockets, their old wool hats set jauntily on one side of 
their heads and their soiled, dirty pants rolled above their boot 
tops, with a bold, defiant sort of a swagger as much as to say 
" Now, look at us. Ain't we just the thing? " The girls talked 
very loudly and vulgerly to which their companions generally 
replied with a horse-laugh. This is a true picture of the citizens 
of the backwoods of Alabama. 

Wednesday, April 6: The weather is extremely cool for the 
season and last night was almost cold enough for frost. I have 
12 blankets to sleep upon and I am comfortable enough and I 
also have plenty to eat. Louis Allen of our regiment, is in the 
brigade Commissary of Cantey's old brigade and as I draw rations 
from him, he always gives me as much as I want. 

To-day, we commenced on our quarterly returns which I hope 
to be able to finish this week. 



Friday, April 8: The weather is very unsettled. It rained 
nearly all day yesterday and last night it poured down in torrents 
with a great deal of lightning and thunder and a heavy wind. 
This morning is dark and cloudy and although it is 8 a. m., I can 
scarcely see to write. There is every prospect of another stormy 
day and what makes it more disagreeable still, is that it is so 
cold. We have no chimney to the house that we occupy. Collins 
curses the weather for five minutes at a time, and hardly takes 
breath. He says it is time for warm weather, that he has made 
up his mind to it and by God it ought to turn warm. This way of 
having wintry weather in the spring doesn't suit him. We are 
getting clear of our stores very rapidly, which I am very glad of 
for they are a great trouble. 

There is one thing that Woolfolk does which I do not like, and 
that is, he sells shoes and blankets to the officers' negroes, while 
the poor private who is fighting for the country goes barefooted 
and without sufficient covering. I think this is a great wrong 
and Woolfolk ought to be reported for it. A soldier comes in 
with his toes sticking out of a pair of bottomless shoes, with a 
thin threadbare tattered blanket across his shoulders, and says 
" Major can't I get a pair of shoes and a blanket? " " No sir " 
is the abrupt and uncivil reply. The soldier says no more but 
leaves the house. A staff officer comes in. 

" Good morning Major Woolfolk, how do you do sir? " 

" Good morning Captain. I am very well thank you. Come in." 

The Captain comes in, takes a seat and directly he draws out a 
bottle of whiskey. 

" Major, suppose we try a little of this. I brought this with 
me from Mobile and I think it is much better than the rot-gut 
they have about here." 

Woolfolk, who was never known to refuse a drink helps himself. 
They talk a while longer and the Captain proposes another drink, 
and down goes another sockdologer of the " rifle brand." In the 
meantime a colored gentleman of African descent, makes his 
appearance, and loiters around the door. Finally, Woolfolk, who 
is pretty " high up " by this time, sees the darkey, and enquires 



his business. The Captain doesn't give the negro time to reply, 
but says, 

" Oh! that's my boy, Major, and I came round to get a pair of 
blankets and a pair of those English army shoes for him. Can I 
get them? " 

" Certainly, certainly, Captain. Mr. Patrick give this negro 
man a pair of blankets and one pair of those best English shoes, 
and make a memorandum of it against the Captain." 

I do so, but at the same time I wish in my soul that I had 
the physical strength and some one would give me the authority 
to kick the whole trio out of doors. I would go without my 
" grub " three days, just to kick their posteriors good all around 
Pollard. Of course the negro is not to blame. It is not his fault, 
but then like poor Tray he is in damned bad company and ought 
like him to take the consequences. 

I don't like to speak disrespectfully of my boss but just at this 
" petickler moment " I shall spend my opinion, it will not take 
long nor occupy much space. He is a damned fool. 

Woolfolk is the poorest business man that I ever had con- 
nections with. His returns for the quarter ending 31st of Decem- 
ber, are still on hand although I made them out the first thing 
after I got into the office. I have spoken to him at least a dozen 
times about it, but he always puts me off by saying that he will 
attend to it. If he does not send them of! during this month, he 
is liable to be dropped from the rolls, as he only is allowed 4 
months in which to make his returns and it is expected that he 
will send them on within SO days after the expiration of the 
quarter. It is now the 4th month and still he shows no signs 
of doing anything. Well! It is not my fault. I have done my 
part and if he does not see proper to do so, I cannot help it. His 
cash is also in a bad condition. He has received large amounts 
from the Chief Quarter Master which have never been entered 
upon his books and it is impossible for me to make a balance 
unless the account had been properly kept. He came down to 
the office the other morning in a great flurry, saying he wished me 
to make up the cash as the inspector would be along directly to 


inspect his books. I told him it was impossible for me to make it 
up the way it was down on his books. 

" Well/ 3 said he, " I must make up a statement of some kind." 

I told him that I could force a balance of some kind that would 
probably do to get clear of the inspector for the present, but it 
would not do to send the returns on in such a manner. He told 
me to make up anything that would do to get rid of the inspector, 
so accordingly, I forced a balance on the books and made a false 
entry, which, if it was known, is enough to cashier him. I handed 
him over the statement, but as the inspector was taken sick his 
books have not been examined yet. He hates to talk about 
business and it is almost impossible to keep him to the point for 
5 minutes at a time. He does not come about the office for days 
and days and knows nothing about what is going on in the depart- 
ment. Everything is perfect straight, though, except that cash 

I have been patiently, or rather impatiently awaiting Hunter's 
return, but he has not come yet that I am aware of. I expect 
some letters and a few articles of clothing by him when he comes. 

Tuesday , April 12: Weather again cloudy, with strong indi- 
cations of another disagreeable wet spell. [William E.] Baldwin's 
Brigade is leaving for Selma, Ala. A portion of them left yester- 
day and there is still a large number awaiting transportation. I 
suppose they will get off some time today. There is a great 
deficiency of rolling stock upon this road and transporting troops 
is a very slow business, and from the number of accidents that 
occur it seems to be a very dangerous one. Their rolling stock is 
so limited, and the demand for them so great that they are com- 
pelled to keep the same cars running all the time, and when they 
get out of order they do not take time to repair them, but con- 
tinue running them until something gives way and then a number 
of lives are lost. 

There was a grand review of the troops this morning by Major 
Gen. [Dabney H.] Maury, which betokens a move, but this is 
the only indication I have seen as yet. If we are ordered away I 
would prefer going to Virginia to any other place. Anything is 
better than the Army of Tennessee. I am disgusted with that. 



Collins and I have changed our " boarding house " again. We 
are messing with Allain of my Regiment and a young man named 
Worthy, both very clever fellows and both in the Commissary 
Dept. We have employed a white woman, who lives with her 
husband in a little shanty hard by, to cook for us. This we find 
much nicer and better than the negro cook. And besides this the 
white woman takes care of our rations, while the negro stole 
them all. 

When I went to breakfast yesterday morning I heard one crying 
as though in mortal agony, and on looking out I saw a negro 
woman, near the door of a little cabin not far away, and she 
seemed to be in great distress. I asked my landlady what the 
matter was. She said the woman had lost her baby only a few 
minutes before. She fell upon her face upon the earth and be- 
wailed her lot most frankly. I never saw anything like it. Collins 
remarked that if she belonged to him, that he would punish her 
for making such demonstrations of grief. I observed that the love 
of offspring was apparent in both man and brute; that it was 
implanted there by the Almighty and the poor negro felt her loss 
as severly as would the Queen of England had she lost one of 
her children. 

Wednesday, April IS: All of Baldwin's Brigade got off this 
morning. There is nothing new that I can hear of. Gold is 
quoted at 171 in New York. This gold question will whip the 
Yankees yet, according to my way of thinking. 

We are very busy making up the quarterly returns now and we 
hope to be through this week. 

There is the most glorious news from Tennessee. Forrest has 
taken Memphis with about $2,000,000.00 worth of stores and two 
thousand prisoners and has telegraphed to Mobile for room for 
his prisoners. This has not been confirmed yet and it may be 
all a hoax. 8 

Thursday, April 14: Nothing but rain, rain, rain to-day and a 

8 Once again Patrick's information was in error. A part of Forrest's command had 
captured Fort Pillow, on the Mississippi River, forty miles above Memphis, and not 
Memphis itself. 



very cold rain it is. The weather is more like December than 

I put myself to some trouble last night to purchase a paper in 
order to see what the news from Memphis was, but to my dis- 
appointment, there was nothing in the paper in regard to it and so 
I have come to the conclusion that it is all a humbug. 

Friday, April IS: Gold in New York is 173-L This gold ques- 
tion will certainly prove the down-fall of the Yankees. 9 

Colonel Hunter has returned and I have received letters from 
mother and Sis with dates of the 6th inst. Sis advises me not to 
join the cavalry. Mother sent me one pair of pants, three colored 
shirts and one white one, one silk handkerchief and three or four 
white ones, three pair of cotton socks. 

I received a letter from Bill Knox this morning saying that my 
clothing would not be along until Jim Marchant arrived, which 
would probably be some time yet, as Hunter has extended his 
furlough 15 days on condition that he would bring everything 
along that was to come to the regiment. So it will probably be 
some time before I receive them. Bill states in his letter that 
Judge Smith has fined William Gurney $10,000.00 and three 
months imprisonment and Dominique Zimmerman $5,000.00 and 
three months imprisonment for making whiskey. 

Mother sent me by Hunter, $20.00 in Georgia bank money. 
This I have not received yet and it is still in Hunter's possession. 
Yesterday, I wrote to Torn Fiester to get it from Hunter, sell it 
on the best terms possible and hand the proceeds over to John 
Bradford to be credited on a due-bill that he holds of mine for 
$280.00. I do not know how I am to pay John this amount, but 
I think that I can extinguish it before a great while in some way. 

Sunday, April 17: After I had been in bed a while last night 
some one came to the window of my room and rattled the glass. 
I asked who was there. " Old Simon Buckharl/' was the reply. 
It was Wallace Matthews who had come over from Mobile as 
a guard over some ordinance stores, I opened the door and let 
him in. He brought a newspaper which contained the news of 

9 The gold fluctuations produced a complex of problems for the North, This point 
is discussed in Randall, The Civil War and Reconstruction, 452-55. 



the capture of Fort Pillow by General [James R.] Chalmers, eta 
I desired him to remain until the next trip of the cars, but he 
said he could not do it, that he was bound to return that night. 

He told me that Colonel [William F.] Pennington kicked up the 
devil in Mobile while on a spree. He started out to camp in the 
Dauphin Street car and acted so badly that the conductor tried 
to put him out, but did not succeed. This made Pennington very 
angry and when he arrived at camp, he had a guard detailed 
under a sergeant with orders to go down and arrest every con- 
ductor they could find and bring them before him immediately. 
The guard went down and found that the conductors had got 
wind of it and had sent some boys in their places, so the guard 
returned and reported accordingly. This is a pretty way for a man 
in command to act. 10 

I wrote a long letter to Hunter to-day. I hear it rumored that 
the 29th Alabama has been ordered to Mobile. The 21st went 
yesterday. I would like to know what in the devil they mean by 
sending the troops back and forth in that way. 

Gold is 175| in New York. It continues to rise and I hope it 
will keep on. That is the thing to whip them. I prophesy peace 
in less than 12 months. 

Wednesday, April 20: Our brigade has to move away in a day 
or two. From what I can learn it is to Dalton they are ordered. 

8 p. m. The 29th and 17th Alabama Regiments are in front of 
the office, near the railroad, awaiting transportation by the road. 

I have been hard at work all day long, trying to make up the 
quarterly returns. We have prevailed upon Woolfolk to consent 
that we should send off the returns for the 4th quarter of '63 and 
we will mail them to-morrow. He stuck his name to them, but 
he hasn't the most distant idea what their contents are. A nice 
man truly to fill so important a position as Brigade or Division 

Thursday, April 21: I have been lucky enough to borrow a 
copy of Byron from a young man in the provost marshal's office. 

10 This was only one of many such episodes involving Pennington. Only a few 
months earlier he had survived a duel fought with the terrible navy 6's at ten paces. 
Kendall, "Recollections of a Confederate Officer," lac. c&, 1148-49. 



It has been so long since I have read Byron that It is almost new 
again. I have read nearly the whole of Shakespeare again. I 
never get tired of glorious old Shakespeare. I wish that I had 
a copy of Moore. I had one but I loaned it to a young lady who 
was kind enough never to return it to me. I told Matthews to 
try to get it, which he said he would do. I think it is a mean thing 
to borrow a book and not return it, although I obtained my 
Shakespeare that way, though I did not intend to commit a theft. 
At Enterprise, Mississippi, the book was boxed up and sent away 
with the regimental baggage before I knew anything about it. I 
was absent from camp and Jim Blow had the book boxed up 
along with our mess arrangements, and stowed away on the train 
where it was impossible for me to get at it. It was in this manner 
that I stole the book and I still have possession of it. I know 
it is of more use to me than it is to the owner because he can 
procure another, and has other books to read besides, while I have 
not these advantages and this single volume is a whole library 
to me. 

The left wing of the 9th Alabama is still here and is to leave 
to-night or in the morning. Cantey's Brigade is to go to Atlanta 
and there await orders, so it is not absolutely certain that they 
will go to Dalton. 

Friday, April 22: When we went to breakfast this morning, 
there were two girls at old Mrs. So well's (our boarding house) 
and after conversing with them a while Collins and I got to kissing 
them, which seemed to correspond with their feelings, and we 
were getting along finely when suddenly a voice cried out " God 
damn you, stop that. Are you going to make a whore house of my 
place? " On looking round who should it be but old Sowell, who 
had thus suddenly put a stop to our amusement. 

I intended to pay no attention to what he said, but to go on 
about my business, and started away. Collins got very angry 
however and went to where the old man was, and cursed and 
abused him considerably. As might have been expected this made 
the old stud very wrathy. The upshot of this business was that 
before dinner time that day the old lady, Mrs. Sowell, sent a 
messenger requesting me to inform Mr. Collins that he couldn't 



come Into the house any more, but that it was all right with 
the balance of us. The messenger said that she would cook for 
me as long [as] I wished her to, that I was worth all the others 
put together. I went up and had a talk with Sowell about the 
matter, and endeavored to talk him into a good humor, but the 
old sinner wouldn't hear to peace on any terms, so far as Collins 
was concerned. I then spoke to the old lady about it. She said 
she didn't care anything about the matter, only the old man 
said that if Collins came to the house any more he (Sowell) 
would drive her away. She remarked that he was an old fool and 
a brute in the bargain. She consented that we should bring 
Collins' meals to him, and thus the matter stands now. 

Later. The old heathen swears that his wife shall not cook for 
any of us, and this has busted up our cooking arrangements once 
more. Damn the luck I say. I haven't time to cook or I would 
do it myself. However we will be off in a short time and we can 
get along some way until we leave. 


'Johnston is in full retreat' 


Pollard, Alabama, Saturday, April 23, 1864: We leave for 
Dalton, Geo. in the morning, so that Sowell and Co. may go to 
the devil. 1 All the troops have gone except Gen. Cantey and staff 
and as I am an attache of the staff I am still behind. 

Sunday, April 24.: Left Pollard this morning about ten o'clock. 
We had a very pleasant trip from Pollard to Montgomery, and 
arrived here about 5p.m. Allain and Worthy told me before we 
left Pollard that it would be unnecessary for me to carry any 
cooked rations along because they had plenty to do us all. Acting 
upon this advice I came away without any, and I find now that 
they have nothing at all to eat. Worthy and I went around to hire 
some one to cook our rations for us, but we failed in this. We 
managed to borrow a pot at last and we cooked some meat. 

Monday, April 25: I went up town this morning and bought 
some bread, for which I paid the sum of two dollars per loaf and 
they were very small loaves at that. 

It costs a sight of Confederate money to live these days, and 
I do not see how poor people subsist. 

Tuesday, April 26: All day I have been annoyed endeavoring 
to store some Quartermasters stores, that we wish to deposite 
here until we can send for them, because we have not sufficient 
transportation to take them along with us. Woolfolk knows 
nothing about business and he is in my way. If I were rid of him 

1 Patrick's command had been ordered back to Dalton to reinforce Johnston and 
the Army of Tennessee. 



and clothed with the proper authority I could get along much 
better. To make the matter worse, he is stupidly drunk all the 
time, and even if he had the capacity his unsteady habits would 
render him entirely unfit for business. Unsteady habits, I say? 
Well, I will take that back. He is the most regular man in his 
habits that I ever saw. He gets drunk every day regularly. 
Nothing could be more systematic than his drunkeness. 

Arrived at West Point at 7 a. m. having left Montgomery about 
10 p. m. I was in company with the Brigade Commissary and we 
carried our stores along in the same car. He had about twenty 
barrels of flour along and a large quantity of sugar, besides meat 
and other things. During the night we were awakened by the 
brakeman, who said that we must get up and remove the freight 
from the centre of the car where we had stowed it, to the ends. 
He said that the weight must all be over the wheels, otherwise 
the car was liable to break in two, or be thrown from the track. 
When I got up I noticed that the car was swinging terribly, from 
side to side, caused by our rapid motion. We were going at great 
speed because we were behind time. We moved the freight as 
directed, and soon settled down to sleep again, and reached West 
Point without an accident. 

Wednesday, April 27: Left West Point at 6:30 a.m. this 
morning and arrived at Atlanta at 5 p. m. with everything safe. 
We had a very pleasant trip to-day. Remained all night at 

Thursday, April 28: Left Atlanta at 2 p. m. Have our baggage 
car attached on to the engine of the passenger train and arrived 
at Kingston a little before dark. We left Kingston at 9 p. m. and 
arrived at Rome about 11: 30 p. m. I slept in the cars all night. 
I have slept in the cars every night since I have left Pollard and 
on the whole of this trip, I have felt very well, much better, in 
fact, than I have on any other similar trips. 

Rome, Georgia, Friday, April 29: Woolfolk had everything 
moved over to camp today and had the tents pitched. Although 
he can procure a good house that is vacant and stands within a 
hundred yards of us, yet he will not do so, but prefers sleeping in 
the dirt like a hog. I suggested to him the propriety of taking the 



house but he would not hear to it. He says he is soldiering now 
and he must sleep on the ground. He is a bigger fool than 
Thompson's colt, and it is said that he swam the river to get a 
drink of water, and afterwards ran himself to death attempting to 
leave his shadow behind him. 

Thursday, May 5: On the 3rd, we had a heavy frost, though 
the weather is quite pleasant to-day, 

Woolfolk was so beastly drunk the other day and yesterday, 
he could hardly walk. He is very cross and peevish and makes 
himself very disagreeable. 

We have orders to march and I suppose that we will be off 
in the course of a few hours. 

Between Rome and Calhoun in General Cantey's buggy. Left 
Rome at about 1 o'clock and made only about 5 or 6 miles on 
account of the wagon broke down and stalling. 

Woolfolk was very drunk to-day and was very insulting in his 
language to me. I expect to leave him the first opportunity. 

We went into camp about 5 miles from Rome. I am writing in 
General Cantey's buggy and Allain has been with me nearly all 
the way assisting me to unharness and feed the horses. Our camp 
was near a church and reminded me very much of Hepsibah 
Church at home. 

Friday, May 6: Between Calhoun and Resaca. I arose this 
morning about daylight and fed the horses. We reached Calhoun 
about 12 Noon and halted to rest and feed the teams about a 
mile beyond the town of Calhoun. There are any amount of 
springs all along this road. Arrived at Resaca about 3 p. m. 

Resaca, Saturday, May 7: Last night I slept on top of a hill 
in an open field, and this morning I found myself quite wet with 
the cold dew. When I am exposed to the dew it generally makes 
me feel very unwell and causes me to look very pale. As long as I 
can get a tree or bush to sleep under I do very well, but somehow 
I cannot stand the dew. Woolfolk is sober today for a wonder, 
I suppose he cannot get any liquor. 

Resaca is only about fifteen miles south, of Dalton, and Is a 
Rail Road Station. I heard heavy firing towards Dalton today and 



a fight is momentarily expected. 2 We have orders to move again 
and our baggage has been reduced to feather-weight. 

I visited a spring a little while ago, near the banks of the 
Oostanaula River which runs close to the town. This spring is in 
a cave of solid rock, some twenty feet deep, and the water is very 
cool indeed. 

1 dreamt last night that I was married to a young lady that I 
never saw before and although the ceremony had been performed 
yet I was totally ignorant of her name. As she was in the com- 
pany of several of her relatives and friends, I did not wish it be 
known that I had married a young lady whose name I was 
ignorant of. I would not ask what it was in the presence of others 
and the consequence was that I never did find out because I awoke 
before I had an opportunity of asking her privately what it was. 

Sunday, May 8: We are kept in readiness to march, though 
we are still in the same place. Woolfolk has a clerk, or a nominal 
clerk whose name is Daniels J. B. Daniels. He is from Columbus, 
Ga. where he was a merchant of some repute, in the clothing 
business. He is a middle aged man, tall, fine looking, and wears 
flowing side whiskers after the English fashion. He does no work 
for he doesn't know how, and is always in my way. He is very 
fond of whiskey and when he gets a few drinks of whiskey in him, 
he calls himself the " great one price emporium," which was the 
advertising heading of his mercantile establishment. As for the 
good he does Woolfolk or anyone else he had as well be at home. 
He is fractious and contentious to the last degree, and take him 
altogether he is a great annoyance, for he not only will not do 
anything himself but he is always calling upon some one else to 
wait upon him. He called upon me, not seeing any one else to 
call, to bring along his heavy valise. I told him just to allow it 
to remain where it was until I brought it, and off I went. He was 
very indignant, but I cared nothing for his indignation. 

Monday, May 9: Last night as I was sitting by the camp fire 

2 On May 5, 1864, General Sherman moved out from his fortified position near 
Rocky Face Ridge, Ga., as the opening maneuver of the Atlanta campaign. His 
mission was to attack and destroy Joe Johnston's Army of Tennessee and to 
capture Atlanta, the great nerve center of Southern communications . Horn, Army oj 
Tennessee, 32S ft; Battles and Leaders, TV, 247-344. 


before my tent, a scout rode up and getting off Ms horse, stood 
by the fire. He said the enemy were only about five miles distant, 
in large force coming through Snake Creek gap, and that he had 
come in to report the fact to Gen. Cantey the commanding officer. 
Cantey in my opinion is a poor dependence for a commander. 
This morning a brigade of cavalry came into the town. The 
General enquired who was in command here. The answer was, 
Gen. Cantey. " Well " said he " he is a damned poor General 
I have come in with my whole force, and neither he nor any of 
his troops were aware of it until I was in their midst." This was 
so they had come right in upon us, and they had never been 
challenged because old Cantey had not thrown out a single picket. 
I would have known better than that myself. Here the enemy 
are, liable to come in upon us at any moment, and no watch kept 
to give us warning. 

About breakfast time, firing began to be heard about three 
miles west of the town. This afternoon the enemy's advance 
troops came up close to the town, having driven in our pickets, 
and engaged our troops pretty smartly. Later in the day they 
came in much closer, but were driven back by our forces. Our 
artillery opened upon them pretty brisk. They charged our lines 
twice, but failed to make any impression. Loss slight. 

Tuesday, May 10: No firing up to IS M. to-day. Loring's 
[William W.] Division will be here from Rome to-day, and we 
have received some troops from Dalton, which will make our 
force about eight thousand men. Enough I suppose to check the 
enemy for the present. There are two gaps near this place, one 
of which only was guarded, and the enemy made their approach 
through the unguarded one. It certainly was a great oversight 
in not placing a strong guard at both those points. They are now 
very near the Railroad and have already cut the telegraph lines 
between this place and Dalton. Their force is estimated at 10,000, 
but if they are not right sharp we will capture the whole of them. 

The news from Virginia is that we have captured two Major 
Generals and other commands. 3 We have whipped them terribly 

8 Battle of the Wilderness fought in northern Virginia, May 5-7, 1864. The victory 
spoken of by Patrick was of little significance. Gen. John B. Gordon attacked the 



in eastern Louisiana and captured a great number of prisoners. 4 

Wednesday, May 11: The sky is overcast and very threaten- 
ing. I transferred a lot of clothing to Reynold's [Daniel EL] Brig, 

Everything is stripped for the fight and the hills and knobs 
overlooking the town, on which we have batteries of heavy 
ordnance, are covered with troops. The infantry is in line of 
battle, the artillery horses are harnessed to the guns and caisons 
and some of the men are lounging about, others are leaning 
against the pieces and sitting upon the caisons. The artillery 
drivers are standing listlessly beside their trusty horses with one 
arm slung over the saddle, ready to mount at the word. Every- 
thing is as still as a churchyard, but all hands are wide awake 
and ready to open the ball. 

Generals Cantey, Vaughan, Martin, Grigsby, Hood and Polk 5 
are together upon their horses, upon a rising ground, evidently 
very calmly surveying the scene of the expected conflict. Couriers 
are galloping from point to point along the line, bearing dis- 
patches. Upon an eminence to the right, the men are working 
hard, throwing up an embankment, behind which to plant a 
battery I suppose, as the horses are being unharnessed from the 
pieces. There is evidently a heavy thing on hand, for the troops 
are pouring in from Dalton. The enemy's force is estimated at 
150,000 with a large amount of artillery. 

An old lady came in yesterday reporting that the enemy were 
at her house, some three miles distant, with five hundred thousand 
men and seven hundred pieces of artillery down in her orchard. 
Bully for the old lady. I would like to know her estimate of our 
forces. Last night as I walked up to my campfire, a green fellow, 
who had never heard the roar of a gun, until now, enquired of me 
the news. I repeated the old woman's story as being the latest 

Union right flank late in the day on May 6. The movement was of little consequence 
but two Federal brigadiers Truman Seymour and Alexander Shaler were captured. 

4 Although the action took place in western Louisiana, Patrick was obviously 
referring to the defeat of Bank's Red River expedition at Mansfield and Pleasant Hill. 

5 Brigadier General James Cantey, Brigadier General Alfred J. Vaughan, Jr., Major 
General William H. Martin, Brigadier General J. Warren Grigsby, Lieutenant General 
John B. Hood, Lieutenant General Leonidas Polk. 



intelligence from the enemy's lines. His eyes grew as large as 

" The geewhillikens " said he " we can't fight all 'o them; why 
Mister hain't the whole face 'o the yeath, kivered with 'em? I 
allus said old Cantey would git us into jist such a scrape as this, 
the durned old fool. But then he ain't a keerin,' hes all right, 
he'll keep oute'n the way, I'll bet on that and I fur one says, git 
up and git, while times is good." 

Last night was a terrible night indeed. The wind blew almost 
a hurricane and the rain poured down in torrents and I thought 
that the covering of the wagon in which I was would certainly be 
blown off. This afternoon was very cold and it feels like it would 
frost before morning. 

Thursday, May 12: We were ordered farther down the road 
yesterday. The fighting along the front is going on pretty brisk 
to-day. I consider Gen. Johnston the best General in the Confed- 
eracy, not even excepting Robt. E. Lee, but this is one time that 
old Sherman came near over-reaching him. I will always consider 
it a mere chance if he gets well away from Resaca. 

I broke through my resolutions yesterday and got drunk, but I 
shall not do so again soon. 

The whole of Johnston's army is here and so is the Yankee's 
forces. I said more than a week ago that the fight would be 
transferred to this place instead of Dalton. 

Saturday, May 14- The fighting has been raging all day long 
and has been the fiercest of any day yet. Nothing particularly 
gained by either side. 6 

We are encamped about miles from Resaca with our train. 

Adairsville,' 1 Sunday, May 15, 10 a.m.: Left our camp near 

6 The battle of Eesaca was fought May 13-15, 1864. Initial Union attacks on 
Confederate entrenchments were repulsed. On the 15th, however, word reached 
Johnston that other Union troops were crossing the Oostanaula on pontoon bridges 
below Resaca. Endangered by this flanking movement, Johnston's forces fell back 
across the Oostanaula, destroyed their bridges and retreated back toward Calhoun. 
Battles and Leaders, IV, 263-66. 

7 After leaving Resaca, Johnston had hoped to find a favorable position near Calhoun, 
but there was none available. After resting for a few hours, the command moved on 
eight miles to Adairsville early in the morning of the 17th. Patrick, traveling with 
the supply train, had already arrived in Adairsville two days earlier. On the 17th a 



Hesaca about 2 o'clock this morning and Captain Gardner, who 
was slightly wounded in the leg, came over in the buggy with 
me to this place and has taken the cars for some place below. 

Heavy firing and fighting is going on at Resaca. I left the train 
and drove on ahead to this place. It begins to look a little like 
a retreat, though nothing but the wagon train have left yet. I 
waited at this place until nearly sundown for the wagon train 
before it came along. 

Kingston* Tuesday, May 17: Yesterday evening, we camped 
about 2 miles this side of Adairsville. The reason why the train 
did not come on as it should, was because Woolfolk was lying in 
the house drunk and asleep and would not get up although two 
couriers had arrived with orders for him to move. I am getting 
more and more dissatisfied with him every day. He has not any 
any sense worth talking about when he is sober and when he is 
drunk, this little amount leaves him. He is the poorest apology 
for a quarter-master, or as I may say, for a man that I ever saw. 

The prospects are very gloomy for us at present. Our forces 
have fallen back across the Oostanaula River and a great many 
of the men had to jump in and swim the river to prevent being 
captured. The enemy has taken our batteries on the hills with 
the guns there-on and have doubtless captured a large number of 
small arms and a considerable quantity of stores. This looks very 
bad for our side, but as there are so many rumors, I cannot place 
much confidence in what I hear, though I have not the slightest 
doubt that Johnston is retreating. 

The troops have certainly seen a very hard time of it, lying in 
the entrenchments for nearly a week without rest. If ever a 
people ought to be independent, I think that we ought. 

I think that I shall go to the creek and take a wash. I have not 
put on any clean clothing for about 3 weeks and I think it is time 
that I was doing so. 

The wagon train has been passing ever since 12 noon and it is 

sharp skirmish was fought which checked the pursuit for a short time. Ibid., 266-68; 
Horn, Army of Tennessee, 326-27. 

8 Johnston's troops moved down the Western and Atlantic R. R. and passed through 
Kingston. A line of battle was formed near Cassville with their hacks to the Etowah 
River. Ibid., 327-28. 



now 5 p. m. and still they come. Johnston is in full retreat and 
there is no doubt that we have received a good thrashing from 
the Yankees. I suppose that our train will be ordered away to- 
morrow morning or maybe before. I am under the impression 
that we will not stop short of Atlanta, if we are lucky enough to 
get there. 

I took a good bath in a stream, close by and put on some clean 
clothes which has made me feel a great deal better. There is one 
of the boldest springs here that I ever saw. It gushes out of the 
solid rock as thick as my body. I would like very much to send 
a little home but it is impossible just now. 

Wednesday, May 18: We were ordered up early this morning 
to be ready to march. This was not unexpected to me for in fact I 
expected to hear this during the night. We left Kingston about 
9 o'clock this morning with an immense wagon train ahead of us. 

I have marched about 4 miles to-day. From Kingston we went 
to Carters ville and then to this place. I stood the march pretty 
well and I could have gone 5 or 6 miles farther if it had been 
necessary. The only inconvenience I found was that my feet 
became a little sore. If I can only keep my health. 

Johnston is in full retreat and this is the second retreat I have 
been on with him. The thing is not through with yet and they 
had better mind how they fool with him for they are getting a 
long ways from their boats with a good army and a cautious man 
in front of them. 

Thursday, May 19: We have not moved camp, though wagons 
have been passing all day. 

I wrote a short letter home to Sis to-day. I made my first 
attempt at washing a shirt to-day. I washed two but as they are 
not dry yet, I do not know how they will look. 

Camped at the Allatoona hills. 9 

9 Johnston had planned to make a stand near Cassville but with two of his com- 
manders urging abandonment of the position he decided to continue the retreat. On 
May 20, the Confederate troops passed the Etowah River, abandoning strong forti- 
fications protecting the bridges across the river. Johnston then moved his forces into 
the broken Allatoona heights to the south of that stream. On the 23rd Sherman's 
army crossed the Etowah at Stilesboro, below and to the west of Johnston's position. 
The Confederate Corps moved hi ftront of the Union forces and on May 25, 26, 7, a 



Big Shanty, Saturday, May 1: We arrived at this place about 
1 p. m. to-day. I have walked about 8 miles to-day. Yesterday we 
encamped at Allatoona which is about 8 miles above this. 

Weather warm and roads dusty though good water is plentiful. 

Two of Cantey's staff now ride in his buggy and I am knocked 
out of the ring entirely. It beats anything I ever heard of, that 
aides-de-camp should be in the rear of the army. These have been 
with the wagon train all the time, endeavoring to protect their 
precious carcasses from the deadly missels of the enemy. 

They talk about the ravages of the enemy in their marches 
through the country, but I do not think that the Yankees are any 
worse than our own army. This morning when the train was 
passing the house of a farmer a lady gave to the men all the milk, 
butter and butter-milk she had. They were not satisfied with this. 
They took all the chickens she had, robbed all the nests they 
could find, went to the stables and took all the fodder and not 
content with this, pulled down the fences and turned their horses 
in upon the fields of wheat. I am sorry to say this has been the 
case all along the road by our army. I saw some beautiful fields 
all wantonly destroyed. The husband of the lady above men- 
tioned is in the army and as a matter of course, was away from 
home. War is a terrible thing. Our whole force is south of the 
Etowah River and we have destroyed the railroad bridges and 
the enemy are still in pursuit. Nothing new from the front to-day. 

Sunday, May 22: All quiet in camp. Lying on our oars. This 
country affords fine water in abundance. The whole country is 
covered with pennyroyal. On the hills and in the valleys, in the 
fields and in the woods, in the shade and in the sunshine, the 
ubiquitous pennyroyal may be seen. The ground all in and about 
our camp is strewn with isinglass. 

I have always understood isinglass to be a glutinous substance 
prepared from the intestines of certain fish. Nevertheless they 
term this isinglass. But I am no mineralogist nor geologist, there- 
battle was fought northeast of Dallas at New Hope Church. Both sides lost heavily. 
Sherman, having left the railroad well to his left, moved back in that direction on 
June 4. Union troops reached the railroad between Acworth and Allatoona on the 5th. 
Johnston also moved his forces eastward to get in front of the Union troops and 
cover the roads leading to Atlanta. Battles and Leaders, IV, 269-70. 



fore I do not pretend to argue the point. Of one thing I feel 
satisfied however, and that is, that all this region is rich in mineral 
productions, and iron ore is abundant everywhere. Sometimes in 
lifting up a loose stone, I am somewhat astonished to find it nearly 
as heavy as a cannon ball. I believe that at one time it was be- 
lieved that gold abounded among these hills, and I have dim 
recollections of seeing accounts in the newspapers of gold having 
been discovered in Georgia. 

Monday, May 23: We received orders about 11 o'clock to-day 
to move beyond Chattahoochee River, which is only about 7 miles 
north of Atlanta. I started off on foot and walked about 11 miles 
as hard as I could, but when I got 2 miles below Marietta I was 
forced to take a wagon. It was not the distance that hurt me so 
much as the pace at which I travelled. 

We arrived at the river a little before sun-down and then went 
on about 4 miles farther before we reached our camping grounds. 
I did not get in until 10 o'clock. The teams were very much 
jaded for they had been driven steadily along all day and the 
weather was warm and they had no food nor water during the 
whole time. We marched to-day about 6 miles. 

Marietta is the prettiest place that I have seen anywhere in 
my travels and it is a pity that it should fall into the hands of 
the Yankees. I saw a beautiful lady as I passed along the streets. 
The whole town was in an uproar and confusion. The bedsteads 
and mattrasses were placed in the yards of the hospitals ready 
for shipment. The nurses, among whom I noticed the big white 
bonnets of the far-famed Sisters of Charity, were fleeing and were 
packing up the bedding and other paraphernalia of the hospital. 
Citizens of all ages and sexes were hurrying to and fro; negroes 
were staggering along under a weight of heavy trunks and boxes; 
wagons were standing at the doors of the private dwellings, being 
hastily filled with the personal belongings of the owner; the gal- 
leries and doors were filled with a little of everything in the way 
of house-hold furniture; citizens were standing about in little 
groups as if undecided what to do; the female portion of the 
community were at their gates looking anxiously up and down 
the streets; the railroad was filled with cars and the locomotives 







were puffing and shrieking up and down the track. All was con- 
fusion, worse, confounded. 

Johnston will fall back below the River where 
he will doubtless make a stand, because if he ever intends to fight, 
this is the place for him to do it, or else he must give up Atlanta 
and its important railroads to the enemy without a struggle. 

Camp Wilderness, Tuesday, May 24: We are in camp about 4 
miles from the bridge on the south side of the Chattahoochee 
River in a thick woods. I am having a pretty hard time of it now, 
but I hope for better times soon. Collins is sick and went off to 
the hospital on Sunday last. 

There are any amounts of ticks and red bugs and it seems to 
me that I get more than my share of them. I notice the woods 
filled with a wild honey-suckle and they are red. I never saw 
any red ones before. 

Camped in the woods South of the Chattahoochee River. 
Wednesday, May 25: I feel rather sad and low spirited this 
evening and I get so very often and I cannot help it. I wonder if 
it is so with every one. I am sitting alone at the door of my tent. 
The evening is calm and beautiful. There is a blissful breathing 
in the summer air; a placid depth in the summer heaven; the 
trees are green and lovely; the air is fragrant with the numerous 
sweet-scented wild flowers; a beauty, a grandeur, a peace inde- 
scribable pervades everything. 

The wild bee hums by in the gathering twilight and the faint 
outline of the moon with her attendant stars can be seen just 
peering above the tree-tops and in the distance across the fields 
of a neighboring farm, I hear the sharp crow of some patriarchal 
shanghai; the plaintive lowing of the cattle mixed with the sweet 
bells of the wandering herd. 

There is a brass band along with our train and they are playing 
" Shells of Ocean " and as the familiar notes of this sweet air are 
gently wafted in delightful cadences over the woody hills and 
dewy fields of the quiet forest, numberless visions of home in 
happier hours and sweet reminiscences of the past crowd thick 
and fast upon my soul and bring to view a green spot on memory's 
wide waste. 


There is nothing in the world that reminds me more of home 
than those old familiar airs that I heard when life had brighter 
appearances than it does at present, and causes me to feel more 
keenly my present position and to long the more earnestly for 
peace. But alas! There is no peace for the end is not yet- 
How many moons will rise and wane 
How many months languish 
Ere peace, the white-winged Angel comes 
To sooth the nation's anguish? 

But I am getting off on a sentimental strain and I shall dry up. 

Thursday, May 26: I received a letter from Sis last night with 
one from mother also enclosed. From this I learned the following 
Benny Wall was killed in the battle on Eed River and Wesley 
Wall, is a prisoner. All of Henry Skipwith's negroes have gone 
to the Yankees. Boatner Chapman has gone to Virginia to join 
the Washington Artillery. 

We are encamped way off here in the woods where we cannot 
hear any news. Sis says that it is rumored at home that our 
regiment is to be sent down there to operate in conjunction with 
the cavalry. 

Saturday, May 38: We are still in the same old camp. There 
has been a good deal of fighting during the last few days and we 
have repulsed the enemy. 10 I do not know whether tke 4th 
Regiment is at Mobile yet or not. 11 

Wednesday, June 1: The other day "The Great One Price 
Emporium " (Daniels) went to Atlanta and brought out a jug of 
whiskey, and we had a jollification. " The One Price " is very- 
heavy on the drink, and when about half seas over becomes 
theatrical. I have laughed at Mm sometimes until my sides ached, 
although I heartily despise Mm. He uses, every few minutes, 

10 Patrick is probably referring to the fighting around Dallas at New Hope Church, 
May 25-28. Although Union troops suffered heavy losses, it could hardly be called 
a Confederate victory and actually did little to slow down Sherman's advance on 

11 In late May, 1864, the Fourth Louisiana was ordered from Mobile to Marietta, Ga. 
Arriving on May 35 the men were immediately detrained in order to re-enforce 
Confederate forces at New Hope Church, -where a bitter fight was in progress. 



when he is drinking, the latin phrases, " E Pluribus Unum " and 
" Ad Quantum Sat" He sees some one passing by, and calls out 
" I say stranger, do you belong to the * E Pluribus Unum ' or the 
' Ad Quantum Sat? ' " " If you belong to c E Pluribus Unum ' 
come in and take a drink, but if you belong to the fi Ad Quantum 
Sat/ you don't drink my whiskey " 

As a matter of course, if the fellow wants a drink, which is 
generally the case, he is on the " E Pluribus Unum " side, and 
accordingly steps in. The " Great One Price Emporium," takes 
up the jug with the following toast. 

" The humble representative of the great ' One Price Empor- 
ium/ now offers his congratulations and best wishes, with the 
kindest regards of the ' E Pluribus Unum * and the ' Ad Quantum 
Sat/" 12 

He passes the jug over and proceeds to quote, with an ex- 
tremely tragic air, and in a theatrical attitude the following: 

" My name is Norval, and on the Grampian hills, my old dad 
used to feed his sheep, swine and poultry." 

He next favors us with a patriotic song in the most discordant, 
dismal tone imaginable. 

" Hurrah! Hurrah! For Southern rights hurrah. 

Well hoist on high the bonnie blue flag. 

That bears a single ' E Pluribus Unum! ' By God." 

Day before yesterday I mounted a mule and went out in search 
of something to eat, but I did not meet with much success. I 
took dinner at the house of a man who bore the extraordinary 
name of Smith. His wife appeared to be a very nice woman and 
he was a member of the Presbyterian Church. They gave me for 
dinner biscuits, fresh butter, butter-milk, syrup made of Georgia 
cane, which was very good and tasted like our reboiled Louisiana 
molasses. I had a man along with me and he only charged us 
both $5.00 for our dinner. 

12 Patrick probably means that if the stranger is an ordinary drinker or desires just 
one drink, he is of the " E Pluribus Unum " school and is welcome. If, on the other 
hand, the stranger is the insatiable sort " Ad Quantum Sat " and requires a large 
amount of whiskey to quench his thirst, then he is not welcome since the supply 
is limited. 



On my return to camp, I stopped at a house and inquired for 
almost anything to eat in the way of vegetables, chickens, eggs, 
etc. The house was full of children of all ages and sizes, but all 
girls. There were several apparently from 18 to 22, one 14 and 
another 16 years old. I succeeded in purchasing a dozen eggs 
for which I paid $5.00. 

I saw several young babies and I inquired of the old lady if any 
of her daughters were married, but she said they were not. 
" Whose little baby is that? " I asked as one of the younger girls 
came near me with a child in her arms. " That is my daughter's." 

" Why I thought you said just now that your daughters were 
none of them married/ 5 

" They are not married. I have three grandchildren but none 
of my daughters are married. Can't you see how it is? " she said 
rather sharply. The light broke in upon me and I became aware 
that I had unwittingly been treading upon very delicate ground. 
I told her certainly that I comprehended her, but that she must 
excuse me for my dullness. 

She went on to remark that the country was being ruined, that 
the war was ruining every one and that her girls were not the 
only that acted so and that all the girls she knew in this settle- 
ment had done just as bad as they. One of the girls aged 14 and 
the best looking one in the party, I had a notion of paying some 
little attention to, but before I left I ascertained that every one of 
them had the itch, and it was not the camp itch which I have 
seen the soldiers have, but it was the 7-year sort. I concluded 
that it would be better to forego any pleasure of this kind than 
it would be to contract this disease. 

Last night a little after dark, one of the men came down to my 
tent saying that there was some one just from the front who 
wished to see me. I went out immediately to see him and who 
should it be but Captain Kilbourne with his negroe Bill. As may 
be imagined, I was very much surprised to see him for I thought 
that the regiment was still at Mobile. From him I learned that 
the whole brigade was at the front, that they had been in a pretty 
heavy engagement. He showed me a list of the casualties. I do 
not remember the whole of them for there were some killed and 



wounded that I was not personally acquainted with. Among the 
killed was Carl Attler my old mess-mate. Kilbourne is in very bad 
health and has gone to-day to find some place where he can stay 
a short time until he recovers. 

Last night I was very unwell and my bowels were much de- 
ranged though I feel much better to-day. 

Thursday, June 2: I am staying in my tent writing and the 
rain is pouring down. We need rain very much, but I cannot help 
thinking of our troops that are lying in the trenches without any 
covering whatever, with only a single blanket to protect them 
from the damp ground and kept for days without being relieved. 
Oh, what a life the soldier has. I believe that I am not sufficiently 
thankful for being kept out of the ranks. 

Now, compare my position with a colonel's. I am sitting in my 
tent protected from the rain. I can lie down and sleep when I feel 
like it and walk about if I desire it, with little or nothing to do, 
while he fares no better than the commonest soldier in the ranks. 
His food is the same; he has no more blankets nor has he any 
more comforts in any way than the private. It is very true that 
he holds a more honorable position and receives better pay, but 
then it requires all that he can make to buy his rations and there 
is nothing left to purchase his clothing with and he is expected 
to dress well and to make a decent appearance in society, I know 
it is a hard struggle with the best of them, and even the Brigade 
General finds it no easy matter to make both ends meet. 

General [William A.] Quarles is delighted with the manner in 
which our regiment conducts itself in battle and says it is the 
best regiment in the service. This is high praise, but I think 
they are worthy of it. 

While I have nothing else to-day to do, I think that I shall 
endeavor to improve myself in Phonography. I can write now 
muctL better than I did last year this time that is, I do not 
write much better, but I write faster than I did. I would write 
more after the reporting style, but I am afraid I cannot read it 
afterwards, and I think it is better to be a little longer at it now, 
than it is to be bothering my brains to read it in the future. 

I sit down sometimes and picture to myself the joys of home 



with all its blessings, when I passed my time honorably and 
profitably. There is one thing I miss more than anything else 
and that is my music. I had become so attached to my old violin 
that it had become, as I might say, a part and parcel of myself. 
I have a fine collection of music at home, if I ever get back home 
to practice it again. 

Sunday, June 5: I have been studying Phonography all day. 
[ have studied more in the last two days than I have yet, and I 
intend to apply myself to the study of this as long as we remain in 
this camp, for I have nothing else to do and it may be of some 
advantage to me here-after. I shall endeavor to write a little 
more after the reporting style if I never am able to read it. 

I would speak more of military affairs, but all that can be read 
by me afterwards in the papers and books. 13 

Our fare is devilish hard nothing but corn-meal and the tough- 
est kind of bacon and I am sick and tired of grease, grease, grease. 
It keeps my thoughts by day and my dreams by night. I have 
tried half a dozen times to show the negro that is cook for me how 
to fry some mush, but he is so dull of comprehension that I can- 
not beat it into his thick head. 

I can hear nothing from the front. There has been nothing in 
the way of a decisive character done yet, though it is to be pre- 
sumed that something will be done before many more suns rise 
and set. 

Monday, June 6: This day one year ago Clarence Bell and I 
left home for Johnston's Army, which at that time was on the 
Big Black, threatening or rather pretending to threaten the rear 
of Grant's army. I shall ever remember that disastrous campaign 
and its hardships. The heat and dust were awful. I thought then 
that twelve months more would bring matters to a close, but 
there doesn't seem to be much prospect of the war's ending soon. 
I remember how dispirited the troops were, especially the Tennes- 
seeans. They would not allow the " Bonnie Blue Flag " to be sung 

18 During the greater part of June, Sherman was probing the Confederate lines 
before Atlanta. The Union forces were established on the railroad at Acworth and 
Johnston was entrenched just to the south, holding the slopes in front of Kennesaw 
Mountain. Henry, Story of the Confederacy, 384-85. 



in their hearing. Curses both loud and deep were hurled against 
Jeff Davis and the Confederate Gov't. 

I see that Ohio has gone for FREMONT as president of 
Yankeedom. 14 Now I will make a prophesy and time will tell 
whether or not it will be correct. 

I think that there will be no more fighting after June 1 [1865]; 
that the tale will be told one way or another. In the event that 
the fighting does not cease by that time, that we will be recognized 
by France which will be virtually the end of the war and it is a 
mark of indifference to the Confederacy whether Lincoln is elected 
or not. 

I do not get half enough to eat. I am hungry nearly all the 
time. Dry corn-bread is bad enough, but I believe it is worse 
when it is made with grease. As the negro who cooks for us said 
the other day, " All three of you don't eat as much as a 10 
year old boy." No wonder when our stomachs are particularly 

Wednesday, June 8: The time wears wearily away and the 
days drag very slowly. I look at it in this way at the close of 
every day, I think, well there is so much time gone. I have strong 
hopes of something turning up in our favor during the preceeding 
months this fall in the United States during the Presidential can- 
vass. We are just here in camp. I can hear nothing from the front 
nor anywhere else. But I do not complain and I am particularly 
satisfied to remain where I am until the whole affair is over which 
I know cannot be postponed for a great while longer. The only 
information that I can get is that the Yankees are massing on 
our right. 

I fear the enemy out-number us so far that it will be a difficult 
matter to whip them, though if we can only force Sherman to 
fall back, it is equal to a victory for us. 

Gulliver's Bill has just returned from the front and informs me 
that Royal Collins was killed. Poor Royal; he was a good boy and 
very young to die. He was always kind and obliging and did his 

14 On May 31 a group of radicals, who vigorously opposed Lincoln, met in Cleveland 
and nominated John C. Fremont for the presidency. See Allan Nevins, Fremont, the 
West's Greatest Adventurer (New York, 1928) , II, 659 ft 



duty well as a soldier. He was very delicate and was not fit for 
a soldier and if he had had any business qualifications, he could 
easily have obtained a detail on a surgeon's certificate, but I do 
not think that he ever tried to procure a detail. He had no 
confidence in himself to attempt it. 

The enemy is moving to the right of our line and I suppose it 
will not be long before we hear of a battle. Bill says that the 
officers at the front told him that the number of the enemy was 
estimated at 200,000, but I very much doubt this, though there 
is no doubt that the heavy odds are against us. 15 

Friday, June 10: This day, one year ago, Clarence Bell and I 
set out in a wagon from Canton, Mississippi, to join the regiment 
which was at that time on Big Black River in the rear of Vicks- 
burg. I remember the day very well. It was quite warm and had 
been raining and the sun coming out afterwards, the steam rose 
from the earth. We remained all night with some of the 3d 
Kentucky Regiments which were in camp on the banks of the 
Big Black, and we rejoined our regiment the next day. There 
have been many changes since then. Port Hudson has fallen, 
Vicksburg has fallen and we have lost many prisoners at both 
places. The enemy has full sway of the Mississippi and nearly 
all its tributaries, but the Confederacy still holds up its head and 
presents a bold front. Our memorable order from Big Black to 
Jackson and thence to Enterprise will long be remembered by me 
and by all of us that were in it. 

I do not feel at all well this morning and in fact, I have been 
quite unwell for 8 or 10 days. The water affects my health very 
much and I must find some way to rectify it if possible. 

I cannot hear any news from the front other than that the 
enemy is massing on our right. There was pretty heavy firing 
yesterday, but what the result was I have not learned. 

Kilbourne is trying to obtain a furlough from the Medical 
Board and he seems very confident of success. I hope lie may, 
for he is not fit for service in the field. He says that he intends 

15 Sherman's army was much, closer to 100,000 than 200,000 men. The "Union troops 
outnumbered the Confederates about two to one. Battles and Leaders* IV, 281-89. 



to obtain a place some-where about home and remain there for 
the balance of the war. 

Yesterday I wrote the following letter to Mr. Lewis though I 
have not yet sent it off. 

In Camp near Atlanta, Georgia 
June 9, 1864 
Dear Friend, 

I have frequently heard it said that there is a wide and beaten road 
leading to an inhospitable region, where fuel is furnished gratis and a man 
to stir up the chunks in the bargain, that is paved with the best quality 
of an article denominated " Good Intentions." My intentions to write 
have been good, but you know that if I do not turn into a road that is 
macadamized that I will never reach the place that we all desire to find, 
therefore, the highway of good intentions is here-by ignored and I leave 
this beaten track for one covered with rocks of " Practice " and 
" Execution." 

I am now and have been ever since last winter, a clerk in the office 
of Major Woolfolk, Quartermaster in Cantey's Division. I have got 
along very well with him, though he is very inattentive to business and 
drinks to excess. This negligence of his and his dissipated habits will, 
unless he changes his mode of life, certainly lead to ruin. 

I think I hear you exclaim " He sees the beam in the eye of another, 
but he does not discern the mote in his own! " But here you are wrong, 
for I see both, and of the two, the mote is the larger and is to me the 
most troublesome, and in the future, if I live, I shall use the utmost 
exertion to eradicate it, and if God is willing with due diligence and watch- 
fullness, I will prevent its ever obstructing my morals ever again. 

I have troubles and petty annoyances too numerous to mention with 
drunken, uncivil, ungentlemanly officers and ignorant, ill-bred and con- 
tentious men, who criticize and pass judgment upon matters of which 
they are totally ignorant and have not the capacity ever to learn. These 
are small matters, but you know it is the little things which constitute 
the sum of a man's exactness. 

A soldier's life is that of a slave's, or worse, for he must act as the 
slave does while at the same time he is possessed of greater sensibility 
than the slave and his toils and sufferings are not confined to the 
physical man alone. 

I hope this war will close soon, and I have made up my mind that this 
is the last year of the " Heign of Terror." So fully am I convinced of this, 
that I am even now making my arrangements for the future, as though 



it were a foregone conclusion. If I am right, it places me in a better 
position, and if I am wrong, there is no harm done. You will probably 
wish to know my reasons for being so sanguine. 

Well, I do not know that I can give any really good reason for my 
opinion. Instead of drawing my conclusions as most persons do, by the 
slow process of deduction, I have discovered a shorter and easier method, 
to wit: 

/ jump at it. Taking for my stepping-stones, the precarious and critical 
condition of the financial affairs of the North, which, as sure as fate, 
will come down with a grand crash, and the aspect of political affairs 
which are very unsettled and are now being stirred up, as the Dutchman 
says, " mit a stick." I make a jump into the future, land in the middle 
of the month of January, 1865, and if at that time I do not have in my 
pocket a document showing that I have been mustered out of the 
Confederate Service, or that I shortly will be, then am I no prophet nor 
a son of a prophet. 

I have been no nearer Dal ton than Resaca, which is 16 miles south of 
that point. When the enemy first made his appearance at Besaca, there 
was only one brigade of Cantey's Division, consisting of three regiments 
and one battery there, though there were some guns placed in batteries 
on the heights overlooking the town. This force succeeded in checking 
the Yankees until reinforcements arrived, which by-the-way, did not come 
a moment too soon, for I verily believe that Johnston barely missed 
being caught in a bad box, and whatever may be said to the contrary, 
I shall always think that it was nothing more than sheer good luck and 
the lack of enterprise on the part of the Yankees that his communication 
was not cut off. I know that the wires were cut between Dalton and 
Hesaca and all dispatches were sent by couriers. 

On Saturday afternoon and Sunday, the hardest fighting occurred, 
after which we evacuated the place, burning the bridges after us. We lost 
some guns and a considerable quantity of stores, and some of the men 
were forced to swim the river (Oostanaula) to escape capture. The order 
was well made without a doubt, though I am no military man and not 
capable of criticizing military movements. I have ventured to give you 
my ideas of what occurred there. 

The order has been well conducted through-out and I do not believe 
that any General except Johnston could have effected it without serious 
loss. Sherman's plan seems to be to flank us all the time; although 
Johnston has offered him battle time and again, he invariably declines it, 
and sets to work at his wire-pulling gun. The two armies are now 
confronting each other, each maneuvering for a pass. Sherman is massing 



his men on our right and has planted his troops on the Altoona Moun- 
tains. I presume his intention is to form a new base of operation at the 
Etowah River. 

The citizens all along the line of our march had pulled up root and 
branch, and removed with all their personnel. Folks farther south say 
that there is not much falling into the hands of the enemy. 

The armies are doing nothing now. I say doing nothing for unless 
there is a heavy fight, we always say there is nothing going on, but there 
are many killed and wounded every hour, for even if there is no heavy 
engagement the skirmish is kept up night and day, and the work of death 
goes on the while like the current of the flowing river, slow and even 
sometimes, and at others, as rapid as a catarack. There is not a day 
passes now that many victims are not offered up at the sacred shrine 
of Southern Liberty and every breeze brings the roar of the artillery. 

The morale of the army was never better than it is now and the men 
are sanguine of success and their confidence in Johnston is undiminished. 
I will venture to say that if Bragg had conducted this order, that he 
would now have had a discontented and demoralized army. It has been 
remarked by everybody that there is less straggling than ever was known 
before, and every man is at the post assigned him. 

I see that General Pemberton has been promoted down hill. He is now 
in the regiment, a Lieutenant Colonel of Artillery. If they would give 
the man that never won a battle (Bragg) the same rank and get him 
out of the way of better men, I think it very probable that our forces 
would be more prosperous. I did not know until the other day that the 
4th Regiment was up here, my impression being that they were still at 
Mobile. They have been in a pretty heavy engagement and lost between 
SO and SO men. 

General Quarles speaks in very high terms of the regiment and says 
it is the best in the service. 

Give my compliments to Mrs. Lewis. When you write, address your 
letter to the care of Major Woolfolk, Quarter-Master Cantey Brigade, 
Polks Corps, Atlanta, Georgia. 

Your friend, 
S/ROB. D. P. 

Sunday, June 26: This is Sunday and a gloomy looking day it 
is too. I am sitting in my tent ruminating over times, matters, 
and things generally. The day is a rainy one and there seems to 
be very little prospect of its clearing away before night, so I 



must make myself contented and while away the slow and cheer- 
less hours as best I can by alternately reading " The Percy Anec- 
dotes/' of which I accidently obtained a copy, and writing and 
thinking, but particularly by vacantly looking out across the 
dense woods as far as my vision will go by the thick undergrowth, 

I have one great annoyance and if I were only rid of that, I 
think that I could get along first-rate, and that annoyance is 
one of our clerks named Daniels. He is the most disagreeable man 
that I ever met in many a long day and I hope that I never will 
meet just such another. He grumbles and growls all day and 
night like a bear with a sore head at every one that comes about 
him, and he considers it the duty of every one around him to dis- 
commode himself for his special benefit, and grumbles if it is not 
done. He expects every one to wait on him and act as a servant 
to do his bidding at a moment's warning, but I imagine that just 
about this time of day, he will not order me around for I have 
given him to understand that I am as good as he, and that I am 
not one of the kind he has been in the habit of ordering around. 
He insists upon having the best of everything. 

The poor negro Prince, that we have cooking for us, has an 
awful time, and whenever Prince makes his appearance, it is the 
signal for a long string of vituperation and abuse. I have heard 
so much of it that I am particularly disgusted and the negro does 
not see a moment of peace. He is too mean to talk about. He is 
forever speaking about " The time he was hurt " (I believe the 
horse ran away with him and threw him out of the buggy) and 
wishes to convey the idea that he has been a wonderful man, but 
that his injuries have affected his intellect, and as he says about 
20 times a day, " He is not near the man he was before he was 
injured/' When stumped about anything that gets him in a 
corner where he cannot well get out, he replies " Well, I knew 
all these things before I was injured so badly/' and if you do not 
get away, he begins to tell you what an awful time he had while 
he was sick. He is the most contentious man I ever met and he 
win take the opposite side of every-thing you say whether you 
address yourself to him or not. He will always put in his mouth 



and in order to get rid of Ms tiresome harang, you must get out 
of ear-shot. So much for Daniels, the damned old reprobate. 

My feelings are very much affected by the weather, and a dark, 
cloudy, rainy day like the present, generally gives me the blues 
and brings sad thoughts, and the only way to work it off is to 
keep my mind employed at something. 

I am sitting alone gazing listlessly out upon the dreary prospect, 
the falling rain-drops, the dripping leaves, and the flying clouds 
rapidly chasing each other across the darkened heavens. I look 
back to the events of the past three years. How many changes 
have come about, how many unhappy days I have spent. I will 
remember the Presidential election; how eager I was to obtain 
intelligence as to the probability of Lincoln's being elected, and 
after it was known that he was elected, how I scanned over the 
paper to see what would be the probable result upon the southern 
states; how my worst fears were fully realized. How sad the 
parting when we left for the army, perhaps never to return. I 
look back and I can trace my course all the way through in a 
moment. The noisy, hilarious trip from Port Hudson to New 
Orleans; the frolics in the city; the smokey, dirty camp at the 
Military Race Course in New Orleans; the trip from New Orleans 
to Camp Moore; the work, which was the first I ever did, we had 
in clearing up the ground for a camp; the weary days passed there 
in the hot sun, with no protection save our tents; our removal 
to Biloxi and the time we had there; the time spent at Berwicks 
Bay; the trip to Jackson, Tennessee and thence to Corinth, the 
battle of Shiloh; the days spent at Vicksburg, Baton Rouge and 
Port Hudson, and so on down to the present time. 

All this flushes across my memory and I have often wondered 
how it is that I have come through safely. It is to a Kind 
Providence that I have indeed and I have cause to be thankful. 
What will I do after the war? I have asked myself that question 
a thousand times within the last six months, and I think that it 
is time to be asking for the war is nearly over now and cannot 
last longer than this year, and it behooves me to begin to think 
of what I am to do when peace is declared and I am safe back 
home. Well, I hardly know what I will do, as everything will 



have a very different aspect from what it did before and I must 
adapt myself to circumstances. The great trouble is that I cannot 
now tell what these circumstances may be. 

If I can raise any money, I must go into business of some kind. 
I have often thought of the grocery trade. I believe that I could 
make as much at that as I could at anything else by conducting 
it on a cash practice entirely. I know that no other way will do 
because I have seen too many men utterly ruined by the credit 
system. I think that in the course of two years, I could build up 
a business that would pay me very handsomely and supply me 
with enough money to supply all my wants, provided everything 
remains quiet, but this I fear will never be the case. I am fully 
convinced that no Republic will stand long without internal con- 
vulsions that will shake the Government to its very foundation 
and eventually result in its disintegration and finally its down-fall. 

Sometimes I think that Texas would be a good field for opera- 
tions, but then after our nationality is recognized, that will be 
the very first place that trouble will spring up again for in my 
opinion she will sooner or later sever her connections with the 
Confederacy and set up a concern on her own hook. Though that 
will be many years hence, but that it will come sooner or later, 
I am fully convinced. Another argument against removing to 
Texas is that it will cost so much to sell out everything and start 
anew, for I cannot get the family as comfortably settled as they 
are now in Texas without a considerable loss, for as old Ben 
Franklin use to say, 3 removes are equal to a fire. John Bradford 
says that he has $5,000.00 deposited in a safe place at home, and 
when the war is over he proposes to go into business with me. 
This sum is all in gold and there is no discount on it. 

I have resolved never to marry. I intend to live a batchlor all 
my days and it shall be my special study to render to myself. 
Sometimes I think perhaps it would be more pleasant to have a 
good sensible, pretty wife, a rosy cheeked child to greet me when I 
come home, etc. Then on the other hand there is the responsi- 
bility of a family and if anything should go wrong so that I should 
be pressed for money, it would make me unhappy to think that 
there were others dependent on me, their wants I probably could 



not relieve, whereas, if I am alone and anything goes wrong, I 
may starve or go to the devil and there is no one to suffer but 
myself. Besides, if a fellow should happen to meet an old friend 
and get drunk, there would be hell kicked up in the wigwam. 

No, I will be a batchlor that is decided. I will be a grand 
giantimushia, the great poly wampus of my own estate,- the " Lord 
of all I survey " in that concern any-how. 

So much I think for my future prospects and matrimonial ideas 
this rainy Sunday. 

Rain, rain, rain. There is plenty of it, but it will make the 
crops grow. I know that the troops in front are suffering sadly 
from this weather, though I hope they will not have to endure it 
much longer. 

The infernal Yankees have plenty to eat and that of the best 
quality, and heavy blankets, and good oil clothes to protect them 
from the weather. Not so with our men. If they have one blanket 
they are lucky and oil clothing is rarely ever seen except in the 
possession of some officer. 

Tuesday, June 28: Nothing new. Gen. Cantey and Maj. Wool- 
folk came into camp to-day. The General seems to be in very 
bad health. 

Wednesday, June 29: Woolfolk and the Gen enquired of me 
the reason why Daniels and I couldn't get along any better, and 
I explained to them how Daniels acted. I told them that only a 
few mornings before, Daniels had thrown all my clothing down 
upon the wet ground in order to hang his own in place of it, and 
that I had used some pretty sharp words about it, and that was 
the reason he had laid in a complaint against me. 

" Damn it " said the General " you are as good as he is. If he 
does such a thing again, throw his clothing out of the tent, and 
kick him out after them. I'll stand up for you." 

When they first mentioned the matter and told me that Daniels 
had been complaining of me it made me very angry, because he 
was the transgressor and I was the injured party, and if any com- 
plaint were made, I was the proper one to make it. When the 
General spoke to me about it, I remarked " I'll be damned if I 
will be any man's servant, and if either of you expect me to knock 



under to such a man as Daniels, you will be disappointed, for I 
certainly shall not do it." This remark of mine lead the General 
to make the one quoted above. I wouldn't have made use of an 
oath before the General, but my temper got the better of my 

Saturday, July 2: I am very unwell this morning and scarcely 
able to get about. The artillery commences at dawn and never 
ceases until dark. The weather is fair and hot. 


'We cant run much further' 


Sunday July 3: We were ordered about 3 p, m. yesterday to 
fall back south of the Chattahoochee River. Another fall back. 
I must acknowledge that it begins to look a little squally for 
our side. 1 

I have had no rations issued to me yesterday or to-day. Charley 
Redding who is acting Q. M. Segt. went on ahead of the train, on 
his horse, instead of remaining with it to see how it got along. 

We didn't reach the bridge over the Chattahoochee until after 
dark. This bridge is a very long one. It was impossible to see 
anything ahead of us, and when we were about half way across 
we met two other teams on the bridge. As their wagons were 
empty I insisted upon their unharnessing and backing their 
wagons off by hand. We had great difficulty in passing them after 
we got them off, because the road was very narrow and on one 
side there was a perpendicular wall of rock, and on the other a 
precipice which overhung the river. We managed finally to pass 
them, but it was a tight squeese and a very tickelish operation. 
We went into camp about a mile from the river. I felt very much 
fatigued pulling at the wagons, endeavoring to get them off the 

1 On June 27 Sherman made a frontal assault on the Confederate position at 
Kennesaw Mountain only to be repulsed. Not to be stopped, once again the Union 
troops swung to the right in a flanking movement. With his flank threatened and the 
bridges across the Chattahoochee protected by slight forces, there was little for 
Johnston to do but fall back again, cross the Chattahoochee, and move into the hastily 
built entrenchments around Atlanta. Horn, Army oj Tennessee, 337-40. 



Monday, July 4' As I had nothing to eat yesterday I feel very 
hungry today. Jno Richart and I walked down to a farmer's 
house near by, to see what prospects there were of obtaining a 
small quantity of that useful and necessary article, poetically de- 
nominated "grub." We saw a little girl in the yard and John 
asked her if we could buy anything to eat. She said we could 
if we had gold or silver, but her ma wouldn't take paper money, 
John went into the house and enquired for a little of the article 
mentioned in the poetical works. The lady of the house piously 
informed him that this was Sunday; that she had been reading 
that good book holding up a bible and that she couldn't think 
for a moment of desecrating the holy sabbath, by selling anything 
whatever, at the same time recommending to get his bible and 
peruse it attentively. 

John whose patience was exhausted for where is the hungry 
man whose patience is not soon exhausted answered abruptly. 

"Don't talk to me about Sunday and the bible. I'm half 
starved, and reading the bible will not fill my belly, and even 
if I should read it, I would not understand anything I read, 
because I would be thinking about something to eat all the time." 

" Well you can't get anything here to-day " replied the old lady 
" come another day and I will accomodate you/' and she closed 
the door in his face. 

I went to a well in the yard to wash my face and hands, and 
while I was performing my ablutions John went round towards 
the kitchen on an exploring expedition. He returned after awhile 
with the intelligence that he had got on the good side of the cook, 
and that we would have something to eat presently. This was 
good news. We accordingly waited at the well until the cook 
informed us that our breakfast was ready, and we went into the 

Just at this time occurred a piece of the coolest impudence that 
I ever saw. Just before we sat a large, rough looking, red 
whiskered man came in, and when we seated ourselves at the table 
he took a seat also. He pitched into the bread and meat which 
was all we had, and a very little at that, and after eating the 
greater part in a very hasty and voracious manner, suddenly rose 



and left the house. When we came to settle for our breakfast 
the woman wanted us to pay for this red whiskered fellow, but 
this we wouldn't begin to do. 

I call this full blooded impudence. The whole affair was so 
sudden that neither I nor John fully understood the thing until 
the scoundrel was gone, for we were under the impression that 
he had also spoken for breakfast, and that for the sake of con- 
venience it was placed upon the table at the same time with ours. 
John and I acknowledged that we were sold and at first we were 
inclined to follow the fellow up and expose him to the first crowd 
we could find him in, but we finally came to the conclusion that it 
wasn't worth the trouble. We afterwards considered it a good 
joke and had a good hearty laugh when we recalled little by little 
his curious manoeuvres in endeavoring to make the thing pass 
off all right while he was at the table, until he could get away. 

Firing heavy. Sometimes when I sit down to make an entry in 
my journal in shorthand, a crowd of greenhorns will crowd around 
me to have a peep at that " curus riten." It is very annoying to 
me. A fellow came up just now, a man that I never saw before, 
shoved himself right in upon me, asking very abruptly " What in 
the devil is that? " " Phonography " I answered. 

" Is it writing? " " Yes." 

" Where did you learn it? " " From a book." 

" How long will it take you to learn me? " 

" About twenty five or thirty years." 

When I wish to write, I like to be alone and these fellows are 
impudent and troublesome. I was not aware that there was so 
much ignorance in the South until I came into the army. Here I 
am thrown amongst all classes. There is a considerable number 
around me now, asking questions, and not one of them has even so 
much as heard of Phonography. They didn't know there was 
such a thing as short hand writing. There are a great many officers 
who hold high positions in our army, who are wofully deficient 
in the commonest English branches, and sometimes their office is 
one that imperatively demands a common education. 

The fortifications we had on the other side of the river are 
different from any that I have ever seen. Instead of the regular 



ditch and embankments, they have stuck upright stakes made of 
trees and saplings into the ground, with sufficient space in the 
interstices to fire through. One of the engineer corps informed 
me that this line was built up that way for twenty five or thirty 
miles. It is a miserable concern in my estimation, and a few well 
directed shots from the enemy's light artillery would knock those 
logs northwest and crooked, and kill and wound fully one half 
the men behind them. Some engineers have remarkably brilliant 
ideas and this is a specimen. It might stop a charge of cavalry 
for a while, but that's all it could do. 

Tuesday, July 5: The wagon train has been passing all night 
long and are still going by (10 a. m.) . Our whole army is now 
south of the Chattahoochee River and I presume Johnston will 
make a decided stand. If he doesn't try it right now, Atlanta goes 
up beyond a doubt. I think, though, that if Sherman could flank 
us out of our strong positions north of this, that it will be still 
easier for him to do it here. We are too weak, and that fact is as 
palpable as anything can be. But if we do not fight here, where 
will the struggle take place? Where are we to go to if we give 
up Atlanta? It has been nothing but a run from Dalton down 
and there must be a stop somewhere, or we had just as well not 
have an army in front of Sherman. According to my way of think- 
ing matters look very gloomy, but I'll talk big anyhow. We are 
very weak, but I suppose we can have the consolation of bluster- 
ing around amongst ourselves, and shout " big Injun heap." Our 
army is in good spirits however, and have an abiding faith in 

Wednesday, July 6: We moved our c^mp again this morning. 
Woolfolk is not along as usual, and I am bothered about what 
course to pursue. I suppose he is off in search of rotgut. He is 
acting Division Q. M., but I know that Gen [Edward C.] Walthall 
has no confidence in him, and in my opinion he will not occupy 
the position long because he is too great an ignoramus. 

It's a devilish gloomy looking time for us certain, and I feel 
despondent. One more retreat and the fate of Atlanta is irrev- 
ocably pronounced. It is " now or never." 



We did not succeed in getting our pontoon bridges out of the 
river, before the enemy was right down upon us. 

Thursday, July 7: Weather fair and very warm. There is very 
little firing this morning and I cannot surmise what keeps the 
enemy so quiet. They must be driving at something or they 
would be pressing our pickets. 

Collins got in a working humor late yesterday evening and 
commenced cutting some poles to make a bedstead, but after 
working about half an hour, he suddenly stopped and this morn- 
big he is entirely recovered from his working fever. This is usual 
with spasmodic workers. 

Very heavy cannonading immediately after dark at the river. 
I never heard more rapid firing. It was occasioned by an attempt 
of ours to " bluff " the enemy away from the vicinity of the 
pontoons so that we could get them out, but we succeeded in 
getting only a portion of them. 

Friday, July 8: Arose before day, and as soon as it was light 
enough, I made out some reports of field transportation and 
mounted a horse and went in search of the officer whose place 
it was to receive them. After riding nearly all day in the hottest 
kind of sun, I succeeded in finding him. 

Sunday, July 10: We have removed our camp inside the 
breastworks at Atlanta. We pulled up stakes about midnight 
and reached our present camp about 9 a. m. 

The bridges over the river were burned this morning by our 
troops a little before day. I don't believe Johnston can hold 
Atlanta. I am sorry to admit that as the Frenchman says, I am 
losing " the grand confidence/' 

The enemy I understand are making raids constantly in the 
neighborhood of Jackson, Miss., consequently I cannot reasonably 
hope to receive any communications from home soon. I would 
like very much to hear from there, but there is no use in fretting 
about the matter and so I shall take things easy. 

This is an awful crisis for our young Republic and a short time 
now will tell the tale, because if Sherman whips Johnston out of 
Atlanta, we may bid farewell to this part of the country for I have 
yet to hear of our ever retaking any captured territory. 



I saw McQuithy, a druggist who resided for a time in Clinton 
prior to the war, to-day. He informed me that tie was in the 
medical department and that all the medical stores were being 
removed as rapidly as possible to Macon. I learned to-day that all 
our stores of every description were in transitu to Macon and 
Griffin. This looks as though Johnston didn't intend to make a 
stand. If he gives up the place where in the devil are we going to? 
We can't run much further, for we will soon be down to the Gulf 
of Mexico. I can't see into it. "Further, deponent saith not." 
Go it Mr. Johnsing. Your head has more brains in it than mine. 

Atlanta, Tuesday, July 12: Everything is very quiet, and the 
city is almost deserted. 

Woolfolk is such a wretched apology for a business man that I 
do not think Gen. Walthall will retain him as his Quartermaster 
for he neglects his duty or, more properly speaking, he doesn't 
know how to perform it but as is usual in such cases he thinks 
he knows it all. 

Thursday, July 14: I have been worried, annoyed and be- 
devilled by my superior Woolfolk to such a degree that I have felt 
no inclination to write in my journal for a day or two past. If 
Walthall retains him as Ms Q. M. I shall consider the former as 
great an ass as the latter. 

There is an unoccupied house near us, and Woolfolk obtained 
leave to sleep in it and as it contains 6 or 7 rooms, I remarked 
that I would be glad to occupy one of the backrooms as I had no 
tent and the weather was rainy. He became very indignant, and 
seemed to consider himself grossly insulted because I spoke of 
sleeping under the same roof with him. He replied rather sharply 
that he had engaged only one room for himself. I told him that I 
could not see how my sleeping upon the floor would injure the 
building and besides said I, you expect me to do all your writing,, 
and I must do it outdoors with your books and papers all exposed, 
Well then let me have your tent, as you will occupy the house. 
" No " said he ** I want that for my servant Bill to sleep in." 

His brother who was present remonstrated with him on the 
unreasonableness of the thing, but he made no reply. 

The next day the owner of the house came to our camp and I 



applied to and received a written permit to occupy one of the 
rooms regardless of what Woolfolk had said. When he saw me 
located, he didn't say much, though I could see that he was angry. 
He appears to do everything he can to render all about him un- 
comfortable and I believe that it really affords him pleasure to 
see us exposed as much as possible. He puts on a great many 
simple foolish airs that causes all of us to feel a contempt for 
him. Well Major Woolfolk, you and I will part company before 
a great while and you may bet your last dollar on that. 

Everything is as quiet along our lines, as though there was not 
a bluecoat in a thousand miles of us. There has been no fighting 
for the last 5 or 6 days. 

That bird of evil omen. Gen. Bragg, has arrived in Atlanta 
from Richmond. 2 I think we will be defeated if he has anything 
to do with it. The army hates him, and cannot endure him. I 
saw a speech that was made the other day in our Congress by 
[James L.] Orr of S. C. The way he pitches into Bragg is a 
caution. The speech occupies several columns in the newspaper, 
Orr says that Bragg never has benefitted the Confederacy, but 
on the contrary lie has been a very serious drawback and a 
positive injury to the cause; that he remains in Richmond doing 
nothing, but at the same time he receives better pay than Gen 
Lee, who is always in the field; that he was put into the position 
he now occupies because he was a played out General, and none 
of our armies would receive him; that he is placed in an office 
where every petition for promotion must pass through his censor- 
ship, and that he will not award justice to those who have fallen 
under the ban of his displeasure; that he has found fault with 
nearly every officer that ever served under him; that he has had 
open ruptures with the most of them; that it is very remarkable 
that Bragg should have all the bad officers, while the other armies 
had all the good ones; that if he is continued in his present office, 
a great many deserving officers can never rise. It is a long article, 

2 There was considerable official and popular dissatisfaction with Johnston's long 
retreat. President Davis was urged to remove Johnston from his command. Davis at 
length sent General Bragg, his adviser, to visit Johnston in the field and report on 
the situation. Upon Bragg's recommendation, Davis relieved Johnston and appointed 
General John B, Hood to assume responsibility for the defense of Atlanta. Ibid., 340-50. 



but those are some of the main points. He winds up by saying 
that all that Bragg is fit for or ever was fit for, is to be put in 
command of a Camp of Instruction, with a superior to prevent 
his tyrannising over the men. Right straight talk I think. 

He has come here to have a finger in the pie and if this proves 
to be the case, we may expect to hear of something going wrong 
in a few days. I presume his first act will be to have someone 
courtmartialed and the next will be to have him shot. He 
doesn't think of anything except issuing more stringent orders 
upon the troops, and that accounts for his being no better General. 
Gen Johnston enforces stricter discipline than Bragg, but some- 
how it doesn't have that mean kind of a look that Bragg's does, 
and the troops all love Johnston and hate Bragg. But enough 
of the old heathen. We'll see what we'll see. 

Col Hunter called to see me yesterday and remained two or 
three hours. He looks remarkably well and says that his health is 
excellent. Among other things he alluded to the death of Pres 
Pond, and spoke of his religious views. He says that Pond re- 
marked to him one day in the course of conversation, that when 
he left college he was a firm unbeliever in the bible, and that he 
studied the subject well for the purpose of arguing with others, 
and the result was that before he had completed his researches, 
that he was a firm believer in the faith. Hunter says that during 
his last moments he became very solicitous in regard to his future 
state, and had old father Taylor with him until he expired. 

Hunter seems to fear that the enemy will make a raid upon 
Clinton, and destroy the place. 

Friday, July 15: Everything is very quiet this morning. The 
enemy doesn't seem to be making any attempt yet to cross the 
river. We have a very strong picket line on this side. The 
troops are in the best of spirits notwithstanding the hard time 
they are having. Perhaps, for duration, and the fierce, obstinate 
nature of the conflict, the present campaign in Georgia is un- 
paralleled in history. It is now about 70 days since the opening 
of the campaign beginning at Dalton. Few of these days but 
what there has been fighting along our lines. These were followed 
by weary nights of incessant toil, oftentimes of fighting and 



building breastworks and entrenchments. Our men have seen a 
hard time, passing wearied nights of restless anxiety with the cold, 
damp ground for their beds, sleeping on wet leaves or branches 
of trees, sometimes on rails to keep them out of the mud, and 
frequently their rude couches were rendered too hot for them by 
the pattering bullets which came to disturb their slumbers. There 
is no child's play in soldiering. " Up to the rack, fodder or no 
fodder " is the word, to use a vulgar phrase. 

Our army is like a lion at bay, now and then turning in despera- 
tion on their relentless pursuers. They have literally disputed 
every inch of ground from Dalton, down to our present position. 
Their unexampled, desperate, fighting qualities have even won 
the admiration of the Yankees, and as they say, " it begets a sad 
regret that we are not engaged in a holier cause/' 

There is a terrible state of things all along the line of the 
enemy's march from Dalton down. All the fighting men are in 
our army and the old have fled to the woods. The Yankees have 
burned the houses of the citizens with all their contents, and 
driven their wretched inmates, houseless, homeless, starving out- 
casts to perish of cold and hunger. It is said that numbers of 
affrighted, starving women and children may be seen huddled 
together in the woods, where many of them perish of cold and 
want. Old and young, grey headed matrons and timid girls 
clinging together in hopeless misery. It is terrible to think and it 
must be a thousand times worse to behold. And this is war, great, 
glorious war. I think I shall make this my motto in the future. 
Never appeal to arms, if the same end can be arrived at by argu- 
ment. I have seen enough myself to convince me that there is not 
the slightest improbability in what I have stated above. If I only 
had the fanatics of the North and fire eaters of the South, in 
equal numbers in a pen together, I'd make " dog eat dog." I'd 
" make Rome howl " for once. 

I thought I had seen good water in my time, but I must ack- 
nowledge that the water we obtain from a well hard by bangs 
anything I ever met yet. It is the purest, the coldest and the best 
water that I ever swallowed. I cannot drink more than half a 
glass at a time because it makes my teeth ache. Any one who 



should hear me say this would simply come to the conclusion 
that I was lying. The owner of this well needn't spend any money 
for ice it's already mixed for making lemonade and mint-juleps. 

Saturday, July 16: I received a note from Hunter this morning 
acknowledging the receipt of some sugar that I sent him. He 
enclosed me a copy of a piece of poetry written by Rev. H. C. 
Lewis, entitled " Jimmie Muse my Joe Jim." 

Our regiment and the 30th Lou. have been transferred from 
Quarles' Tenn Brigade, to [Randall Lee] Gibson's Louisiana Bri- 
gade. It has created great dissatisfaction in the 4th. 

Monday, July 18: I have been quite unwell for several days 
and to-day I am scarcely able to sit up. I have very severe pains 
in my back and limbs generally. Quite an unexpected and startl- 
ing announcement this morning. Gen Johnston has been removed 
and Gen Hood takes command. I have no doubt old Bragg has 
had something to do with this. The command was first offered 
to Gen Hardee, but he declined it, saying that Johnston's views 
and his corresponded, and that if Johnston couldn't give satis- 
faction, neither could he. It was next offered to Hood and he 
accepted it. Hood is a fighting man. When we first fell back 
below the Chattahoochee Hood insisted upon Johnston fighting 
the enemy there, and went so far as to say that if he didn't do it, 
that he (Hood) would give battle with his corps alone. This is 
all very fine talk, but we are not strong enough to go into a 
pitched battle. If we had been Johnston would have tried it long 
before this. From what I can learn the army is dissatisfied with 
the change. 

Tuesday, July 19: I am very unwell this morning, though I 
feel a little better than I did yesterday. I am very weak and 
hardly have strength to walk about, and every- one tells me that 
I look very pale and haggard. 

There is not a railroad running out of Atlanta but what is out 
of fix. All but one have been cut by the enemy, and that one 
has been torn up by the explosion of a locomotive. Our means 
of subsistence are extremely precarious, and we are literally 
" living from hand to mouth." According to my view we are in a 
very ticklish position. 



Just as I thought Woolfolk is to be relieved from his position 
as Division Quartermaster. I thought if Walthall was any account 
he wouldn't endure Woolf oik's style for any great length of time. 

It is cloudy this morning and has been raining a little. There 
is no fighting. Both armies are massing on our right and a few 
more days will doubtless show something. 

Before the band left for Gibson's Brigade yesterday, they played 
some familiar airs, which reminded me of the times we had along 
the Gulf coast at the beginning of the war. Speaking of the band 
reminds me of Davis, the drummer. He is certainly a philosopher. 
I saw him the other day, and he was bareheaded. " Hello Davis " 
said I " where's your hat? " 

" I haven't any " he answered " someone stole it." 

" Well, what are you to do for another? " I asked. 

" Do without I suppose " said he. 

He didn't seem to be at all annoyed about it and seemed to 
be perfectly well satisfied without a hat. I wish I had such a 
disposition. I believe I would get along through the world better. 
If I had been without a hat I should have been perfectly miser- 
able until I could get another. Davis on the contrary made him- 
self perfectly easy and contented until he could get another hat, 
because as he said, " Kicking up hell would not bring him a hat 
any sooner." I think when a man makes up his mind to take 
everything easy and not to fret about anything, that he gets 
along through the world much more pleasantly than one who is 
always grumbling and growling. 

Charley Redding who has been acting as Forage Master of the 
Division has been ordered back to his Regiment by Gen Walthall. 
His Colonel was the cause of it. From what he says the Colonel 
of his regiment is a " mean old cuss " and doesn't wish to see any 
of his men filling easy positions. I never saw a man seem to 
disrelish anything as much as Charley did this and I cannot blame 
him, but at the same time when a man knows he must do a thing, 
however unpleasant it may be, he had as well go and do it. I feel 
sorry for him because he seemed to dread it so much, and if he 
had received his death warrant he could not have appeared more 



Wednesday, July 20: Woolfolk is to be relieved today. Some- 
times I think the war is nearly closed, and then again it looks 
like it had but fairly commenced. I begin sometimes to lay out 
plans for the future, but I generally come to the conclusion that 
endeavoring to look ahead is useless though I do not see how the 
war can last longer than this year, because I am fully satisfied 
that we cannot hold out longer than Jany or Feby next unless 
something turns up in our favor and that devilish quick. 

4 p. m. Fighting like " hell a beating tan burk." It appears to 
be about our centre. They are at it hot and heavy. 3 

Later Charley Redding came in just now, minus his left hand. 
At least it is so badly shattered that I presume it must be ampu- 
tated. Polks old corps was the only one engaged. Our forces 
attacked them in their works, and drove them out with a large 
number killed and wounded on both sides. The general impres- 
sion seems to be that we have not gained anything by the opera- 
tion. Hood is determined to fight; there's no doubt about that. 
I suppose he intends to " make a spoon or spoil a horn " and if 
he doesn't look sharp, he'll " spoil the horn." Charley Redding 
slept with me this night and complained very much of his hand. 
He has been to the hospital, but it is so crowded with the 
wounded and dying that they say they can do nothing for him 
until morning. 

Thursday, July 21: There is pretty rapid firing on our left and 
centre this morning. 

3 a. m. There's slow regular artillery firing all the time, but 
nothing like an engagement, although yesterday about dark all 
hands were under the impression that " the fur would fly " from 
one side or the other to-day. I fear we will not be able to hold 
Atlanta, for the enemy is too heavy for us, and they have taken 
" old Joe " away from the helm. 

Well! my opinion is that if Hood follows up the policy inaugu- 
rated yesterday, we will either drive the enemy back or we will 
go up the spout ourselves. There seems to be general dissatisfac- 
tion among the men on account of the headlong way in which 
they were put in yesterday, and they think that " it costs more 

8 Battle of Peach Tree Creek, near Atlanta. 



than it comes to." They say that Hood cares no more for the loss 
of his men, than Grant does of his in Virginia. From all I can 
learn I am inclined to believe that the advantages gained yester- 
day are not at all commensurate with the loss sustained, and from 
the comparative silence to-day, I hope that Gen Hood may re- 
consider matters, abandon his aggressive policy and await the 
enemy inside our lines. His course would do well enough I think, 
if we had plenty of men, but this is not the case and as a matter 
of course he knows it. I am forced to the conclusion that we must 
either give up the place, or they will surround it, and then I know 
" the dog's dead." 

Friday, July 22: At about one o'clock this morning we were 
ordered to pull up stakes and move. We drove our train down in 
town, where we remained until after daylight. I saw a sight this 
morning that I never saw before and never wish to see again. A 
lot of cavalry, said to be the 7th Alabama Regiment, went all 
over the business part of the city breaking open the doors as 
they came to them, and robbing every house of whatever it con- 
tained, carrying away with them such things as they desired and 
throwing such as they did not like into the streets. They had 
sacks tied to their saddles and seemed to have come prepared for 
the business, and all through the day cavalrymen could be seen 
with their horses literally piled up and almost concealed by the 
plunder they had on them. 

They started to enter the establishment of an old lady who 
kept a shop, but the old lady didn't seem disposed to submit, 
and she drew a pistol and threatened to shoot the first man who 
entered. They went in, however, took her out of the house and as 
her hair had become dishevelled in the affray they caught up 
her streaming locks and dragged her up and down the streets by 
the hair of her head. They then entered the house, taking away 
what they wanted, and making an everlasting smash of things 

There was another hard fight about 2 p. m. to-day on our right. 

Saturday, July 23: There was some very hard fighting yester- 
day afternoon. Hardee charged the enemy on our right and drove 
them back. I can learn nothing reliable, only that we drove them 



back capturing quite a number of prisoners and some artillery. 
We lost heavily. There is not much firing this morning. 4 

Sunday, July 24-: This is the most extraordinary weather that 
I ever saw. Every man has on his coat and all hands are huddled 
around the fires. 

I saw a wounded Yankee yesterday that was a perfect sight 
to behold. I will try to describe him, though any picture that I 
can draw will fall short of the mark. He is at the hospital. He is 
a tall, spare made man and his clothing is entirely too large for 
him. He was dressed in the blue coat and pants of the Federals. 
His coat fits very loosely and hangs upon him like a shirt upon 
a bean pole; his pants will wrap easily around his thin, spindling 
legs twice. His legs, which are not much larger than pipe stems, 
run down into a pair of huge boot legs, and his feet are extremely 
large and not at all proportioned to the balance of his body, and 
it would appear impossible for him to carry such a weight of 
leather with such a slender pair of legs. He was wounded in the 
lower jaw and as it is much swollen it protruded nearly an inch 
beyond the upper one. When I saw him he was sitting on the 
ground with his head hanging between his knees, which latter 
stood up some distance above his shoulders, like two sentinels. 
The color of his clothing could scarcely be distinguished, for the 
vast number of flies which swarmed in myriads over him. Taken 
altogether I think he was the most singular looking object that I 
have seen in many a long day. 

This morning I passed the grave of a Yankee who died yester- 
day, and I just thought to myself, now, old fellow, you have 
travelled a long ways to secure a very small spot of earth, when 
you might have purchased ten thousand times as much nearer 
home and much cheaper than you got this. You were not satis- 
fied to remain at home, and let us alone; you must come to the 
South to murder our citizens, burn our houses, desolate our homes 

4 This was the battle of Atlanta. The action referred to by Patrick could hardly 
be called a Confederate victory even though General Hardee had dealt the Federals 
a heavy blow. He had captured some two thousand prisoners and eight guns. The 
attack was a disappointment to Hood, however. The Confederates had been forced 
back to their original position with heavy losses losses which the undermanned Army 
of Tennessee could ill-afford. Horn, Army of Tennessee, 355-59. 



and lay waste our country; to make war upon women and children, 
turning them out to die of cold and want, without the slightest 
compunctions of conscience. You for one have met your just 
reward, which is a grant of land from the Confederates of three 
feet by six, in an obscure spot, where your friends, if you have 
any, will never be able to find your body for there is nothing to 
mark the spot except a small hillock of red clay, which a few 
hard rains will wash away and it will disappear forever. " So 
mote it be " as the Masons say. 

Tuesday, July 26: I received from Hunter the following note. 


Your's of this morning was handed me by Jno Richart. Many thanks 
for your kindness. I enclose you the $20 Geo. bill. Capt Fiester says 
he has sent you word a dozen times about it. He tried in Mobile to 
dispose of it, but without success. I also enclose a very rough copy, made 
by Jim Doyle of " Jimmie Muse my Joe Jim," what a truly Christian 
spirit is exhibited between these ministers of the gospel! 

The order transferring us to Gibson's is in Walthall's office, but has 
not yet been enforced. I suppose it soon will be. It is very distasteful 
to all of us. " May your shadow never grow less." 

Your Friend Truly 

Atlanta, July 28, 1864: Weather very warm today. Another 
hard fight on the left. Attack made by our side. Hood will have 
our whole army killed off if he doesn't change his policy. If we 
had plenty of men this would do. He is entirely too reckless. 5 

Atlanta 9 July 31: From the fact of my being attached to a 
different Brigade, different Division, and even a different Corps, 
I was not aware until yesterday that our Regt. was in the fight 
of the 28th. Our loss was very heavy. 6 It was a perfect slaughter. 

5 The battle of Ezra Church, four miles southeast of Atlanta. There the corps of 
Confederate General Stephen D. Lee collided with Federal forces. What started out 
to be a small engagement soon grew to battle proportions. Again and again the 
Confederates attacked but were unable to dislodge the Federals. By the end of the 
day the Confederate troops had been repulsed with heavy losses. After the battle 
of Ezra Church the siege settled down for almost a month. Ibid., 360-64. 

e Out of 40 men present for duty the Fourth Louisiana suffered 82 casualties. 


I managed to get off to the Hospital where the wounded from our 
Regt. were and I did all I could for them. I gave them all the 
clothing I had of every description. 

I fear Bill Knox will not recover. He requested me to write 
home to his family, which I will do as soon as possible. With 
the assistance of some others I carried him into the woods, and 
procurring some water and a sponge I washed his body all over 
and put clean clothing upon him. The flies are awful. In spite 
of all that can be done, they will deposite maggots in the wounds 
of the men, and there is scarcely a wound that is not full of them. 

Monday, August 1: I have just had a conversation with Maj 
Mulherin, Corny of WalthalFs Divis. and he says he needs a 
clerk very much and desires my services. I told him that I had 
seen enough of Maj Woolfolk, and that I would accept the place 
he offered me. He appears to be a very nice man. 


Where's everybody gone to? 


South of Atlanta, Friday, September 2, 1864' ^ I have had a 
terrible time of it since the last entry in my journal. On Thursday 
afternoon we were ordered to move, but we didn't get away until 
after dark. The city was being evacuated as rapidly as possible. 
Some of the boys were acquainted with several young ladies who 
resided on the street we were then on, and some one proposed 
that we should call upon them before leaving. To this a general 
assent was given, and we hurried on at a tremendous pace in 
order to get ahead of the train and have as long to remain as 
possible. This very rapid walking or rather run I should call it, 
caused a sudden soreness in my legs, and before reaching the 
house I found that I could scarcely walk. We went in and found 
several young ladies. We had some music on the piano, singing, 
etc. and remained until we thought our train had overtaken us. 

The night was very dark and upon going into the street we 
found it crowded with men, horses, and a little of everything. We 
couldn't see much, but we could hear a perfect babel of voices 
in every direction. In the darkness I became separated from my 
squad, and I looked around for them in vain. I went over the 
town in search of them but failed to find them. I then concluded 
that I had better hurry on after the train and get out of the town 

1 After almost a month of siege, during which for some reason Patrick made no 
entries in his diary, Sherman began on August 25 the last of a long series of move- 
ments which finally resulted in the evacuation and capture of Atlanta. Union troops 
occupied the city on September 2. 



before the enemy captured me. As I walked up the street I came 
upon a lady standing at a gate, and she made some remark to 
me and I stopped to talk to her. I asked her for some water and 
she went into the house and brought some out. She appeared 
to be very much troubled on account of the city falling into the 
hands of the enemy. She was badly frightened. I gave her the 
best advice I could. She insisted upon my remaining until morn- 
ing as a protection to herself and her children, but I told her 
such a course as that would be the height of folly, because I 
could be of no assistance to her and my remaining there would 
certainly insure my capture. 

About this time I heard a terrible roar, immediately ahead of 
me, down the rail-road. At first I could not imagine what it was 
but after a time I ascertained that it was shells exploding. Gen 
Hood had ordered a train loaded with ammunition to be de- 
stroyed to prevent its falling into the hands of the enemy. 2 I 
could see how to walk for a long distance by the light of the 
shells and the burning cars. My road lay paralel with the track 
and as I approached nearer and nearer the burning train, the 
sound became perfectly deafening, and the fragments of shells, 
hurtled through the midnight darkness over my head with an 
ominous rushing sound. I walked steadily on. I met no one, 
neither did any one pass me. After walking about two miles, 
the explosion of the shells suddenly ceased, and I knew by this 
that the train had been totally destroyed. Hearing such a tre- 
mendous continued noise for such a length of time, and ceasing 
so suddenly, made it appear very lonely. I sat down to rest* It 
was very dark and I could hear no sound whatsoever. The God 
of Silence reigned here. I have heard that the Egyptian darkness 
could be felt. The silence was so profound that it seemed to me 
I could feel it. It caused a painful, uneasy sensation. 

I got up after awhile and walked on. I knew the wagon train 

2 Six railroad trains of ordnance stores and ammunition as well as large supplies of 
provisions were burned to prevent them from falling into the hands of the enemy. 
In a dispatch dated September 4 to General Bragg in Richmond, Hood stated that this 
action was necessary " owing to the wanton neglect of the Chief Quartermaster of 
the Army [who] I am informed is too much, addicted to drink of late to attend to his 
duties." Official Records, Series I, Vol. XXXI, Part V, p. 1018. 



was on ahead of me, and I would use every exertion to overtake 
it. Several times I stopped and listened, thinking I heard the 
tramp of men and horses, but it was a mistake; the summer night 
breeze sighing through the dense foliage of the lonely forest trees 
that threw the still deeper darkness of their shadows across my 
lonely way. I began to feel pretty well used up, but I travelled 
on as well as I could. By daylight a whole division of infantry 
had overtaken and passed me. How far I walked I do not know. 
Once during the night I mistook the road and travelled it several 
miles, and on finding out my error I was compelled to retrace my 
steps. About daylight I was so sore and stiff and I thought I 
could not walk any farther. As day began to break and I could 
see about me, a lot of ambulances were passing. I enquired for 
the chief surgeon in charge. He was pointed out to me. I stepped 
up to him saying. 

" Doctor I am completely worn out, and I wish to ride in one 
of your ambulances, for a short time at least/' 

" Our ambulances have too much load on them already and 
you must walk," was his reply. 

" Well " I answered " you see my condition. It is with the 
greatest difficulty that I can move, and in a few hours more the 
enemy will be along, picking up such unfortunate stragglers as 
myself, and I shall soon be in a Yankee prison. 5 ' 

" Can't help that " said he. 

" No I suppose you can't help it. Just look at the ambulances 
you have, and just look what is in them. I see bedsteads, mat- 
trasses, cooking utensils, washtubs, and from one to three great 
lazy strapping negroes in each one of them, but yet you can't 
give me any assistance. The government has supplied you with 
those conveyances for the benefit of the wounded, sick, and dis- 
abled, but I do not see a soldier in any of them. Nothing but 
your damned old camp trumpery and a lot of indolent negroes. 
All of your sort ought to be in hell right now." 

He listened to this and rode on without another word. There 
were others besides myself that were almost past traveling, but 
they received no assistance from the ambulance crowd. Well let 



them rip, but there is one thing certain, I have nothing to thank 
them for nor will I forget them soon. 

Directly after daylight, I stopped at the cabin of a negro and 
got some water and rested awhile. After this I started on again, 
though I was so much exhausted that I thought I would be forced 
to give up. It was at this time that I found the will had such a 
control over the body. I verily believe that it was mental exertion 
alone that carried me on. I walked so slow that other men over- 
took me, passed me and were soon out of sight, while I was 
hobbling almost in the same place. 

Saturday, Sept. 3: 3 I continued to walk on though I was com- 
pelled to stop and rest about every hundred yards. About 8 or 9 
o'clock a. m. as I was toiling up a hill I heard a familiar voice 

' Ello Bob! what the 'ell's the matter? " 

I looked around and who should it be but Bill Gurney mounted 
on a very small mule. 

Said I, " Get down off that mule Bill, I'm used up and I want 
to ride a little." 

" Will do it by God. Hi never see a feller 'ard hup yit, but 
what hold Bill Gurney was willin' to 'elp 'em. Damned if I did/' 
Saying this Bill dismounted, and handed me the bridle rein. 

He looked at me a good while, and finally said he " What'n 'ell 
his the matter anyhow? I never see a feller stove up like that 
before, damn me if I did." " Well git-up " he continued, seeing 
that I didn't mount. 

I had made several vain attempts to mount, but Bill hadn't 
noticed it. With very great difficulty by stooping down and 
taking hold of my ankle with my two hands, I had managed to 
place my foot in the stirrup, but when I attempted to raise my 
leg to throw it over the saddle, I failed signally. I told Bill that 

8 The repulse of Hardee's corps at Jonesboro on August 31 ended any hope of 
saving Atlanta. Hood's most Immediate problem was to evacuate his positions around 
Atlanta, escape Sherman's victorious army and re-establish himself somewhere along 
the Central Railroad below Jonesboro. This withdrawal was successfully made by 
retreating to Love joy's Station, a few miles below Jonesboro. Sherman discontinued 
the offensive, however, and retired his troops into Atlanta. Horn, Army of Tennessee, 



his mule would be useless to me unless he assisted me to mount, 
because I was too sore and stiff to get up unaided. Bill assisted 
me on the mule, and we went on about two miles and stopped at 
a house to get some water. There were two ladies at the house, 
and we enquired of them if they knew any house off the road in 
an out of the way place, where I could remain for a couple of days 
until I got able to walk. One of them answered that she did. Her 
sister-in-law, she said, was a widow and would receive me at her 
house very cheerfully. This she knew because her sister-in-law, 
Mrs. Me Williams, had told her to direct any disabled soldiers 
she might see to her house and they would be welcome. 

This was good tidings for me in the condition I was in then, 
and I told her that I should certainly avail myself of the lady's 
kindness. She endeavored to point out the way from where we 
then were, but this proved a rather difficult task, as I was so 
entirely ignorant of the country. She told me then to go on to the 
next house on the roadside, and that from that place it would be 
a very easy matter to direct me to Mrs. McWilliamses. 

I rode the mule and Bill walked along by my side, until we 
reached the house on the roadside. It was not a large house 
though a very comfortable one, and there seemed to be no one 
about the place. The gate was open and I rode into the yard, Bill 
following, and I managed after so long a time to dismount and 
Bill hitched the mule. 

" Damned if I believe there's anybody here " says Bill. 

" Well " said I " it doesn't look much like it, but at any rate we 
will go in and see." 

We went in and there we saw an old woman lying in bed. She 
raised partly up and I observed that she was very much emaci- 
ated. Her eyes were sunk deep in their sockets and glittered like 
diamonds. I involuntarily started back so unnatural and weird 
like was her appearance. 

" Good day madam " said I, but she returned no answer. I 
turned around and looked at Bill. Judging from Bill's remark, 
he must have construed this look of mine into a question of what 
he thought of her case. 

" By God, she's going to die " said Bill in his deep gruff tones 



" she don't know anything, there's no use talking to her." We 
entered the next room and there we saw a young woman lying in 
bed. In the middle of the room stood a cradle in which lay a 
child apparently sick. Near the bed sat a man with the branch 
of a peachtree in his hands, keeping the flies away. 

" How do you do sir " said I " you seem to have a sick family? " 

" Yes, Sir, very sick. My wife's dead, my mother is sick and 
so is my daughter and that little baby." 

I told him I was sorry to intrude under such circumstances, 
but I was exceedingly anxious to find the way to Mrs. McWil- 
liamse's. He gave me the necessary directions and we walked out. 

" I'm tired of walking " says Bill. " I'll get in the saddle and 
you get hup be'ind." 

" All right " said I " unhitch your mule/ 3 

Bill mounted and rode near the gallery of the kitchen and in 
accordance with Bill's instructions, I got " hup be'ind/' and away 
we went. 

I know we must have cut a handsome figure for the mule was 
very small, not much larger than a good sized rabbit, and it 
seemed to have had entirely too much of nothing to eat for some 
days past, for it would stagger from side to side under this double 
weight. Every time it would step into a gutter our feet would 
touch the ground. It beat walking though, an even two to one. 

" 'ood's [Hood's] played 'ell 'asn't 'e? " said Bill by way of 
getting up a conversation, for we had been riding along silently 
for some time. 

" I should say he had " was my response. 

" If they'd let hold Johnston halone, Vd a played 'ell with him, 
wouldn't he? " 

" I think he would " said I. 

" Well " said Bill turning round rather suddenly to look at me 
as well as he could " what's 'ood done hany'ow? Where is every- 
thing and where's everybody gone to? Where are they going to? 
I don't know where I'm going to, damme if I do. Haw! Haw! 
Haw! " laughed Bill " if that haint the best joke I've 'eard yet." 
Bill for the want of something better to talk about gave me the 
full and complete history of his wedded life but as it would 


" It beat walking though, an even two to one ' 


require too much space to note it down, besides being a violation 
of confidence I shall not repeat anything on that head. We finally 
reached Mrs. McWilliamses and I must acknowledge that it was 
not quite as commodius and comfortable a place as I expected to 
find it. It was a log cabin containing only a single room, stuck in 
the middle of a cornfield without any enclosure whatever around 
it. A little ways from it stood the kitchen which was a fac simile 
of the dwelling only it was much smaller. It looked like the larger 
one had been in the f amilyway, and had been relieved of a young 
one, and there it stood seeming to say " here I am, just like you." 

Bill and I dismounted and went in. We found Mrs. Me Williams 
in the kitchen. She was a young woman and rather good looking, 
and a widow, her husband having died in the army. She had some 
young children. There was a disabled soldier, a young, good look- 
ing fellow, already there and had been there as I learned after- 
wards for some time. He was a Mississippian and lived between 
Vicksburg and Yazoo City. His name was Porter. He and she 
seemed to be on the best of terms and appeared to understand 
each other. She invited us in and gave us a glass of good fresh 
buttermilk. I explained to her my condition and she willingly 
assented that I should remain at her house as long as I saw proper 
to do so. 

Bill now said he must go, and I went out with him to where his 
long eared quadruped was hitched. I used every argument that 
I could think of to induce him to remain at least until the next 
day, as I thought a nights rest would enable me to travel without 
much difficulty. There were two reasons for my wishing Bill to 
remain with me. First I was in a strange country and alone and 
as I didn't know what might befall me I wished to have some one 
with me in whom I could place confidence, and who would be 
willing to render me assistance if necessary. Secondly I wanted 
to have the benefit of riding Bill's mule occasionally which would 
be a great help because any one who has walked a great deal 
knows the immense relief afforded to the wearied limbs by a ride, 
be it ever so short, on horseback. It is not like sitting down to 
rest. There seems to be something in the motion of the horse 
that dispels fatigue quicker than almost anything else. 


I knew Bill was hungry and I thought I would bring my argu- 
ments to bear on the most vulnerable point, so I drew pictures of 
fried chickens and chicken pies, fresh butter and milk, besides 
vegetables of every description, cooked in every imaginable shape. 
Bill stood for some time in silence and I thought I had come the 
gentle shepherd over him, but finally he said 

" He'd like damned well to 'ave some of that, but then by God 
what good would it all to Mb the enemy gits "old of me? " 

I had done all I could to detain him, but it was useless, and as 
Bill rode slowly off down the lane I returned to the house. 

Mrs. Me Williams pointed out a bed saying that if I felt dis- 
posed I could lie down. I knew that if I could only go to sleep 
it would benefit me more than anything else. So I lay down, but 
I was sore and in pain, and I was so nervous withal that sleep 
was out of the question. Sometimes I would fall into a little 
doze, but my nervous system was so deranged from excitement 
and fatigue that the slightest noise would awaken me with a 
start, and I would find myself trembling all over, and the perspira- 
tion starting from every pore. I went out to dinner. I felt hungry 
but when I sat down to the table I could not eat anything. I 
drank a glass of buttermilk and went back to bed. There was no 
one in the room except myself and I was lying on the bed. I was 
sick, sore and weary. I was crabbed, cross and illnatured. I 
sought repose but I could not find it. Sleep would not come to 
my relief rest was not to be had let me turn as I would. I felt 
embittered against everybody and everything. 

A man came to the door and stood there. He was medium 
size with an old green blanket thrown over his arm. He was 
pale as a ghost he was very much emaciated he was per- 
fectly cadaverous his clothing hung loosely about him his 
general appearance reminded me of starved sickly looking kittens 
I have seen that had apparently gone all to head his head 
seemed to be the biggest part of him it looked so heavy that it 
was a wonder his weak neck and spindling body sustained so 
great a weight. 

There he stood in the door with his blanket over his arm. He 
looked at me and I looked at him. Finally I asked very abruptly. 


" Where in the hell did you come from? " 

He responded in a very weak voice, " I come from the Hospital." 

" Well " said I " why didn't you stay there "? 

" Because the enemy would have captured me." 

" You ought to have stayed there and let them capture you " 
said I, " because it would have saved our side the trouble of bury- 
ing you." 

" I'm sick " said he " and I want to know if I can remain here 
for a while." 

" How in the hell do I know whether you can stay or not? " 

" Well I saw you here, and I thought the house belonged to you. 
You needn't get mad about it." 

" No sir " I answered " the house doesn't belong to me, when I 
own a house I'll get a better one than this/' 

About this time Mrs. McWilliams came in. " Mrs. McWil- 
liams " said I " do I look like that man? " 

" No " said she " why do you ask? " 

" Because " I answered " if I do, I'll go to the nearest tree and 
hang myself." 

The fellow's deep set, hollow eyes began to sparkle. Said he, 
" I've seen better lookin' men than you are. Youv'e got nuthin' 
to brag on in the way of looks. I spose you want to make out 
like you never seen a man that's been sick before." 

" Yes, I have seen sick men, but I must acknowledge that I 
never saw just such a looking object as you are." 

During this conversation which was conducted on both sides in 
the most serious and bitter manner, Mrs. McWilliams was roaring 
with laughter. As soon as she could speak she said, addressing 
herself to her new guest " You had better lie down and rest your- 
self and I will get you something to eat," and turning to me she 
said " don't say anything more to him. I know he has a funny 
look, but then you are both sick, and I wouldn't go to quarrelling." 

" Well " said my antagonist if I can be allowed the term 
" it wasn't my fault. I came here and he pitched into me. Damned 
if I aint jest as good as he is, if I am sick." 

This wound up the skirmish and he laid down to rest, which 
I have no doubt he needed as much as I did. 



About an hour elapsed when Mrs. McW. came in and said she 
thought the Yankees were coming. I got up and went to the door, 
and sure enough I heard their drums and bugles. I put on my 
coat and made preparations to go. My companion of the green 
blanket enquired what was the matter. I told him that I thought 
the enemy would soon be down upon us. 

" Well! what are you going to do? " said he. 

" I intend to leave " said I " as quick as I can, and you had 
better bundle up and go along too/* 

" I'm not able to go " said he " and if I was, I'll be damned 
if I would go along with you. 93 

He hadn't forgotten the way I opened upon him when he 
made his appearance at the door. 

I bade Mrs. McWilliams good bye, having first thanked her 
for the kindness to me and I made my way out to the road, and 
travelled on towards the army the best I could. This was a slow 
and exceedingly painful task because every time I stepped I felt 
as though I was pierced with some sharp cutting instrument. 
There was such a soreness in my groins that it was with the great- 
est difficulty that I could drag one foot after the other. My idea 
was to follow the country road leading from Mrs. McWilliams 
until I reached the public highway that Bill Gurney and I had 
left in the morning. 

I had just crossed a little creek, where the trees and under- 
growth on each side of the road were very thick. I heard a heavy 
crashing of the vines and dry sticks, and something or somebody 
was coming at a sharp pace towards the road. Directly a negro 
made his appearance, with a huge knapsack upon his shoulders, 
and evidently making very good time. He didn't see me until I 

" Halt there " said I " or 111 Mil you/' 

He looked around and exclaimed. 

" Good God, master, don't shoot me. I haint done nuthin/ 5 

I questioned him, and found that he was a servant belonging 
to one of our soldiers in the cavalry service. He was now en- 
deavoring to overtake his master, who had gone on with his com- 
mand, but the negro being on foot could not keep up. He told 



me that I had better not go out to the main road as the Yankees 
were there. He said that he had spoken to and passed a number 
of them. This road lay to my left and another public road was on 
my right, and I was fully satisfied that the enemy were coming 
down both roads, and that my only course was to travel through 
the woods between the two roads. I thought the negro might be 
of some service to me and I thought there would be policy in 
keeping him with me. I told him that he had very little idea of 
the geography of the country, and that he would rejoin his 
master sooner by remaining with me than he would to go on by 
himself. He consented to this arrangement, and we left the road 
and took a course through the woods as near due South as we 
could guess. 

My progress was very slow because I had to stop every few 
hundred yards to rest, and as a matter of course the negro had 
to wait for me. I noticed that he was very impatient at these 
delays. We had just crossed an open field and I sat down upon 
a huge rock to rest myself. The negro said he wanted to go to the 
railroad which lay only a mile or two to the right of us, I tried 
to persuade him to remain with me, but he said as soon as he had 
rested and cooled off a little that he would make for the railroad. 
Suddenly the notes of the clear toned bugles and sonorous drums 
of the enemy were wafted to our ears upon the quiet summer 
breeze as we sat upon the rugged rocks. 

" What's dat? " enquired the negro. 

I explained what it was. 

" Well, boss " said he " you walks too slow for me. Ise a 
gwine," and he began to gather up his budget. I saw there was 
no use attempting to detain him and I maliciously determined to 
get a big scare on him if I could before he left me. 

Said I " Didn't you tell me you had seen the Yankees on the 
road? " 

" Yas sah, I did. I seed 'em." 

" Well, didn't you talk to them? " 

" Yes sah: I talked to dem when dey talked to me." 

" Well " said I " didn't they ask you where you were going? " 

" Yas sah, dey axed me whar I was gwine and I told 'em I was 



jes gwine down de road a piece and wlien I got outen sight I tuk 
to de woods and come across you." 

" That's just exactly what I thought " said I. " Now do you 
know what they think about you? " 

" No sah " said the negro, evidently becoming interested, " I 
don't know what they thinks. I hain't no idy." 

" Well " said I, looking as solemn as a graveyard " you're in 
a damn bad fix. I wouldn't be situated just as you are now for 
all the money in the Confederacy." 

" Why boss, I haint done nuthin' to none of 'em. I didn't even 
stay whar dey wus. I ges come right off as soon as I could " 
said he, 

"That's it" said I "that's the very thing you oughn't to 
have done." 

" I didn't have nuthin to do wid dem. I never seed dem before " 
said he. 

" That doesn't make any difference " I answered " they con- 
sider you a soldier now and you really belong to their army. 
You told them you were just going down the road a short dis- 
tance, and now you are away down here. You are a deserter and 
they know it. You are not only a deserter but you are deserting 
to the enemy. You are trying now to get with the Confederates 
aint you? " 

" Yes sah, I is." 

" They'll kill you certain if they find you again. Did you ever 
see a mackerel? " I enquired. 

" Yes sah, I has." 

" Was the mackerel dead? " I enquired. 

" Yes sah, all de mackerels I ever seed was dead and full o' salt." 

" Well " said I " no mackerel that ever you saw will be as dead 
as you'll be in fifteen minutes after the Yankees lay eyes upon 


" Well boss, you walk too slow. Good bye, Ise gwine/' 
He gathered up his bundle, and the last I saw of him his knap- 
sack was bobbing up and down above the bushes. He had swal- 
lowed every word I had said, and I took a malicious satisfaction 
in knowing that I had frightened him, just because he wouldn't 



stay with me. This is human nature. I felt perfectly miserable 
and I took a delight in making the negro as uneasy and wretched 
as possible. It is true that " misery loves company/* 

The negro was gone and I was alone, sitting upon that old 
rock in the solemn stillness of the deep woods. I was so sore 
that I could with difficulty drag one foot after the other, but I 
must go on. It would not do to remain there. Delays are said to 
be dangerous, and it was particularly so in this instance. Pictures 
of Yankee prisons rose before me and the Lord knows how much 
suffering. With an effort I arose and started on. After walking a 
while, I struck a settlement road, very plain but apparently very 
little used. I followed this because it was easier walking than 
through the woods where the undergrowth was so thick. I had 
not been on the road long before I heard some one talking. I hid 
myself behind a tree, thinking it might be some of the Yankee 
cavalry. I waited for some time but could see no one. 

Not deeming it safe to be upon a regular road, I again struck 
across the pathless woods. I came to a field. It was only a short 
distance across it, but on account of not being able to raise my 
feet I could not climb the fence, and had to walk a full mile 
around it. After going about a mile farther I approached a farm 
house where I heard voices in conversation. I feared it might be 
the enemy. After slipping around among the bushes I got a sight 
of them. They were Confederates, stragglers from the army. I 
went up and got a drink of water, and enquired of a citizen the 
nearest route to the public road travelled by the army, and he 
gave me directions. One of the soldiers said he would go along 
with me, so we started on in company. We had not gone far 
before we came to another farm house. A man was standing at 
the gate as we were passing. He enquired if we wanted something 
to eat, and we told him yes. We went in. I thought the place 
belonged to him as there was nothing about him to indicate that 
he was a soldier, but I ascertained that he was a straggler, having 
thrown away his gun and equipment. 

We went into the house, and he pointed to some flour and 
bacon in one of the rooms. I told him that I thought he had 
something cooked and that I had no way to carry the flour and 



bacon. The owner of the house together with all his family had 
left the house, and from the appearance of everything they had 
not been long gone. There sat the water bucket full of water, and 
the gourd hanging beside it. The beds were tumbled up men 
and womens clothing was scattered over the floor the spinning 
wheel stood in the middle of the room with the thread hanging 
from the spindle, and a lot of spun thread lay in a basket near 
the wheel, besides many other things showing very plainly that 
the family had evidently left in great haste and trepidation, I 
went into the orchard and found some very good apples. I went 
back to the house where I found the others pillaging and appro- 
priating everything they could find. As this was not in my line, 
I went away and left them to take what they pleased. 

They were strong healthy men and should have been with 
their commands, but instead of that they were roaming in every 
direction over the country, stealing what they wanted and de- 
stroying what they didn't want. Shortly after leaving this place, 
I again struck the public road along which the army had marched. 
I stopped at a house to obtain a drink of water, and I enquired 
of the owner how long since the army had passed. He said the 
rear guard, consisting of mounted men, had passed early that 

Said he " In your condition, I think it will be impossible for 
you to escape capture, and if I were in your place, I should not 
attempt to overtake the army because you will be captured before 
you can do it, and your walk will all go for nothing/' 

I told him that I should walk on anyhow, and if the enemy 
did capture me they must take me on the wing, for I should 
certainly not sit down and wait for them. 

I walked on as well as I could, though it was a very slow walk 
and a very painful one too. I stopped at every spring and well 
that I saw to obtain water, because I was feverish and it was 
almost impossible to quench my thirst. Night was approaching 
and dark clouds began to gather overhead, portending rain. I 
thought several times of stopping at some house and applying 
for shelter for the night, but the consciousness of the enemy 
being behind me spurred me on. Darkness came on at length, and 



the elements appeared more threatening than ever. It grew 
darker every moment, and the thunder was rolling in the distance, 
accompanied by flashes of lightning and the low moaning of the 
night wind. I had no blanket and I knew that if I should be 
exposed to the weather and pass a sleepless night, that by morning 
I should be in a worse condition than ever. 

I saw a light shining at a little distance upon the roadside, and 
I went in towards it. Upon a nearer approach I saw a small cabin, 
and I determined to apply for a night's lodging at this place. I 
met a girl apparently about fifteen years old with a bucket on 
her arm going for water. I enquired of her if I could stay all 
night. She referred me to her mother who was in the house. I 
went in and spoke to the old lady, who very politely invited me 
to take a seat, which I did. I told her the condition I was in; 
that I had no blanket, and that everything seemed to indicate a 
night of bad weather. 

" Yes Sir " said she " you kin stay, but I hain't got nuthin' fur 
you to eat." 

I told her that made not the slightest difference, that what 
I desired most was a roof to shelter me from the approaching 

I now took a survey of the premises. Here was poverty, squalid 
poverty! I had never seen a family quite so low down. They 
seemed to be without the very commonest necessaries of life. The 
house was built of logs with a single room the logs in places 
were so wide apart that a man could almost crawl through. A 
great portion of the roof was gone. In one corner was a kind of 
bedstead, and on it lay a mass of bedding, or rather what repre- 
sented bedding, for it was in reality nothing more than a pile of 
dirty, filthy looking rags. Upon this the whole family, consisting 
of the old lady and several children, all slept. She told me that 
her husband had died in the Virginia army and that she had a son 
sixteen years old in the State militia. She said she had managed 
to raise some little corn and a few chickens and pigs, but that the 
cavalry who had been stationed about there had robbed her of 
everything she had, and had on many occasions, also insulted 
herself and her daughter very grossly. 



About this time the girl returned with a bucket of water and 
I took a look at her. She was a very pretty girl and if the dirt 
had been washed off, and nice clothing put upon her, she would 
have been better than half the young ladies we generally see in 
our fashionable ballrooms. I lay down upon the floor, but I had 
scarcely stretched myself out upon the hard planks, when I heard 
something moving about immediately beneath the floor. I en- 
quired what that was. 

" Oh! that is only a pig that I keep under there to prevent the 
soldiers from stealing it. They tuk all but that, and I put it whar 
I could watch it." 

If I had only waited a moment, I needn't have asked any 
questions, because the smell that greeted my olfactories would 
have informed me what it was. 

Notwithstanding the noise made by the pig, the offensive smell, 
and my hard bed, I soon dropped off to sleep and slept soundly 
until morning. 

I awaked a little after daylight and found the old lady already 
up, sitting by the fire. On looking around I saw the young girl 
lying on the bed with the greater part of her person exposed. She 
was a beautifully formed girl, and where there was no dirt her 
skin was as white as snow. 

I looked out doors and perceived that it had rained during the 
night, but I had slept so soundly that I didn't hear it. I wanted 
to pay the old lady for her kindness but she wouldn't receive 
anything, and so thanking her for my lodging and bidding her 
good morning I started on. I found that although a night's rest 
had refreshed me very much, I could perceive no diminution 
in the soreness of my limbs, and that it was about as painful a 
matter to travel as it was the day before. However, I pitched 
out and did the best I could. The roads were very muddy and 
slippery from the recent rain and this made my progress slower 
and more difficult. 

About sunrise I reached a dwelling on the roadside, and I 
walked up to the gate. I saw a man standing in the door, and 
near him two young ladies and a large yellow dog lounging about 
the yard. I enquired if he could give me anything to eat.* He 


answered " No." " Can't you give me a potatoe, I'm easily 
satisfied and almost anything will do me? " " No sir, I can't " said 
lie. " Well give me a piece of eornbread, you can do that can't 
you? " said I. " No Sir/' was his answer. 

" Well go to hell then " said I " 1 know you can do so if you 
would, but do not wish to do it." 

So I turned away, disgusted with him, his two gals and his 
yaller dorg, and wended my way down the road. 

I had not gone more than a mile before I approached another 
residence. This was a very nice looking place, and I resolved to 
try my luck again because I was very hungry, and I was com- 
pelled to have something to eat because I had eaten nothing 
except some buttermilk since leaving Atlanta. At this house I 
found a very kind family. The lady gave me some buttered toast, 
ham and coffee, all of which was duly appreciated and thankfully 
received. This breakfast revived me very much and I felt more 
cheerful. All along the road, I saw scattered and broken wagons 
and caisons, artillery ammunition of all kinds, and boxes of am- 
munition for small arms. Some of the wagons had been partially 
burned. About 11 or 12 a.m. I overtook one of our wagons 
which had been delayed, and the driver assisted me to get in and 
I rode the remainder of the day. 

I caught up with the rear guard of the army which had stopped 
to rest. It was Gibson's brigade that brought up the rear and 
I saw our regiment. I saw Colonel Hunter sitting by the road- 
side with Craig and he told me that the regiment had been in a 
very severe engagement at Jonesboro a few days before and that 
the regiment was terribly cut up. He went into the fight with 110 
men and came out with 43. Tom Kester was wounded and 
captured. John Bradford was captured, Tom Scott was killed, 
Jim Doyle wounded, a great many others that he could not think 
of now. I only talked with him a few minutes and then went on. 
I had not walked far before I came up with our wagons that had 
gone after forage. 

I never was so glad in my life, as I was to see these wagons. 
A declaration of peace would not have been hailed with greater 
joy. I was so stiff and sore that I could hardly get into the 


wagon, for it was with the greatest difficulty that I could raise 
my feet. I went on with the wagons, then, to where the brigade 
was encamped. The wagons were loaded with forage which was 
issued to the horses in the company and we went into camp near 
the brigade in camp number 13 near Lovejoy Station. The enemy 
began to throw shells right among us a little before dark and we 
were forced to move a little ways and get out of range. 

A weary heart and a worn out body J 


Sunday, September 4: About 10 or 11 a.m. we started for 
Griffin. I saw Major Mulherin to-day, who told me that he 
wished me to commence work for him as soon as possible. I told 
him that I would do so as soon as I could obtain my blankets 
and knapsack which were along with Reid's train. 

Monday, September 5: Reached Griffin, Geo. to-day where 
we came up with the train of Walthall's Division. 

This has been an awful retreat, and the army is scattered to 
the four winds. The country is full of stragglers, and the men are 
deserting by hundreds. I don't see what delays the enemy. If 
they would only come on, they can capture the whole concern. 
I have obtained a transfer to an Arkansas Brigade, and as soon 
as it is convenient I shall report to Mulherin for duty, which will 
suit me much better than remaining with the low down vulgar 
set I am with now. I am still unwell, though I am improving. 
The whole army seems to be " down in the mouth n on account 
of our recent defeat. 

On arriving I learned from the papers that the Yankees had 
plundered Clinton and boasted that they had robbed the citizens 
of $3,000.00 worth of property. I see where old McClellan has 
been nominated by the Chicago convention which I suppose is all 
right as he is in favor of the cessation of hostilities. 1 

1 Patrick is referring to General George B. McClellan, who was nominated for the 
Presidency by the Democrats at their Chicago convention in 1864. Although the 



Tuesday, September 6: It rained terribly last night, and I 
slept in a wagon with a cover on it which kept me dry. I feel 
very sore indeed and can hardly get about. I went to a little 
creek this morning and took a bath and shaved and put on some 
clean clothes which makes me feel much better. 

This has been an awful retreat and I saw a great many cannons 
and wagons broken along the road as I came along, and a large 
quantity of ammunition thrown away. The whole country is 
full of stragglers and there are thousands of men deserting and 
going home. It is a disastrous affair and I think that this army 
is so weakened and demoralized that it will never be worth a 
curse again. Hood cannot now prevent the march of Sherman 
if he feels disposed to come. 

To-day I got a transfer from Reid to Mulherin and as soon as 
I can get a way to go I shall go to the cooking train and go to 
work for him. 

Wednesday, September 7: I feel very stiff and sore yet. The 
weather's cloudy and I fear we will have another stormy day of it. 
I feel low spirited, because everything is working very badly for 
the Confederacy, and I am uneasy about the family at home. I 
am now waiting for some way to get to Mulherin. His papers I 
understand are a long ways behind and I will have a great deal 
of work to do. I feel very thankful indeed to God that I have got 
along as well as I have, for at one time I thought that it was 
impossible to reach the train again. 

Thursday, September 8: At 10 p. m. yesterday I reported to 
Major Mulherin, Commissary of WalthalFs Division, for duty, 
and all day to-day I have been busily engaged upon his books 
and papers. I find that Mulherin has forwarded no returns since 
the year 186. I don't know how it is that they have allowed 
him to go so long without making his returns. I think Mulherin 
is a very fine man, but as I have been deceived so often, I shall 
not be hasty in forming a decided opinion. I thought Woolfolk 

Democratic platform demanded a cessation of hostilities, McClellan insisted upon the 
preservation of the Union even if hostilities had to be continued. Randall, The Civil 
War and Reconstruction, 619-24. 


was a perfect gentleman on our first acquaintance, but I after- 
wards discovered my error. 

My condition is bettered in one respect, and that is I get much 
better rations which is a great item. Tor dinner I had snap beans, 
ham, fresh tender beef, biscuits and sweet milk. I had the same 
for breakfast minus the beans, with a cup of good genuine coffee 
with milk in it and it has made me feel like a new man. This is a 
decided improvement on spoiled meal and rotten bacon. 

Friday, September 9: We moved our camp a few miles above 
Lovejoy's Station. A new man by the name of Doc Cochran, a 
member of an Arkansas regiment, is in the office with me. He and 
I fixed up the tent which we use for an office and we have gone 
to work arranging the papers for this year. 

Lovejoy's Station, Saturday, September 10: Sherman has 
ordered all the citizens out of Atlanta. He says he will not feed 
them. He knows provisions are scarce with us, and throwing the 
citizens upon us will have a tendency to make our rations 
shorter. Everything is quiet now and the whole army is enjoying 
a season of repose which is very much needed. 

Our army I think now does not number more than 25 or 30 
thousand men and it will be a tight squeeze if we have that many. 
There are a great many stragglers all over the country and a great 
many deserters also. It is said that the militia have all deserted. 
I get no news from home. 

Sunday, September 11: I have been hard at work to-day altho 
it is Sunday. I do not like to work to-day, but I thought that 
Mulherin desired that I should, and so I pitched in. Weather 
very fair and pleasant. 

Monday, September 12: Making slow progress with my work. 
Everything concerned with Mulherin's business is in confusion. It 
is a dirty job to right them. Jack Bell came over this morning 
and read me a letter from his wife giving a full account of the 
Yankee raid at Clinton. She says that the General commanding 
made his headquarters at Mr. Hardesty's. She gave us the name 
of some of the citizens whose property was all destroyed. She 
does not mention my family and I presume from that there 
was little or no damage done to them. I hope it is so. She says 



that she went to the commanding officer and asked protection for 
the Bell family and premises, which was granted and a guard 
placed all around the house and no one was allowed to come in. 
As the general was so close to our house it is possible Mother 
asked protection from him. I hope she did. I cannot get a word 
from there, tho I have noted that letters have been coming in 
since the raid. 

Wednesday, September 14' I received a letter from Bill Knox 
last night. He is at the hospital at Macon. He seems to be very 
despondent. He is also in a bad humor for he pitches into some 
members of the Regiment very severly. I wrote him a long letter 

Still working away at Mulherin's old papers for the year 1863. 
There is an Armistice between Sherman and Hood for 10 days 
commencing on Monday last. This is for the purpose of giving 
time to get the citizens of Atlanta out and all our wagons have 
been sent to East Point to bring them away. Old Sherman says 
he is not going to feed them; that they must be supported by the 

I beat the Major two games of chess yesterday evening and he's 
considered a very good player. Speaking of chess, I think that 
when the war is over I shall endeavor to get up a chess club. It 
would be a very easy matter and would afford an abundance of 
sport during leisure hours. 

Friday, September 16: This morning I got off all the returns 
for last year commencing with December. I heard General [D. H.] 
Reynolds make a short speech to his Brigade yesterday evening. 
He complimented them very highly upon their conduct during the 
campaign; he said that the Confederacy was going along well; 
alluded to our victories in the Trans-Mississippi department; that 
we had done well in keeping the enemy out of Atlanta as long as 
we did, and that he hoped every man was determined to hold 
out until we had gained our independence. He said that we had 
held Atlanta long enough to prevent the enemy from planning 
another campaign before the winter set in, but in the next breath 
he says "You have now finished one campaign, and you must 
prepare for another." If it's too late for the enemy to plan a 


campaign, I should think that it would be too late for us to 
plan one. 

Collins came over to see me yesterday and while he was here 
lent me $2.00 which was good as I am entirely without funds 
and I have nothing to pay my washing bill with. 

It is reported that the Yankees are to make another raid on 
Clinton. I wish our cavalry would go away from there, for 
they cause the enemy to come out of Baton Rouge and then they 
can't drive them back and the citizens have to suffer for it. 

Saturday, September 1 7: The morning is quite cool and regular 
fall weather is here now. I am very anxious to obtain some winter 
clothing. I will need my over-coat and I need woolen under 
clothing, for I am entirely out as the clothing I have now is 
worn out. 

The citizens are all being sent away from Atlanta and the 
Armistice between the two armies will close in a few days, and I 
have no doubt that we will then move on somewhere else, for I 
do not see what we can do here. Our army is too weak to oppose 
Sherman, and from what I can see I should judge that a move in 
some direction will be made in the course of the next six or 
eight days. 

Sunday, September 18: We are picking up to leave. The day 
is rainy, wet and disagreeable. I have not heard which way we 
are to go. I wrote a letter to Mother this morning with the inten- 
tion of mailing it the very first opportunity. 

We have not got off yet, but everything's in readiness to move. 
I understand that we are to go to Fayetteville. I think it is a 
move of the whole army. The weather's very dark and cloudy 
and it has been raining some all morning and if we can judge 
from appearances I think it will be a very bad day. 

At two p. m. we started, but there was so much artillery ahead 
of us that our progress was very slow. It rained nearly all the 
afternoon on the road but as I was in the wagon I kept dry. We 
passed a long line of breast-works on the road, and I saw some 
graves together with a number of skeletons of horses that had 
been killed in a skirmish sometime before. 

We reached Fayetteville a little before dark and went into camp 


about | a mile from town. As the weather was so unsettled we 
put up a tent, I did not sleep very well as I felt fatigued and 
worn down. 

Monday, September 19: We were up this morning before day 
making preparations to move. I have no idea where we are going 
to. The weather has turned cooler. I have much better rations 
now than I have had for a long time. I didn't know before that 
a man's diet could create such a change in his feelings. I feel 
like a new man since I have got something fit to eat. I have 
plenty of coffee with milk and sugar and plenty of milk to drink 
and flour nearly all of the time, and first rate beef and hams. 

We were not able to make any progress until after 10 a. m. 
on account of the artillery being ahead of us. Their horses are 
in such a wretched condition that they cannot pull the pieces 
up a hill that is anyways steep without the assistance of about 
twenty men, and their progress on level ground is very slow and 
toilsome. The road we are travelling to-day is extremely rough 
and muddy. The way is filled with large stones and it makes the 
pulling very heavy. We reached a little place on the Atlanta and 
West Point road, called Palmetto, about sundown and went into 
camp. 2 

Tuesday, September 20: I do not like our present camp be- 
cause the water is not good. I have had good water for so long a 
time that I am spoiled in this respect. Mulherin received an order 
this morning to press all the cattle, hogs, wheat and in fact 
everything that was eatable that he could find among the citizens. 
This is pretty hard on the natives but this is war and these are 
unusual times such as we have never seen before in this country. 

Wednesday, September 21: I was up this morning at a very 
early hour and as usual whenever I have time I always read a few 
chapters in the Bible and make a few notes in my journal. It is 
dark and misting rain. 

a About twenty-five miles southwest of Atlanta on the Montgomery and Selma 
Railroad. Here Hood sought to reorganize and reinspire the army, whose morale had 
been severely damaged by the loss of Atlanta and steady retreat. Hood's plans 
were to swing around Atlanta to the west, attack Sherman's communications and 
attempt to draw him into the mountainous sections of northwest Georgia and there 
seek a favorable opportunity to attack. Battles and Leaders, IV^,425. 


The other day on the march I saw Captain Reed a Q. M. in an 
Alabama Regt. I was in his mess previous to going with Mulherin. 
I was sitting at the foot of a tree resting. He saw me and sup- 
posing I was pretty well worn out and would probably ask some 
of the drivers I knew them all and I was very popular amongst 
them to allow me to ride, he rode up to a teamster and said, 
" Don't allow anyone to ride in your wagon. Mind what I say, 
TIO one, under any circumstances/' He then went to each of his 
drivers delivering the same strict injunctions. After he left he 
continued to look back to see "if I didn't make an application 
to the teamster to ride. 

Yesterday morning he came over to my tent. " How do you do, 
Bob? I am glad to see you " and was particularly friendly. He 
soon stated his business which was to obtain a drink of whiskey 
as he knew that Mulherin always kept it, and he also knew that I 
had charge of it. I told him that I could not give him any unless 
he saw Mulherin about it. He is a mean low minded man. He is 
coarse and vulgar and has very little brains. He insulted young 
girls all along our route with his dirty proposals, and in more 
than one instance if there had been any male relatives of the 
insulted girls present he would have had his head shot off. In 
one instance a Col. of artillery told him if he caught him at any 
more such tricks he would take him in hand himself. I despise 
him. He has a friend, a Capt White, who is a good match for him. 
They will go their death for whiskey. I never was so glad to get 
out of a mess in my life as I was to leave that concern. 

Thursday, September 22: I think there is a grand move on 
hand, as every one seems to be getting ready, and I think it very 
probable that we will cross the Chattahoochee River and go up 
the country, then there is no telling which way we will go. 

I am inclined to write too much and I am anxious to make this 
book last me the balance of the year if possible but I am becoming 
very profuse in words and barren in ideas. 

I cannot get a word from home. I wrote to sis to send my 
overcoat and some woolen under clothing if possible, because I 
consider my obtaining a furlough a very doubtful affair. 
- Friday, September 23: We had a little fracas to-day in camp. 



[Charles A.] Morris Lieut Col. of the 29th Ala Regt., beat Conly 
[J. F. Connley] the Col. of the same Regiment over the head with 
a big stick in great fashion. Conly accused Morris of cowardice 
and this led to the difficulty. Conly was an old reprobate anyhow 
and I wish Morris had given him more than he did. 

Sunday, September 25: President Davis reviewed the troops 
to-day, and as he rode down the lines there were calls for Gen'l 
Johnston to be restored to command. The troops do not like 
Hood. 3 

Wednesday, September 28: This morning when I got up the 
Major informed me that some one had stolen his valise out of his 
tent while he was asleep. It contained about $5,000 in money 
and $40,000 in cash vouchers. He went immediately and obtained 
a detail of men to search for it. In the course of an hour the 
valise was found in the woods. It had been cut open and all the 
money abstracted except $500. which was in one bill and enclosed 
in an envelope, and had been overlooked by the thief. The 
vouchers were all recovered. We suspect one of the butchers as 
there is one of them missing, also a horse from Quark's Brigade 
and we think he took the money and made his escape upon 
the horse. 

Friday, September 30: Left our camp at 1 p. m. Crossed the 
Chattahoochee River on a pontoon bridge a little before dark, 
having made about eight miles. Slept in an open field upon the 
rocks. It was a rough bed but I slept very well. 

Saturday, October 1: I was annoyed considerably to-day. I 
took my desk out of the wagon and after considerable trouble I 
got things comfortably arranged, when it began to rain. In great 
haste I had to move everything into my tent. I hadn't more 
than got everything in good order, before it ceased raining and 
the sun shone out, which rendered it so intolerably hot that I 
had to move out again. Just as I had got everything to my notion 

8 President Davis, accompanied by two of his aides, visited Palmetto to make an 
on-the-seene investigation to see what could be done to strengthen and invigorate the 
battered Army of Tennessee. The Confederate President addressed the troops and 
conducted an informal review in an effort to boost their sagging spirits. It was during 
this review, made in the company of General Hood, that men in the ranks shouted for 
the return of Johnston to command. Horn, Army of Tennessee, 372-74. 



it began to rain again, and I was forced to move into the tent. 
As I am anxious to get on with my writing this moving backwards 
and forwards put me very much out of humor. 

We have orders to move very early in the morning but there 
are no bread rations for the troops here yet. They were to have 
been here early in the afternoon but they have not yet arrived 
and I do not know how the men can march without something 
to eat. They have meat rations for tomorrow of bacon. General 
Hood or somebody else at the head of affairs doesn't seem to 
understand his business. I wish that I knew where we are to go. 
I understand that the news has been received officially that the 
enemy have evacuated Atlanta, but I could not hear in which 
direction they have gone. We are now on the road to Powder 

Sunday, October 2: Moved today within twelve miles of 
Marietta. Nothing works right. The trains are all mixed pell- 
mell. Nobody knows where to find anything or anybody. There 
are no bread rations. We now miss the master hand of Gen 
Johnston. Nothing worked wrong while he had command. 

Gen Hood has issued a circular in which he says he intends to 
strike the Rail Road and that the men must be prepared to live 
upon parched corn and fresh beef without salt for a time, until he 
can accomplish his purposes. 4 I fear this campaign will prove a 
failure though I will continue to hope for the best. I have no 

*In early October, 1864, Hood started north to operate against Sherman's communi- 
cations. By the second of the month, his troops were again on the railroad between 
Atlanta and the Etowah River. The next day detachments captured Big Shanty and 
Acworth and on the fifth the fortified post at Allatoona Pass was attacked. Sherman 
moved a part of his force out of Atlanta and marched northward in time to save 
the fort at Allatoona. Hood then swung westward, crossed the Coosa River below 
Rome and again struck the railroad between Resaca and Dalton. On October 13, 
Dalton was captured but on the next morning the Confederates marched away 
through Snake Creek Gap to camp grounds near LaFayette. For three days the 
army remained in camp while Hood meditated drawing Sherman into battle. Advised 
by his corps commanders that the troops were not in condition to risk battle, Hood 
turned westward. On the night of October 16, the Confederate commander decided 
upon his campaign into Tennessee and on the morning of October 17 the army was 
in motion toward Gadsden, Alabama. Here Hood hoped to accumulate sufficient 
supplies to launch an invasion into Tennessee. See Thomas R. Hay, Hood's Tennessee 
Campaign (New York, 1929) . 



confidence in Hood's abilities. He is a good, rough fighter, but 
when that is said, all is said. He hasn't the knowledge of military 
affairs that Johnston possesses. 

Tuesday, October 4- Loring's division has possession of the 
road at Big Shanty. If we succeed in holding the road we will in 
all probability give Sherman trouble yet. There was only a very 
small force of the enemy there and they were soon dispersed. It is 
reported that the enemy sent one force of 25,000 to intercept us, 
but I verily believe that Sherman has been out-witted. It is 
reported that he has furloughed a whole division and has mustered 
15,000 men out of the service as soon as he has been at Atlanta. 
If he has weakened his force much he will find it a hard matter to 
drive Hood away. 

The rain poured down in torrents to-day, and the walking was 
terrible through the mud and water. I had an awful time last 
night trying to patch up an old wet tent. It weighed 500 pounds 
it seemed to me. 

Wednesday, October 5: Moved about five miles to-day and 
encamped at the foot of Lost Mountain. Our forces have de- 
stroyed about twenty miles of the railroad. 

After marching all day, I had to walk until near midnight 
endeavoring to find the Commissaries of the different Brigades, 
and as the night was very dark and I had no idea of their 
locality, this was no easy matter. 

Thursday, October 6: This has been an awful day's march. It 
was worse than anything we have had yet. The rain poured 
down and the roads were flooded. I have been walking knee deep 
in mud and water all day. We camped near an old camp of the 
enemy, and I slept upon some Yankee graves all night. We 
happened to pitch our tents in one of their graveyards. It's the 
live Yankees I am afraid of, not the dead ones. 

We passed through the battle ground of New Hope Church to- 
day. The line of works was run right through the graveyard and 
the tomb-stones, the Sheds, the railings around the graves were 
all torn away. 

The woods in all directions were particularly dead. The trees 
were killed by the bullets and the tops and even huge trees them- 


selves were cut down by the artillery. I never would have thought 
that bullets would have killed large oaks like these. 

I had a troublesome time with my old tent during the night 
and while Doc and I were sleeping some-one rode over the tent 
ropes and broke them down and we had to sleep the balance 
of the night in the open air and this morning we left the old 
thing lying there. 

Friday, October 7: This has been a very beautiful day after a 
very rainy one yesterday. I have walked nearly twenty miles 
to-day and I am worn out. We travelled over a mountain ridge 
road, and it was very toilsome marching. 

We are now at a little place called Van Wert, about thirty 
miles from Rome, Ga. I am fearful that this move of Hood's 
is not a good one, and will prove a failure. 

Saturday, October 8: Marched eighteen miles to-day in the 
direction of Blue Mountain. I rode all day to-day and I feel better 
than I did at this time yesterday. I wonder if it will never cease. 

Sunday, October 9: We had a heavy frost this morning, the 
first of the season. 

Monday, October 10: The artillery and wagon trains have 
been ordered to move by one road, and the infantry by another. 
I am to go with the wagon train in charge of Maj Mulherin's 
books and papers while the Major accompanies the troops. The 
Major came to me this morning saying. 

" I don't suppose you have much money and as I do not know 
how long it may be before I see you again, you had better take 
this/' at the same time handing me Fifty Dollars. This was quite 
acceptable because I hadn't a cent of money. Our route all day 
has been over the mountains and in some places the scenery was 
very beautiful. On reaching the top of a mountain I looked back, 
and saw the little village of Cedartown, eight miles off, which we 
had left early in the morning. The country for miles around with 
mountains in every direction lay spread out before me, and the 
village in the distance reminded me of pictures I have seen. 
" Distance lends enchantment to the view.** 

John Niolon, a young man in the Commissary department of 
an Alabama Brigade, got a little too smart for his own good this 



morning. John was sitting in the front part of a wagon, riding 
along very comfortably when Brig Gen [W. H.] Jackson, a cavalry 
commander, came riding by. John knew the General by sight and 
for amusement he sung out so that the General could hear him. 

" Where was Gen Jackson at the battle of Waterloo? Up to his 
in blood and hair and God almighty damn/' 

This raised a roar amongst those who heard it. Jackson who 
had just passed the wagon stopped his horse, and waited for 
the wagon to come up. Said he 

" Young man, come down from that wagon/ 3 John got down. 
The general ordered a detail of several men, and when they re- 
ported to him, he said " Select the heaviest oak post you can find 
on that fence, and mind that you get a solid one/* " Now young 
man " turning to John " be kind enough to shoulder that post. 
You can have the pleasure of carrying it all day over these moun- 
tains and if you didn't know where Gen Jackson was at the battle 
of Waterloo, you will remember where I was on the 10th Oct. 1864. 
Don't allow him to drop that until you go into camp tonight ** 
he said, addressing the guard. Poor John shouldered his post with 
the best grace possible. 

So much for being too smart. 

The road is very rough. Encamped in an old field that was very 
wet and boggy and went to work and cooked our supper of bacon 
and bread which we are very lucky to have as all the others have 
only dry crackers. 

Tuesday, October 11: I thought I had seen bad roads but that 
we passed over today beats anything within my experience. We 
struck an open pine ridge, which to all appearance had a hard 
clay foundation, but when the wagons and artillery came to drive 
on it, the wheels sank up to the axles and the mules were flounder- 
ing about belly deep in the soft earth. 

The woods being very open the wagons and artillery could 
drive about anywhere, but it was all the same, and as far as I 
could see, through the woods to the right and to the left, before 
me and behind me, the wagons and artillery were stuck, and 
sometimes the whole team would give up and not try to pull. 

23 <k 

" Don't allow him to drop that until you go into camp tonight ' 


We eventually got out of this though all the artillery didn't get 
out until the next night. 

We are encamped near the Coosa River. 

Wednesday, October 12: We have one day's rest at last, and 
both man and brute certainly require it. We are delayed here 
on account of the pontoon not being laid down. It has been put 
down to-day and we are to leave tomorrow. 

I can hear nothing from the army and I do not know where it 
is but rumor says it is somewhere in the neighborhood of Rome, 
in fact they were occupying that place yesterday, but I do not 
see what good it will do us. 5 I am very tired of this thing and I 
think it is the longest campaign that I ever heard of, at least it 
is the longest that I have ever been on since I have been in 
the army. 

I hope that this move may benefit us, but my real notion is 
that it will do nothing more than annoy the enemy, because we 
are not strong enough to operate with much effect. They out- 
number us too far. 6 

Thursday, October 13: We are lying here waiting for I don't 
know what. The reason given for the delay was that the bridge 
was not laid, but that, I understand, was completed last night, 
but still we do not move, though there is no longer any pretext 
on that account. The fact is I don't believe that they know 
where to go. 

Friday, October 14: Last night about 11 o'clock, we were un- 
expectedly ordered to move with the whole train. Those in com- 
mand seemed to be badly frightened, and the teams were urged 
into a gallop most of the time. I rode in a wagon and the road 
was very rough. Of all the hard riding I ever experienced this 
was the hardest. It was ram, jam, slam, bang, clatter and jolt, 
until my body felt as sore as though I had been beaten with a 
club. My head seemed to be battered into a jelly, it had come 

5 Hood's army flanked Koine and swung around eastward toward the railroad, 
which it struck at Besaca on October 12. 

a Sherman was considerably irritated. He wrote one of his corps commanders that 
Hood's " whole movement is inexplicable to any common-sense theory." Official 
Records, Vol. XXXIX, Part 3H, p. 177. 



so often in collision with the hoops that held up the wagon cover. 
I shall remember that ride for several days. I would have got 
out and walked but they were going at such speed that it would 
have been impossible for me to keep up. This has been the trip 
of trips. We drove on until sundown, having made thirty three 
miles without a single halt. 7 We went into camp near the village 
of Jacksonville, Ala. 

Saturday, October 15: I wrote a long letter home to-day to 
mother. Also a long one to Ann Mark. My letter to Ann con- 
tained some little love, but very little, just enough I think to 
make it interesting if she felt inclined to read a love letter, though 
there is nothing in it that I would not be willing for the world 
to see. 

I expect an answer to this, and if I don't receive it, this child 
will never write her another one, that is certain. She used to love 
me that is beyond doubt, but whether she still feels any affection 
for me is more than I can say. I do not think that I ought to be 
writing to her because I do not care anything for her. I believe 
that there is such a thing as real genuine love and she might 
really fall in love with me for good although I do not think that 
she is of that disposition. 

I never intend to marry and there is blessed little use in my 
tampering with the girls, though I suppose there is no harm in 
writing her a letter. 

When I have time I think that I shall open a correspondence 
with some of the young ladies of my acquaintance just for the 
amusement of the thing. When the war first began I corresponded 
with some 12 or 15 young ladies, but this correspondence was too 
great to keep up and I dropped them off one by one until I finally 
ceased to write to any of them. 

Sunday, October 16: Jacksonville is a very pretty village sur- 
rounded on all sides by lofty mountains which have quite an 
imposing effect. There is a magnificent spring here. I heard the 
Reverend McFarren of Nashville preach at the Methodist Church 

T The entire train was in. danger of capture by Sherman's troops who were moving 
into the area very rapidly. 



to-day. He is quite an eloquent speaker and advances good ideas, 
but I did not see any pretty girls. 

I went to Sunday School at the Episcopal Church this morning 
where I saw a very pretty girl about 14 years old. She had the 
largest boobies for a girl of her age that I ever saw I think, and 
if we were to remain here any length of time I should use every 
exertion to make her acquaintance certain. 

Tuesday, October 18: I went to a hatters' some three miles 
away, this morning for the purpose of purchasing a hat, but he 
had none made. On my return I found all hands preparing to 
move, and in the afternoon we made our camp about a mile south 
of the town in an old field where wood and water were scarce as 

Thursday, October 20: We left our camp near Jacksonville 
about 1 M and took the road towards Gadsden, Ala. We 
travelled about ten miles. Weather clear and cold. I have found 
a plan by which I can sleep very warm the coldest night that 
comes. As it would be a difficult matter to explain the modus 
operandi, I will simply say that it is made by leaning 5 or 6 rails 
near the fire at an angle of about 45 degrees, and laying upon 
these rails a sufficient number of blankets to cover the rails. An 
old tent cloth that is worthless in its legitimate use serves the 
purpose admirably. This concern is placed on the side of the fire 
whence the wind blows, and prevents the wind from carrying 
away the heat of the fire. Under one of these things a man can 
sleep quite comfortably on a very cold night. 

Friday, October 21: We crossed the Coosa River on a pontoon 
bridge at a miserable little village called Gadsden. We went into 
camp about five miles beyond the town where I again got in 
company with the Major, the whole army being encamped here. 
I ascertained that we were to leave the troops again and I pro- 
vided myself with extra rations of meal, flour and bacon. 8 

Saturday, October 22: At 10 o'clock last night the Major 
ordered me to take a wagon and go back to Gadsden for some soap 
for the Division. I attempted to cross the creek at the ford, but I 

8 Patrick and the supply train traveled by a route different from that used by 
the army. 


found the ford stopped up, several wagons having mired down in 
endeavoring to cross. The only alternative was to go back a mile 
or so and take a road that led to a bridge, a mile or so above the 
ford. The driver of the wagon was so ignorant of his business that 
I had to get out and walk on ahead of him nearly all the way 
because he couldn't keep his team on the road. This creek is the 
one over which the young lady piloted Gen Forest's command, she 
mounting behind the General's horse for the purpose. They could 
not cross at the ford as the stream had suddenly risen, and she 
pointed out the way over the bridge. I at length reached Gadsden, 
and after a great deal of trouble I found the Post Commissary, 
who informed me that the soap I had come for had already been 
sent out. The night was a frosty one, and the cold or something 
else brought on a pain in my left side. I got into camp about 
daylight suffering very much from the pain. Sometime after day- 
light I consulted a physician. He told me to apply a mustard 
plaster; that it was rheumatism and was caused by the cold. 

After the surgeon and his staff, who had their headquarters in 
the house, had gone, I went over to the house where a pretty girl 
was. When I went in " I seen her at the window " and went up 
and reported my case and asked for some mustard. She very 
politely invited me in and accordingly I went in, where I found a 
very old man sick in bed. She was a very pretty girl indeed, and 
I think she was the prettiest that I have seen in a long time. She 
was sitting on the bed with her face to the window and her back 
towards me. She got off the bed, which I could see under and 
turned in order to come into the middle of the room. As she did 
so her dress clung to her body and I saw her leg as high up as 
the knee and a very pretty one it was too. The old lady, her 
mother, made a mustard plaster for me and a young man, who 
was in the room, put it on my side for me and I went back to 
my camp, rolled up in my blankets and went to sleep. When I 
awakened the pain was much easier and I felt much refreshed. 

We left this camp about 3 p. m. I rode in a wagon but the 
jolting caused me great pain in my side. We didn't go into camp 
until late at night. Made about 10 miles over a bad road. 9 

& At Gadsden Hood was joined by General Beauregard. The latter was in command 


Sunday, October 23: My side is something easier today. 
Collins and I went up a mountain side and gathered our pockets 
full of chinkapins. They grow in great quantities here. We passed 
through the dingy little village of Ashville to-day. It is a little, 
dirty, smokey, one-horse town containing very few houses. 

Monday, October 24' Foot of Racoon Mountain. Being quite 
unwell I took some Blue Massrilla last night, which I think 
benefited me some. Thinking that a walk would do me some 
good I went on ahead of the train this morning immediately after 
daylight and I have walked to this point, a distance of three miles. 
It is very hard work for the teams to climb this steep ascent and 
every wagon must have several men to aid the mules or they 
would never succeed in getting to the top. The distance is nearly 
a mile, and it is the most precipitous road that I ever saw wagons 
travel over. I went to the summit and waited for a long time 
for the wagons to make their appearance, but as everything was 
going along so slow I came to the conclusion that they would not 
be able to make it that day, so I returned to the train. From 

of a newly created department which stretched all the way from the South Carolina 
coast to the Mississippi River. The Army of Tennessee was the only considerable 
body of troops in this command, thus Hood was subject to some supervision from 
Beauregard. After much deliberation Beauregard agreed to Hood's proposed Tennessee 
campaign. In describing his plans for the invasion of Tennessee, Hood declared: " I 
decided to make provision for twenty days' supply of rations in the haversacks and 
wagons; to order a heavy reserve of artillery to accompany the army, in order to 
overcome any serious opposition by the Federal gun-boats; to cross the Tennessee at 
or near Guntersville, and again destroy Sherman's communications at Stevenson and 
Bridgeport; to move upon Thomas and Schofield, and to attempt to rout and 
capture their army before it could reach Nashville. I intended them to march upon 
that city, where I would supply the army and reinforce it, if possible, by accessions 
from Tennessee." Battles and Leaders, IV, 426. 

"With this accomplished, Hood next planned to march into Kentucky where he 
could threaten Cincinnati. If Sherman should follow and attack, Hood felt by that 
time he would be strong enough to win a victory for the Confederacy. This accom- 
plished, he would then send reinforcements to Lee in Virginia or, better yet, march the 
Army of Tennessee across the mountains and attack Grant in the rear. If Sherman did 
not follow him but marched north through Georgia and North Carolina to Virginia, 
Hood felt that he could reach Virginia before Sherman and attack Grant in conjunc- 
tion with Lee. This attack, he believed, would crush Grant and allow the combined 
Confederate armies under Lee to march upon Washington, or turn and destroy 
Sherman. As one authority has stated: "It was an entrancing dream and it was 
by no means impossible." Horn, Army of Tennessee, 379. 



the summit of this mountain I could see miles and miles away in 
every direction and mountain after mountain arose to the view, 
and the valley below lay like a picture before me. It was a very 
pretty scene. 

As I surmised we were not able to work our way over the 
mountain yesterday, but we have a fair start for it to-day. I 
had to go along behind the wagon with a rail and hold the wheel 
every half foot during the ascent, and it was very hard work. We 
finally made it alright. 

We arrived late in the night at our camp about 20 miles from 
where we started having crossed two mountains on the route. 
This I think was doing pretty well, but the way it is using up 
the mules is a caution. 

Tuesday, October 25: We left camp very early as usual this 
morning. The roads are the roughest that I ever saw. We 
travelled today about 27 miles and went into camp about 14 
miles west of Blountsville, Alabama. We passed through Blounts- 
ville. It is the dirtiest little place that I have seen yet. We heard 
a good deal of firing after we went into camp. This firing is 
supposed to be at Decatur. 10 

Friday, October 28: We did not go into camp last night until 
after dark and the old nigger that I have to cook for me is so 
worthless that I have nearly all the work to do myself. I make 
him bring some water occasionally which is some help. 

Saturday, October 29: We were off this morning before it was 
getting light. We have had a better road than usual to-day. 

This kind of service is enough to wear any man out. We 
travelled hard to-day until after night, and then we must grope 
around in the darkness and find wood and water and by the 
time we cook our suppers it is 12: 00 o'clock and we must be up 
about three hours before day. If this was only for a day or two 
I would not mind it, but it is a constant thing and it is using 
me up. 

Sunday, October 30: We did not leave camp until after day- 

10 Decatur was found too strongly defended by the Federals to be taken by storm 
and since time did not permit a siege, Hood's army continued westward hoping to 
find a suitable point to cross the Tennessee River. Ibid., 380. 


light this morning. We have bad roads again. We are to go to 
Tuscumbia, Alabama. 11 

From the account I can learn there is very little doubt that 
Lincoln will be reelected and if he is we may prepare for another 
four years of it. Well, let her rip, I say. It is better to fight 
always than to give it up. 

Monday, October 81: We reached Tuscumbia about 3 p.m. 
where we found the army had just arrived and was going into 
camp. It is reported that Hood has crossed the river. 12 

Tuesday, November 1: We moved our train from the South 
side to the West side of Tuscumbia this morning immediately 
after daylight. There is the largest spring here that I ever saw 
anywhere. It is a regular river boiling out of the rocks and the 
stream is full and very clear. It is nearly deep enough where it 
comes out of the rocks to swim a horse. 

Saturday, November 5: This is as fair a day we have had since 
last Tuesday. The weather has been very cold, wet and disagree- 
able, and I have not slept any ways comfortable for a week. 

There were some Yankees on the other side of the river, about 
2,000 and when our forces first came up, they thought they were 
some of our cavalry and shouted to them to come over and get 
some sugar and coffee. We planted some 18 pieces of artillery 
on the bank of the river, and placing 18 men in each pontoon 
boat, of which there were 25, we let loose one round at them and 
started the boats across. The way the Yankees traveled was a 

Everyone's getting ready to move. They have taken all good 
mules from the Brigade train and placed them in the Supply 
Train and given us their old worn out stock. We are to go to 
Aberdeen, Mississippi and the forces are going God knows where. 13 

11 There was a good crossing at Tuscumbia and Hood felt that its location would 
facilitate his getting much needed supplies. Ibid. 

12 Hood endured many irritating delays at Tuscumbia and it was not until November 
21 that the Confederate army finally got into motion north of the river bound for 
middle Tennessee. Battles and, Leaders, IV, 428-29. 

18 While Hood and his army launched the ill-fated invasion of Tennessee, Patrick 
and other noncombatants in the brigade train were ordered into Mississippi. Working 
there in relative safety, all returns could be brought up to date. 


Col. Hunter was here yesterday. He looks very well indeed, and 
says he is in fine health. He was out of tobacco and could not 
get any, so I gave him a couple of bags. 

Sunday, November 6: I have just received letters from Mother 
and Sis dated Oct. 13, 1864, and I am very glad indeed to receive 
these as it relieves me very much. I feared the Yankees would 
do a great deal of damage. The only loss that the family sustained 
was Little Frank's pony. They took Frank prisoner but released 
him, keeping his pony. The Yankees came there on the 6th inst. 
disguised as Confederate cavalry but they did very little damage. 
Among the prisoners was Bill Stone. 

Sis says she intends to get married after the war is over. She 
says she has found the nicest sort of a young fellow but she 
doesn't give his name. 

Wednesday, November 9: We left Tuscumbia about 12n. The 
weather is very pretty and has been for several days and to-day 
the rain came down in torrents. I think it rained as hard to-day 
as ever I saw it fall. The roads were full of water and the mud 
was up to the axels all day. There was an order issued by General 
Hood that all worn out stock should be taken out of the Supply 
Train and replaced with the best mules from the Brigade Train. 
This was done but we had our teams sent away under pretense of 
going for forage and thus escaped having my good team taken 
away and replaced by worthless stock from the Supply Train. 
They proved a little too sharp for us after all, for as we came out 
on the road after the train was under way they examined every 
team as it came by and took one of my mules and put in an old 
worthless thing that did not have strength to tighten the traces. 
This made our progress very slow. 

About five miles from Tuscumbia we crossed a mountain. This 
was the worse piece of road that we had ever had yet. There were 
regular rock steps in the solid rocks as square and even as though 
they had been cut out, and each one of these steps was at least 
two feet high. We reached the foot of the mountain about dark 
but we were not able to cross it until nearly midnight, and we only 
succeeded then by putting seven mules to each wagon. I toiled 
up the long rocky hills with a weary heart and a worn out body. 



Thursday, November 10: We were off at daylight and the 
road is very bad. We passed through the little town of Frankfort 
to-day. It is a dirty little hole consisting of a courthouse, jail, 
two or three little stores and two blacksmith shops. 

We reached Cedar Creek about 2:00 p.m. where we were 
compelled to wait until the next day for the water to fall so 
that we could cross. 

Friday, November 11: This has been a beautiful day and we 
have laid up all day in order that Hood's Headquarter Train may 
overtake and pass us. A devil of an idea to keep a whole train 
waiting during such beautiful weather for two or three Head- 
quarter wagons to pass. 

Had a conversation with an old citizen, the Judge of the county 
court, to-day and in the course of the conversation he said that 
the citizens in this part of the country were destitute of almost 
everything. They did not even have bread enough he said, and 
all that they had used this year was hauled from Mississippi, a 
distance of 75 miles. 

One citizen said that he had not eaten any meat this year. He 
had some cows, he said, and he lived on the milk and bread and 
cooked his vegetables with butter. 

Between the Yankees and our cavalry they are without any- 

Saturday, November 12: Still traveling. The roads are much 
better. The weather continues fair and frosty. I manage to sleep 
very well by keeping a large fire in front of my tent. 

Monday, November 14: We are now within 40 miles of Aber- 
deen, [Mississippi] which I understand is our destination. 

Tuesday, November 15: It rained hard last night and it is a 
cold, drizzly, unpleasant day. We are in camp near Smithville, 
Mississippi, which is a one-horse concern. 

Wednesday, November 16: We are still in camp near Smith- 
ville. I am annoyed by several little things and I am out of humor. 
The weather is so bad that it is enough to give any man the blues; 
my tent is knee deep in mud and water and the smoke almost put 
my eyes out; I am hungry, for I have not had anything to eat 
since morning and when night comes I must roll down in the mud. 



On top of the whole of it I have just learned that old Lincoln has 
been re-elected to the presidency. Well I suppose that we are in 
for four years more. Damn the day, fight it out I say as long 
as there is a man to fight with. I am devilish tired of Jeff Davis 
and his crew but I am not in favor of stopping the war until we 
are independent. 

As the man says this is heavy weather. Everything we have is 
heavy. If a man can do anything very well, they say he is very 
heavy on it. If the weather is cold or hot, very dry and very wet, 
it is quite heavy. If they see an article in the papers they deem 
pretty good, they pronounce it a heavy document, if they see a 
pretty woman, she is very heavy one. 

Sunday, November 20: We arrived at this camp day before 
yesterday. We are some eight or ten miles from Aberdeen. I have 
secured a room at a farmer's house nearby to write in. There 
are two lovely young ladies there. 

Saturday, December 3: I have been so very busy with my 
returns that I have not written in my journal for several weeks. 

The weather has been exceedingly mild during all this week, 
almost as warm as summer weather. I have a comfortable, 
pleasant room, but it has no fireplace, though I am close to the 
parlor where there is always a good fire, and when I go in to 
the fire I always see the girls. I am making love to the eldest one 
right heavy. Her name is Margaret, or as they call her Maggie. 
The younger one is named Isabelle. They are both passably good 
looking and tolerably intelligent, though they are very dark 
skinned. Maggie comes to my room every half hour to see me and 
I don't know but what she has really taken a fancy to me, at 
least she acts a little like it. 

There is a very handsome girl, a Miss Stuart, who is a very 
stylish young lady indeed that comes here frequently. I am 
acquainted with her and I believe that if I had an opportunity 
I could make pretty good headway with her but I suppose that 
it is better to take one at a time, because between two stools 
I may fall to the floor. 

Miss Stuart was here this morning to see Maggie about taking 
part in some tableaus they are getting up, but she declined. I am 



getting along slowly with my returns and now I have come to a 
full stop for the want of vouchers. 

Saturday, December 24: This year is nearly gone and the 
fourth Christmas that I have been in the army is now at hand. 
I am 29 years old today, though I tell the girls that I am only 26. 

We are expecting every day to receive orders to leave for 
Columbus, Mississippi to store our papers there. 

I have had a good time since I have been at this camp. I have 
had a good comfortable bed to sleep in every cold night that has 
come and I have had a pleasant time with the girls in the neigh- 
borhood. I have carried on a heavy flirtation with Maggie and 
she and I are as loving as any two beings can be. I believe she 
loves me though it is hard to tell. One thing is that she allows 
me to take a great many liberties with her which I do not think 
she would allow anyone else to take. 

Sunday, December 25: This is destined to be a dull Christmas 
to all hands in camp though I have passed the time pleasantly 
enough with the girls. 

Monday, December 26: It is rumored that we are to leave 
this place before a great while. I will be loath to go because I 
have the best kind of quarters and besides that, Maggie and I are 
getting along very well indeed the particulars of which I shall 
give at some future time. 

I have sent out several times for some whiskey but have failed 
to get it, and I presume that it will be better if I don't get it. 
The day is dreadfully cold and gloomy. 

I am teaching Maggie Phonography so that she can correspond 
with me in that style when I go away. 

I have bid farewell to Miss Stuart in the way of a flirtation, 
because I have already as much as I can attend to with Maggie 
and it is impossible to carry on both at once. Maggie is very 
affectionate and I have a good deal of pleasure in her society. 

Tuesday, December 27: We were ordered to Columbus, Mis- 
sissippi this morning, and about 2 p. m. we left camp. I went 
up to Mr. Ross's and bid the family farewell, and Maggie let me 
hug her and kiss her for perhaps the last time. Maggie says 
that she never will forget me and I do not believe that she will 


for I never talked to any woman in my life as I did to her. She 
says that she never had any man to presume to say such things 
to her as I did, and that what astonished her so much was that she 
should take it up and carry it on with me. I told her that the 
reason was because she loved me and had the same confidence 
in me that she would have if I were her husband. I know that 
if she did not love me that she would not have let things go on 
as they did. 

One night I had a great notion to seduce her, but I didn't do it. 
There is one thing that I have resolved never to do, and that is to 
seduce a girl and if I should allow my passions to get the better of 
my judgment, I will marry the girl that I slept with. I could have 
seduced Maggie for I had gained her entire confidence and she had 
come to think that everything I said and did was all right and 
looked up to me in everything. It was with a heavy heart that I 
left her, for I had formed quite an attachment for her and I was 
sorry to leave her and she was sorry to see me go. Perhaps I may 
meet her again before the war is over. She is a smart, active 
intelligent girl, and will make some man an excellent wife, but I 
could not think of marrying her. She gave me a lock of her hair 
before we parted. 

Wednesday, December 28: We arrived at Columbus about 
2p.m. and had a great deal of trouble in finding room for our 

After hunting around a long time and going from one citizen to 
another we at length obtained room, by storing part in one place 
and part in another. John Niolon and I are in the same room 
together and a very comfortable place it is too. It is a small room 
but there is room enough for his baggage and mine and there is a 
fire place. Our greatest trouble has been to get wood. All we 
use now we get by hiring a nigger to steal it for us, but we expect 
to buy some in a day or two. 

I sent Maggie and Ebbie a thimble each and I also sent Maggie 
a paper of snuff which I ascertained that she was in the habit 
of using. If I only had some money I would make her a present 
of some value. I wrote her a short note also. The weather's 
turning quite cold. 



Thursday s December 29: I sent a long letter to Maggie to-day 
by a man who is going out there. Fay Stuart, although much the 
handsomest, I have dropped from the fact that it is impossible to 
carry on a flirtation with two girls at the same time. 

Friday, December 30: Weather very cold and freezing. We 
bought a load of wood to-day, a little over J of a cord, for which 
we paid $13.00. 

It is reported that Jeff Davis is dead; that Hood has been very 
badly whipped in front of Nashville and is in full retreat with 
the enemy hotly pursuing, and that Forest is gallantly covering 
the retreat. Hood, they say, has lost 65 pieces of artillery besides 
about 10,000 men. He is now at or near the Tennessee River in 
North Alabama. 

Taken all together the aspect of affairs is anything but en- 
couraging to say the least. If the government allows Hood full 
swing, he will soon terminate his army. 14 

I took a walk over Columbus to-day and I find it a very pretty 
place indeed. It is some-what larger than Baton Rouge and there 
are quite a number of elegant residences. I like the place very 

Sunday, January 1: This is the first time I have written 1865 
to put the date. The weather is fair and very cold. 

John and I are doing our own cooking but we are both so lazy 
that we never cook anything until starvation drives us to it. We 
sleep very comfortably because we keep a fire burning all night. 

Tuesday, January 10: Have just learned of the capture of our 
regiment at or near Franklin, Tennessee. Col. Hunter and the 
whole squad went up together. 15 

14 After appalling losses at Franklin, Hood marched to Nashville where on December 
15 the Confederate army was shattered in one of the most complete victories won 
by a Union army during the war. Following this great disaster the forlorn remnant 
of the Army of Tennessee retreated to Tuscumbia, through luka to Corinth and 
thence to Tupelo, Mississippi where they went into camp on January 10, 1865. 
Generals Forrest and Walthall gallantly shouldered the difficult task of holding off 
the pursuit and thus permitting what was left of Hood's army to escape. Horn, Army 
of Tennessee, 394-421. 

15 So many men in the Fourth Louisiana were killed or captured in the fighting 
around Nashville that the few survivors were added to the Sixteenth Louisiana. 
They continued to serve with this unit until January 12, 1865, when the Fourth 



I have to-day just returned from a visit to my darling Maggie 
and a devil of a time I have had of it, too. I went out last Satur- 
day and spent one day and two nights there. She seems to love 
me better than ever and she talks to me now as freely as ever 
woman spoke to man. I kissed her and hugged her for two 
hours the morning I left. I am certain she will not forget me soon. 

I started back yesterday but it rained so very hard that I was 
forced to stop at a house about nine miles from town where I had 
first-rate quarters though the old lady charged me $8.00. 

Sunday, January 15: I am bothered like the devil by some 
men belonging to French's Division who are in the next room. 
They are entirely too free with everything John and I have, and 
they took the liberty of appropriating anything they see. And 
they do it too. They take my wood, and candles, and ink and 
paper and one day I had some rations cooked and they came in 
when I was eating and ate the most of it up. Damn such 
familiarity I say. I don't like it at all. 

I received another letter from Maggie day before yesterday. 
She seems to be very uneasy and thinks that I will speak about 
what has been said between herself and me. She says that the 
thoughts of me speaking about it makes her particularly miser- 
able. I wrote her a letter in reply assuring her that I never 
would mention it. She says that in her cool moments when I am 
not about she trembles for the manner in which she has talked 
to me. 

Jack Bell and I are both quite homesick and very anxious to 
get home. The troops are being furloughed now by the regiment 
and brigade and if Jack and I do not go to the front I am afraid 
that we will be entirely overlooked. 

It is pretty heavy on us to pay about $8.00 per mouth for fuel. 
Damn a government that can not furnish us a little wood. 

Wednesday, January 18: I received a letter from Maggie last 

Regiment was partially reorganized and ordered to Mobile. On February 3, 1865, 
the war-worn remnant arrived at Camp Moore and a few days later helped to defend 
Spanish Fort in one of the last actions of the war. Less than forty men answered 
the final muster. Kendall, "Diary of Surgeon Craig," loc. at., 53-70. 



night. She speaks about a party they had at her house last week 
and she says she wishes I had been there. 

It is rumored that the Army is to be sent to South Carolina 
and some of us to Georgia and some of us to Alabama, but the 
truth is that no one knows anything about it. 16 

There are reports floating also that we are about to make a 
proposition to France and England that if they will recognize us 
that we will emancipate the slaves within 25 years, and that this 
thing is now before our Congress. For my part I am in favor of 
it and so is every man I have heard speak about it. If we con- 
tinue to lose ground as we have for the last 12 months, we will 
soon be defeated, and then slavery will be gone any way, and I 
think it is better that we should give up slavery and gain our 
independence. There is no doubt in my opinion that we are gone 
unless something is done for our welfare and that very quick. 17 

Jack Bell and I are both very anxious to obtain a furlough but 
there seems to be no prospect of it at present. I spend my time 
reading, writing and playing chess. 

Sunday, January 22: I have received orders from Mulherin 
to report to the Army at once and I will be off in the morning 
if I can procure transportation. I have the order and all is ready 
but there is some difficulty in obtaining transportation. 

There are base rumors, heavy rumors, as the boys say, floating 
this morning. England and France are to recognize the Con- 
federacy on the 4th of March next. 

Hood's Army is completely cleaned out and demoralized. This 
campaign has been the most disastrous of the war, and is cer- 
tainly a very severe blow to us. 

What is left of our regiment has been consolidated with the 
16th regiment and Gibson's Brigade has been ordered to Mobile. 

13 After a short rest the Army of Tennessee was off to the wars again. They were 
sent to the Carolinas to join their beloved General Joseph E. Johnston in a frantic 
effort to halt Sherman as he marched northward from the sea. Stewart's corps, includ- 
ing Patrick's regiment, left Tupelo on January 30. Horn, Army of Tennessee, 423. 

17 In one final effort to gain European aid the Confederate government proposed 
to England and France emancipation of the Negroes if slavery was the " obstacle " to 
recognition. This proposal ended in futility and thus the last hopes of the Confederacy 
faded. Owsley, King Cotton Diplomacy, 550-61. 



I learned that the brigade is permanently detached from the 
Army of Tennessee and will remain at Mobile all the time. Gib- 
son says that he intends to order every detailed man back to 
the command. 

Wednesday, January 25: I have not been able to get away yet 
for the want of transportation. The train has been ordered on 
the other road for the purpose of transporting troops down the 
road and will not be back for some days. I am very anxious to 
get away for I have very little money and I am here on expense. 
I would like to be with the Army any how because I would stand 
some chance of obtaining a furlough and I think it is about time 
that I was going home for it has been over 12 months since I 
was there. 

I believe that I mentioned having received eight letters from 
home. Mother wrote me a letter in which she says that she 
received my letter and that Ann received the one that I wrote 
her. Ann has not answered it yet and I wrote to Mother that if 
Ann did not write to me, why God bless her, she might go. 
That I was much obliged to Ann for sympathizing with me in my 
troubles, but that if she did not deem my letters worth an answer, 
that I would rather she would bestow her sympathies where they 
would be more appreciated. Damn the day she asked me and 
insisted upon my writing to her and this makes the third time 
that I have written to her, and if she does not answer this she 
may just go to hell. That is all I have to say. 

Friday, January 27: I was informed this morning that there 
would not be any train here for two weeks. I am very anxious to 
leave this place but I must succumb to circumstances. It costs 
me a great deal to purchase wood and as the weather is very cold 
I am bound to have a fire all the time, and unless I keep a fire 
burning all night I sleep cold. The ground is frozen. 

I have been quite unwell for ten days past with rheumatism in 
my chest which is very painful and I fear very dangerous though 
I am much better now. I sent Mulherin a telegram asking him 
what I must do but I have received no reply. Our corps is 
about to leave for Meridian where I hope it will remain for the 



balance of the winter, though some seem to think it will be sent 
to South Carolina, with the other two corps. 

I see very little prospect of our gaining our independence soon, 
and in fact I have lost all hope of our working our way through 
unaided. In my opinion France and England will never allow the 
old union to be as it was before the war and I believe that they 
will recognize us if they feel assured that we are about to go under. 

I received a letter from Maggie yesterday. I pronounced the 
question in shorthand to her. It was whether or not she loved 
me well enough to marry me. She wrote back that she could not 
read it. I have written another letter saying that I should never 
ask the question again, and that for the future I should not ask 
any questions. I have written her a pretty sharp letter and if she 
does not like it I cannot help it. She is a nice girl and she has 
always treated me very well indeed, but as I never expect to 
marry her, I had just as well raise the devil about that as any- 
thing else, and bid farewell to her afterward. 

I have spent many happy days with her, and she says they 
were very pleasant to her. I believe that she loves me, but she 
is afraid to acknowledge it because she thinks that I may de- 
ceive her. I am surprised now that I went as far as I did though 
I do not think she is a girl to take anything much to heart, so 
there is no harm done anyway. She will soon forget me and I 
will soon forget her, and that will be the last of the matter. She 
would have let me do anything that I pleased if I had remained 
there a little longer, and in fact I could have done it any way, 
but I did not feel disposed to take advantage of her. She con- 
fided wholly in me, and she kept no secrets from me. I almost 
fell in love with her on account of her unreserved confidence in me. 
She talked to me about everything just as though I had been a 
girl as well as herself. My letter is very cold and formal and in 
fact I am almost in doubt whether to send it or not, but then I 
had as well break the matter off now as at any other time. 

There is nothing new from anywhere. I pass my time reading 
when I can get anything to read, and in playing chess with any 
player that happens to drop in. I have improved considerably 


since last summer though I play a very poor game yet. Playing 
with inferior players doesn't improve me much. 

Saturday, January 28: I sent my letter to Maggie this morn- 
ing by a man who is going there. I shall wait an answer to this 
with more impatience than any that I have written her yet. It is 
a pretty sharp letter and one that must certainly call forth a 
decisive answer. She has always seemed to be very fearful of 
offending me. Now it will be the very devil if she is really in 
earnest about the matter and should take the matter to heart. 
A woman is a fool anyhow and there is no telling anything about 
them. She may be in earnest and she may not. I hope she will 
think nothing more of the matter though it would be a little 
flattering to my pride to be assured that she did love me but 
it seems to me I had rather she didn't on her own account. I 
believe it to be wrong and in fact mean for any man to trifle 
with the affections of a young girl especially when she has not 
seen any more of the world than Maggie has and for this reason 
I wish that she would think no more of me. I can leave her with- 
out a single pang, though she doesn't think so. I wish now that 
nothing more than words of friendship had passed between us. 

In my opinion we are nearly at the end of our row. I feel pretty 
sure that Richmond will go next after the fall of Savannah, and 
that will be the forerunner of our downfall. When Sherman is 
prepared he will capture Savannah and Charleston and then away 
everything goes. I think that I have been one of the most san- 
guine men in the Confederacy until the last two months or rather 
until the fall of Atlanta and now I cannot see any salvation for 
us except in foreign intervention, which I have no doubt will come 
before we are entirely subdued. France must recognize us because 
if she doesn't and the Confederacy is brought back into the Union 
I would not give a cent for Maximilian's City in Mexico. The 
United States did not know its strength until the war began, and 
now they have a very powerful fleet ready to cope with any nation 
on the globe, provided that nation makes the attack. They are 
abundantly able to drive away any invader from the soil for their 
armies are already equipped and now in the field. 

I received a telegram from Mulherin just now instructing me 



to take the baggage to Artesia, that they were to start yesterday. 

Sunday, January 29: This is a beautiful day and the weather 
has moderated considerably. 

There are more peace rumors this morning. A telegram from 
Richmond dated yesterday states that Vice-President Stephens, 
Hunter of Virginia and Judge Campbell are to be sent to Wash- 
ington empowered to treaty with the United States for peace. 18 

The weather has moderated considerably and the ground has 
thawed and the sun once more shines out warm and pleasant 
though the earth is a little damp under foot. It being so genial, 
Joshua Smith and I took a long walk over the city and among 
other places we visited the city cemetery. There are a great many 
tombstones and monuments in it some of which are very pretty. 
I presume the place has been used as a graveyard for a great 
number of years but it has the appearance somehow of being of 
very recent date. The tombstones and monuments look as though 
they had been newly put up in the last two or three years, and it 
reminds one very much of a new house just erected in the midst 
of a forest. A great many of the graves had fresh evergreens 
placed upon them, showing that those who lay quietly resting 
beneath are not forgotten by their loving friends and relations. 
I saw one old portly fine looking gentleman standing near a monu- 
ment leaning upon his cane, seemingly in deep thought. He 
looked quite lonely and disconsolate. Joshua knew him and in- 
formed me that his wife was buried beneath the marble that was 
near the old man. 

There was one marble tomb that had a door which seemed to 
be left so that anyone could open it, and Joshua and I by means 
of a little stick opened it and looked in. We saw a large metal 
case, very rusty, another one which was done up in zink or lead 
and the remains of a wooden one that had almost entirely de- 
cayed, as well as the body that was originally in it. There were 

18 Reference is to the approaching Hampton Roads Conference where three Con- 
federate commissioners Alexander H. Stephens, Robert M. T. Hunter, and John A. 
Campbell met with President Lincoln and Secretary of State William H. Seward on 
February 3, 1865. The upshot was no agreement since Lincoln would hear of nothing 
but Union, emancipation, and no armistice while the Confederates would be satisfied 
with nothing less than independence. Coulter, Confederate States of America, 552-53. 



some half bones lying near it, a part of a skull. The tomb emitted 
no smell whatever. It always makes me feel sad to look at such 

There are plenty of peace rumors floating now and I have no 
doubt that matters will be brought to a close before a great while. 

Monday, January 30: Weather very fair and pleasant. It is 
probable that we will not be able to get away before next week 
because the whole army must be moved to Meridian before we 
are allowed to start. 

I wrote another letter to Maggie to-day, but there was nothing 
particular in it. It was quite a cold one and does not breathe that 
spirit of love that all my former letters have. I am making my 
arrangements to gradually drop out now. I sent the letter by 
Collins who says he will deliver it. 

I have just received orders from Mulherin to report with 
everything to him at West Point. He sent two wagons to bring 
his baggage and I will leave in the morning at daylight if I can 
get all things ready. I am glad to get away though I would like 
to have received a letter from Maggie before I left. 


Appendix * 


Allain, Louis, corpl., Co. I; paroled at Natchitoches, Louisiana, June 6, 1865. 
Andrew, James, private, Co. G, captured at Canton, Mississippi, July 10, 1863; 

discharged from military prison, St. Louis, Missouri, July 31, 1863. 
Attler, Carl, private, Co. A. 
Ball, Jack, Mrs., a resident of Clinton. 

Batchelor, T. J. C., private, Co. G; transferred to a Clinton hospital, December, 1862. 
Bell, Clarence, sergt., Co. G; taken prisoner of war and paroled at Meridian, Missis- 
sippi, May 14, 1865. 
Bell, Jack, private, Co. G. 
Bell, R. P., private, Co. G; listed by Patrick as being wounded in the leg at the 

battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, Georgia, July 28, 1864. 
Blow, James M., sergt., commissary, Cos. I, F, S; paroled at Meridian, Mississippi, 

May 14, 1865. 
Boone, R. M., capt., 2nd Field Battery, Louisiana Artillery; died of wounds June 15, 

1863, at Port Hudson. 
Bradford, Barnets G., private, Co. F. 
Bradford, John, private, Co. A; captured and paroled at Port Hudson, July 4, 1863; 

wounded August 31, 1864, at Jonesboro, Georgia; recaptured. He was Robert 

Patrick's closest friend during the course of the war. 
Brown, Rees, private, Co. K; listed by Patrick as being wounded in both legs at the 

battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, July 28, 1864; granted disability furlough 

August 3, 1864. 
Burns, John EL, private, Co. G; taken prisoner of war and released on oath of allegiance 

to the United States, May 18, 1865. 
Cain, Richard, a resident of Clinton. 
Carter, William P., private, Co. A; present on all rolls to February, 1862. 

1 Unless otherwise indicated all Confederate soldiers identified are from Robert 
Patrick's own regiment the Fourth Louisiana Infantry. 



Chapman, Boatner, private, 4th Co. Battery, Washington (Louisiana) Artillery; 
promoted to chaplain, December 30, 1864. He was a young Clinton minister who 
enlisted at the age of 17. 
Chapman, W. J., private, Co. A; killed in action July 28, 1864, at the battle of Ezra 

Church near Atlanta, Georgia. 

Collins, Hart, a clerk in Patrick's office from Clayton, Alabama. 
Collins, B. E., private, Co. A; killed in a skirmish at New Hope Church, Georgia, 

June 4, 1864. 

Comstock, George C., Mrs., a resident of Clinton. 
Cook, Albert G., sergt., Co. K; listed by Patrick as having been killed on July 28, 

1864, at the battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, Georgia. 
Craig, E. D., private, Co. 1C 
Craig, J. M., surgeon. 

Crawford, Arthur, private, Co. A; detailed to commissary duty. 
Crocket, Garnell, a resident of Clinton. 
Daniels, B. S., sergt. major, Co. G; wounded near Atlanta August 31, 1864; died 

September 3, 1864. 
D'Armond, Frank, private, Co. G; listed by Patrick as having been wounded in the 

hip on July 28, 1864, at the battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, Georgia; taken 

prisoner of war. 

D'Armond, J. G., 1818-1892, proprietor of a boarding house in Clinton. 
D'Armond, John, sergt., Co. G; listed by Patrick as having been killed on July 28, 

1864, at the battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, Georgia. 
Davis, Clay, a close friend of Patrick and former resident of Clinton who served 

as telegraph operator at Magnolia, Mississippi. The two frequently corresponded 

during the war. 

Davis, Lewis, a civilian employee working at Port Hudson and a friend of Patrick. 
Davis, Morris B., private, Co. G; member of the regimental band; captured near 

Nashville, Tennessee, December 16, 1864; exchanged February 17, 1865. 
Delee, Felix, private, Co. E, 1st Louisiana Cavalry. 

Depriest, James, private, Co. A; killed April 6, 1862, at the battle of Shiloh. 
Doughty, W. E., private, Co. G; listed by Patrick as having been wounded in the face 

July 28, 1864, at the battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, Georgia. 
Doyle, John, private, Co. G; wounded near Jonesboro, Georgia, August, 1864. He 

was one of Patrick's closest friends during the war. 
Easley, W. A., private, Co. I; detailed as teamster. 
Falconer, Kinlock, Adj. Gen., Army of Tennessee. 
Fenner, C. E., capt., commanding officer, Fenner's Battery. 
Fiester, A. T., capt., Co. A; killed August 31, 1864, near Atlanta, Georgia. 
Fiester, Thomas, private, Co. G. He was one of Patrick's closest friends during the war. 
Fogg, Howell J., a commissary officer at Port Hudson. 
Gail, Caleb, jailkeeper in Clinton. 

Gamer, George G., It. col., Adj. General's Department, Army of Tennessee. 
Godfrey, J. A., chaplain, Cos. F, S; resigned in September, 1863. 



Green, P. A., private, Co. G; listed by Patrick as having been wounded in the thigh 

July 28, 1864, at the battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, Georgia. 
Gurney, William J., private, Co. K; proprietor of a confectionary, bakery, and grocery 

establishment in prewar Clinton. 
Hardesty, Lee, Mrs., a resident of Clinton. 
Haynes, J. H., private, Co. C. 
Hays, R. W., private, Co. A; listed by Patrick as having been wounded in the hand 

and arm July 28, 1864, at the battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, Georgia. 
Heckler, Gus, private, Co. G; drummer in the regimental band. 
Hereford, L. S., 1st It., Co. F. 

HiUiard, John T., capt., Co. G; killed April 6, 1862, at the battle of Shiloh. 
Hobgood, E. W., private, Co. A; listed by Patrick as being wounded in the face 

July 28, 1864, at the battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, Georgia. 
Hobgood, Harvin, private, Co. G; listed by Patrick as being killed July 28, 1864, 

at the battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, Georgia, but he was only wounded 

and taken prisoner; died in Federal military prison, March 28, 1865. 
Hunter, Samuel Eugene, col., commander, 4th Louisiana Infantry Regiment; captured 

near Franklin, Tennessee, December 17, 1864; released on oath July 25, 1865. 

Hunter died June 19, 1870, just a few months prior to his thirty-eighth birthday. 

On June 28, 1870, the surviving members of his old regiment met at the East 

Feliciana Parish courthouse in Clinton to honor their former commander by 

organizing a Hunter and East Feliciana Soldier's Monument Society. A brief 

biography of Hunter, written by his old friend Capt. J. G. KUbourne, may be found 

in the East Feliciana Patriot (Clinton), July 2, 1870. 
Huston, Henry, corpl., Co. G; listed by Patrick as being wounded in the arm July 28, 

1864, at the battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, Georgia; captured August 5, 1864; 

paroled at Meridian, Mississippi, May 14, 1865. 
Hyde, Charles H., private, Co. I; detailed as hospital steward. 
Jackson, James, col., 35th Alabama Infantry Regiment. 
Jackson, William, private, Co. A; listed by Patrick as being wounded in the face 

July 28, 1864, at the battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, Georgia. 
Johnson, B. C., corpl., Co. G; paroled June 3, 1865, at Alexandria, Louisiana. 
Jones, W. B., private, Co. G; listed by Patrick as being wounded in the arm July 28, 

1864, at the battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, Georgia; captured near Franklin, 

Tennessee, December 20, 1864; exchanged at New Orleans, May 25, 1865. 
Kendrick J. S., private, Co. F. 
Kilbourne, J. G., capt., quartermaster. 
Knox, W. A., private, Co. A; leg amputated after wounds received July 28, 1864, 

at the battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, Georgia. 
Lane, William A., 1st It., Co. A, 16th Louisiana Infantry Regiment. 
Lea, W. D. corpl., Co. A; killed July 12, 1863, near Jackson, Mississippi. 
Lee, P. H., It. col., commandant of the post in Clinton. 
Lewis, Alonzo, a resident of Clinton. 
Lewis, Charles D., sergt., surgeon, Cos. C, F, S. 



McAdams, J. P., private, Co. A; listed by Patrick as having been wounded on July 28, 

1864, at the battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, Georgia; died August 5, 1864. 
McCarthy, Daniel, It., Co. D; died of wounds received August 9, 1864, near Atlanta, 


McGuire, Thomas, capt., Cos. B, F, S, 12th Louisiana Infantry Kegiment. 
Mackey, Wade, a resident of the Clinton area. 

McKie, Robert, private, Co. A; killed at the battle of Shiloh, April 6, 1862. 
Mansker, James, telegraph operator and photographer in Clinton. 
Marchant, James A., sergt., Co. K; wounded near Atlanta, Georgia, August 31, 1864; 

left arm amputated. 
Mark, Ann, a resident of Clinton. 
Marston, James, sergt., Co. A; listed by Patrick as having been wounded in the head 

July 28, 1864, at the battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, Georgia. 
Matthews, Wallace W., private, Co. A; captured at Nashville, December 16, 1864, 

exchanged February 17, 1865. 
Miles, William R., col., captured July 9, 1864, at Port Hudson; exchanged October 15, 

Mills, Eliza, Miss, prominent in Clinton educational circles. From 1842-1853 she 

served as principal of the Clinton Female Academy. In 1855 she organized the Hope 

Terrace School in Clinton which continued to operate until the Civil War. See 

William Mobley, " The Academy Movement in Louisiana," Louisiana Historical 

Quarterly, XXX (July, 1947) , 823. 

Montan, William, private, Co. B; clerk, commissary department. 
Morgan, J, H., private, Co. K; deserted and captured at Clinton, October 9, 1864; 

released on oath May 29, 1865. 
Moses, Bernard, chief musician, regimental band. 
Nash, J. E., private, Co. G. 
Norwood, Alexander S., col., 27th Louisiana Infantry Regiment; captured at Vicksburg, 

July 4, 1863; paroled at New Orleans, January 9, 1865; served as sheriff in East 

Feliciana Parish prior to the war. 
Overton, J. F., private, Co. K. 
Pennington, William F., It. col.; captured at Nashville, December 16, 1864, released 

from Johnson's Island, Ohio, July 25, 1865. 
Pond, Preston, Jr., col., 16th Louisiana Infantry Regiment. 
Pope, Marshall, private, surgeon, Cos. F. S; resigned May 19, 1862. 
Postlewaite, J. J., private, Co. D, 18th Louisiana Infantry Regiment; taken prisoner 

of war and paroled at Meridian, Mississippi, May 11, 1865. 
Pullen, E. J., major, captured at Nashville, December 16, 1864; released on oath of 

allegiance July 25, 1865, at Johnson's Island, Ohio. 

Purdy, V. M., private, Co. C; taken prisoner of war and paroled at Meridian, Missis- 
sippi, May 14, 1865. 

Raphael, H., capt., quartermaster at Port Hudson. 
Reid, James, Jr., capt., Co. D; captured near Franklin, Tennessee, December 17, 1864, 

released on oath of allegiance from Johnson's Island, Ohio, June 17, 1865. 



Richarts, John, private, musician, Co. A; captured near Columbia, Tennessee, December 

16, 1864; exchanged at Pt. Lookout, Maryland, February 17, 1865. 
Roach, Hannah, Miss, a resident of Clinton. 
Roberts, D. B., an elderly Baptist preacher who was the father of John M. and 

William J. A. Roberts, prominent residents of Clinton. 
Rowe, John S., private, Co. A. 
Scharch, Charles, private, Co. D; detailed as a teamster. Apparently Private Scharch 

did not relish the life of an infantryman for in April, 1864, he requested and 

received a transfer to the Confederate Navy. 
Scott, T. J., 3rd It., Co. G; detailed to serve as Chief of Police in Clinton; killed in 

action August 31, 1864, near Atlanta, Georgia. 
Shropshire, "W. C., private, Co. A. 
Skipwith, Henry, sergt., Cos. E, A; taken prisoner of war and paroled at Meridian, 

Mississippi, May 14, 1865. 
Skipwith, Thomas, private, Co. A. 
Steadman, George A. "W., 2nd It., Co. K; listed by Patrick as having been wounded 

in the head July 28, 1864, at the battle of Ezra Church near Atlanta, Georgia. 
Stoke, Jane, Miss, a resident of Clinton. 

Stone, William M., private, Co. A; taken prisoner of war at Port Hudson, July 9, 1863. 
Thompson, David C., sergt., Co. A; wounded in the battle of Atlanta; paroled at 

Meridian, Mississippi, May 14, 1865. 
Wall, Benjamin D,, private, Co. B., 18th Louisiana Infantry Regiment; died in action 

at the battle of Mansfield, April 8, 1864. 
Wall, Wesley W., private, Co. G, 19th Louisiana Infantry Regiment; captured at 

Chickamauga, Georgia, September 20, 1864; discharged at Camp Douglas, Illinois, 

June 14, 1865. 

Weathersbee, Sam, private, Co. F; detailed as ambulance driver. 
Wedge, D. J., private, Co. G; a prominent Clinton attorney both before and after 

the war. 

Whitehead, Joseph, private, Co. A; detailed as hospital steward. 
Whiteman, Charles P., capt., Co. D; captured at Port Hudson, July 9, 1863; released 

at Johnson's Island, Ohio, June 11, 1865. 

Williams, S. B., private, Co. A; killed in action near Atlanta, Georgia, July 21, 1864. 
Winens, Charles R., major, 19th Louisiana Infantry Regiment. 
Woolfolk, James D., major, quartermaster, Cantey's division, Army of Tennessee. 
Wooster, J. S., 1st It., Co. D, commissary officer, captured near Morganza Bend, 

Louisiana, October 6, 1863. 

Worsham, J. D., sergt., Co. A, wounded on August 31, 1864, near Atlanta, Georgia. 
Worthy, Scott J., private, Co. A; taken prisoner of war and paroled at Shreveport, 

Louisiana, June 20, 1865. 
Zimmerman, Dominique, a resident of Clinton. 



Aberdeen, Miss., 242, 244 

Abstract K, 92, 92 n 

Acworth, Ga., 168 n, 177 n, 231 n 

Adairsville, Ga., 165, 165 n 

Alexandria, La., 9 n, 33 

Allain, Louis, 150, 154, 159, 161, 257 

Allatoona, Ga., 167, 168, 168 n, 231 n 

Allen, Gen. Henry Watkins, 4, 38, 116; 
career of, 31; comments on Ruggles, 50; 
farewell to regiment, 127 

All's Well that Ends Well, 95 

Amite City, La., 34 

Anderson, Gen. Patton, 38 

Andrew, James, 65, 257 

Aquia Creek, 66 

Army of Mississippi, 36 n 

Army of Tennessee, 153, 162n; surrender 
of, 26-27; desertions in, 121; pursuit of, 
168; crosses Chattahoochee River, 188, 
189; Gen. J. E. Johnston's farewell to, 
194 n, 195, 197; condition of, 223, 224; 
moves into Tennessee with Hood, 231, 
231 n; retreats from Nashville, 248, 
248 n; departs for South Carolina, 250, 
251, 255 

Artesia, Miss., 254 

As You Like It, 142 

Ashville, Ala., 240 

Atlanta, 134, 160, 162, 162 n, 167, 231 n; 
fortifications of, 190, 191; looting in, 
200; battle of, 201; evacuation of, 204, 
205; Union occupation of, 204, 204 n 

Attler, Carl, death of, 176, 257 

Baldwin, Gen. William E., 153 

Baldwin's Brigade, 153, 154, 156 

Ball, Mrs. Jack, 62, 257 

Banks, Gen. N. P., 101, 102 n, 106 

Banks' Red River expedition, 163, 164 n 

Barrow, Col. Robert J., 31 

Batchelor, T. J. C., 46, 257 

Baton Rouge, 44, 78, 82, 83, 98, 102, 106, 

132, 133, 184; occupation of, 66, 66 n 
Bayou Sara, La., 87, 107 
Beall, Gen. William N. R., 48, 53, 74 n 
Bear Creek, Miss., 117 
Beattie's Bluff, Miss., 118 
Beauregard, Gen. P. G. T., 41 n, 239 n, 

240 n 
Bell, Clarence, 111, 115, 117, 120, 177, 

179, 257 

Bell, Jack, 225, 249, 250, 257 
Bell, R. P;, 257 
Berwick City, La., 4, 184; importance of, 

16; description of, 32, 32 n 
Bible, 5, 141. 142, 143, 144, 149, 228 
Big Black River, Miss., 116, 117, 177 
Big Shanty, Ga., 168, 231 n, 232 
Biloxi, 32, 184 
Blountsville, Ala., 241 
Blow, James M., 118, 157, 257 
Blue Massrilla, 240 
Blue Mt., Ga., 233 
" Bonnie Blue Flag," 177 
Boone, R. M., 257 
Boone's Battery, 64 
Bradford, Barnets G-, 95, 257 



Bradford, John, 62, 83, 100, 138, 139, 140, 

141, 155, 185, 221, 257 
Bragg, Gen. Braxton, 34, 63, 64, 76, 133 n, 

182, 205 n; criticism of, 80, 81, 182, 194; 

arrives in Atlanta, 194 
Brandon, Miss., 120, 132, 133 
Breckinridge, Gen. John C., 44, 80 
Bremer, Fredrika, 74 
Bridgeport, Tenn., 240 n 
Brookhaven, 116, 133 
Brown, Bees, 257 
Brownsville, Miss., 119 
Bucking, 57, 57 n 
Buckner, Gen. Simon Bolivar, 48 
Buell, Gen. Don Carlos, 36 
Buford, Gen. Abram, 105, 108, 109 
Burns, John H., 131, 257 
Burnside, Gen. Ambrose E., 64 n, 65, 66, 

70, 70 n, 74; relieved of command, 66 n 
Butler, Gen. Benjamin F., 98, 98 n 
Butler, Sam, 99 
Byron, Lord George B., 5, 100, 156, 157 

Cain, Kichard, 61, 257 

Calhoun, Ga., 161, 165 n 

Camp Misery, 32 

Camp Moore, 81, 44, 58, 184 

Camp Walker, 30 n 

Camp Wilderness, 172 

Campbell, Judge John A., 254, 254 n 

Cantey, Gen. James, 141, 159, 161, 164, 

186; criticism of, 163, 165 
Cantey's Brigade, 141, 142, 157, 181, 182; 

ordered to Dalton, Ga., 159, 159 n 
Canton, Miss., 116, 117 
Carter, William P., 34, 257 
Cartersville, Ga., 167 
Cassville, Ga., 166 n, 167 n 
Cedar Creek, Ala., 244 
Cedartown, Ga., 233 
Chalmers, Gen. James R., 156 
Chapman, Boatner, 173, 258 
Chapman, W. J., 258 
Charleston, S. C., 27, 69, 69 n, 253 

Chattahoochee River, crossing of, 169, 172 

Chickasaw Bluffs, battle of, 74 it 

Cincinnati, 240 n 

City Hotel, Mobile, Ala., 139 

Clay, Henry, 12 

Clayton, Ala., 142 

Clinton, La., 4, 44, 143, 147; concert in, 
60, 61, 62; description of, 10, 92, 132, 
133; evacuation of, 111; Federal raids 
upon, 68, 68 n, 223, 225, 226, 227; hos- 
pitals in, 63, 63 n, 97 

Clinton and Port Hudson Railroad, 10, 
46 n 

Coburn, Col. John, 100 n 

Cochran, Doc, 225 

Collins, Hart, 142, 146, 148, 149, 154, 157, 
158, 172, 192, 227, 240, 255, 258 

Collins, Royal, death of, 178, 258 

Collins, Wilkie, 5, 49 

Columbus, Miss., 246, 247, 248 

Commissary Division, C. S.A., 14, 15, 93 

Comstock, Mrs. George C., 62, 258 

Connley, J. F., 230 

Conscript Act, Federal, 101, 101 n 

Cook, Albert G., 258 

Coosa River, Ga., 236, 238 

Corinth, Miss., 16, 34, 184; description of, 
35, 39; evacuation of, 41, 41 n 

" Cotton Tollers," 132 

Craig, E. D., 123, 221, 258 

Craig, J. M., 139, 139 n, 258 

Crawford, Arthur, 58, 258 

Crocket, Garnell, 62, 258 

Crystal Springs, Miss., 132, 133 

Cumberland River, Tenn., 33 n 

Currency, Confederate, 28, 71, 72, 147, 
147 n 

DaUas, Ga., 168 n, 173 n 

Dalton, Ga., 133, 136, 156, 157, 159, 161, 

231 n; description of, 137; evacuation of, 

163, 164 

Daniels, B. S., 123, 258 
Daniels, J. B., 173, 183, 184, 186, 187 



D'Armond, Frank, 258 

D'Armond, J. G., 56, 57, 258 

D'Armond, Mrs. J. G., 56 

D'Armond, John, 258 

Dav&nport Dunn, 85, 86 

Davis, Aunt Epsy Draughon, 133 

Davis, Clay, 5, 111, 258 

Davis, Jefferson, 67, 81, 138, 248; speech 
of, 27; criticism of, 178, 245; removes 
Johnston, 194n, 195, 197; visits Pal- 
metto, 230, 230 n 

Davis, Lewis, 47 

Davis, Morris B., 46, 74, 198, 258 

Decatur, Ala., 241, 241 n 

Delee, Felix, 110, 258 

Democratic Party, 59 

Depriest, James, death of, 35, 258 

DeSoto, La., 86 n 

Dickens, Charles, 78 

Dr. Beatty, Confederate steamer, 88, 94, 

Doughty, W. E., 258 

Doyle, John, 55, 118, 123, 127, 134, 137, 
202, 221, 258 

Draughon, Robert H., 6, 6 n, 12, 13 

Dumas, Alexandre, 74, 77 

Dunbar, Anna, 99 

Dunn, Miss, 95 

Easley, W. A., 122, 123, 258 

East Point, Ga., 226 

Edwards' Depot, 43, 43 n, 44 

Elections, in 1844, 12; in 1862, 47, 48, 48 n; 

in 1864, 223, 223 n, 224 n, 245 
Embree, Jonathan, 123 
England, Confederate relations with, 27, 

53 n, 60, 60 n, 101, 102, 250, 250 n 
Enterprise, Miss., 122, 123, 157 
Essex, Federal gunboat, 46 n, 58, 58 n, 64, 

77, 80, 103 

Ethridge, Esther Adele Nash, 9 n 
Ethridge, James W., 9 n 
Etowah River, Ga., Confederate crossing 

of, 166 n, 167 n 

Ezra Church, Ga., battle of, 202 n 

Falconer, Kinlock, 34, 258 

Falmouth, Va., 66 

Farragut, Adm. David G., 66 n, 102 n, 
104 n; attempts to run Port Hudson 
batteries, 103, 104 

Fayetteville, Ga., 227 

Fenner, C. E., 258 

Fenner's Battery, 96 

Fiester, A. T., 130, 202, 258 

Fiester, Henry, death of, 134, 138 

Fiester, Thomas, 30, 133, 134, 138, 155, 
221, 258 

Fogg, Ho'well J., 90, 103, 258 

Forest, Miss., 123 

Forrest, Gen. N. B., 70 n, 154, 154 n, 239, 
248 n 

Fort Donelson, 33, 33 n 

Fort Lafayette, 67 

Fort Pillow, 41 n, 156; capture of, 154 

Fourth Louisiana Infantry Regiment, 4, 
36 n; organization of, 31; Biloxi, trans- 
fer to, 32; Berwick City, La., transfer 
to, 33; Jackson, Term., transfer to, 33; 
Corinth, Miss., transfer to, 35; at Shiloh, 
35-36; retreats to Corinth, 36; ordered 
to Vicksburg, 38; Camp Moore, transfer 
to, 44; ordered to Port Hudson, 45; 
ordered into Miss., 11 In; retreats to 
Jackson, Miss., 120; arrives in Mobile, 
126; ordered to Dalton, Ga., 133, 133 n; 
arrives at Dalton, 137; ordered back to 
Mobile, 138; rejoins Johnston in Ga., 
173; casualties of, 202; at Jonesboro, 
Ga., battle of, 221; capture at Franklin, 
Tenn., battle of, 248, 248 n; survivors, 
final muster of, 248 n, 249 n; survivors, 
consolidation of, 250 

France, Confederate relations with, 27, 60, 
60 n, 102, 178, 250, 250 n, 253 

Frankfort, Ala., 244 

Franklin, Benjamin, 185 

Franklin, Term., battle of, 248 



Fredericksburg, Va., battle of, 64, 64 n, 

65, 67, 67 n, 68, 68 n, 74 
Frelinghuysen, Theodore, 12 
Fremont, Gen. John C., 70, 178, 178 n 
French's Division, 249 
Frolick, Confederate steamer, 94 

Gadsden, Ala., 231 n, 238, 239 n 

Gail, Caleb, 75, 258 

Gardner, Capt, 166 

Gardner, Gen. Franklin, 74 

Garner, George G., 34, 37, 258 

Genesee, Union gunboat, 107n 

Gettysburg, 119 n 

Gibson's Brigade, 197, 202, 221, 250 

Godfrey, J. A., 53, 118, 127, 258 

Gold question, 154, 155, 156 

Golthwaite, Mrs. 131 

Gordon, Gen. John B., 164n 

Gorham, Gen, J. C., 51 

Grampian Hills, 174 

Grand Junction, Tenn., 42 

Grant, Ulysses S., 200, 240 n 

Grant's Canal, 86, 86 n 

" Great One Price Emporium." See 

Daniels, J. B. 
Green, P. A., 123, 259 
Greensboro, N. C., 26 
Greensburg, La., 4, 7; description of, 9-10 
Grenada, Miss., 63, 64, 68 
Grierson's Raiders, 111 n 
Griffin, Ga., 223 
Grigsby, Gen. J. Warren, 164 
Gulf of Mexico, 107 
Guntersville, Ala., 240 
Gurney, William J., 155, 207, 212, 214, 


Hall's Mills, Ala., description of, 126, 127 
Hamilton, Mr., 148 
Hamlet, 144, 147 

Hampton Roads Conference, 254, 254 n 
Hardee, Gen. William J., 197, 200, 201, 
207 n 

Hardesty, Franklin, 10 

Hardesty, Mrs. Lee, 61, 259 

Hardesty, Lizzie, 99 

Hartford, Federal sloop-of-war, 104 

Haynes, J. H., 59, 259 

Hays, R. W., 259 

Heckler, Gus, 86, 259 

Hepzibah Church (Baptist), 6, 6n 

Hereford, Dr. L. S., 139, 140, 141 

Hill City. See Vicksburg 

Billiard, John T., 30, 259 

Hindman, Gen. Thomas C., 39, 40 

Hobgood, E. W-, 259 

Hobgood, Harvin, 259 

Holly Springs, Miss,, 64 n 

Hood, Gen. John B., 164, 205, 205 n, 207 n, 
209, 226, 236 n, 243; Army of Tennessee, 
takes command of, 194 n, 195, 197, re- 
organization of, 228, 228 n; proposes 
Tenn. campaign, 231, 231 n, 240 n; 
criticism of, 230, 231, 232; crosses Ten- 
nessee River, 242, 242 n; suffers defeat, 
248, 248 n 

Hooe, Roy Mason, 36, 40 

Hooker, Gen. Joseph, 66 n, 70 n, 101 

Humboldt, Tenn., 70 n 

Hunter, Robert M. T., 254, 254 n 

Hunter, Samuel Eugene, 13, 30 n, 32, 39, 
118, 129, 139, 141, 147, 153, 156, 195, 
221, 243, 259; investigation of, 48, 49, 
50, 51, 52, 53; addresses troops, 48, 49; 
returns from leave, 155; writes Patrick, 
202; capture of, 248 

Huston, Henry, 259 

Hyde, Charles H., 90, 259 

Indianola, Federal ironclad, 94 n, 96, 97 n, 

98, 100 
Isinglass, 168 

J. A. Cotton, Confederate steamer, 29 
Jackson, Claiborne F-, 98 
Jackson, Isaac, 112 
Jackson, James, 259 



Jackson, Gen. W. H., 234 

Jackson, William, 259 

Jackson, Miss., 43, 116; siege of, 120, 
120 n; evacuation of, 120 

Jackson, Tenn., 33, 34, 70, 184 

Jacksonville, Ala., 237, 238 

" Jay Hawkers," 133 

Johnson, B. C., 143, 259 

Johnston, Gen. Albert Sidney, 36 n 

Johnston, Gen. Joseph E., 109, 109 n, 
133 n, 146, 146 n, 162 n, 168 n, 177 n, 
181, 191, 193, 250 n; surrender of, 27, 
28; retreat of, 167; crosses Chatta- 
hoochee River, 188; praise of, 165, 231 

Jones, W. B., 259 

Jonesboro, Ga., 207 n, 221 

Kendrick, J. S., 87, 102, 259 
Kennesaw Mt., Ga., 177 n, 188 
Kentucky, loyalty of, 85, 85 n 
Kilbourne, J. G., 32, 34, 35, 117, 118, 120, 

121, 122, 129, 139, 140, 141, 175, 176, 

179, 259 
Kingston, Ga., 160, 166 n; evacuation of, 

Knox, W. A., 155, 203, 226, 259 

LaFayette, Ga., 231 n 

Lalla Rookh, 90 

Lane, William A., 127, 259 

Lea, W. D., Ill, 259 

Lee, P. H., 259 

Lee, Gen. Robert E., 54, 64 n, 66, 119 n, 
165, 240 n; surrender of, 27 

Lee, Gen. Stephen D., 202 n 

Lever, Charles J., 5, 85 

Levi Bloom & Co., 123 

Lewis, Alonzo, 259 

Lewis, Charles D., 77, 95, 259 

Lewis, H. C., 197 

Liberty, Miss., 44, 132 

Lincoln, Abraham, 54 n, 59, 66 n, 70 n, 
146, 178 n, 184, 242, 245, 254 n; assas- 
sination of, 27 

Little Frank. See Patrick, Franklin 


Loring, Gen. William W., 163 
Loring's Division, 232 
Lost Mt., Ga., 232 
Louisiana Hospital, in Mobile, 140 
Lovejoy's Station, 207 n, 222, 225 
Lyons, Lord, British Ambassador, 53 

McAdams, J. P., 260 

McCarthy, Daniel, 84, 87, 260 

McClellan, Gen. George B., 70; in election 
of 1864, 223, 223 n, 224 n 

McFarren, Rev., 237 

McFlimsey, Flora, 129 

McGuire, Thomas, 107, 109, 260 

Mackey, Wade, 67, 260 

McKie, Giles, 133 

McKie, Harrison, 9 

McKie, Robert, death of, 35, 260 

McQuithy, druggist in Clinton, 193 

McWilliams, Mrs., 208, 211, 212, 213, 214 

Maggie. See Ross, Margaret 

Mansker, James, 143, 260 

Marchant, James A., 155, 260 

Marietta, Ga., 231; description of, 169, 

Mark, Ann, 237, 251, 260 

Marston, James, 260 

Marston home (Clinton), 63 n 

Martin, Gen. William T., 164 

Masonic Hall (Clinton), 63 n 

Matthews, Wallace, 58, 59, 70, 81, 130, 
131, 155, 260 

Maury, Gen. Dabney H., 153 

Maxey, Gen. Samuel Bell, 118 

Maximilian, 253 

Medical Examining Board, C. S. A., de- 
clares Patrick unfit for field service, 141 

Memphis, 41 n, 154, 155 

Memphis Appeal, 62, 62 n 

Meridian, 131, 138 

Metairie Race Course, 30, 184 

Mexican War, 80 



Miles, William R., 52, 260 

Miles' Legion, 59, 96 

Military Race Course. See Metairie Race 


Mills, Eliza, 10, 11, 260 
Mississippi, Federal side-wheeler, 104, 105, 


Mississippi City, 32 
Mobile, 133, 134, 156 
Mobile Evening News, 65, 67 
Montan, Mrs., 148 

Montan, William, 51, 53, 57, 137, 260 
Montgomery, 139, 159, 160 
Moore, Mrs., 143, 144, 145, 146 
Moore, Sir Thomas, 5, 90, 99, 157 
Moore, Thomas 0., 31 
Morgan, J. H., 30, 260 
Morganza, La., 97 
Morris, Charles A., 230 
Morton Station, Miss., 122, 122 n 
Moses, Bernard, 260 
Mulherin, Major, 203, 223, 224, 225, 226, 

228, 229, 233, 251, 253, 255 
Murfreesboro, Tenn., 76 
Murray, Charles A., 5, 54 

Napoleon, Louis, 65 

Nash, James E., 7 n, 120, 260 

Nashville, battle of, 240 n, 248 

Nelson, H. R. T., 48 

New Hope Church, 168 n, 173 n; battle- 
ground, description of, 232, 233 

New Orleans, 4, 29, 58, 60, 184; capture 
of, 58 n 

New York Caucasian, 67 

Newberry, S. C., 26, 27 

Niolon, John, 233, 234, 247 

Norval, 174 

Norwood, Alexander S., 55, 57, 260 

Oakey and Hawkins, cotton buyers, 30 

Ocean Springs, Miss., 32 

Ogleman, Richard, 59 

Oostanaula River, 162, 165 n, 166, 181 

Orr, James L., 194 
Osyka, Miss., 46 n, 109 
Overton, J. F., 51, 260 

Palmerston, Lord, British Prime Minister, 
53 n, 101 

Palmetto, Ga., 228 

Pascagoula, Miss., 32 

Pass Christian, Miss., 32 

Patrick, Emeline Draughon (Mother), 6, 
6n, 81, 95, 110, 243, 251 

Patrick, Franklin Hardesty (Little Frank), 
10 n, 73, 110, 243 

Patrick, Mary Adelia (Sis), 7, 7n, 167, 

Patrick, Palmer (Uncle), 7 

Patrick, Reuben Woodworth (Father), 7, 
10; death of, 13 

Patrick, Robert Draughon, diary, value 
of, 3-6, deficiencies of, 6; pen portrait 
of, 4-5; on Southern rights, 5; on war 
guilt, 5; birth of, 6; early home life of, 
6-7; burial of, 6 n; early schooling of, 7; 
romantic interests of, 12, 99, 112, 136, 
246, 247, 252, 253; liquor, fondness for, 
13; appointed agent Clinton and Port 
Hudson R. R., 13; appointed deputy 
sheriff, 13; enlistment of, 13; commences 
diary, 18, 46; military aspirations of, 
15-16; diary, purpose of, 18; in South 
Carolina, 26-27; paroled, 26; returns 
home, 26; describes closing days of war, 
27; reappointed deputy sheriff, 28; death 
of, 28; departs for war, 29; goes into 
ranks, 31; enters commissary depart- 
ment, 31; leaves ranks, 32; ordered to 
Berwick City, La., 33; ordered to Jack- 
son, Tenn., 34; Gen. Bragg, secretary 
for, 34; retreats to Corinth, 36; Gen. 
Ruggles, secretary for, 36-43; ordered to 
Camp Moore, 44; ordered to Port 
Hudson, 45; comments on Confederate 
army courts, 52; obtains leave, 60; 
visits Clinton, 60, 61, 62; health of, 77; 


longs for peace, 84, 85; comments on 
Confederate doctors, 88; prophesies 
peace, 89; reminiscences of, 90, 91, 92, 
179, 184; arrives in Jackson, Miss., 109, 
110; returns to Clinton on furlough, 
110, 111, 131; arrives in Enterprise, 
Miss., 123; ordered to Mobile, 126; 
ordered to Dalton, Ga., 133; ordered 
back to Mobile, 138, 139; enters Louis- 
iana Hospital, 140; pronounced medically 
unfit for field service, 141, 142; detailed 
to Cantey's Brigade, 141; resolutions of, 
142-43; boarding house, description of, 
144, 145; Alabama citizens, description 
of, 149, 150; quartermaster division, 
condemnation of, 151, 152, 153; rejoins 
Army of Tennessee, 159; in Adairsville, 
Ga., 165; in Kingston, Ga., 166, 167; 
in Cartersville, Ga., 167; in Allatoona, 
Ga., 167; in Big Shanty, Ga., 168; 
crosses Chattahoochee River, 172, 188, 
189; Ga. citizens, description of, 175; 
predicts end of war, 181; future plans 
of, 184, 185; resolves never to marry, 
185, 186; comments on Atlanta cam- 
paign, 192, 195, 196; on fanaticism, 196; 
Comments on Hood, 198, 199, 202; 
comments on Yankee grave, 201, 202; 
wounded Yankee, description of, 201; 
leaves Atlanta, 204, 205; rejoins Army 
of Tennessee, 207-21; ordered into Miss., 
242. 242 n; departs for South Carolina, 

Peach Tree Creek, battle of, 199 

Peal, Sir Robert, 101 

Pemberton, Gen. John C., 89, 146, 146 n, 
182; surrender of, 119 

Pennington, William F., 84, 156, 156 n, 

Percy Anecdotes, 183 

Perry, Commodore Matthew, 104n 

Phonography, 19-20, 70, 190 

Pittsburg Landing. See Shiloh 

Polk, James K, 12 

Polk, Gen. Leonidas, 164 

Folk's Corps, 182 

PoUard, Ala., 142, 146, 147, 148, 149, 159 

Pond, Preston, Jr., 109; death of, 195, 260 

Pope, Alexander, 5, 85, 92, 99 

Pope, Marshall, 34, 260 

Port Hudson, 4, 91, 184; shelling of, 57; 
description of, 59, 71; Federal gunboats 
run batteries, 103, 104, 105, 106; sur- 
render of, 109 n 

Porter, Adm. David D., 104 n 

Postlewaite, J. J., 43, 260 

Powder Springs, Ga., 231 

Prophet's Island, La., 103, 104 

Pullen, E. J., 95, 260 

Purdy, V, M., 137, 260 

Quarles, Gen. William A., 176, 182 

Quarles' Brigade, 197, 230 

Quartermaster Division, C.S. A., respon- 
sibility of, 14; operations of, 149-53 

Queen of the West, Federal gunboat, 88 n, 
93, 97 n, 98, 104 n 

Racoon, Mt., Ala., 240 

Railroads, deficiency of, 153 

Ranaldson, Dr., A. J., 12 

Raphael, H., 76, 79, 82, 93, 95, 100, 104, 
107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 117, 143; 
Patrick's evaluation of, 78, 79, 81; dis- 
honesty of, 80 

Recognition. See England, France 

Red Chief, Confederate steamer, 96 

Red River, 91, 93 

Redding, Charlie, 188, 198, 199 

Reed, Capt., 229 

Reems, Miss, 95 

Reid, James, Jr., 65, 224, 260 

Reid's Train, 223 

Republican Party, 67 

Resaca, Ga., 161, 165, 181, 231 n; battle 
of, 165 n, 166 

Reynolds, Gen. D. H., addresses troops, 
226, 227 



Keynolds, Gov. Thomas C., 98 

Reynolds* Brigade, 164 

Rich, Josephine, 12, 99 

Richarts, John, 189, 190, 202, 261 

Richmond, 116, 253 

Richmond Examiner, 65 

Rigsby, Dick, 110 

Roach, Miss Hannah, 62, 261 

Roherts, Rev. D. B., 9, 261 

Rocky Face Ridge, Ga., 162 n 

Rogers, Miss, 95 

Rome, Ga., 160, 161, 231 n, 236 

Ross, Isabelle, 245 

Ross, Margaret (Maggie), 245, 246, 247, 
248, 249, 252, 253, 255 

Rowe, John S., 57, 59, 62, 65, 70, 74, 261 

Rowen, Louise, 99 

Ruggles, Gen. Daniel, 36, 36 n; Patrick's 
description of, 37-38; relieved of com- 
mand, 39, 40 

St. Charles Hotel, New Orleans, 30 

St. James Hotel, New Orleans, 30 

Salt, acquisition of, 51, 51 n, 52 

Saulsbury, Willard, 94, 94 n 

Savannah, Ga., 253 

Scharch, Charles, 122, 261 

Schofield, Gen. John M., 240 n 

Scott, T. J., 75, 221, 261 

Scott, Sir Walter, 5, 90 

Selma, Ala., 153 

Senator, Confederate steamer, 143 

Seventeenth Ala. Regiment, 156 

Seventh Ala. Regiment, 200 

Seventh Miss. Regiment, 34 

Seward, William H., 54, 254 n; attempted 

assassination of, 27, 27 n 
Seymour, Gen. Truman, 164 n 
Shakespeare, 5, 95, 142, 145, 147, 149, 157; 

quoted, 15-16 

Shaler, Gen. Alexander, 164n 
" Shells of Ocean," 172 
Sherman, Gen. W. T., 120 n, 138, 162 n, 

165, 167 n, 168 n, 173, 177 n, 181, 191, 

192, 204 n, 207 n, 226, 227, 231 n, 232, 
236, 237, 240 n, 250 n; army, size of, 
179 n; crosses Chattahoochee River, 188; 
orders citizens out of Atlanta, 225 

Shiloh, battle of, 35-36, 36 n, 184 

Ship Island, 32 

Shropshire, W. C., 75, 261 

Silliman College (Clinton) , 63 n 

Simms, William Gilmore, 5, 118 

Sisters of Charity, 140, 169 

Sixteenth La. Regiment, 35, 43, 248 n, 250 

Skipwith, Henry, 173, 261 

Skipwith, Thomas, 55-57, 84, 87, 102 

Slaughter's Field, 59 

Smallpox, 82 ,83 

Smith, Joshua, 254 

Smith, Judge, 155 

Smithville, Miss., 244 

Snake Creek Gap, Ga., 231 n 

Southworth, Emma D. E., 74 

Sowell, Mrs. 157 

Spanish Fort, 249 n 

Steadman, George A. W., 261 

Stephens, Alexander H., 254, 254 n 

Stevenson, Tenn., 240 n 

Stewart, Miss, 95 

Stewart's Corps, leaves Tupelo, 250 

Stilesboro, Ga., 167 n 

Stoke, Jane, 61 

Stone, William M., 79, 89, 92, 95, 97, 99, 
100, 103, 243 

Stoneman, Gen. George, 27 

Stone's River, battle of, 73, 73 n, 74 

Stuart, Fay, 245, 246 

Sue, Eugene, 5, 53 

Taylor, Gen. Richard, 26 n 

Taylor, Gen. Thomas H., 143 

Taylor, Gen. Zachary, 80 

Tennessee troops, description of, 124-26 

Texas, Confederate steamer, 96 

Thackeray, William M., 5, 78, 128 

The Tempest, 95 

Thirtieth La. Regiment, 134 



Thomas, Gen. George H., 240 n 
Thompson, David C., 261 
Thompson's Creek, La,, 93, 107 
Thompson's Station, battle of, 100, 100 n 
Townsend, Martin, 12 
Tracy, Gen. Edward L., 30 n 
Trenton, Tenn., 70 n 
Tupelo, Miss., 41 n, 248 n 
Tuscumbia, Ala., 242, 243 
Tuskegee, Ala., 134 
Twenty-first Ala. Regiment, 156 
Twenty-ninth Ala. Regiment, 156, 157, 230 

Valentine's Day, 89 

Vallandigham, Clement L., 90, 90 n, 94 

Van Buren, John, 47 

Van Dorn, Gen. Earl, 64, 100, 100 n 

Van Wert, Ga., 233 

Vanity Fair, 128 

Vaughan, Gen. Alfred J., Jr., 164 

Vicksburg, 38, 39, 43, 44, 74, 85, 87, 89, 

96, 101, 118, 146, 146 n; surrender of, 

119, 119 n 
Villipique, Gen. John B., death of, 53 

Walker, Gen. Leroy Pope, 38 
Wall, Benjamin D., 173, 261 
Wall, Wesley W., 173, 261 
Walthall, Gen. Edward C., 24, 191, 193, 
198, 223, 224, 248 

Warren, Samuel, 5, 64 

Washington Artillery, 173 

Wav&rly Novds, 90, 90 n, 95 

Weathersbee, Sam, 46, 261 

Wedge, D. J., 261 

Welsh's Hotel, Pollard, Ala., 148 

West Point, Ga., 134, 139, 160 

West Point, Miss., 255 

" What is Home Without a Mother," 92 

Whig Party, 12 

White, Capt., 229 

Whitehead, Joseph, 34, 261 

Whitman, Charles P., 69, 261 

Wilderness, battle of, 163, 163 n 

William H. Webb, Confederate ram, 93, 
93 n, 96, 97 n, 98, 104 n 

Williams, S. B., 94, 261 

Winens, Charles R., 39, 261 

Woolfolk, James D., 141, 142, 148, 149, 
151, 152, 156, 159, 160, 161, 162, 186, 
203, 224, 225, 261; criticism of, 166, 180, 
193; relieved of duty, 198, 199 

Wooster, J. S., 44, 47, 58, 65, 69, 75, 261 
Worsham, J. D., 50, 261 
Worthy, Scott J., 94, 154, 159, 261 
Woulkway, 148 

Zimmerman, Dominique, 155, 261 











The Wanderings Of