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EUGENE SCHUYLER

SELECTED ESSAYS

EUGENE SCHUYLER

SELECTED ESSATS

WITH A MEMOIR BY
EVELYN SCHUYLER SCHAEFFER

NEW YORK

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

1901

{Library of Cot

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B 7 1901 I

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CONTENTS

PAGE

Eugene Schuyler i

Count Leo Tolstoy Twenty Years Ago . . 205
The Minnesota Heir of a Serbian King . . 301

The Lost Plant 321

Index 351

EUGENE SCHUYLER

A MEMOIR

EUGENE SCHUYLER

A MEMOIR

It is almost as difficult to describe a man of
magnetic personality as to paint the portrait of
a face remembered rather by its changing ex-
pression than by its features. To those who
have known the man a hint may be enough; for
the stranger he can hardly be made to live again,
even with the help of his own letters. Yet
one would like to preserve some record, however
inadequate, of a most unusual character.

Eugene Schuyler was born at Ithaca, New
York, February 26, 1840. On his father's side
his ancestry was altogether Dutch, unless one
takes into account the one drop of French blood
some six generations back; and it is perhaps
the absence, unusual in America, of a mixture
of nationalities, that has caused a persistence,
from generation to generation, of certain qu3li-

EUGENE SCHUYLER

ties. In the seventeenth century Philip Pieterse
van Schuyler was a man of prominence, especially
distinguished for his services to the State in the
negotiation of treaties with the Indians, and Tor
his success in keeping up the subsequent friendly
relations with those difficult allies. He treated
the Indians with a wisdom which insured him
their friendship during his life, and even per-
petuated his memory to such an extent that
many years after his death they presented to
his youngest daughter two thousand acres of
land " in remembrance of the kindness of her
father and mother." That his descendants fol-
lowed in his footsteps is abundantly shown by
the colonial records.

George Washington Schuyler, the father of
Eugene Schuyler, was born at Stillwater-on-the-
Hudson, February 2, 18 10, but spent his boy-
hood as well as his later life in Ithaca, his
father having removed there in 181 1. The fam-
ily had become less prosperous than of old, and
it was only by great determination and per-
severance that he was able to get the educa-
tion that he desired. He graduated at the Uni-
versity of the City of New York, taking the
Junior and Senior studies in one year, with He-
brew in addition; at the same time supporting

A MEMOIR

himself by acting as private tutor to two stu-
dents. Even with the lower standards of those
days this might be called a good year's work.
He next studied theology, but for family reasons
gave up his studies when near the end of the
course, and entered upon mercantile life, where
his abilities and sagacity would have yielded him
a fortune had it not been for the never-ending
demands upon his generosity. Naturally of a
cheerful and genial disposition, very generous,
unselfish and conscientious, and strongly relig-
ious, the self-denials and repressions of his youth,
and especially the rigorous and gloomy Calvin-
istic form of religion in which he had been
brought up, had their effect upon him in making
him in early life too serious; only in his later years
did he learn to sympathise with less strenuous
views and habits of thought.

Always public-spirited and ardent, his influ-
ence soon extended beyond the confines of the
village. Much as he loved the approval of his
fellows, the unpopularity of a cause never de-
terred him from embracing it. The Abolition
movement found in him a warm supporter at a
time when to support it meant not merely un-
popularity, but some petty persecution. He not
only became an agent of the famous " under-

EUGENE SCHUYLER

ground railway," but took negroes into his own
employment whenever he could, and struggled
valiantly to engraft upon the irresponsible negro
temperament something of his own reliability —
it must be confessed with not very flattering
results. Later he was much in public life, serv-
ing successively as Treasurer of the State of
New York, Superintendent of the Banking De-
partment, Member of the Assembly, and Audi-
tor of the Canal Department, and was instru-
mental in securing the adoption of several im-
portant measures. His integrity was so unas-
sailable that even in times of great excitement
he escaped the personal attacks which usually
seem to be an inseparable accompaniment of
political prominence. A trustee of Cornell Uni-
versity from its foundation, his judgment and re-
source did much to tide it over its early financial
difficulties and place it on a lasting foundation.

The achievement of his life which probably
gave him most pleasure was the preparation
and publication of his book, " Colonial New
York — Philip Schuyler and his Family," which
he published when he was seventy-six years old,
and which is accepted as an authority on the
subjects of which it treats.

He married, in April, 1839, Matilda Scribner,
6

A MEMOIR

daughter of Uriah Rogers Scribner, one of the
old merchants of New York, but of a New Eng-
land family. Mrs. Schuyler was a woman of
much beauty and of an individuality at once
strong and delicate. Her extreme shyness and
modest estimate of herself prevented her from
being known outside of a small circle, but those
who knew her intimately were aware that she
possessed much insight, and a remarkable gift of
terse expression; but she had a horror of unchar-
itable comment, which she always repressed in
her children; and such was her self-control that,
during their childhood and youth, at least one
of them can never remember having heard her
speak severely of any one. Physically timid and
subject to all the discomforts entailed by a highly
strung nervous temperament, her moral courage
was of the highest type. She lived eighty-nine
years, and to the end of her life could adapt
herself to new circumstances and assimilate new
ideas.

Like her husband, Mrs. Schuyler had been
brought up in the strictest traditions of puri-
tanism, and during the earlier years of their
married life they were placed in an environ-
ment which only strengthened the impressions
already given. The village of Ithaca was sharply

EUGENE SCHUYLER

divided between the godly and the ungodly, the
former being of the bluest dye of Calvinism. As
time went on, religious beliefs were slowly
softened, and in any case persons of the natural
characteristics of Mr. and Mrs. Schuyler would
necessarily have outgrown the severe creed of
their youth. They both became in the highest
degree tolerant and liberal, while never losing the
peculiar conscientiousness which strongly charac-
terised them both; though the manifestations were
different. The descendant of Dutchmen bears
his conscience with better cheer than the New
Englander can ever learn to do. But this de-
velopment came later. The world into which
their children were born was a serious world.

Eugene was a beautiful and clever child. To
him, to learn was a delight. Mentally and phys-
ically he was alert for new impressions. He
loved flowers, animals, pictures, music, good
things to eat, and made nice distinctions as to
the relations between taste and smell. Certain
flowers belonged on the dinner-table with cer-
tain articles of food — for instance, sweet peas
went with roast beef. Alphabet blocks taught
him his letters before he could pronounce them,
and he learned to read about the time he learned to
talk. What a friend of later years called his esprit

A MEMOIR

chercheur always impelled him not only to leave
no question unsolved, but no sensation untried.

As a boy he attended the old Ithaca Acad-
emy, but did not confine himself to its rather
limited curriculum. On spring and summer af-
ternoons, after school, he went on botanical ex-
peditions and became learned in the flora of
the region, even to discovering species hitherto
unknown in that locality; and a warm friend-
ship sprang up between him and an eminent
botanist in a neighbouring village. In short, his
mind was open in all directions; but with an
especial taste for literature and a very unusual
gift for languages. At twelve years old he be-
gan to take lessons on the piano, of a Scotch-
woman who was a character in the town; an
eccentric person, not without genius, a warm
friend and an equally warm enemy; with a keen
sense of beauty and an admiration of clever-
ness. A pagan herself, she did not escape her
Calvinistic inheritance, and was of a severe turn
of mind in the matter of religion, being fiercely
intolerant of the intolerant Orthodox. Her
commanding height and generous amplitude,
with her taste for striking and bizarre costumes,
made her a figure to be remembered. She took
her bright pupil in great affection, and the

EUGENE SCHUYLER

middle-aged woman and the clever boy of
twelve conversed on terms of intellectual equal-
ity; and for many years — as long as she remained
in Ithaca — he was in the habit of going to see
her during his visits there. As to the piano, he
learned in two years all that she could teach
him, and to the end of his life played much —
with no great technical skill, but with much
musical feeling. His unusual facility in playing
at sight was always a source of pleasure to him-
self and others.

As a playmate he was considered desirable, by
the girls as much as by the boys. Whatever
the game, he put into it something new and
original that at once made it different from all
other games. I was but seldom admitted to
the amusements of my elders, but sometimes it
was desirable to swell the number, and then I
came in as a great treat. In one game, where
the person pointed at by the one who was " It "
had to drop down dead, I was nearly fright-
ened out of my wits, and on seeing this, Eugene
confessed to me, small as I was, that he too felt
very creepy, and was going to give up that
game. He was always fond of children and
ready to take trouble for them. I was once shut
out of the play-room for days that seemed like

A MEMOIR

centuries, and then admitted and presented with
a beautiful doll's house which he had made in a
low chimney cupboard. He had made every-
thing with his own hands, even to the chande-
liers of steel beads strung on wires, with candles
made of wax matches, with the inflammable ends
burned off to make them look more natural.
During one of his college vacations he happened
to come into the room where I was playing with
paper dolls, and was struck with the ugly colours
of the frocks which they had brought with them
from the shop. With him, to see a thing wrong
was to want to set it right, from paper dolls to
the Sublime Porte, and he at once sat down
with my paint-box and made such beautiful
paper dolls' dresses that they were treasured until
they fell apart with much handling.

At fourteen he was prepared to enter Yale
College, but his youth, and especially his youth-
ful appearance, made his parents hesitate about
sending him away from home, and it was de-
cided to delay for a year. His constitution was
somewhat delicate and extremely susceptible.
At that time the importance of physical culture
was not recognised as it is now. Nature, if let
alone, is apt to look out for a growing boy, and,
by merely following his natural bent, the average

EUGENE SCHUYLER

boy becomes hardy, in case he does not break his
neck or drown himself by the way. But the
anxious mother of her first boy was only too
thankful that his tastes did not lead him in the
direction of hair-breadth escapes. His boyish
longings of that sort were the more easily
checked since he had so many other resources,
and if a dangerous amusement were forbidden
he could usually turn with interest to a safe one;
so that he never gained the physical hardening
which most boys get — a lack which he deplored
all his life. Learning to swim could not be
helped if a boy were a boy at all, and a certain
amount of other sports, but it was always the
minimum amount.

At fifteen he was only a rosy-cheeked little
boy, and left off his boyish " roundabout " and
put on his first " tail-coat " the day before he
started for college. He had still been attending
the Academy, and it was felt by the trustees
that he had conferred such lustre on that insti-
tution that when he left they sent him three
large volumes of " Selections from the British
Poets," with a complimentary letter. The crit-
ical instinct was ever strong in him and struggled
with his natural gratification; and from his New
England ancestors he inherited an almost irre-

A MEMOIR

pressible instinct to speak what he thought. He
expressed his gratitude properly, however, and
perhaps it was only the sympathetic little sister,
hardly old enough to know what " British Poets "
meant, who quite understood that while in one
way Eugene was delighted, yet one poet's com-
plete works were rather nicer to have than an-
other man's selections from all of them. He
loved books. Children did not have much
spending money then, but one of his earliest
purchases and the very first book he ever bought
was " Lalla Rookh," a welcome change from the
serious volumes of his father's library.

The impression made on him by the stern
religious beliefs in which he had been brought
up was not apparent; but on the one hand they
drove him in the direction of negation, and on
the other they added to the enjoyment of his
later life by the piquancy of the contrast. He
seemed an incarnate reaction from the whole
system — as if he represented those tastes and
impulses which the hardships of life and the
severities of religion had compelled his parents
to extinguish for a time in themselves. He
was affectionate and extraordinarily loyal. With
him a friendship once formed was enduring, and
survived disillusionment. Equally strong was his

EUGENE SCHUYLER

feeling for the tie of blood; and he retained
his interest in his own kin, even through the
gradations of diminishing relationship. The live-
liness of his interest and his power of placing
himself in imaginary situations, of which he ar-
ranged even the smallest details, often made him
feel a strong desire to arrange matters for his
friends; but while he had a somewhat authori-
tative way of advising, his sense of humour kept
him from expecting his advice to be taken. On
the other hand his remarkable magnetism gave
him a certain compelling power, and the people
about him were very apt to do as he wished.

The interest which he so freely gave to others
he liked to receive in return. He wanted sym-
pathy— he liked to expand — he could not exist
without telling someone what he was doing and
thinking and reading; and it was not difficult
for him to get the sympathy he wanted, since
he always made himself interesting. A friend
once said of him, " If Schuyler is taken up with
dry bones, you become intensely interested in
dry bones yourself, and are ready to believe that
you have cared for nothing else all your life."

With all these captivating ways he was sub-
ject to gusts of irritation, generally unreason-
able and harmless, and frequently laughable in

A MEMOIR

their half-comic whimsicality. Where he did
himself a more serious injustice was in an occa-
sional coldness of manner which was at times
even repellent. Sometimes this was caused by
a shyness which but few people suspected — the
less since it was of the intermittent variety —
sometimes, it may have been, by a mood of dis-
content or depression, or even by the simple
fact that he was bored. His temperament in-
clined him to a sudden loss of self-control which
surprised and vexed no one more than himself.

In college he did not work for honours, but
rather from simple interest and pleasure in learn-
ing. Some honours came, however. In his jun-
ior year he took a Clark premium for excel-
lence in Latin, and in his senior year a Berkeley
premium for Latin composition. At graduation
he stood fifth in a class of 105, and had the rank
of Philosophical Oration, taking also the Berke-
ley and Clark Scholarships.

His classmate and friend, Professor Arthur W.
Wright, of Yale University, has written of his col-
lege life:

" Schuyler was the youngest member of the
class of 1859, and when he first appeared at
Yale he seemed to have but just emerged from
childhood. Even then, however, he possessed

EUGENE SCHUYLER

a strong personality, and it was not long before
he gave evidence of powers of acquisition and a
critical faculty which, before the close of the
four years, placed him in the foremost rank
among the scholars of the class. He had a nat-
ural aptitude, as well as a taste, for exact schol-
arship and wide culture. It was evident that he
was destined to take a high place as a scholar,
and his later successes were no surprise to those
who had known him well while here.

" In his personal character perhaps the most
prominent trait was a refinement and elevation
of sentiment, which showed itself not only in
his intellectual activities, but even in his bear-
ing, his manner, and his dress. With this, a
certain reserve, a strong individuality, independ-
ence of opinion, and the highly intellectual and
scholarly tone of his conversation raised him
decidedly above the ordinary and the common-
place, and gave an air of aristocratic distinction
to everything he did. While this made him
appear sometimes as if lacking in warmth of
disposition, those whom he honoured with his
confidence and intimacy were often surprised by
an almost child-like expression of friendliness
and affection, which revealed the capability of
deeper feeling beneath the veil of his reserve. I
have always felt that his was a rare personality,
and that his early departure was a great loss,
great to the world of scholarship, and especially so
to those who had learned to know and admire him."

A MEMOIR

After his graduation, in 1859, he remained in
New Haven for two years, pursuing his studies,
and was the first to receive the degree of Doctor
of Philosophy there in 1861. During this time
he wrote a long and elaborate review of Wedg-
wood's " English Etymology," and was gratified
and amused at receiving from Professor Wedg-
wood a letter discussing certain points, and
assuming that the youthful (and severe) critic
was a venerable professor. He had also begun
working on the revision of Webster's " Diction-
ary," which appeared in July, 1864 — his particular
duty being the revision of Dr. Mahn's etymolog-
ical contributions.

He studied law at Columbia College (LL.B. in
1863), n°t because the profession especially at-
tracted him, but rather because he had not as
yet found anything that seemed to him more
desirable. In December, 1862, he wrote to a
friend :

" I like the law much better than I did at first.
One reason is that I know more about it, and
another that I am so constantly occupied with it
that I can't help getting interested in it. . . .
Somehow or other, writing essays and reviews

Vol. I.— 2 17

EUGENE SCHUYLER

is just now a mania with me, and I sketch out
plenty of them in my head, none of which I
shall ever finish, such is my accustomed procras-
tination."

Some months later he wrote to the same per-
son:

" I understand that Mr. is astonished at

my eagerness to see sights. I do not think that
I have anything more than a laudable curiosity.
I seldom go out of my way to see anything, but
if anything comes along I consider it a duty
which I owe to my general education, as well as
a reasonable source of pleasure to know what is
to be known."

After graduating he went for a time into the
office of Messrs. Weeks, De Forest & Forster,
and afterwards into that of Messrs. Lewis & Cox.
Later he opened an office with Mr. James Bruyn
Andrews. During these years he was writing
for the Round Table and the New Path, besides
occasional contributions to the New Englander,
the North American Review, and other periodicals,
and was a contributor to the Nation from the
time of its first appearance to the end of his
life.

His summer vacations were spent in Ithaca,

where his arrival was the signal for a series of

A MEMOIR

festivities. Those at his father's house were al-
ways arranged by him, and were distinguished
by some novelty; it might be a morning dance
and luncheon (an unheard-of thing at that time),
or it might be a supper with an odd menu —
whatever it was, it brought variety into the small
circle whose interest had become somewhat
jaded.

In the summer of 1864 he had had a flattering
request from Professor Norton (at that time
editor of the North American Review), for a forty-
page article, to which he expected to devote the
vacation. Accordingly, having told me, a girl
in my teens, that I was to write stories and be-
come in time a distinguished author, he took
me with him every morning into the large, cool
dining-room, seated me at a table, and bade me
write. His own place was at an old mahogany
desk, where he had a great array of writing mate-
rials. Once there he was seized by the horreur
de la plume and wouldn't write a word. I, how-
ever, was not allowed to be idle, and wrote
Heaven knows what nonsense, he supplying the
names of the characters and telling me to put
in " plenty of conversation and incident." He
wrote letters, talked to me, spread out his serious
sheets of paper, and then rushed out into the

EUGENE SCHUYLER

garden and brought in flowers to arrange, and
so on, until it was time for the table to be laid
for the midday meal; and the forty-page article
did not get written that summer.

His interest in Russia began in 1863, when
he made the acquaintance of a number of the
officers of the Russian flagship which was for a
time stationed off New York. The opportunity
to learn a new language was too great a tempta-
tion to be resisted, and he secured a teacher in
the person of a priest connected with the Greek
Church in New York. In the summer of 1867
he published a translation of Turguenief's " Fath-
ers and Sons."

About the end of the year 1866 he was asked
to edit a translation of selections from the " Kal-
evala," made just before his death by the late
Professor John A. Porter, of Yale College. This
involved an Introduction and Analysis, and with
his usual thoroughness he prepared himself by
a careful study of the poem in the original,
learning the Finnish language for the purpose.
His introduction is dated July 26, 1867.

Although his law-practice was improving and
the prospect was brighter than for many young
lawyers, yet it was a profession which never in-
terested him sufficiently to gain his undivided

A MEMOIR

attention. He yielded to his desire for travel
and a larger knowledge of the world, and in the
summer of 1867 obtained an appointment as
Consul at Moscow. He sailed early in Septem-
ber, and, landing at Queenstown, went on slowly,
seeing as much as possible by the way. He made
the acquaintance of M. Taine and of Sainte-
Beuve in Paris and of Turguenief at Baden.
The latter gave him letters to friends in Moscow,
among others one to Count Leo Tolstoy. After
a short stop in St. Petersburg he went on to
Moscow. There he found himself at the same
time intensely interested and intensely lonely.
He longed for letters and counted the days be-
tween mails. Meantime he drew for his mother
a plan of his lodgings, with the location of chairs
and tables, and told her about the Russian houses
with plants growing in all the rooms, the poorer
houses with artificial flowers stuck in the sand
between the double windows. He described the
appearance of the town with its green roofs and
gilt domes, and the three hundred and sixty-
six churches, each with a dozen bells, ringing
nearly all the time, " fast, too, as if for a fire."
To other friends he wrote detailed and enthusi-
astic descriptions of scenery, architecture, cus-
toms, and people. He lost no time in making

EUGENE SCHUYLER

acquaintances. All kinds of people interested
and amused him, and here, as later in St. Peters-
burg, he was the enfant gate of every house which
he frequented, from that of Prince Odoiefsky,
the last survivor of the noblest family in Russia,
to the rich merchants of various nationalities,
and the Russianised German baroness who eked
out her husband's income by keeping a shop for
fancy-goods.

He wrote to his friend Russell Sturgis, Octo-
ber 29, 1867:

" Of course I have not yet made many acquaint-
ances here. I dined last night with the Prince
Vladimir Odoiefsky, en famille, his wife and
one young man whose name I can't recall. The
Prince is an agreeable old man of about sixty-
five, a bibliophile, with a splendid library which
overflows every room except one salon, where
plants in profusion take the place of books. . . .
They live very simply and without affectation.
To be sure there were three man-servants, but
those here are a matter of course. The house is
not furnished richly, and there was no attempt
at show. The dinner was very good, though
with only one dish peculiarly Russian. It is a
kind of partridge, and with it are served salted —
not pickled — cucumbers. They are very good
— large, with sometimes a dash of caraway in
them. We had any number of wines — all set on

A MEMOIR

at once, and you take which you please. I was
made to taste a Russian sherry and claret, one
from the Crimea, the other from the Caucasus,
and both very good — the sherry was from vines
imported from Spain — also some Russian cordials.
Before dinner we had also the sakuska,1 salt-fish,
bread, and brandy. After dinner it is the custom
here for each guest to shake hands with and
thank the hostess and host. After coffee and
cigarettes we had a general conversation on
books and other matters. The Prince is also a
musician. He has an organ, two or three
pianos and other instruments. Nothing would
do but I must try a duet with him; so we played
half a dozen, apparently to his satisfaction, for
he complimented me a good deal, and then
showed me, as a special favour, a piano which he
had had made on mathematical principles. It is
the only one in the world and is beautiful, as
well as curious. In the ordinary piano the
sharps and flats, being separated by only a very
small interval, are run together and then all the
keys equally regulated. It would be impossible
for an ordinary man to play on or tune them
otherwise. In this the sharps and flats were dis-
tinct, there being twenty instead of thirteen
notes in the octave. The fourth is a perfect
concord, as on the violin. The workmanship
was exquisite and the effect splendid. Alto-
gether it was the ideal piano. After this we

EUGENE SCHUYLER

had tea, in tumblers, and more talk. I pleased
the old lady by showing her a new game of soli-
taire, and am invited to a salon on Friday even-
ing, when I am to be introduced to the haute
societe of Moscow. Some of the princesses are
pretty, but none of them are said to be rich."

After the first really cold weather of the Rus-
sian winter, he wrote:

" Now I will tell you how it feels. Of course
you find it difficult to keep the house as warm
as usual. You wrap up and go out-doors. Your
skin is shrivelled up and you feel smaller. I be-
lieve if it were not for your bones you would
shrink up to half the size. There are not many
people in the streets, and all of them are shape-
less lumps of wrappings. The sun shines very
brightly in a perfectly cloudless sky, but the
breath of men and horses makes a vapour that
immediately falls in minute snow-crystals. If
you walk fast you can keep warm, but your legs
feel heavy and you would like to sit down on a
doorstep for awhile, or lean up against a fence.
If you wink, your eyelashes freeze together.
Then at night, the sky seems perfectly black
and the stars shine very brightly, but don't give
much light. The vapour from the gas has formed
a coat of ice on the inside of the street-lamps
and the lights are mere faintly glimmering

specks."

A MEMOIR

His esprit chercheur carried him far in his ob-
servations.

" The common people dress very lightly — thin
trousers and shirt, without underclothing, and
reserve their warm furs and skins for the street.
In the Traktirs, or restaurants, the waiters have
long, loose white linen trousers, with a white
linen or coloured silk shirt, with a sash round it
— nothing else. I pinched one of them to see."

In the spring of 1868 he made his first jour-
ney to Orenburg, travelling in company with a
Russian merchant. They went down the Volga
by steamboat and thence by tarantass; frater-
nising with young Englishmen in the telegraphic
service, with Russian families, with travellers of
all nationalities; landing to pay visits with his
merchant friend, and calling in addition on " the
wife of one of the principal Ural Cossacks,"
where he found " a rather pretty daughter play-
ing on a grand piano and not a bit like a Cos-
sack," and "a very nice little girl named Tanya;"
and alighting from the tarantass to pick wild
lilies of the valley and other flowers. At Oren-
burg he saw much that was interesting and
heard much talk of the hostilities in Asia and
the depression of trade and uncertainties of car-
avans; attended prayers at the Bukharan mosque

EUGENE SCHUYLER

and made numerous acquaintances, including an
American, who by some turn of fortune was liv-
ing in Orenburg as Capellmeister. He dined
with the Governor-General and also with a Buk-
haran who had the dinner served on " a little
pink tablecloth laid on the Bukharan carpets
which covered the floor." The pilof, for which
each guest had a spoon, a concession to their
foreign prejudices, but which all ate out of the
same dish, " was truly delicious." He says in
his diary that the Bukharans " seem to have
supposed that America was a mere expression
used to lower the price of their cotton, and are
quite curious about me, thinking I am come to
interfere with their trade."

He crossed the Ural, and as he drove over
the steppe had the pleasure of feeling himself
in Asia; took refuge from a storm in a Kirghiz
kibitka and drank kumys for the first time in his
life; and finally ended his visit by assisting at
the festivities in honour of the Grand Duke Vla-
dimir— a banquet and a camel-race — and got
back to Moscow four weeks from the time he
started.

Early in October of the same year he visited
Count Leo Tolstoy at his estate of Yasnaya
Polyana. The letters which he wrote from

A MEMOIR

there were incorporated in the sketch of Tol-
stoy, written twenty years later.

All this time he was working indefatigably,
studying Russian and French, reading exten-
sively, and making himself familiar not only
with the work of his office, but with Russian
affairs. The character of his work is indicated
in the following letter of good advice written
about this time:

"My Dear Eva: ... I think you make
a mistake in going to so many lectures. One
can't have time to know everything. Take the
subjects you are most interested in and let the
others alone. You are like me, you can be-
come easily interested in almost anything, and
we are both tempted continually to study up
some new thing. I try quite rigidly to confine
myself to four connected subjects, but am con-
tinually running over. Mine are history, liter-
ature, language, and mythology — especially in
the Teutonic and Slavonic peoples. Science I
am extremely fond of and am sometimes sorry
I did not devote myself to it, but it is now too
late, and I must content myself with an occa-
sional glance. Diplomacy and statistics — my
present profession — I consider a part of history.
Among other wild projects I seriously think of
writing a ' Manual of the Diplomatic History of
the Nineteenth Century.' "

EUGENE SCHUYLER

With the change of administration in 1869,
came the usual turning out of office. By this
time Mr. Schuyler was used to his official work
and had grown fond of it, and was making him-
self an authority on Russian affairs. His reports
and despatches abounded in information. More-
over he was now making plans for literary work
which would require a longer stay in Russia.
He hoped that his proved fitness for his post
would cause him to be retained, especially as it
had not been generally considered a desirable
one at the time of his appointment. For a time
he heard nothing, either directly or indirectly.
Then the London Times announced his removal
and he awaited the event. Various newspapers
contradicted the statement of the Times, and he
wrote, May 14th:

" I am delighted to find that the news in the
London Times of my removal is so far untrue,
and that I shall have a chance to stay here a while
longer. What especially pleases me is the inter-
est some of my friends have taken in the matter.
Some unknown friend inserted a letter (which I
have heard of, but not seen) in a London paper,
praising me and objecting to my removal; and
Mr. Bancroft, the moment he heard the report,
wrote to Washington to have me retained or
transferred to Odessa."

A MEMOIR

Supposing that matters were settled for the
time, he went for a few days to Kief, and on his
return found that he had been superseded some
weeks before, and that his pay had stopped at
the same time. He says, in a letter of June
17th:

" If I had known that I was removed I should
not have taken the journey which I shall here
relate to you, but supposing that the report of
my removal was an error, I went and enjoyed
myself, without suspicion of the evil fate that
was in store for me. On the whole, I can't say
I am sorry I went, though I should like to have
again the money it cost."

At Kief he saw, as usual, all that there was
to see, and made many acquaintances (only one
of whom he found fault with, a lady who was
" fearfully talkative in several languages "), and
happened, as usual, on a peasant wedding, where
he " drank cherry vodka, danced the Kazatchek,
and learned the Russian game of jackstraws of
a little girl."

On his return to Moscow, wishing to remain
in Russia, he expressed his willingness to accept
the consulship at Revel, although it was not a
desirable post; and in the meantime occupied
himself in writing for various periodicals.

EUGENE SCHUYLER

"August $, 1869, Moscow.

"My Dear Eva: Your letter from Cherry
Valley came yesterday, to my great delight, as
it was a very long time since I had heard from
you. I have myself not written to anybody for
the last two or three weeks, because I am often
in a disagreeable state of mind, and because as
I am trying to write for my living, I am so busy
writing and reading every day that my head is
about run out of ideas. This week I have writ-
ten one letter to the World and three to the
Evening Post, besides being busy on two articles
and reading for another. I cannot do one thing
at a time. It is not my nature. If I could
only write ten such pages every day I should be
quite content, but there are sure to be three days
out of the week when I am either indisposed to
write or am interrupted. For instance, yester-
day I had promised to introduce the new consul
to the dignitaries and other consuls, and that
destroyed the whole day. . . .

" I have had a great misfortune; my little white
and brown cat is dead — she was Belenka. I
have two others, gray ones — Sasha and Masha.
I had another Masha, a beautiful tiger-striped
cat, that I had since it was a little kitten, but
somebody stole it, so I got a second one as
nearly like it as I could, but it is much more
stupid. You see in my old age I have taken up
again with the pets of my infancy. Sasha is

A MEMOIR

very wise and sits on my shoulder, her favourite
place, as I write this. . . ."

In the autumn he was appointed Consul at
Revel; but in the meantime he had made the
acquaintance of Mr. Curtin, the new Minister
to Russia, who offered him the position of Secre-
tary of Legation, left vacant by the resignation
of Mr. Coffey, and he resigned the consulship.

Life in St. Petersburg was a great change
from the simpler ways of Moscow. Here he
first tasted the pleasures and excitements of di-
plomacy, at that time perhaps nowhere more in-
teresting than in Russia, whose progress in
Asia was arousing a jealous attention, while her
form of government inevitably led to the impres-
sion that there were secrets in the air, and stim-
ulated diplomatic acuteness. To this new sphere
of action Mr. Schuyler brought special qualifi-
cations; for to an inquiring mind and marvellous
quickness of observation he added winning man-
ners and a knowledge of the Russian language.
As a result he soon came to be looked upon as
perhaps the best informed man in diplomatic cir-
cles. The extent and minuteness of his knowl-
edge were only rivalled by its accuracy, and what-
ever news he chose to impart could be relied upon.

EUGENE SCHUYLER

In January, 1870, he wrote:

" Most of my reading just now is very solid
and practical, on Russian statistics and other
subjects almost exclusively. I have to write
here a great many letters which demand a thor-
ough knowledge of Russian subjects, and though
I suppose I know more about them than any dip-
lomat here, except Michell, the English Secre-
tary, I have to do a good deal of cramming. I
have just finished a long report on Russian man-
ufactures, with the prospect ahead of another on
grain production and traffic. Then, too, I wrote
not long ago a paper on the Treatment of the
Jews in Russia for Mr. Curtin."

Curtin, the " War Governor " of Pennsylvania,
had been an important figure at a time and in
a place which had given scope for his qualities.
He had gained a great reputation and deserved
well of his country. To fill the mission in Rus-
sia was not an easy matter for a man who knew
no language but his own. Naturally he had to
depend much on his Secretary of Legation, and
his frequent absences on leave left the latter in
charge of the Legation during comparatively
long periods. A situation of that sort is exceed-
ingly difficult both for the Minister and for the
Secretary.

A MEMOIR

One would think that with the business of
the Legation, a keen interest in diplomatic and
political affairs, and a habit of reading and writ-
ing, a man's time would be well filled. But
this was only half of the story. At this period
of his life the taste for amusement was equally
strong. Practically all doors were open to him.
Society was ready not only to receive him, but
to make much of him, and he was on terms of
intimacy in a very great variety of houses. Then
there were the great spectacular festivities which
formed part of the diplomatic life, and of which
the letter quoted below gives a fair picture;
there were the several intimate circles of young
men, each in sympathy with a different side of
a many-sided nature; and there were all the
usual amusements of a city — a brilliant, extrava-
gant, cosmopolitan city, where the pace was
rapid. And to this menu he brought an appe-
tite rendered keener by an extraordinary union
of intellectual with physical ardour.

In the midst of all this, and although Court
festivities soon became a twice-told tale, he
found time to write to the sister left behind in
the quiet of a country town, minute descriptions
of what he knew would interest her.
Vol. I.-3 33

EUGENE SCHUYLER

"St. Petersburg, January -rV, 1870.
" My Dear Eva : . . . Last week we had a
great ceremony here at the Palace. The Grand
Duke Alexis arrived at majority and took the
oath of allegiance. The Diplomatic people were
all invited and all the ladies and gentlemen of
the Court. The ladies were all in Russian cos-
tume and the men in uniform. Mr. Curtin hap-
pened to be ill and General Franklin was of
course in uniform, so that I was the only one
in the immense assemblage in black dress. Of
course I felt very awkward. What a ridiculous,
foolish law that is, to make us go in the costume
of a waiter. Well, to go back — we arrived at
one o'clock and were conducted through any
quantity of salons hung with pictures and lined
with detachments of all the various regiments of
the guard, in beautiful uniforms, into the chapel.
There we were placed on one side and the ladies
on the other. Next to us were the Ministers
and the Council of the Empire. Finally there
came in a procession of officials who brought in
the orb, the sceptre, containing the celebrated
OrlorT diamond, and the crown. After that the
Metropolitan and other archbishops went towards
the door of the chapel to meet the Imperial fam-
ily. First came the Emperor and Empress, who
kissed the cross and were blessed, then the Tse-
sarevitch and Dagmar. looking very pretty in her
Russian dress, and then all the other members of

A MEMOIR

the Imperial family, and then the rest of the Court.
When they had taken their places there was a
short religious service with very fine music, then
Alexis read aloud the oath in a loud, strong, fine
voice, signed it and handed it to Gortchakoff.
After that there was a Te Deum sung. The choir
was magnificent, but right in the middle we were
led out through rooms filled with soldiers to the
Throne-room, where we were put on a platform
to the right of the throne. There were selected
specimens from all the regiments, with drums and
banners, and one banner, that of the Moscow
regiment, standing directly over a little reading-
desk. The Imperial family again entered and
took places on the throne platform. The Em-
peror led up Alexis to the desk and he took the
military oath. Then he kissed his father, holding
his cheek up to his for a long time. Then after
a military salute, the Imperial family passed out,
and we finally did the same and went home. The
Empress stood during the ceremony on the throne
steps, so that I saw her very well. She was
dressed magnificently in white with lots of lace,
and a train of dark red-purple velvet covered with
gold embroidery. Her coronet and necklace
were the finest diamonds I ever saw. The Em-
peror was in uniform. The effect of the gorgeous
uniforms and the ladies' dresses was very beau-
tiful. . . ."

EUGENE SCHUYLER

" Saturday, January £§.

" We have had still more ceremonies. On Tues-
day there was the blessing of the River Neva and
a grand parade. We were invited to the palace,
where we had a nice time. The ladies were in
morning costume, and it was quite free and easy.
We had good places and saw the religious cere-
mony on the ice very well, but the walls and
windows were so thick that it was all dumb show,
for we could not hear a sound. After that we
sat down to a lunch, and, I must say, the Em-
peror either has a bad cook, or he did not exert
himself much for us. Then we were taken to
the other side of the palace, from which we saw
the review of 47,000 troops. The Cavalry,
Lancers, and Cossacks were splendid, and the
whole was by far the best parade I ever saw.
The Governor says the same, though he saw the
great reviews at Paris of 1867. It, however, lost
a little from the bands being inaudible.

" To-day we were all presented to the Grand
Duchess Marie Alexandrovna,1 the only daughter
of the Emperor. She is only sixteen and this is
her first appearance in the world. She is to come
out at a Grand Ball on Tuesday. Marie is rather
pretty, though her nose and mouth are not good.
She was a little embarrassed, though on the whole
she did very well, and everybody was charmed
with her. The ladies were taken to her one by
one, and then the men of the Corps Diplomatique,

1 The Duchess of Edinburgh.
36

A MEMOIR

about sixty, were put in circle and she went the
rounds, having quite a conversation with each
one in French, English, or German, as the case
might be. She was apparently crammed up be-
forehand, for she seemed to know something
about each man's private history. It was a very
trying ordeal for a young girl. She looks fully
nineteen. She was dressed in rose-pink silk,
much flounced, with white trimming, low-necked,
with a pearl necklace, one pearl bracelet and one
diamond one, and a rose in her hair. I go into
particulars at the risk of being thought absurd,
because I think they will interest you, and I know
they will Aunt R. Tell me whether I sent you
her photograph and if not I will do so.

" For more serious occupation I went on
Wednesday to an ' Economic Society ' dinner,
where I made the acquaintance of many economists
and scientists, and heard a long discussion in Rus-
sian on the Suez Canal. I paid a flying visit to
Pakoff on Thursday, but as I was only there a few
hours, I have nothing to tell about it. I went down
with General Franklin, who has at last gone,
much to my regret. He is one of the few men
with whom I have been in intimate relations for a
month, and with whom, with all my criticalness,
I can discover no possible fault.

" I think the length of this letter will excuse the
length of time that has elapsed since my last.
Write to me all that is going on. With much
love to all, Yours, as ever, Eugene."

EUGENE SCHUYLER

In all his letters the dominant note is friendli-
ness. It is astonishing how well he liked people;
and in the intimate letters of twenty-five years one
could count on one's fingers the persons whom he
mentioned with dislike. Even his dislikes were not
bitter, and he could appreciate the good qualities
of an enemy; though in a moment of irritation he
might seem unable to tolerate the foibles of a friend.

In October, 1870, he visited Finland, a coun-
try which had interested him ever since his edi-
torial work on the translation of the " Kalevala."
He was enchanted with the scenery, with his
night's stay at a farm called Liuxiala, which was
" towards the end of the sixteenth century the
abode of Queen Catherine of Sweden, after her
husband, Erik XIV., was dethroned." From
Helsingfors he wrote:

" The people here have really been too good to
me. They have looked on me as in some way
representing the Kalevala in America and have
shown me no end of attention. I have met
nearly all the professors at the University, and
they have taken great pains to explain to me all
I wanted to know — and one even volunteered to
give me some Finnish lessons. Several of them
have presented me copies of their books in Fin-
nish and Swedish, and I have quite a collection
illustrating the Finnish literature."

A MEMOIR

He was much feted, and as he wrote, " made
many pleasant acquaintances." With some of
them he corresponded at intervals for years.

In the spring of 1871 he obtained a leave of ab-
sence and returned to America, where he spent the
summer. A trip to the Rocky Mountains fulfilled
the double object of increasing his knowledge of his
own country and renewing his acquaintance with
the younger brother whom he had left as a cadet at
West Point,1 and whom he characterises in a letter
written during this journey as " the nicest fellow
I ever met."

He returned to Russia in the autumn, but the
pleasures of St. Petersburg had begun to pall,
and in March, 1872, he wrote to a friend:

" I don't think St. Petersburg is a place to grow
in, though I have grown a great deal in spite of
it. There are many cultivated people scattered
about. The Court circle numbers some. . . .
But you can't find any set with that general love
of art and literature that you find in New York,
with the same cultivation and good manners. I
am continually thinking better of America. I
sometimes sigh for New York. Indeed I often
sigh to be away from here, and it is a resolve of
mine to get away as soon as I can."

1 Major Walter Schuyler, United States Army, at present Colonel of the
Forty-sixth Infantry, serving in the Philippines.

EUGENE SCHUYLER

But he was destined to remain in St. Peters-
burg for some time longer. About this time he
began to interest himself more systematically in
art than he had heretofore done. In September,
1872, he wrote:

" There is one fault which nearly all connoisseurs
have, and the better they are, the more they fall
into it. With a good memory and a trained eye
one can arrive at fixing almost unerringly by
what artist a picture is painted, in which of his
manners, and what parts have been retouched
or repainted. That is a very good thing. But I
notice that most people who can do that, get to
looking at pictures very much as a botanist does
at plants. If it is a fine specimen they are de-
lighted. They don't seem to discriminate enough
between pictures, setting down one artist as good
and another as bad. Then, too, they are naturally
led by the consensus of the critical and artistic
world, and admire Raphael or Correggio or
Poussin, or whom you will, simply because they
have great reputations and must be good painters.
That is all a truism to you, but I am particularly
struck with it every time I meet a good ' judge
of art.' Whatever I do I don't want to do that,
but hope to be able to like pictures with a reason,
and also to say why others are bad, and not to be
afraid to say so, because Ruskin or Reynolds or
Eastlake are opposed to me."

A MEMOIR

From a month's trip to Vienna and Dresden,
with incidental halts at other places, he acquired
an amazing amount of artistic experience. At
last even he felt that his brain was becoming-
over-stimulated ; especially when an opera of Wag-
ner was added to the sightseeing of the day. Of
" Lohengrin " he wrote :

" It was wonderful, but it excites me too much.
I should like to hear it again to-night to form a
cooler judgment. I have never been so worked
up by an opera before, and listened to it breath-
lessly from beginning to end. It is the music
chiefly. The play is not so well written nor so
poetical an idea as the ' Fliegende Hollander.'

" All this excites me too much. My imagination
runs perfect riot. I go to bed tired at eleven or
so, and the moment my head touches the pillow
I have the most curious complicated dreams,
combining the times of mythology, the middle
ages and the present day, which last till morning,
so that I wake up tired."

On his return to St. Petersburg he wrote:

" So ends my ' Art Journey,' as I call it. I feel
as if it were at least six months since I left here.
Then, too, I feel that I have learned so much. I
really look on it as one of those growing and
starting points in a man's life, and I shall be
much astonished if I don't develop still more. . . .

EUGENE SCHUYLER

Now I am going to try to settle down to hard
work. I have a lot of things on hand to do, and
I am going to set about doing them as fast as
possible."

Ill

Mr. Curtin resigned in the summer of 1872,
and his successor, Mr. Orr, did not reach St.
Petersburg until the following winter. Soon after
his arrival Mr. Schuyler obtained a leave of ab-
sence and availed himself of an opportunity to
visit Central Asia — a region rendered especially
interesting by the recent Russian conquests.

" I shall probably astonish you a good deal by
telling you that I am going to Central Asia,
where I shall be gone for some months. It is
one of those chances that ought not to be thrown
away. I go with the permission of Governor
Orr. I cannot say exactly when I shall come
back, if I ever do, for as there is a war in that
region things are rather unsettled. Still, I ex-
pect to keep far away from any fighting, and do
not apprehend any difficulties at all. So do not
be alarmed.

" My route is something like this : Moscow,
Saratof on the Volga, Orenburg (where I was in
1868), Sea of Aral, Tashkent, Samarcand, per-
haps Kokan, and back by way of Siberia.,,

A MEMOIR

This was the most extensive journey which he
had yet undertaken, and was not by any means
devoid of danger. Inheriting from his mother a
physical timidity which made him uncomfortable
when walking beside a precipice, or on a lonely
road at night, a touch of excitement and interest,
and especially a sense of responsibility brought
the other side of his nature uppermost, and he
could ride cheerfully through a crowd of un-
friendly Asiatics, knowing that the first act of
hostility might be the signal for his murder; or
he could sit and read a novel (and remember what
he read) while awaiting the order for the pas-
sengers to leave a burning ship in mid-ocean.
With a strong love of luxury and without great
physical endurance, he submitted philosophically
to any amount of fatigue and discomfort in pursuit
of new knowledge and experience.

He left St. Petersburg toward the end of March,
1873, and from Saratof travelled by open taran-
tass, arriving at Orenburg with a " lobster face,"
from which the skin was peeling off. From
there he went on, with camels or horses, as the
case might be, writing from Kazala : " This
country reminds me a good deal of the plains of
Colorado, but I suppose it is still more like
Arizona."

EUGENE SCHUYLER

MacGahan was his travelling companion, but
at Fort Peroffsky they separated, MacGahan
going across the desert to Khiva. Nothing
failed to interest him, and during the long drives
across the country he noted, with the trained eye
of a botanist and the enthusiasm of a lover of
nature, the varying vegetation, both wild and
cultivated — thickets of saxaul; tulips and pop-
pies, and " a blue flower something like a hya-
cinth; " the fields of barley and millet; and the
little irrigating canals, " without which one can
do nothing." He reached Tashkent on May 3d,
driving " through a perfect wilderness of gardens.'*

" As I sat on the doorstep that evening, I could
not help thinking that I had fallen on some vil-
lage in Central New York. The houses, to be
sure, are differently built, but then in the moon-
light one does not notice that. But the aspect
of the straight streets with the gardens and trees,
the noise of the water, etc., all were like Ithaca
or Geneva. New or Russian Tashkent is quite
distinct from the old city, and has all been built
in seven years. There are about 10,000 Russians
here, including the army; and shops, a church,
and a beautiful garden attached to the house of
the Governor-General, where there is music
three times a week. The Sart, or native town,
is very different. The streets are narrow and

A MEMOIR

crooked, with no windows on them, the houses
all being put back behind the gardens and en-
closed with high walls, so as to hide the women.
You see them occasionally in the street in blue
dresses and a black horse-hair veil, which effectu-
ally hides their faces. The men are all in long,
gay-coloured dressing-gowns of cotton or silk.
Some wear white or blue turbans, but the most
of them only little embroidered caps on their
shaven skulls. I have only once been to the
bazaar, so I will not say anything about it till I
have seen it more thoroughly. In the Sart city
there must be over 300,000 people.

" I have made a number of acquaintances both
among the Russians and the natives. Last even-
ing, in company with some others, I walked
through the town, through the pretty garden of
a mosque, and finally called on Sharif-Khodja
Kazi, a judge (cadi, they call them in Turkey),
and one of the chief mollahs, or learned men,
the director of a college, or medresse. There
were a lot of people there, relatives and students.
We sat on our legs on carpets spread on a por-
tico, drank green tea, smoked a Bukharan pipe,
and ate various sweet things and pistachio nuts.
This spread they call a destur-khan. Curiously
enough everyone seems to have heard of Amer-
ica, and one man had even seen a picture of
Lincoln — whom he thought a very handsome
man.

" Monday. — Last night I went to the Governor-

EUGENE SCHUYLER

General's garden to hear the music, and met
there a lot of people, some Russians and some
Asiatics. At last we went home to tea with Mr.
Petroffsky, who is very kind to me in showing
me about, and I stayed there till two o'clock.
Among the people were Djura Beg, the former
Bek of Kitab, another Bukharan, an influential
Khirgiz, a Tartar doctor who has been doctor of
nearly all the sovereigns here, has seen several of
them murdered, and has been nearly killed him-
self several times. The story he told me was in
the highest degree interesting. . . .

" Three of us made a little excursion to Urgut,
a town in the mountains, twenty-five miles to
the south. Everywhere on the road the village
authorities met us with complimentary addresses,
and trays of sweets, which are here called destur-
khans. At Urgut we had pavilions ready for us
in a beautiful grove, and had a royal time. When
I left Samarcand, horses were ready for me every-
where on the road, and I returned by way of Ura
Tube and Khodjent. Everywhere the same des-
tur-khans, everywhere rooms were prepared for
me, and I travelled as the Emir himself."

Nevertheless he found the road barred before

him in various directions, and in Kokan was

" reviled by the inhabitants," although as a rule

the opposition to his journey was masked under

many civilities.

A MEMOIR

" At every place I have been most magnificently
received, in fact I don't know what they could
do more for me. At every city the principal men
of the place in gorgeous attire rode out several
miles to meet us, and everywhere I was presented
with khalats — a robe like a dressing-gown — of
cloth of gold, horses with magnificent caparisons,,
etc., had too much even to eat, and almost every
night dances and festivities, such as they were.
It is the exact contrary of my experience in
Kokan. But a few minutes ago the Bek, a son
of the Emir, and the heir to the throne, sent me
five khalats of various kinds, and a white horse —
this time I believe a good one — with housings
of blue and silver and a bridle set with tur-
quoises and agates. I am now the possessor of
four horses, but most of them bad. Of course
I have to give presents in return, and with the
exception of a few things I shall keep, I shall
sell the most to pay the expenses."

" Bukhara, August 12th.
" I have now done with my trip here and shall
go back to Samarcand to-morrow. At present
I am a slave-owner, having bought to-day a
young Persian of ten years old for 700 tengas,
or about $100. I saw a charming boy on the
bazaar in the slave market and felt very sorry
for him, as he had only been lately captured,
and after wavering in mind whether I could
afford it, finally bought him, and paid part of

EUGENE SCHUYLER

the price, but before I could secure him, he was
spirited off by order of the Government and I
lost him. So to take to Samarcand a visible
proof that they sell slaves here (for they deny it
to the Russians), I bought this little fellow at
private sale. I shall take him to St. Petersburg
and hand him over to the Persian Minister to be
sent home.

" On the road from Karshi here I spent a night
in the camp of the Emir, who was going to
Karshi, and was presented to him. He received
me very well; told me I could travel where I
pleased, and gave me a horse and four khalats.
Here, at Bukhara, I have been lodged in a very
nice house, and have had a chance to see every-
thing. I think the Government has been a good
deal disturbed by my inquiries and investigations.
They have tried to make my stay as agreeable as
possible, but on the subject of the slave deceived
me fearfully and lied to me constantly. The
same thing took place about going to Tchardjui,
where I wanted to go. The Emir told me I could
go, but the people here made all sorts of diffi-
culties and finally told me I could not go. I
think, however, that I have thoroughly done the
city, and I have rather enjoyed the intrigues."

A few days later, as he was riding through a
large bazaar, there were some hostile demonstra-
tions. One man picked up a large stone, but
fortunately betrayed himself by muttering: "Just

A MEMOIR

let me hit him and he will drop dead at once, and
there will be one Kaffir the less." He was driven
off, picked up another stone, and was finally
soundly beaten by Mr. Schuyler's servants.

In the meantime Mr. Orr had died in St.
Petersburg, and by the time the news reached
Mr. Schuyler in Asia, Mr. Jewell had been ap-
pointed Minister and was on his way to Russia.
Mr. Schuyler hastened his return and reached St.
Petersburg about the middle of November.

" I have been here now a week, but am not yet
settled down. . . . Mr. Jewell I like very
much, and he is certainly remarkably kind and
considerate. The State Department, so far as I
know, is still satisfied with me, and talks of pro-
motion, though as yet in indefinite terms. . . .

" I expect to write a book and hope to have it
ready by spring. In that case I shall probably
resign in case I do not receive some other place.
The Herald has offered me a place in New York
as editorial writer, but I think I can do bet-
ter. . . ,

" People here seem to think I have done a
great thing in going to Central Asia, and more
especially in coming back again. I don't know
exactly how I have changed, but somehow I
seem no longer to be the same — even to myself.
Without being more serious — I feel myself so.

Vol. I.— 4 49

EUGENE SCHUYLER

Probably I am not yet oriente to St. Petersburg
life, but all here but two or three bore me dread-
fully, and I don't know what to do with myself.
With people who are interested in Central Asia
I can talk with much more pleasure. You see it
is my present hobby that I am riding to death."

Mr. Jewell resigned in the summer of 1874,
after only a year and a half of St. Petersburg.
His relations with Mr. Schuyler always remained
cordial and even affectionate. He, too, was a man
who spoke no language but English, and was
unversed in Russian affairs, and thus had to rely
greatly on his Secretary of Legation. His letters
show him to have been shrewd, generous, humour-
ous, and modest, and a very loyal friend. He saw
clearly the disadvantage of sending representa-
tives who were ignorant of the affairs of the
countries to which they were accredited, and of
any language but their own; and he expressed
very earnestly his desire to have the place suit-
ably filled after his resignation.

At this time Mr. Schuyler wished to resign his
position in order to publish his book on Central
Asia; and in spite of his strong preference for a
diplomatic career and his unwillingness to give
it up unless it should prove necessary to do so,
he was making plans to adopt another profession,

A MEMOIR

in view of the uncertainties of the American Dip-
lomatic Service.

Meanwhile, although anxious to publish his
book while the subject was still fresh in the
public mind, he felt obliged to remain at his post
until the arrival of a new Minister, since the Secre-
tary of State had requested him to do so, and had
in fact refused to accept his resignation.

He had returned from the journey to Central
Asia in 1873, filled with information on many
subjects; and above all enlightened as to the
methods of Russian officials in those parts. Since
the better class of men disliked being sent to
those outlying regions, it unfortunately happened
that there where promotion was exceptionally
rapid, inferior men rose to power. Thus, even in
cases where the policy of the Government was
unobjectionable, untrustworthy agents were left
to carry it out. From this arose great abuses.
What with burdensome taxation, broken promises,
attempts to enforce a system of government for-
eign to the ideas of the inhabitants and incompre-
hensible to them, and the substitution of " admin-
istrative methods " for law, whenever law seemed
burdensome to the foreign rulers, the unfortunate
natives were greatly fretted and bewildered.
When in addition to this, the Russian officers

EUGENE SCHUYLER

were all anxious to obtain decorations as a reward
of valour, a premium was placed on war. As, for
instance, in the celebrated case of General Kauf-
mann, who wanted the Cross of St. George and
could not obtain it except for victory in battle.
It will be remembered that the Turkomans had
yielded and had been pardoned, and were keeping
faith with the Russians. Under the circumstances
General Kaufmann decided that it was necessary
to subdue " their pride and their license." Ac-
cordingly he levied an extortionate tax, and then
went out on the warpath without giving them
time to raise the money to pay it. The battle
which brought him his Cross of St. George was
really a massacre; but the distance from St. Peters-
burg was great.

It was such information as this that Mr.
Schuyler brought back from Asia. At Mr.
Jewell's request, he prepared a report for the
State Department, which they both supposed
would be considered a confidential document.
The Department, however, did not agree with
their view, and it was published in the Red Book
of December, 1874, and made much talk. Many
people were only too glad to receive information
of Russian atrocities from any source, and all
the more from a trustworthy authority; and the

A MEMOIR

newspapers in general took it for granted that
the man who had made such revelations could
not possibly remain in Russia. However, no
complaint was ever made by the Russian Govern-
ment, and shortly afterward the Emperor, always
open-minded, rejected General Kaufmann's plan
for the reorganization of Central Asia. In his
diary Mr. Schuyler says:

" January 10, 1875. — Four copies of Red Book
arrive with my report on Central Asia, which
rather startles me. . . . General Vlangali1 calls
on me — a charming man — lend him a copy of Red
Book.

"January nth. — Baron Osten-Sacken2 calls — he
takes Red Book to give me his opinion. . . .

" January 13th. — Take the Red Book to Strem-
oukhoff,3 who receives my report on Central Asia
much better than I expected. He says no harm
done. Go to Petrofsky.

" P. comes to me, says Osten-Sacken is in ecsta-
sies over my report. Vlangali very much pleased
and wants to read it to Grand Dukes Alexis and
Vladimir. Stremoukhoff pleased and will use it for
his own purposes. . . ."

Five years later he wrote to a friend who had
asked him some questions on the subject.

1 Russian minister to China and later of the department of Asiatic affairs.

2 At that time one of the Masters of Ceremonies of the Court.

3 Of the department of Asiatic affairs

EUGENE SCHUYLER

" I suppose it is impossible to eradicate a pop-
ular error, but the Russian Government never
found fault with me in any way or shape, and
never hinted at my recall either in St. Peters-
burg or Washington. On the contrary when
General Kaufmann stated his grief1 at my criti-
cisms of his doings in Central Asia, he replied
that I was in my right and refused to take notice
of his complaints. It arose from a report which
I wrote on Central Asia being published by the
State Department — to my great astonishment. I
remained after that as Charge d' Affaires for more
than a year. The report was written in March,
1874, was published in December, 1874, and I
left Russia for Constantinople in February, 1876.

" My book on Turkistan was not published until
October, 1876, after I had left Russia. Naturally
after the publication of my report and the subse-
quent newspaper war, I was obliged to print the
main facts more in extenso in my book, lest I
should seem to retract. I did so on the advice
of several highly placed Russians, two being
Under Secretaries of the Foreign Office, two
members of the Council of State, and one, Mr.
(now Count) Valnief, then Minister and now
President of the Council of Ministers."

Mr. Boker accepted the Russian mission early
in the winter of 1874-75, but did not arrive at
his post until the following summer. In the

1 He sometimes uses " grief " in the French sense.

A MEMOIR

meantime Mr. Schuyler's friends in Washington
had endeavoured to keep him in the service by
obtaining his transfer to another post. Mr.
Jewell, who was then in the Cabinet, wrote to
him:

" I have been trying to get Constantinople for
you. . . . The Secretary of State has taken it
up quite vigorously, and the other day asked the
President to give it to you, giving two very good
reasons — that he thought the Eastern Question
was assuming such a peculiar shape now that we
should have a Minister there now who under-
stands the language and Eastern politics, and
saying that you filled the bill better than any
man on the list of his acquaintances. The Presi-
dent replied that the pressure on him for that
place had been very great, people claiming that
those who stayed at home and fought in the war
were more entitled to these high offices than
those who had already filled nice positions abroad
for many years. Mr. Fish reminded him that
your position had not been a very nice one,
though you had filled it well; to which the Presi-
dent replied that from all accounts he had no
doubt of your ability and fitness for any Mission,
as he had heard you very favourably spoken of.
In the course of the conversation it was remarked
by somebody, I cannot tell who, that New York
had three Ministers already, and that it did not
help us politically to give it to you, but rather

EUGENE SCHUYLER

the reverse; and that we ought to give it to some
able and competent Republican from a State like
Iowa perhaps, which had no representation
abroad."

A later letter says:

" Boker has written that he desires you to stay
and coach him at least until he is started."

In January, 1876, Mr. Schuyler was appointed
Consul-General and Secretary of Legation at
Constantinople. It was a relief to him to turn
his back on St. Petersburg, where, in spite of
many friends, he had become weary of a mode
of life which interfered with serious work, and
which required an inexhaustible purse. However^
he was detained until the arrival of his successor.
He then took leave of absence and went to Lon-
don, where he saw his book through the press,
reaching Constantinople about the beginning of
July. On his way he stopped at Belgrade, just
at the time when Serbia had decided to make com-
mon cause with her neighbours, Herzegovina,
Bosnia, and Montenegro, and declare war upon
Turkey.

A MEMOIR

To Miss King.

"Belgrade, June 28, 1876.

" . . . The change from the comfort and the
orderly life of Paris to the turmoil of a little prin-
cipality which is on the eve of declaring war
upon a still powerful empire is a great one. I feel
as if I were in a far different world, where both
passions and interests are new to me. And yet I
have entered into them with a heartiness which I
did not suspect that I possessed, and the three days
which I have spent here have been full of incident.

" I had thought that the efforts of the great pow-
ers had been effectual in keeping Serbia quiet, and
I was therefore the more astonished to find that
everybody here considered war inevitable and was
daily expecting the issue of a patriotic proclama-
tion and the departure of Prince Milan for the
Turkish frontier. Desirous of getting all the in-
formation I could for future use in Constantinople,
I at once sank the tourist in the politician, and
spent nearly my whole time in visiting the Diplo-
matic Corps, some of whom I already knew, in
having interviews with the Ministers and with the
Prince, and in studying the situation.

" Last Sunday — the night of my arrival — I went
to the theatre, which was open for the last time
before the war — as all the actors are to join the
ambulances. The piece was ' The Janissary,' full
of blood and murder, of Turkish insolence and
oppression, and of Serbian valour and patience.

EUGENE SCHUYLER

I think only two of the characters were alive at
the end. The object was, of course, to excite
the popular feeling against Turkey, and if the
shouts at the end be an index, the piece was well
chosen. Had the circumstances not been so tragic,
the play would have seemed to me laughable, but
I could hardly keep down my emotion when I
thought of the ruin that might come upon the
country, the bombardment of this pretty town,
and the terrible cruelties that would be perpe-
trated in consequence of this popular enthusiasm.

" Prince Milan — considering that he left school
at Paris when only sixteen, in consequence of his
uncle's assassination, and has had a difficult and
busy life of it ever since — impressed me as a very
remarkable young man. He is now only twenty-
two, handsome and well-built, and singularly in-
telligent and well-informed. He gave me much
information about Serbia, and in the course of his
talk showed me that he was well acquainted with
America, and followed the march of events there
better, I fear, than do many Americans in Paris.

" To-day all the flags are flying, and Belgrade is
as gay as if for some great victory, but it is only
to welcome the proclamation of war, and to ex-
press its delight at the march of the Prince. He
sets out early in the morning, and in a week we
shall hear of a fight. The suffering will no doubt
be great, unless, indeed, the Turks kill all the
wounded, as they had a habit of doing in Herze-
govina. I hope the ladies of the West will con-

A MEMOIR

tribute something in the way of hospital stores.
Such things will be useful to both sides. . . ."

He arrived in Constantinople at the moment
when the attention of the civilised world was
being drawn to the condition of Bulgaria, where
the Turks had made an insignificant insurrection
the pretext for a savage onslaught on the Chris-
tian population. The effort made by the Great
Powers in 1856 to ameliorate the condition of the
Christian subjects of Turkey, had had no result.
The reforms and privileges granted by the Sultan
Abdul Medjid had never been carried out. This
delay and the consequent unjust treatment of the
Christians by government officials, together with
the almost daily acts of murder and violence com-
mitted by the Mussulman population, had caused a
series of feeble and abortive insurrections. Mean-
time, however, a system of national education was
making progress, owing in great part to the ex-
ertions of the Americans; and in 1871 the inde-
pendence of the Bulgarian Church was re-estab-
lished. With the gradual spread of education, a
greater national feeling grew up, and the tyranny
of the Mussulman rulers became still harder to
bear. Still, no real agitation was carried on in
the country until 1875, when the prevailing dis-

EUGENE SCHUYLER

content assumed a more organized form, and
an insurrection was planned, with the object of
making a sufficiently formal demonstration to
compel the Porte to pay some attention to the
demands of the people. Apparently there was
no idea of making any real opposition to the
Turks. The people were without arms and un-
accustomed to their use. After the day for the
intended rising had been fixed, the chiefs resolved
to defer it; but, owing to the miscarriage of a
letter, one district remained ignorant of the post-
ponement. Accordingly, about a hundred men of
this region, armed with old muskets, sticks, and
clubs, left their villages and went towards the
Balkans. They were overtaken, some of them
were killed and the rest imprisoned. Many more
arrests were made and a number of persons
remained for many months in prison without
trial.

After this, it was resolved to see what could be
done by petitioning the Sublime Porte. Many
petitions were received at Constantinople, but no
attention was paid to them. On May i, 1876,
another premature and partial insurrection took
place. It was a very insignificant affair, but it
caused a panic among the Turks, who spread the

report that the Russians were coming. Aziz

A MEMOIR

Pasha, the mutessarif of Philippopolis, who had
been a good governor, and was hated by the
Turks, for being, as they thought, too favour-
able to the Christians, found himself powerless
to prevent the arming of the Mussulman popu-
lation and the formation of companies of bashi-
bazouks, a term which signifies simply irregular
troops, either infantry or cavalry. Aziz Pasha
was superseded in a few days by Abdul Hamid
Pasha, a man who did nothing to restrain the
barbarities which followed. Meantime the regu-
lar troops, for which Aziz Pasha had telegraphed,
were arriving on the scene, so that there was
no excuse for arming the population. Scenes
of horror followed. Near and accessible as the
region was, it was weeks before the outside world
began to learn what was taking place, and then
the reports came chiefly through American mis-
sionaries and the professors and students of Rob-
ert College. These reports were discredited, and
feeling ran high against those who disseminated
them. It was then rumoured that the Porte in-
tended to close the American schools and send
the missionaries out of the country. The British
Ambassador, Sir Henry Elliot, as is well known,
refused to give any credence to the stories and
did what he could to belittle them. Dr. Wash-

EUGENE SCHUYLER

burn, the President of Robert College, and Dr.
Long, then a professor in the college, but for-
merly a missionary and stationed during seven
years in Bulgaria, placed in his hands much docu-
mentary and other evidence of the treatment to
which the Bulgarians had been subjected, asking
that he would use his influence in their behalf.
However, the Ambassador did not appear to think
the evidence of sufficient importance or authen-
ticity to communicate to his Government, and re-
turned the documents. The correspondent of the
London Daily News adopted a statement pre-
pared by Dr. Long, and it appeared in that paper,
on June 23, 1876. This statement startled and
aroused the people of England, but the Govern-
ment was unwilling to take any notice of it.
Meantime a Turkish Commissioner sent by the
Porte into Bulgaria denied every accusation of
cruelty on the part of the Turks, and represented
them as the victims of Christian ferocity; and the
British Government apparently preferred to be-
lieve the Turkish side of the story. However,
Lord Derby requested Sir Henry Elliot to send
one of his officials into Bulgaria to inquire and
report. He sent Mr. Walter Baring, one of the
secretaries of the Embassy, who started on July
19th; and at the same time the Ambassador re-

A MEMOIR

ported to Lord Derby that the statements as to
the atrocities had been taken chiefly from infor-
mation furnished by the American missionaries.
At this crisis the United States Minister was glad
to avail himself of Mr. Schuyler's willingness
to be sent to Bulgaria to investigate the out-
rages.

To Miss King.
"Constantinople, July 21, 1876.
" . . . I am to start to-morrow on an errand
which is difficult, if not dangerous. No doubt
you have heard something already of the fright-
ful atrocities perpetrated in Bulgaria by the
bashi-bazouks and Circassians. The English af-
fect to disbelieve the reports and call them exag-
gerated. The British Ambassador even defends
the acts of the irregular troops as just reprisals.
I have therefore been strongly urged to go to
Bulgaria and make an official report to our Gov-
ernment on the actual state of things. My mis-
sion is nominally to see about the establishment
of vice-consulates. I am armed with vizerial let-
ters, so that the governors will try to give me
protection, but I fear that they will put all sorts
of difficulties in my way, to keep me from seeing
the calamities and distress of the poor peasants.
I mean, however, to give my guard the slip and
penetrate into the country. I have with me a
secretary and an interpreter who speaks Bulgarian

EUGENE SCHUYLER

as well as Turkish, an educated young man from
Robert College, an American institution here. I
hope to come back alive, though I must admit
that I run some risk — and what is more, I hope to
bring back irrefragably proved facts which will
show to the civilised world what sort of a Gov-
ernment is this of England's protege in the East.
" I went yesterday to the Commencement of
Robert College up at Roumele Hissar, one of the
most picturesque places on the Bosphorus. I am
glad to say that here is one form of missionary
enterprise with which I can thoroughly sympa-
thise. It was founded, however, not entirely by
missionaries, but by a merchant of New York,
and the men who teach there forswear any con-
nection with religious propaganda and devote
themselves exclusively to education. . . ."

He started July 23d, and was joined later by
Prince Tseretelef, of the Russian Embassy. Mr.
MacGahan, correspondent of the London Daily
News and the New York Herald, and Mr.
Schneider, of the Kblnische Zeitung, went at the
same time. Mr. Schuyler says in his report:

" In going from village to village, I always had
an escort of two zaptiehs, that being the smallest
number which the authorities would allow me to
take. They usually offered me six or ten, and
would not permit me to travel without zaptiehs,
on the ground that thev were responsible for my

A MEMOIR

safety, as well as that politeness compelled them
to escort me. The zaptiehs were useful for show-
ing the road, but they were of slight value for
purposes of protection, as they would probably
have run away at the first approach of danger.

" While paying all proper respect to the authori-
ties, and being careful to fulfil the necessary for-
malities of visits, I avoided staying in Turkish
houses, as I would thus have been prevented from
having free access to the Bulgarians. I also re-
fused to allow a guard to be placed at the houses
where I stayed.

" I had as an interpreter an educated young
Bulgarian, Mr. Peter Dimitroff, who, besides his
own language, understood English and Turkish
perfectly. I knew sufficient Bulgarian to be able
to follow the conversations and to be able to con-
trol what he translated to me. Besides this, I
had for the most of my journey one and some-
times two other persons who thoroughly under-
stood Turkish and Greek — one an Armenian, the
other a Greek. . . . As I set out with no in-
tentions either of proving or disproving any asser-
tion or statement, I shall relate merely what I be-
lieve to have occurred."

As a result of the strictest questioning, cross-
examination, and comparison of statements, he
found that " the insurgent villages made little or
no resistance. In many instances they surrendered
their arms upon the first demand."
Vol. I.-5 65

EUGENE SCHUYLER

But both bashi-bazouks and regular troops
vented their hatred freely upon the whole Chris-
tian population. It mattered not that the villagers
surrendered at once. It mattered not even that a
village (as happened in many cases) had taken no
part in the insurrection, or that (as in the case of
Perushtitsa) it had asked the authorities for pro-
tection against the attacks of a presumably un-
authorized Mussulman mob. All were subjected
to the same treatment. Messengers sent out to
parley with the Turks were almost invariably
massacred, as were also the hostages retained by
them. One town, Panagurishta,

" Was attacked by a force of regular troops, to-
gether with bashi-bazouks, on the nth of May.
Apparently no message to surrender was sent. Af-
ter a slight opposition on the part of the insur-
gents, the town was taken. Many of the inhabi-
tants fled, but about 3,000 were massacred, the
most of them being women and children.
The ruffians attacked children of eight, and old
women of eighty, sparing neither age nor sex.
Old men had their eyes torn out and their limbs
cut off, and were then left to die, unless some
more charitably disposed man gave them the final
thrust. Pregnant women were ripped open and
the unborn babes carried triumphantly on the

A MEMOIR

points of bayonets and sabres, while little chil-
dren were made to bear the dripping heads of
their comrades. This scene of rapine, lust, and
murder was continued for three days, when the
survivors were made to bury the bodies of the
dead. The perpetrators of these atrocities were
chiefly regular troops commanded by Hafiz Pasha.
The Turks claim and the villagers admit the death
of fourteen Mussulmans, two of whom were
women, who were killed with arms in their hands
during a conflict with a party that refused to sur-
render to the insurgents."

The case of Batak was even worse.

" This village surrendered without firing a shot,
after a promise of safety to the bashi-bazouks,
under the demand of Ahmed-Aga, of Burutina,
a chief of the rural police. Despite his promise,
the few arms once surrendered, Ahmed-Aga or-
dered the destruction of the village and an indis-
criminate slaughter of the inhabitants, about a
hundred young girls being reserved to satisfy the
lust of the conqueror before they too should be
killed. I saw their bones, some with the flesh
still clinging to them, in the hollow on the hill-
side, where the dogs were gnawing them. Not a
house is now standing in the midst of this lovely
valley. The saw-mills — for the town had a large
trade in timber and sawn boards — which lined the
rapid little river, are all burned, and of the 8,000

EUGENE SCHUYLER

inhabitants not 2,000 are known to survive. Fully
5,000 persons, a very large proportion of them
women and children, perished here, and their bones
whiten the ruins or their putrid bodies infect the
air. The site of Batak is enough to verify all that
has been said about the acts of the Turks in re-
pressing the Bulgarian insurrection. And yet I
saw it three months after the massacre. On every
side were human bones, skulls, ribs, and even
complete skeletons, heads of girls still adorned
with braids of long hair, bones of children, skele-
tons still incased in clothing. Here was a house,
the floor of which was white with the ashes and
charred bones of thirty persons burned alive there.
Here was the spot where the village notable,
Trandafil, was spitted on a pike and then roasted,
and where he is now buried; there was a foul hole
full of decomposing bodies; here a mill-dam filled
with swollen corpses; here the school-house, where
two hundred women and children, who had taken
refuge there, were burned alive; and here the
church and church-yard, where fully a thousand
half-decayed forms were still to be seen, filling
the enclosure in a heap several feet high, arms,
feet, and heads protruding from the stones which
had vainly been thrown there to hide them, and
poisoning all the air.

" Ahmed-Aga, who commanded at the massacre,
has been decorated and promoted to the rank of
yuz-bashi."

A MEMOIR

At Klissura, among other barbarities, " a newly
born child was hacked to pieces before the eyes
of its mother, who was put to death afterward."

Tussum Bey, who was in command of the band
which pillaged and destroyed Klissura and sev-
eral other villages, was, for this exploit, decorated
with the order of the Medjidie.

At Petritch the children were put to death
with fearful tortures. At Viega eight children
were killed who first had their hands and other
members cut off.

Chefket Pasha marched to his native village of
Boyadjik, and was personally responsible for its
destruction. This was believed to be an act of
personal vengeance. As a recompense for his
conduct, he was named Marshal of the Palace.

Seventy-five insurgents came out of a monastery
where they had taken refuge, and surrendered
themselves. They were unarmed and carried a
white flag.

" They were all massacred by order of the Pasha
commanding, in a most cruel way. Some were
cut to pieces, others had their limbs cut off or
long strips of flesh torn from their bodies, and
others were disembowelled. On arriving at the
monastery, the troops killed there the mother of
the Prior, an old woman of eighty. . . .

EUGENE SCHUYLER

" In the districts to which I paid particular at-
tention, i.e., those of Philippopolis, Sliven, and
Tirnova and the neighbouring part of the province
of Sophia, there were seventy-nine villages wholly
or partially burned, besides very many pillaged.
At least 9,000 houses were burned, and taking the
average of eight to a Bulgarian house, 72,000
persons were left without roof or shelter. Ac-
cording to the figures I have given above, 10,984
persons were killed. Many more were killed in
the roads, in the fields, and in the mountains, of
whom there is no record or count, and I think,
therefore, I am not wrong in estimating the total
number of killed at about 15,000. Many more
died subsequently from disease and exposure and
in prison. . . .

" I vainly tried to obtain from the Turkish of-
ficials a list of the outrages which they said were
committed by the Bulgarians at the beginning of
the insurrection, but I could hear nothing but
vague statements, which, on investigation, were
never proved. . . .

" The highest number fixed for the Mussulmans
killed, as stated to me in different places by Mus-
sulmans, before and during the insurrection, is
one hundred and seventy-four. ... I was un-
able to assure myself that more than two Mussul-
man women have been killed at Panagurishta, and
these were killed in fight. Neither Turkish women
nor Turkish children were killed in cold blood.
No Mussulman women were violated. No Mus-

A MEMOIR

sulmans were tortured. No purely Turkish vil-
lage, with the exception of Urutsi, was attacked
or burned. No Mussulman house was pillaged;
no mosque was desecrated."

To Miss King.
" Tatar-Bazardjik, August 3, 1876.
" . . . I don't know whether you'll find this
place on the map, but it is near the end of the
railway, a little west of Philippopolis, and the centre
of the district which suffered most. I returned
from one excursion yesterday, and start on an-
other to-day to three villages northward, after
which I shall return to Philippopolis for a day, and
shall then visit the region of Yamboli. In my
last trip I saw a scene of great horror, so fearful
that I shall not attempt description. I can say
but little. It was at the village of Batak, which I
reached after a four hours' hard ride over lovely
mountains. Here fully six thousand people were
massacred in cold blood by Ahmed-Aga, after they
had given up their arms and had made no resist-
ance. The whole town was burned, and the
streets and ruins were thickly strewn with skele-
tons, bones, and skulls, to which in many cases
the hair still adhered. In the church and church-
yard there were the unburied remains of fully a
thousand bodies. But I will not go on. I was
glad to escape from the fearful sight and equally
terrible stench.

EUGENE SCHUYLER

"This is the worst; I expect to find nothing-
again so horrible; but on every side it is nothing
but murder, pillage, and conflagration, attended
with the most horrible details. The prisons are
full of victims, and innocent men have been lying
there three months without even the mockery of a
trial. Many have been executed, especially priests,
for the storm raged most severely against priests
and school-teachers, it being thought that educa-
tion was at the bottom of this desire for liberty.

" Everywhere I am besieged by crowds of women
who wish me to intercede for their husbands, sons,
and brothers, in prison or condemned to death.
I can do but little, but if I can believe what I have
been told, my visit has had a good effect. Very
many men have been released — one hundred and
fifty in one day — and executions have stopped for
the present.

" There is, of course, no thought of punishing-
the perpetrators of the massacres; the severity of
the law is reserved for the innocent villagers ac-
cused of insurrection against Turkish injustice.

' The condition of these poor peasants is now
terrible. The Turks took all their cattle, and re-
fuse to restore them, and they are therefore un-
able to draw wood to rebuild their houses, or to
reap and sell their crops, which are abundant. In
addition to this they are afraid to go into the
fields lest they be murdered. There is urgent
need of relief, and I hope it will be possible to
raise a fund for them by public subscription.

A MEMOIR

" Were it not for the horrors this journey would
be a pleasant one, for the country is lovely. The
valley of the Maritza is rich and well cultivated,
and the Balkans form picturesque groups and
ranges. Philippopolis is finely situated on three
rocky hills rising out of the plain, and Adrianople
has some splendid architectural remains, and
boasts a mosque finer than that at Constantinople.
I should like to go farther up into the mountains
and see some of the monasteries, to visit the rose-
gardens which produce the famous attar, and see
the people where they are happy and prosperous.
As it is, I am rather over-worked, for I have to
rise at five and hear complaints, examine witnesses,
talk to the Turkish officials, or ride until late in
the evening. And all this in very hot weather.
I sometimes feel as if I were gradually melting
away. I hope that the results of my work will
repay for the trouble and difficulty. How I wish
that all these hideous scenes were past. . . .
Yours ever,

Eugene Schuyler."

To J. S. Fiske.
" Philippopolis, Saturday Evening.
" Things are prospering, but I find harder work
than I anticipated. . . .

" In the evening, Baring, who had just returned
from a tour, came to see me. I liked him — and
my first impressions have been confirmed by what
I have seen since. . . .

EUGENE SCHUYLER

" Thursday was a day of horror. Calls, work,
the Konak, the courts, and the sight of a priest
hung in the street. My every movement is beset
with wretched Bulgarian women and children
pleading for the life and liberty of their husbands
and fathers. Then I went through the prisons —
crowded, but clean — prisoners fed on bread and
water — many petitions. In all a horrid and un-
comfortable day. As to outrages — I am burning
with indignation and rage — can scarcely contain
myself. There may be exaggerations, but it is
sufficiently horrible. Lowest estimate of Chris-
tians killed 12,000, highest of Turks killed two
hundred and thirty, of whom thirty women, but
no death of Mussulman woman or child has been
proved to me. . . .

" Friday. — Went to Kutshura and Perushtitsa,
the latter all destroyed. Sat in the church-yard
still smelling of putrid blood and heard the fearful
tale — about 1,000 killed there. . . .

Yours ever,

E. S."

To J. S. Fiske.
" Slivno, August 14, 1876, Monday Evening.
"... Since leaving Philippopolis, I have done
little except save two men from a hanging, and
investigate. We arrived at Yamboli Friday even-
ing, having increased our train by Prince Tsere-
telef, of the Russian Embassy, his cavass and ser-
vant. Saturday we investigated very thoroughly

A MEMOIR

Boyardjik, which was wilfully and unnecessarily
burned by Chefket Pasha (since made Marshal of
the Palace), and where about two hundred people
were massacred. On returning we had to dine
with the Mutessarif of Slivno, Haider Bey, who
was there on a visit. He is, I think, the best
Turk I have seen, and tries to do well. Yesterday
morning we came here on horseback in four hours.
This is a charming place, unpillaged, but we have
been drowned with deputations and investigations.
To-morrow we cross the Balkans, and on Wednes-
day night shall be at Tirnova. After a day there
we go to Gabrovna to investigate the forty-one
destroyed villages in that region— then Kazzan-
lyk, Eski-Saara, and so home.

"The English left Tirnova to-day, so that we
shall pass them on the road to-morrow.

" As to the two men, I met them on the train
which brought me to Yamboli, heavily ironed and
to be hung the next morning at Slivno. I imme-
diately telegraphed to Maynard, Tseretelef did the
same to his Embassy. I then told the Governor
what I had done and that he would be responsible
if the men were hung before an answer came from
Constantinople. Immediate postponement, and to-
day telegram, saying : ' Orders have been given
to stop all executions for political offences, which
accidentally had not before been communicated.'
The two men were to be imprisoned in chains for

life.

" The result, great increase of our influence, and

EUGENE SCHUYLER

Umbessarif, who returned to-day, very frank and
cordial. . . .

" Everything leads me to think that I have been
doing much good, but I am quite cut off from the
world. . . ."

From Philippopolis, on August 10, 1876, Mr.
Schuyler sent a preliminary report to his Chief,
which was published while he was still in Bulgaria.

This report exceeded the very worst that had
been told by the missionaries. Written as an of-
ficial document by the Consul-General and Secre-
tary of Legation of the United States, a man who,
although friendly to Russia, had exposed Russian
misrule in Asia, and who was moreover noted for
his accuracy, it had an instantaneous and tre-
mendous effect throughout Europe, and particu-
larly in England. The Turks were probably not
wrong in considering him in a large measure
responsible for the war with Russia.

From Moncure D. Conway.

"Hamlet House, Hammersmith, London,
September 21, 1876.

" My Dear Schuyler: . . . I should indeed

have written to you before — several times — if I

had been sure of my letters overtaking you in

your wanderings, simply to tell you how (person-

A MEMOIR

ally) I glory in the admirable service you have
been doing, and how (Americanly) proud I am that
our Consul-General should be on hand to step in
where European diplomacy faltered, to direct and
determine the path of the storm, to sweep away
the refuge of lies. That refuge England mainly
has protected, but will protect no more. This
whole kingdom has resolved itself into a meeting
of indignation which is in session day and night,
and the ministry must bend or break. At each of
these meetings a resolution of thanks is offered to
you, and if you were recognized walking in the
street, you would be followed by a shouting crowd.
I wish your letter had reached me fourteen hours
sooner, for I should have had it in my pocket
when addressing a meeting of 1,500 people, who
gathered in South Place Chapel to protest. The
house was crammed to overflowing. I gave them
some account of you and your service in the
Khokand expedition, and circumstances of your
transfer to Constantinople, all of which was re-
ceived with loud cheering. The Americans have
hardly had time yet to get the full hang of mat-
ters, but the next mail will bring tidings of ex-
citement there. . . .

" Wife comes in to remind me (which I didn't
need) to tell you that when you next come to
London we shall have an old English mansion
with plenty of room to entertain you and a billiard-
table for your amusement, after the long, ugly
tragedy in which you have been bearing a part.

EUGENE SCHUYLER

When you find a chance for a private rest and
armistice of your own, do think of London — where
you will find a thousand friends where you had
one or two before. . . .

Ever yours,

M. D. Conway."

From Edward A. Freeman.

" SOMERLEAZE, WELLS, SOMERSET,

September 27, 1876.

" My Dear Sir : I am happy to be able to send
another sum, £439 7s., for the Bulgarian sufferers.
I am sure there is no one to whom it can be so
well intrusted as to you who have done so much
for the cause. I have now sent the following
sums. . . .

" The English people are roused as they never
were roused before within my memory. They
commonly go right whenever the real facts are
set before them, and this time, thanks to you and
the Daily News, the real facts have been set before
them. Everybody agrees that Baring's report,
with all his wrigglings to excuse the Turk, sub-
stantially confirms you and D. N.

" Believe me yours faithfully,

Edward A. Freeman."

The following letters are taken almost at ran-
dom from many similar ones:

"Excellence: Les mines de nos eglises, de
nos ecoles, et celles de nos habitations, les mal-

A MEMOIR

heureux qui trainent dans nos rues et pleurent
leur vie, et, le petit nombre des detenues qui palis-
sent encore dans les prisons sont des traces et des
souvenirs affreux qui nous font fondre le coeur a
chaque instant. Toutes ces traces seront effaces
et grace a votre bonte et a la peine que vous
prenez pour nous tout sera oublie. Mais, il est
trop penible, il est grand malheur pour nous
lorsque ces choses se prolongent et trainent leur
chemin longtemps envers nos detenus. Notre
desir le plus grand est d'en finir un moment plus

tot.

" Grace aux secours qui vont arriver de l'etran-

ger nos etablissements seront releves et nos mal-
heureux consolles nous l'esperons bien; mais que
faire de ces detenus qui sont encore dans les
prisons. La plupart d'eux ne sont pas interroges
et tous ils ne savent pas pourquoi on les retient et
jusqu'a quand on les retiendra. Chacun de ces
detenus a sa famille et toutes ces families sont a
la discretion de toutes espece de souffrances : Feu,
fer et des voles innombrables nous ont epuises et
la plupart des survecus sont laisses nus et sans
aucuns ressources. De plus il faut penser que
l'hiver approche a grand pas.

" Vous avez fait beaucoup pour nous, vous nous
avez rendu de grands services a nous, et, nous ne
pouvons que de vous en etre reconnaissants jusque
ce que un Bulgare existe sur la terre. Apres tant
du bien que vous nous avez fait, veuillez encore
avoir la pitie pour quelques malheureuses families,

EUGENE SCHUYLER

veuillez faire lacher nos quatorze detenus qui se
trouvent a Philiple, et dont cibas sont leurs noms.
Apres tant des pertes que notre village a subits,
la liberie de ces detenus lui fera gagner beaucoup;
le village entier en sera consolle et soulage infine-
ment. Les noms des detenus: Neivro Stoyanoff
(pretre), Pintcho Stoytchoff, Stoyan Troptchoff,
Pavel Simonoff, Rad Nicoloff, Na'iden Stoyanoff,
Peyo Stoyanoff, Mazine Dettchoff, Gueorgui
Neytchoff, Evan Marinoff, Petro Radoff, Pavel
Nicoloff, Thoma Stoyoff, Sto'iko Stoyanoff.

" Apres tout cela et surtout la bonte et la bien-
veillance qui vous font distinguer le plus nous font
esperer que vous daignerez accueuiller favorable-
ment la demande que nous avons l'honneur de vous
adresser.

" Agreez nos reconnaissances perpetuelles at nous
sommes Excellence vos serviteurs les plus humbles
vous remerciant d'avance :

Le 28 Septembre 1876.

Panaguiourichte
(Otlou-Veni).

Signatures des villageois :

(Thirty-nine signatures, not decipherable.) "

"Honorable Sir: There are in Dear-Bekir,
as you know well, many exiled Bulgarians, for
political causes, who were free to live in the town,
and gain their daily bread with their labour.

" Some of those Bulgarians before eight months
being in a state of despair, as it seems, escaped

A MEMOIR

from that city. The remaining were then more
rigorously confined, for the sole reason that some
of their co-sufferers escaped without their knowl-
edge.

" My brother, Christo Illitch, one of those exiled
at that place, writes to me that they heard, with
great pleasure and gratitude, that you, Honorable
Sir, hearing about their misfortunes, you had the
kindness to speak in their favour before the Gov-
ernment, asking they should be let loose so that
they may earn their daily food by their labour.

" But, unfortunately, they are kept in prison still,
and almost all of them suffer from the dampness
of the place and from the climate.

" I take the liberty to announce all those and to
beg you most humbly to help them in any way
possible, and I will with them glorify your well-
doings, as they are glorified by the whole Bul-
garian nation.

" I have the honor to be, Honorable Sir,

" Your most respectful and obedient servant,

Stef. Illitch.

Constantinople, 16 Decembre 1876.
To the Honorable Mr. Eug. Schuyler, etc., etc.,
Pera."

On his return to Constantinople he found himself
almost overwhelmed with work, which poured in
upon him from every direction. Not the least
important item was the preparation of his formal

Vol. I.— 6 8l

EUGENE SCHUYLER

report, to which the one already published had
been merely preliminary.

" My report is not yet finished and takes much
time and thought, for I labour to be strictly accur-
ate, and to meet all the objections which will cer-
tainly be brought against it.

" Mr. Baring has been sent again to Bulgaria to
diminish his statements, but from what I hear he
feels more inclined to strengthen them."

In the midst of this excitement his book on
Central Asia appeared and went rapidly through
several editions. He writes of it:

" In one sense, I regret that my book should be
untimely for the Russians and be used against
them in the Eastern matter, but in another I do
not, for it is some evidence of my impartiality.
Mr. Boker wrote to me from St. Petersburg that
the only objection to my book in the Censor's
office was a light remark about Catherine II. (vol.
ii., p. 93), but that at last even this passed.
Speaking of Petersburg, I feel that I should like
to see my friends there again, and at the same time
I feel so happy that I am not there. I began to
detest that life of dining out and card-playing and
uselessness. Here I have ten times the real
leisure I had there, and do ten times the work.
But I fear there must be a change even here. The
Embassies have all come back to town, and that

A MEMOIR

will necessitate calls — to say the least. If there
should be a conference with the foreign delegates
that are suggested, there must be dinners, soirees,
and waste of time. Such things always attract me
and generally bore me."

From G. H. Boker.

" Legation of the United States,
St. Petersburg, October 26, 1876.

" My Dear Schuyler: . . . It gave me great
pleasure to read in the Times that your work has
already reached a second edition, and bids fair to
go through many more before its ' run ' is over.
I have not as yet received my copy of the book,
after which I have been hankering, although
your volumes are for sale at the English book-
shop, where I have seen them with longing eyes.
The people at that shop told me a queer story
about your book, when they were attempting to
get their copies through the Custom-house with-
out the dreadful chasms of black ink with which
our Censor so lavishly and artistically has orna-
mented the pages of other volumes. It seems
that the embellishing official hung over your
book, paint-pot in hand, for a half hour, revolving
your literary atrocities in his mighty mind. He
said that he did not care one damn about all that
you had said of Kaufmann, nor of the misdeeds
and the horrors perpetrated by the Russians in
Central Asia; all that might go scot-free; but that

EUGENE SCHUYLER

story about the Empress Catherine was more than
he could stand! What do you think of that for
loyalty to an Empress whose hot bones must now
be bleaching upon the roaring shores of Hell, if
there be any use in such an institution? Finally
the stern Censor softened, having convinced him-
self that Catherine would either hear nothing or
care nothing about the scandal, and your book
was permitted to enter without a single blemish
upon its fair pages. I suspect that you owe this
indulgence to the immense popularity which you
have attained in Russia because of your Bulgarian
Report.

" Never was St. Petersburg so deserted of all
kinds of people, official and unofficial, as it is just
now. . . . It is impossible to get a word of
news out of De G., so that all that I can send to
the Department is but a rehash of the newspapers,
and my own feeble and unguided speculations.
So far, by being very cautious and making my
predictions capable of almost any interpretation,
I have kept my foot out of the fire, and, read by
the light of the future, my despatches will seem
ridiculous to no one so much as to myself.

" Socially things are just as you left them. We
have the same round of dinners and of whist-
parties as those at which you assisted, the only
recruits to our circle being Mrs. Scott and Mrs.
Boker, who seem to look on with wonder at the
placid manner in which we all bear one another's
stupidity. ... Of course we often discuss you

A MEMOIR

and your late history, and as I have yet to hear
ventured a single word of disfavour, even by your
Turk-loving friends at the British Embassy, I am
beginning to think that you are an extraordinary
man, and that you must have left a deal of affec-
tion behind you, inasmuch as no abuse has yet
burst forth from a flaw in any one's friend-
ship. . . .

" With my best wishes, I am

Yours very sincerely,

Geo. H. Boker."

To Mrs. Schaeffer.
"Constantinople, November 15, 1876.

" My Dear Evelyn : . . . I cannot help
being amused at what is said about me. Even
the Tribune, in a review of my book, calls me a
' man of singular courage.' Why, I am as tim-
orous as a cat about some things — precipices, for
instance. I don't know that I have any courage,
except for saying disagreeable things, and that is
apt to be called impudence. You ought to see a
picture of me that appeared in a Vienna paper. I
keep it to prevent my growing vain, for it is de-
testably ugly. . . .

" I am fearfully busy. Just now I am getting
up a Constitution for Bulgaria. General Ignatief
is to present it at the Conference, and as Russia
threatens to fight unless she gets what she wants,
I am anxious to make it a good one. . . ."

EUGENE SCHUYLER

His work on the Constitution was interrupted
by a visit to Bulgaria.

" I hope to come back with material enough to
support their case before the assembled diplomatic
wisdom. . . . My full report of the Massacres
was finished to-day, and I flatter myself it is com-
plete and unattackable.

" One of the commissions I have in Bulgaria is
to bring back with me twenty little she-orphans,
aged from seven to twelve, for adoption in Russia.
Imagine my doing it ! "

The Turks objected to his going back to Bul-
garia, and refused, under various pretexts, to give
him a travelling pass, so he took the risk of going
without one, merely saying that they would be
held responsible if anything happened to him; an
act which certainly required the courage which he
disclaimed. However, when he wanted to do a
thing he did it.

To Miss King.

" Philippopolis, November 28th.
" . . . Don't think from my heading that I
am in the midst of horrors. On the contrary — I
find things much better than I expected. A cer-
tain amount of security is restored to the country,
which gives me the hope that reforms could be
carried out without new massacres. In my opinion

A MEMOIR

much will depend on the punishment of some of
the leaders of the bashi-bazouks. The commission
is slowly considering their cases, but is, I think,
waiting to see the result of the conference, and to
know whether to punish or to liberate.

" I have visited two of the burned villages, and
find that the Turks have really done something in
the way of rebuilding — much more than I ex-
pected. It amuses me however to see the credit
they take to themselves for this, and that they
offer it as proof of their humanity. If all Europe
had not cried out, nothing of the kind of course
would ever have been done. The Relief Com-
mittees are on the whole doing very well. Lady
Strangford is working admirably and with great
pluck and perseverance. She has gone to Batak
to establish some English nurses in the hospital
built there.

" Our Relief Committee at Philippopolis is, I am
happy to say, very successful and has in its way
done more good than any of the others. It de-
votes itself solely to the relief of widows and or-
phans. I visited the asylums and saw those who
live there. They all look well, clean, and com-
fortable. The children are bright and all go to
school. ... I came up here partly to establish
a Vice-Consul, but I find that at the last moment
my nominee refuses, from patriotic motives, be-
cause he doesn't wish to protect the missionaries
or to be mixed up in their affairs. And I don't
know whom else to name. By the way, d'lstria,

EUGENE SCHUYLER

the French Vice-Consul, is acting splendidly. He
is the president of our Relief Committee and is
working hard, and besides has great trouble with
the authorities to secure the punishment of the
murderers of two Frenchmen during the troubles.
" I shall have to carry this letter back to Constan-
tinople myself, but I don't know when it will be.
I came by the last train, as there has been a flood
which has washed away the railway, and no trains
have yet got through. I am anxious to get back,
because I have some work for the Conference, and
because the Porte, not content with refusing me
permission to come here, has taken occasion to
abuse me well in the journals and to accuse me of
everything under the sun. Under such circum-
stances, I think my presence desirable; then, too,
I have done what I had to do and have got the in-
formation I desired."

" To Eugene Schuyler, Esq., Consul-General of the
United States in Constantinople.

" Sir : We gladly avail ourselves of the oppor-
tunity afforded by your second visit to our town
to tender you our most heart-felt thanks for your
services to Bulgaria. No nation has ever con-
tracted such a debt of gratitude towards the disin-
terested defenders of truth as we have done towards
you and the noble band of your fellow-workers.
To all of them we are deeply indebted, but we
cannot forget, Sir, that it was only when the

A MEMOIR

weight of your name was added to the reports of
our misfortunes which reached England, that that
explosion of feeling broke out which has saved a
nation and marked an epoch. Be good enough to
accept our thanks and the expression of our hope
that you will continue in the future also those
labours on behalf of the Bulgarians which have al-
ready earned for you their eternal gratitude.

" On behalf of the Bulgarians of Philippopolis,
The President of the Diocesan Council,
A. Enuceron Sessbeiciu.

Philippopolis, November H. 1876."

Meantime Mr. Schuyler was experiencing some
of the annoyances which beset the champion of
an unpopular cause. Outside of Turkey he had
become famous and popular, but naturally he was
hated by the Turks, and still more by English
society, which, as he said, " is assuring each other
that I am a little devil incarnate."

" I amuse myself greatly in making the acquaint-
ance of some of the English residents. They are
all more Turkophile than the Turks, and have
most horrible ideas about me — without knowing
me — call me a Russian spy, a Turkenfresser, say I
had no business to come here and meddle, etc., etc.
They milden down a little when they find I am
mild and peaceable-looking, and don't abuse them
up and down as soon as I am introduced. Some

EUGENE SCHUYLER

of them, I think, positively hated me. The Eng-
lish here — to explain this — are either Levantines,
or are connected in some way with the Govern-
ment (Turkish), and therefore their duty and
their interest both make them love the Turks.
Then the English Embassy has so long been
Turkophile that it has given the tone to the Eng-
lish society that revolves — even distantly — around
the Embassy. Among the merchants, who have
no social relations with the Embassy, the feeling is
very different. I have no doubt that with a new
Ambassador of different ideas, the tone would be
soon changed to meet the exigencies of the
time."

The representatives of the Powers assembled at
Constantinople early in December. It was hoped
that the Porte would be induced to grant certain
guarantees for the protection of the oppressed
provinces and that war would be averted. The
Conference, however, was destined to be a failure.
Emboldened by the moral support of England, the
Porte refused, in the end, to accede to the require-
ments of the Powers.

" Lord Salisbury is expected to arrive to-day.
Chaudordy is here. . . . The English have
asked many of their Consuls to come and give in-
formation. Mr. White has come down from Bel-
grade. He was so polite to me there and is such

A MEMOIR

a charming man that I was delighted to see him.
He dined with me last night. The Austrians have
sent as their representative Calice, who is only
Consul-General at Bucarest. Count Zichy, the
Ambassador, is furious. Plenty of other people
come too — especially correspondents, many of
them recommended to me. . . .

" A letter from the Russians telling me I must
work harder and come after lunch and help finish
the Bulgarian Constitution. . . .

"December 7th. — To-day I have had to do a
disagreeable duty. I went to the Central Relief
Committee to protest against Mr. (an Amer-
ican missionary) reading the Bible and praying in
the Hospital at Batok. I have no especial objec-
tions to this myself, but the Committee agreed to
do nothing sectarian, and the Bulgarians decidedly

object to Mr. 's proceedings as an attempt to

proselytise them. We must respect their scruples,
especially when they are in such difficulties. . . .

" Since Lord Salisbury has arrived, things look
more peaceful. He seems inclined to come to
terms with the Russians — far more than Elliot is.
Mme. Ignatief goes into raptures over Lady Salis-
bury, etc."

" Constantinople, December 12th.
"... The Bulgarian Constitution is done
and has been accepted by Salisbury as the basis
of discussion. I think it will get through with-
out a great many modifications, and what I am

EUGENE SCHUYLER

chiefly interested in is that Bulgaria be left as a
unity, instead of being divided into several sepa-
rate provinces. . . ."

To Miss King.
" Constantinople, December 19, 1876.

" . . . It begins to look now as though the
Conference would soon be over. Everyone has
been calculating on several weeks yet of talk, but
a sudden desire of conciliation seems to have
taken hold of all the members, and they have so
nearly agreed that they hope to present their plans
to the Turks on Saturday. It is to be hoped that
no chance will be given to the Turks for discus-
sion, but that they will be forced to say either yes
or no. Otherwise the Conference will be apt to
last all winter, for the Turks are fertile in delays
and apt at procrastination. . . .

" Did I tell you that we had been to St. Sophia
at last — the most wonderful church that ever I
saw? I am trying at last to see some of the sights.
. . . We find that there are thirty-six old Greek
churches left — all but four of which are mosques —
and we hope to see them all or perish in the at-
tempt. I must have something for relaxation,
especially as I am thinking of beginning another
book. By the way, do you know that ' Turkistan '
has reached its fifth edition in England and its
second in America? Did I tell you that I have
been elected to the Royal Geographical and Royal
Asiatic Societies (English) in consequence? . . ."

A MEMOIR
Diary.

"Pera, January I, Monday, 1877.
"... After lunch went out for New Year calls
and cards. Met Mr. White (English Agent, Bel-
grade) in the street, who told me affairs were look-
ing very critical. Found Sala1 at home, and had
a little talk with him, and afterwards with Campbell
Clarke. Both are immensely disgusted with the
Daily Telegraph for not printing or misprinting
letters and telegrams, and for taking such an ab-
surdly wrong tone in opposition to all the facts.
Sala says Arnold, who is the chief leader writer,
' is bitten by the Oriental tarantula,' fears for
India, dreads Russia, etc., etc.

" After dinner went to a soiree at General Igna-
tief's. Even Lady and Miss Elliot were there.
Lord Salisbury said to me : ' Well, you see, they
are sending us away sooner than we expected.'
We had some little talk, in which d'Ehrenhoff 2
and afterwards Tseretelef joined. I told of the
farcical elections at Salonica, and then of Chefket
Pasha. D'Ehrenhoff tried to defend the Turks.
Salisbury was inclined to be a little bitter against
them. He is evidently impatient of them and
anxious to get away. After all were gone, I had
rather a long talk with General Ignatief. He told
me what had taken place at the Conference, and
hinted that Elliot and Beaconsfield were trying
some underhand game to make the Turks obsti-
nate. I referred to various rumours. He assured

1 George Augustus Sala. a The Swedish Minister.

EUGENE SCHUYLER

me Russia had no intention of backing out; that
all the stories of faults in mobilisation, of illness
of troops, etc., were all lies. The Grand Duke
Nicholas had telegraphed to him that evening,
asking when he could cross the frontier.

" What happened at the Conference seems to
have been this: On Saturday (December 30th),
Turks presented certain counter propositions
which consisted in brief in accepting a part of the
provisions for the cantonal administration, another
Russian project for Bulgaria, and applying them
to the whole Empire, but leaving out all the rest
of the project. This proposition was sent in writ-
ing to General Ignatief about six o'clock Saturday
evening. Prince Tseretelef sat up most of the
night making an analysis and criticisms of it.
This was approved by General Ignatief and copies
were sent the next day to the other representa-
tives. A private meeting of members of the six
powers was held Sunday afternoon at General
Ignatief's house, and it was decided that the
Turkish proposition could not be accepted nor
even discussed. At the meeting on Monday
therefore Lord Salisbury, as the spokesman of the
Conference, said to Safvet Pasha that it was im-
possible for them to discuss the Turkish counter
proposition. This caused considerable ebullition
of feeling on the part of the Turkish delegates.
The question was then asked whether the Turks
would consider the propositions of the Conference.
To this Safvet Pasha replied that it would be im-

A MEMOIR

possible even to consider them unless many points
were eliminated. Ignatief said that according to
his instructions he could not discuss the project at
all if the Turks had made up their minds to refuse
certain articles as soon as they were reached. He
asked what the points were that the Turks wished
to eliminate. Safvet Pasha enumerated several
of them, including the gendarmerie, the interna-
tional commission, the provincial assembly, reform
of taxes, interference of Powers in appointing the
Governor-General and other officers, etc. When
he reached this point Ignatief wrote a few words
on paper and handed it to Salisbury and with his
assent said this was a mere farce and waste of
time. There was no use going farther if the
Turks eliminated all the propositions which con-
stituted the merit of the scheme. The Turks then
refused to discuss the matter further, and General
Ignatief asked for a firman for a vessel to carry
him to Odessa. He was followed by Salisbury,
Zichy, Werther, Chaudordy and Corti. Safvet
seemed astonished at this situation and said, ' There
is no necessity for going away,' adding, ' Est-ce
que r Europe est folle? ' The Conference then broke
up to meet on Thursday.

" Tuesday, January 2d. — There was to-day a
meeting of the Representatives of the Powers at
General Ignatief's to adopt a line of action to be
pursued on Thursday. It is not definitely known
what this is, but it is thought that they have all
agreed to leave Constantinople as soon as possible

EUGENE SCHUYLER

after the refusal of the Turks at the next Confer-
ence. This refusal is considered to be highly
probable.

" Wrote to-day to Lawson to say that Daily Tele-
graph was pursuing a very wrong course, and was
inciting the Turks to resist and thus provoking
war. Currie told MacGahan that Lord Salisbury
felt very much the same way. It is believed here
that Beaconsfield is inspiring the Telegraph and
that both he and Elliot are trying to counteract
Salisbury. Cannot believe this. . . .

" I am beginning to think that in case of war,
Russia's policy will be, after beating Turkey well,
and making the provinces into autonomous states,
to keep Turkey at Constantinople, and make it a
very weak power, always subject to Russian influ-
ence."

To Miss King.
" Constantinople, January 2, 1877.

" . . . We are in turmoil here — political, for it
looks more like war than ever, and the Conference
has nearly gone to pieces; — social, for calls and
cards have to be exchanged with lightning rapid-
ity. . . . We hardly know here what a day may
bring forth. Last week everything was peaceful,
this week everything is warlike and unsettled. The
Ambassadors are talking of going away, and unless
the Turks are more yielding next Thursday they
will. I think Lord Salisbury has fully made up
his mind not to stand this sort of thing any longer.
The Turks in one way have not played their cards

A MEMOIR

well, for none of the new men seem to love them.
Sir Henry Elliot is still obdurately fond of them,
and Baring, who is a good fellow, has no end of
complaints against him. Well, Elliot is going off
on leave of absence in any case.

" I have been nowhere since I wrote last, except
to make some calls, and last night to a soiree at
the Ignatiefs'. The outsiders here don't seem to
entertain this winter, so that one rarely meets
them. But I am beginning to find that there are
many pleasant people here, in spite of their senti-
ments and their political views. I wish they would
forego my opinions in the same way. Little by
little, they'll find out that I can criticise the Turk-
ish administration and still be a respectable mem-
ber of society. Meanwhile I am reading some old
English plays and don't trouble myself much about
them. . . ."

•' Constantinople, January 12, 1877.
"... The Conference winds its slow length
along, astonishing the people who expect to see it
burst up daily. The Turks are very obstinate,
and yet manifest signs of giving in. Lord Salis-
bury is getting furious at them. The rupture be-
tween him and Elliot is now very open, and both
sides take little pains to conceal their feelings.
There would seem to be little doubt that Elliot is
encouraging the Turks and working against Salis-
bury. Hints have been given me that Beacons-
field is doing the same thing. If this be so, a split
Vol. i.— 7 97

EUGENE SCHUYLER

in the Cabinet is inevitable as soon as Parliament
meets, and I think Salisbury will win, for he will
have part of the Conservatives and all the Liberals
to back him. The situation is further complicated
by the attitude of Germany. It appears that Bis-
marck has given Baron Werther here a sort of
reprimand for his moderation, and ordered him not
to give in to the Turks. It is Lord Salisbury's
opinion that Bismarck, ' for reasons of his own,'
desires to get Europe into a general war. I think
those reasons point towards France. The Russians
seem more yielding than before, but whether it
comes of unwillingness for war, or whether they
are trying to lead the Turks on in obstinacy to
make them fight, it is impossible to say. All I
know surely is that when the Porte looks like re-
fusing, Ignatief is very good-humoured, and when
there seems a chance of arranging matters, he looks
cross. . . ."

" Constantinople, January 16th.
"... My last excitement is being ' medalled.'
The Prince of Roumania, whose acquaintance I
made when I was in Bucarest last summer, and
who seems to be equally — in triangular-wise — im-
pressed with my ' person ' (so the letter of the Mar-
shal states), my book, and my Bulgarian report,
has given me a medal ' Bene Merenti ' — ' distinc-
tion exclasivement rescrvee a ceux qui ont bien merite
de rhumanite.' . . . After having satisfied myself
that a medal is an award, and neither ' an emolu-

A MEMOIR

ment, pecuniary favour, office or title,' I have writ-
ten to say I have accepted. . . ."

" January 19th.

"... We had a very pleasant dinner two days
ago with the wardroom officers of the Vandalia.
Last night was the last soiree of the Ignatiefs, but I
didn't feel well enough to go, and shall bid every-
body good-by at the Greek Minister's to-morrow
night. It seems settled now that everybody is go-
ing away on Sunday or Monday. The Turks held
a great council yesterday, which unanimously re-
solved to reject the proposals of the Conference.
The people who feel worst are the Turcophiles.
They have all along counselled the Porte to resist-
ance, and now they begin to look at the matter
seriously, and wonder what will happen. It would
serve them right if the Turks should turn them all
out of their places. In the present feeling against
foreigners this is very possible.

" Lord Salisbury, in a certain way, regrets the
failure of his mission, which was to arrange a peace,
but he has been so much worried with the delays
and ill-will of the Turks that I think he much prefers
a definite refusal to any further haggling. The men
who most sincerely regret the failure of the Confer-
ence are the French delegates. They wanted peace
at any price, and would have yielded still more.
From their point of view — the attitude of Germany
— they are quite right. Even I would rather have
Bulgaria wait a little than France attacked. . . ."

99
fC.

EUGENE SCHUYLER

" Constantinople, January 23d.

"... We are in the midst of a terrible storm,
which has lasted already for several days, and which
may last for several more. General Ignatief says:
1 he temps est- contre nous; notre coup a manque.'
Lord Salisbury's party got off yesterday, as they go
by the Mediterranean. But all the rest, who jour-
ney by the Black Sea, are afraid to voyage in the
teeth of this north wind.

" The final refusal of the Turks was on Saturday.
Sunday evening the protocol was to be signed at
Count Zichy's, and there was a little soiree d'adieu.
The Turkish plenipotentiaries did not turn up,
though they sent no excuses, and the paper had to
be signed without them. It was a final exhibition
of spite, which, however, did no one any harm.
Saturday evening I dined with Count Corti, and
went afterwards to a pleasant little party at the
Greek Minister's. Last night Mr. White and Sala
dined here very quietly.

" Now for a lull in the political storm and a period
of rest and work. I have nearly finished my com-
mercial report, and shall soon be at leisure to take
up some more pleasant work — editing some old
travels of Russians in various parts of the world,
which I promised to do for the Hakluyt So-
ciety. . . ."

" January 26th, Friday.

' The weather is still as bad as bad can be. Not
only can I not go anywhere, but no one can go any-
where. Elliot got off yesterday, because he goes

100

A MEMOIR

by the Mediterranean; but the other ambassadors
are all still here.

" I got last night my Roumanian medal. It is the
first class, No. 6, which shows that it is a rarity, and
may some day be a curiosity. . . ."

From W. E. Gladstone.

(Address)
" 7 Harley Street, London,
January 29, 1877.

" My Dear Sir : I thank you very cordially for
your letter of the 9th. It was a satisfaction to me
to have the power of reading your report in words
which, unless as to some possible errors of typog-
raphy, appear to have had your own sanction. It
is an appalling document. By its production you
conferred a great service upon the people of my
country, if not upon all Christendom. I am glad
to tell you confidently that this service is known
and felt all over England. The day before yester-
day I had to address a public meeting at Taunton,
one of our small towns in a rural and rather remote
district. I mentioned your name partly to test the
feeling and knowledge of a community of this class;
and I wish you had heard the hearty cheering with
which it was received.

" All that has been said about a reaction in the
national feeling here is so much trash. The people
do not repent, and will not repent, of their outburst
in August. The majority of the London news-
papers are governed by the sentiment of the clubs

101

EUGENE SCHUYLER

of the West End. Clubs in the first French Revo-
lution and in the Italian movement were the organs
of popular feeling. Now they are the homes of the
anti-popular sentiment. Of all the great legislative
measures, which in this country have given name
and mark to the age, there is not one that has been
carried by the agency or with the approval of these
clubs. The question is, whether the present House
of Commons, which is intensely ministerial, will in
any tolerable degree answer to the national senti-
ment. This must remain for a time uncertain.
But come what may, the people are sound; and in
due time they will prove it authentically, if they
have the opportunity.

" What we want is a steady flow of information on
all the parts of this great and many-sided question.
I am gratified with the announcement, then, of
your further report on Bulgaria, and thankful for
your promise to send it me.

" Pray do not be uneasy about the Turkestan
business. What I wrote has served its purpose and
stopped the mouth of falsehood. I well knew that
the editor of the Pall Mall Gazette must reply, and
must reply by charging me with lying, for he had no
other weapon. I am content.1

" Again expressing my share of gratitude for
your services to truth, justice, and humanity, and

1 This refers to Mr. Gladstone's discussion with the Pall Mall Gazette.
He had used " Turkistan " as an authority, and in reply to a subsequent letter
of inquiry Mr. Schuyler had been obliged to inform him that he had mistaken
the meaning of a certain passage in the book.

102

A MEMOIR

heartily wishing that God may prosper all your
labours, I remain, my dear sir,

" Most faithfully yours,

W. E. Gladstone.
Eugene Schuyler, Esq."

Meantime the Turkish Minister in Washington
was doing everything in his power to injure Mr.
Schuyler, without bringing forward the real griev-
ance. In an earlier letter the latter had said: "I
think the Government would be glad to get rid of
me, but will not dare to say so. It couldn't more
plainly confess the weakness of its cause." On
February 16, 1877, he wrote:

" It seems that the Turks attacked me at Wash-
ington and accused me of all sorts of things, among
others putting into my mouth ' that I had come
here to destroy the Ottoman Empire.' This I was
supposed to have said at a private dinner-party at
Adrianople. Mr. Fish gave the Turks a very
proper answer, and informs me of what they have
said, to which, of course, my reply is one of the
easiest."

About the end of March, writing on the eve of
a short visit to Athens, he says:

" Everything now looks very warlike, and Stam-
boul is in great excitement. It is said that the
arriero ban has been called out. If there should be

103

EUGENE SCHUYLER

war now, it would be entirely the fault of England,
which pursues a wretched policy under the guise of
preserving the peace."

War between Russia and Turkey was declared in
April, and on May 13th he wrote:

" The Bosphorus is quiet and lovely, as it was last
summer; the only sign of war I can see is the greater
stillness. There are fewer vessels going to and
coming from the Black Sea. For all else we might
be in Italy or Corsica. Here no rumour even
comes nowadays. . . .

" I had a visit the other day from Yussuf Zia,
the Member from Jerusalem (doesn't that sound
strange?), who has made such a sensation in the
Parliament by his eloquence and boldness. It was
almost dinner-time, but I nerved myself for a long
Turkish call with stupid compliments and a great
deal of ennui. To my astonishment the Member
from Jerusalem spoke English and French very
well, and the conversation became lively. Yussuf
Zia was almost as liberal as a French Republican,
both in politics and religion. Though a Mussul-
man, he lives by preference here in a Greek convent.
He inveighed in no measured terms against the
Sultan, the corrupt officials, and the Turks in gen-
eral. That is not unnatural, for he is an Arab, and
the Arabs don't like the Turks, whom they con-
temn as a low, coarse race. He particularly object-
ed to polygamy. He wanted a reformed Islam.

104

A MEMOIR

He thought the Turks had no business in Europe,
that it was inevitable they would some time be
forced back to Asia, and that the sooner they went
there the better. The result was, that, though he
stayed an hour, I stifled my appetite and was in-
terested and pleased."

Shortly after this Mr. Schuyler obtained leave of
absence and spent several weeks in Paris and ten
days in London, where he enjoyed some of the
pleasanter results of the reputation which he had
acquired by his work in Bulgaria. Hitherto the
seamy side of fame had been turned towards him.
His brief letters give some idea of the attention
which he received.

" I have had a very busy time of it since I have
been here. I went last night to the House of Com-
mons and saw Dilke, Forster, Mundella, and Grant
Duff. Finally Mr. Gladstone, after eying me a long
time, came up and presented himself and asked me
to breakfast. ... I breakfasted to-day with Sir
Charles Hartley, breakfast to-morrow with Smalley,
and dine with Burnaby1 at the Marlborough
Club. On Monday I lunch with Mrs. Bruce2
from whom I had a charming note. I shall not
be back till Tuesday, the ioth, as I have promised

1 Author of " A Ride to Khiva."

' Bed-chamberwoman of the Queen, and a well-known personage in
English and Roman society. In her apartment in St. James's Palace
was the room in which Anne Boleyn spent the last night of her life.

105

EUGENE SCHUYLER

to dine with Dilke on Monday — a party for
me. . . .

" Sunday. — ... I have just time before din-
ner to write a line. It has rained all day till now,
but I have, nevertheless, breakfasted with the
Smalleys, lunched at the Eustace Smiths', and
called on several people, including the Milner-
Gibsons.

" General Grant did not go to Mr. Motley's fu-
neral, and Mr. Pierrepont refused to go because Mr.
Motley had not called on him.

" Thursday. — ... I am getting very tired of
all this dissipation, and at the same time I wish I
could have come here two months ago, because
then I could have taken it more easily. . . .
After leaving some cards, I went to the Fourth of
July reception at the Pierreponts'. Lots of Amer-
icans; very few whom I knew. I dined quietly
with Ashton Dilke and wife. Later on I went to
the Cosmopolitan Club — a peculiar institution
here — where I saw Dilke, Forster, Spedding, Lord
Carnarvon, Harcourt, etc., etc. The Comte de
Paris was also there, but I did not make his ac-
quaintance.

" I woke up this morning feeling very wretched,
but managed to crawl out of bed and go to the
Gladstones' to breakfast. Both Mr. Gladstone and
his wife were very amiable. I sat next to Mrs.
Gladstone. Among the guests were Goldwin Smith,
Palgrave, Freeman, the Bishop of Bath and Wells,
Lord and Lady Frederick Cavendish, etc., etc.

1 06

A MEMOIR

To-morrow night I go to an evening party at Buck-
ingham Palace, per order.

" Saturday. — ... I had a very pleasant din-
ner with Sala last night, and enjoyed the concert
immensely. Buckingham Palace is prettier than
I supposed, and the concert-room was very fine.
The Prince of Wales spoke to me very cordially
and invited me to come and see him on Sunday,
at 1.30. The Comte de Paris and wife were there,
as well as no end of royalties, but not the Queen
herself. Invitations continue to pour on me from
all quarters. I almost wish we were coming here
for a while.

" Sunday. — ... I have had a day of it. One
friend came along before I was up, then I had to
go out and see two men on business, and be at
Marlborough House at 1.30. The Prince was
very nice, and did most of the talking, which ran
over very many subjects. He congratulated me
on my marriage and inquired who you were. . . .
He kept me so long that I got late to the Gos-
selins' for lunch, and found it all eaten up. . . .
The dinner last night by Gennadius1 was very
pleasant. Among the guests was one delightful
old fellow, General Gore-Browne, who had been
in Greece at the time of the revolution. I for-
got to say that yesterday afternoon I was taken to
see a very charming old lady, the dowager Lady
Stanley of Alderley. She looks like a picture and
talks like a book, only better.

lThe Greek Chargi-d' Affaires.
107

EUGENE SCHUYLER

" If I can get up early enough to take the tidal
train on Tuesday, I can be in Paris at five
o'clock. . . ."

On July 12, 1877, Mr. Schuyler was married in
Paris to Miss Gertrude Wallace King, a daughter of
the late Charles King, of New York, president of
Columbia College, and granddaughter of the emi-
nent Rufus King.

Mr. and Mrs. Schuyler arrived in Constantinople
towards the end of the summer, going first to Buy-
ukdere, where they spent the rest of the hot weather.
There, when consular duties were over for the day,
they took long walks — always accompanied by a
cavass and armed with pistols — to " Paradise " and
the Fountain of Roses, and down along the Chest-
nut Water. Reading aloud was a favourite amuse-
ment in "German, French, English, or Italian;"
but the authors whom they chiefly read at this
time were Gibbon and Byron. " Byron, especially
read on the Bosphorus, where you understand the
allusions and appreciate the truth, strikes one as
very great; far greater and simpler than I ever

imagined."

108

A MEMOIR

The house in Pera, to which they went later,
could not fail to be interesting to a new-comer, with
its consular offices below, including the court-room
where the Consul-General dispensed the law, even
granting divorces, if he chose; the big drawing-
room above, of which one end was masculine, with
book-shelves and a large writing-table, and the
other end feminine, with bric-a-brac and a fire-
place; and the rooms above screened off with glass
and making a little apartment by themselves.
Hitherto a man's household of Montenegrin ser-
vants (who were so devoted in their attachment
that if dismissed, their wounded feelings were in
danger of expressing themselves in a dagger
thrust), it was now tempered by the French maid,
whose doubts of Montenegrin tidiness were so
deep-seated that she went down-stairs and scrubbed
the kitchen once a week herself.

This house was a head-quarters for all sorts of in-
teresting people — the more so, since hospitality was
almost a passion with its master. His wife used
to say that getting properly settled in a new house
was a minor and incidental matter; as soon as the
necessary housekeeping articles were at hand, they
had a dinner or a breakfast, and went on having
breakfasts and dinners from that moment.

Here, as in Russia, Mr. Schuyler was considered
109

EUGENE SCHUYLER

a well-spring of authentic information. Everybody
who wanted to get at facts, to verify surmises, to
learn secrets, applied to him, from diplomats to
newspaper correspondents. The political situation
was, of course, intensely interesting. On Novem-
ber 9th he wrote:

" The situation is more critical here than it has
been at any time, and yet everybody is very apa-
thetic. It is believed that Erzeroum is taken, and
it is known that the Russians are near Trebizond.
Plevna is thought to be on the point of surrender-
ing, and the Turkish outlook is everywhere black.
We think ourselves too on the brink of a domestic
revolution. Mahmoud Pasha has a fit of apoplexy
(poison?), and will scarcely survive. Orders were
given to poison Murad, and his servants refusing,
were all arrested for high treason. The newspapers
have just been forbidden to publish news of a char-
acter likely to excite popular feeling."

Towards the end of January affairs looked very
threatening.

" By the time you get this letter you will prob-
ably know what has happened to its writer. The
Russians occupied Adrianople on Sunday; they will
take Gallipoli to-day; whether they will come to
Constantinople, a day or two will decide. The
Circassians, who are far worse, are marching along

A MEMOIR

the coast of the Black Sea, burning and pillaging
as they go. I don't really think we shall be troub-
led with them, but I fear for Buyukdere and Thera-
pia. I think their plan is to cross from there into
Asia. So you see we are surrounded by foes.
The Turks — I may now say ' poor Turks ' — are
almost frightened to death, especially the Sultan.
It is a great break-up."

In fact, the Sultan was so badly frightened that
he thought of running away. In that case a revo-
lution would probably have broken out; and with
the feeling which prevailed among the Turks, there
was every reason to fear a general massacre of for-
eigners. Each of the Powers represented in Con-
stantinople had two warships in the harbor, but in
the case of the Schuylers and a few others it would
have been useless to try to get to them. Any one
attempting it would have been cut to pieces. A
plan was therefore arranged by which, in case of an
outbreak, these persons, after sending their valua-
bles to the ships, were to collect the Christians of
the neighborhood and take refuge in the Austrian
and French Embassies, which stood in adjoining
grounds, and were there to stand a siege. Mean-
time the function of the Ambassadors ceasing with
the cessation of the Government, the consuls were

to come forward, invite the Russians in, and hand

EUGENE SCHUYLER

over the keys of the city to them. In view of these
possibilities, life at the Consulate was sufficiently
exciting. However, the Sultan decided to stay
where he was, and by the end of January there was
talk of an armistice.

" February i, 18/8. — . . . The general belief
is, that an armistice has been signed, but nobody
really knows anything. I have been amused with

the fear of the Turcophiles. G sent away his

wife on Wednesday, and Lady T and a lot of

other people were intending to go to-day. Per-
haps they feel so sure of peace that they will stay
now.

Baker and Burnaby have got back, having ac-
companied Suleiman Pasha in his retreat to Enos
and Gallipoli. Baker is sad and quiet. Burnaby
is full of spirits.

At present the Russians are at Tcherlow, about
seventy miles from here, and we suppose them also
to be near Rodosto, on the Sea of Marmora. Yes-
terday was lovely, and Gargiulo, James, and I took
a long walk in Stamboul, amid crowds of refugees
and Circassians. We went into several mosques,
which are quite full of wretched people. The dif-
ference between the Mussulmans over there and the
Greeks and Bulgarians from Burgas who fill the
churches here is immense. Here they are bright
and intelligent looking; there, the reverse; and oh,
how dirty!

112

A MEMOIR

Diary, 18/8.

" Wednesday, February 6th. — . . . It is said
the Russians have advanced and taken Silivria, it
is supposed by accident. Several Russian officers
are to arrive to-day or to-morrow at Hotel Royal;
it is thought to arrange details of neutral zone.

" Thursday, February ph. — I was startled this
morning by receiving a package which turned out
to be from MacGahan, containing letters from him-
self and Greene, our Military Agent with the Rus-
sians. MacGahan says he will be here in a few days.
He wrote from Haden-Keui, the head-quarters of
Ahmed Mukhtar Pasha, where he had gone with a
flag of truce with Count Keller, to see why the
Turks did not evacuate their position. By the
armistice the Turkish line of fortifications was to be
evacuated and placed in the neutral zone. The
Turkish lines run from Tchekmedje to Derkos, close
to the fortifications. The Turks were to have evac-
uated their positions by February 6th, but last night
Ahmed Mukhtar had not received from the Porte
any instructions and did not know the actual terms
of the armistice. He asked for three days more to
remove heavy guns and stores. The mud is fearful.

" Skobelef's head-quarters are at Tchaldja. The
Grand Duke's will probably be at Rodosto, and
Gourko's at Silivria. . . . Chambers is going
to-morrow to join Greene in Russian lines. Wrote
by him to MacGahan, and will try to have des-
patch go for him to Rodosto. . . .
Vol. I.— 8 113

EUGENE SCHUYLER

" Saturday, February pth. — . . . Gargiulo
tells me that Turkish Parliament have refused to
recognize Ahmed Vefyk as First Minister, on ac-
count of the unconstitutionality of his appoint-
ment. Yussuf Zia (Jerusalem) made a violent
and telling speech. General Mott says Yussuf Zia
made a very forcible speech Wednesday against
the Council of State, on account of the Jaffa
railway.

" Sunday, February ioth. — . . . The Levant
Herald issues a supplement, to say the English
fleet had orders to pass the Dardanelles and come
to Constantinople to-day. Morloy met me in the
street, told me the order was countermanded, and
that the fleet had returned from the Dardanelles.
It is supposed that the Ministry went crazy on
finding that the Turkish fortifications here were to
be evacuated by the Turks in accordance with the
terms of the armistice.

" Captain Touchard, of the French Latouche-Tre-
ville, told me to-night that Layard had a conversa-
tion with Mouy, the French Charge-d' Affaires,
about the fleet, and said that his Government tele-
graphed him that the French fleet would enter with
the English. Mouy said he thought not; that he
had telegraphed the real state of things to his Gov-
ernment, and that there was no necessity for such
action. Both Mouy and Count Corti, the Italian
Minister, telegraphed to their respective Govern-
ments that in the present circumstances it was bet-
ter not to ask for a firman.

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A MEMOIR

" The Phare de Bosphore has been publishing some
very bitter articles on the supposed delimitation of
Bulgaria, taking an ultra Greek view of Greek rights
in Thrace and Macedonia.

" Monday, February nth. — In the afternoon Cap-
tain Higginson called here officially with Captain
Haxtun. Then went with Galloway to see St.
Sophia. About two thousand refugees there, look-
ing, for the most part, tolerably comfortable.

" Tuesday, February 12th. — Placards were posted
this morning on the British Embassay and in the
surrounding streets : ' Perdue — entre la Bale de Bes-
ika et Constantinople — une Hotte. Recompense hon-
nete a ceux qui pourront fournir quelques renseigne-
mentsJ Other placards said : ' Apply to Mr. Lay-
ard.' It is understood here that the English Min-
istry ordered the fleet here, but that when Mr.
Layard applied for a firman the Porte refused it, on
the ground of complications, it being thought that
the Russians would at once occupy Constantinople.
Layard then telegraphed to Admiral Hornby to
wait for further orders.

" Safvet Pasha has started for Adrianople to take
part in the peace negotiations.

" In the afternoon I went with the Higginsons to
make their official calls, and in the evening to tea
at the Maynards'. Just before I started, MacGahan
suddenly came in, having returned with General
Chambers.1 He says Russians all ready to come

1 United States military attache with the Turks.
115

EUGENE SCHUYLER

to Constantinople, and will come if the British fleet
comes. They have orders to attack any British
troops without asking any questions.

" The fiasco of the British fleet is the general sub-
ject of laughter everywhere.

" Owing to the raising of the blockade, many
ships have already sailed for the Black Sea.

" Wednesday, February 13th. — MacGahan came
in and then Pears, and both breakfasted here. Mac-
Gahan brought me last night a very pleasant letter
from Tseretelef, with an invitation to come to
Adrianople. Onore, the first Russian Dragoman,
came here to-day on some special business from
Adrianople.

" According both to MacGahan and Chambers,
who quotes Greene, the capture of the Shipka pass
was a fluke, and owing entirely to Skobelef's diplo-
macy, after both Mirsky and Radetsky had been
beaten in detail. MacGahan was full of interesting
accounts of events and people. He has suffered
much in the campaign, and is very lame with rheu-
matism. Levant Herald had a rumour that the
English fleet has passed the Dardanelles.

" Went to the German Embassy in the evening, to
be presented to the Grand Duchess of Saxe-Weimar.
Confirmed that English fleet has passed.

" Thursday, February 14th. — I had a telegram
from the Dardanelles, from Consular Agent Calvert,
about 2 a.m., telling me that English fleet passed
Dardanelles at 4.15 p.m. of Wednesday. . . .
Nothing yet seen of English fleet, which, it is said,

116

A MEMOIR

will anchor off Prinkipo. Reported one of the
ships aground.

" Thursday, February 21st. — ... In the even-
ing lectured for the British Mechanics' and Liter-
ary Association on the superstitions connected
with the days of the week. . . .

" It is said that there are now three English ships
at Gallipoli and three in the Gulf of Saros. It is re-
ported that the Russian demands in detail are so
great that Safvet Pasha has refused to sign the
treaty.

" Friday, February 22d. — . . . There are
many rumours to-day about the Russians and the
English fleet, but nothing definite is known. The
Turkish fleet left yesterday, it is said, for Crete.
Azarian,1 who has frequently very correct infor-
mation, said that he talked with Namyk Pasha,
who was very despondent, and feared the whole
thing was up, and with Ahmed Tefik Pasha, who
said that the armistice would be over by the end
of the week, and that then they could attend to
their ordinary affairs. What it meant he did not
quite know.

" Saturday, February 23d. — We had intended go-
ing up the Bosphorus, but the boiler of the De-
spatch gave out, so I sent Greene up with James
Maynard. Greene and I breakfasted on the De-
spatch and afterwards called on Mrs. Maynard and
walked. In the evening went to the Maynards',
where Greene and some others were dining, and

1 The Armenian Metropolitan.
117

EUGENE SCHUYLER

then to the Austrian Embassy. The Ambassadors
all say that there was a great crisis, which has fortu-
nately passed, and that war has been averted. It
is generally understood that a Russian force, to-
gether with General Ignatief and the plenipoten-
tiaries, will occupy San Stefano, and that the treaty
will be signed there. On dit that without question
Bulgaria will have a port on the ^Egean.

" Sunday, February 24th. — While still in bed I had
a card from Millet, an American artist, now corre-
sponding for the Daily News. Hastily dressing, I
went down to him and found a very sympathetic
fellow. He arrived at San Stefano at 2.30 a.m. with
the Grand Duke Nicholas, Gourko, Ignatief, and
the whole lot. The war is apparently over. La
Turquie publishes a supplement with Bismarck's
speech, which is extremely sensible, and very differ-
ent from the first report.

" According to what I am told to-day, the Rus-
sians must have had a very good spy system here, for
they occasionally recall to people the places and
dates when they have said certain things here.
Some believe that peace will be signed to-morrow.

" Monday, February 25th, 18/8. — . . . Millet,
a young American artist, who has been through
the war as a newspaper correspondent on the
Russian side, came to see me yesterday, and told
me that he had just come in from San Stefano,
which the Russians occupied early in the morning.
As Greene wanted to get back to his post, I
agreed to take him down in a tug, together with

118

A MEMOIR

C. K. Tuckerman, lately our minister at Athens.
There was some trouble about the luggage and
horses, causing delay, so that we only reached San
Stefano at half past twelve. The first man I met
was Radonitch, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of
Montenegro, who had been here last year during
the Conference, and had dined with me. He
seemed delighted to see an old acquaintance. I
then called on Prince Tseretelef, who is living
with General Ignatief and the rest at Schneider's
house — a fine house with large garden right on
the shore. We had picked up MacGahan in a
sail-boat when half way to San Stefano, and he and
I breakfasted with Tseretelef, Basili, Stebatchef,
and one or two Russian Secretaries. No one is yet
settled, and there is not much to eat. We had
bread and a pate, some beer that I had brought,
and an egg-nogg made with condensed milk.
After breakfast I saw General Ignatief for a
minute. . . . We then walked out on the
quay : the day was lovely, and all was anima-
tion, the bands playing, and every one — many
in new uniforms — enjoying the sun and the
sea. The inhabitants, too, enjoyed it. I saw many
faces I knew, but, except Benkendorp and the
Grand Dukes, could not place them. I was intro-
duced to Prince Eugene Leuchtenberg, who was
very amiable, and introduced me to General Sko-
belef, the father of the celebrated one. Leuchten-
berg said he wanted to go to Prinkipo to see the
Duke of Edinburgh. . . . By the way, people

119

EUGENE SCHUYLER

say that opinions are so divided on the ' Sultan,'
H.M.N., that the Duke of Edinburgh had to put
up a sign, ' Please remember that the Emperor of
Russia is my father-in-law.' I saw also Prince
Alexander Battenberg, son of Prince Alexander of
Hesse, brother of the Empress of Russia, who is
expected to be Prince of Bulgaria when that State
is created, a handsome, agreeable young fellow who
has accompanied the army during the campaign. I
met, too, many old acquaintances, including Colo-
nel Gaillard, the French Military Attache, whom I
had known at St. Petersburg. Brunswick was
there to see Ignatief, though he had only just re-
turned from Paris. He and several people wanted
to return with us, but finally we brought no one
except the two Austrian Military Attaches. We
made very good time returning, leaving at 5.15 and
reaching Galata at 6.45. On coming home, I found
a telegram that General Grant will be here on Fri-
day.

" Wednesday, February 27th. — I expected to go
to-night on the Despatch to the Dardanelles to
meet General Grant, but after the sailing had been
put off from five to seven, we got on board only
to find that the boiler had totally given out and was
worse than ever. We (General Chambers, James
Maynard, and Feridoun Bey, the Turkish Court
official) dined on board and came away.

" February 28th. — It was finally decided that Gen-
eral Chambers, James Maynard, and myself should
go down on a tug and meet General Grant. We

120

A MEMOIR

started at five and towards seven reached San Ste-
fano, where we found Greene. We went into Le
Bon's restaurant while Greene ate his dinner, where
we met MacGahan and a number of Russian offi-
cers, many of whom I had known before. . . .
Afterwards I went with MacGahan to the Schneider
house to see Tseretelef. General Ignatief found
us waiting, came in and talked for nearly half an
hour. He said that the propositions of peace as
published in the Levant Herald were all nonsense.
The Turks were very slow and dilatory; he must
give them a little time or Europe would cry out
that he did not allow them to deliberate. Saadoul-
lah was all the time talking about his commission
in Bulgaria and the trouble he had with Baring.
Ignatief said : ' Are you not ashamed ever to men-
tion that you were on such a commission? ' Safvet
Pasha never could remember anything about the
Conference, and always seemed to forget that Igna-
tief had been present at it. Ignatief, however,
hoped to get an answer to some points next day.
The Turks would never consider one point at a
time, but were all the time skipping from Serbia to
Bulgaria, and from Montenegro to Armenia; were
constantly discussing the boundaries of Bulgaria
and mentioning isolated points within them, such
as Rasgrad, where the population was mostly or
wholly Turkish.

" After he went away, we took tea with Tseretelef
and Stchertatchef, and had a long talk and many
stories about the war and old scenes.

121

EUGENE SCHUYLER

" Afterwards went to Greene's room, where we
talked about West Point, etc., till after twelve,
when we went on board the tug with no difficulty,
for the Russian sentries had been withdrawn during
the night.

" March ist. — We passed rather an unsettled
night, sleeping partly below and partly on deck. We
stood out to sea all night, so as to be on the course
of any vessel. A little after daylight we saw the
Vandalia and finally went on board. General Grant
was very strong in conversation on the Silver Bill;
said that if he were President he would not only
veto it, but that if Congress passed it over his veto,
he would use every means to hinder its execution
until the Supreme Court had passed on it, and would
advise all bankers and others to have dealings only
in gold. Much as he should hate to vote for a
Democrat for President, he would rather vote for a
Democrat sound on financial questions than for an
unsound Republican. He was anxious to know
about recent events, and was interested to hear all
that I could tell him from my visit to San Stefano
the night before. In spite of everything that he
had said and done at the places where he had previ-
ously made visits, it was evident that the military
spirit had come upon him very strongly, as he ex-
pressed a great desire to see the Russian Army, and
wanted to know if it would not be possible for him
to get horses and ride out that day to San Stefano
and back. I endeavoured to dissuade him by ex-
plaining the difficulty of the communications, and

122

A MEMOIR

that he could scarcely visit the Russian camp except
under the convoy of Greene, who had remained
there, and to whom I could not easily get word so
quickly. I suggested that it would be better to go
down in the Vandalia, perhaps, when he went away
after his visit to Constantinople was over. I told
him how Greene had ridden in from the Russian
lines, forgetting that, owing to the exigencies of the
campaign, he was almost in Russian uniform, wear-
ing Russian decorations given to him for his
bravery, and how he had not been challenged by
the Turkish sentries till he had entered the streets
of Constantinople, when, for the first time, he
thought what a fool-hardy act he had committed.
His ride in, however, had given him great prestige.
We reached Tophane about nine o'clock. . . .
Lieutenant Miller, Jesse Grant, and John Russell
Young, who was acting as General Grant's private
secretary, dined with us, together with Greene,
who had just returned. Several others came in
the evening, including Austin (the Times corre-
spondent), Millet, and MacGahan. Greene had
arranged that if General Grant chose to visit the
Russian head-quarters he would be invited to
breakfast with the Grand Duke Nicholas, and that
a review would be held in his honour.

" March 2d. — General Grant had proposed going
up the Bosphorus, but the weather was too bad. I
called there and stayed to breakfast. Grant is very
strong in his ideas against the Turks and what
ought to be done with Turkey. It is plain he is

123

EUGENE SCHUYLER

learning a great deal during his journey. The
Grant family and some others dined at the Lega-
tion. We went there in the evening for a little
while. It was not very amusing.

" March 3d. — General Grant dined with us to-day.
As it is impossible in my position to invite Ambas-
sadors to dinner, and as I could not in any case
ask them to yield their place at table to General
Grant, we had only a small party — Mr. Maynard,
the Minister, and his daughter, Captain Robeson,
of the Vandalia, and Captain Higginson, of the De-
spatch, with his wife. A very good dinner, and
Grant was unusually talkative. Mrs. Grant had a
headache and did not come. Being our usual re-
ception evening, a lot of people came, including the
Italian, Dutch, and Swedish Ministers and other
diplomats — about thirty in all. Prince Reuss, the
German Ambassador, sent word by Count Rado-
linsky regretting that he was kept home by illness.
Everybody seemed to enjoy themselves, and General
Grant more than all. When tea was announced,
he proposed to go; but on my telling him that
whiskey toddy and cigars were always provided in
the dining-room, he consented to stay for a few
minutes. Nevertheless, after he had cooled his
glass of toddy with a little more whiskey, he sat
down on a sofa with the wife of the Swedish Minis-
ter next to him till nearly one o'clock. He made
himself so very entertaining that he was the middle
of a large circle. Count Corti, the Italian Minister,
had known the General in Washington, and came

124

A MEMOIR

expressly to tell us that he had just had a despatch
from General Ignatief, saying that peace had been
signed at San Stefano that afternoon a little before
five o'clock."

This was the first public announcement of the
peace, and it turned out afterwards that the English
Embassy did not hear of it till next morning.

" March ph. — The Maynards had a reception for
General Grant, to which they had bidden all the
Diplomatic Corps, no end of Turkish officials, and
every one they knew. It passed off very well and
was thoroughly a VAmericaine. After that, Gen-
eral and Mrs. Grant came to our house to rest and
dress before going to dine at the British Embassy.
They had three or four rooms devoted to their ex-
clusive use, and the General was left alone in my
study with his cigars and the last American news-
papers. He made his appearance, however, long
before it was time to go out; and while waiting for
Mrs. Grant, stood with his back to the fire and told
us what he would have done had he been the Rus-
sian Commander-in-Chief. Millet and MacGahan
were present, as they were going to dine with us,
together with Greene. They told us all about the
signature of peace and about the review afterwards.
Among other things, the General said : ' Had I
been in the position of the Grand Duke Nicho-
las, I should have refused to make peace ex-
cept at Constantinople. The occupation of Con-

125

EUGENE SCHUYLER

stantinople — for the English fleet could not have
prevented it — would have been an accomplished
fact, which the European Powers would have had
to treat as they best could. I should have insisted
on one condition — that Turkish rule in Europe had
for ever come to an end; and should have expressed
my willingness to leave the details of the settlement
to the European Powers on this one condition;
provided, also, that all rights of private property,
whether Mussulman or Christian, should be re-
spected, and a fair sum be paid to the Turks for
the Government property.'

" He then went into many details as to how this
settlement could be made, but I remember only the
general drift of what he said. After dinner we
went to the reception given to General Grant at the
British Embassy, and found Mr. and Mrs. Layard
unusually amiable and all Constantinople present.
Unfortunately, Mrs. Grant was tired and the Gen-
eral went away early, before many people had time
to see him.

" March 5th. — Early this morning Tseretelef tele-
graphed that he would come and breakfast with me.
He made himself very agreeable and amusing, and
was delighted to be once more in Pera. General
and Countess Ignatief breakfasted with the Greek
Minister. Tseretelef told us that everything was
prepared for a fine reception of General Grant at
San Stefano to-morrow, with a breakfast and parade.
Some of the rest of us are to go down on the Van-
dalia or Despatch, and will be met and shown about

126

A MEMOIR

the town and given places at the review. The
Vandalia with the Grant party will then go on,
while we return to Constantinople.

" At 6.30 the Grant party and all the Legation
dined at the Seraskierat, with most of the Turkish
Ministers, the Military Attaches, and some others.
The dinner was given in the Sultan's name (as on
account of the disaster he does not wish to appear
in public). It was an excellent one in French style.
I sat between Mehemmed Ali Pasha and Assym
Pasha, President of the Council and acting Minis-
ter of Foreign Affairs, and amused myself very well.
Both were polite and agreeable. Grant saw the
Sultan informally to-day and the Sultan's stables.
The Sultan wished to give him a fine Arabian horse,
but he refused.

" After dinner the General told me that he had
suddenly decided not to go to San Stefano to-mor-
row to see the Grand Duke Nicholas. I repeated
what Tseretelef had told me of the preparations
made for him; but he said that our Minister was so
positive that this would be considered impolite to
the Turks and would injure his position as American
representative that he begged him not to go. I
represented to him that since the armistice, and es-
pecially since the conclusion of peace, there had
been frequent communications between the two
sides; that General Ignatief had breakfasted in Pera
to-day with the Greek Minister; that various diplo-
mats had been to San Stefano, and that arrange-
ments were on foot for a formal visit of the Grand

127

EUGENE SCHUYLER

Duke Nicholas to the Sultan. At the same time I
admitted that the Minister was the only person to
decide what might affect our relations with Turkey,
though, considering the length to which matters
had gone, I feared the effect upon the Russians.
Much as I dislike the result, I cannot but admire
Grant's patience and loyalty in submitting to the
advice of the Minister, especially as he says it was
against all his wishes and inclinations. Poor Greene
has had to ride post haste to San Stefano, in order
to make what apologies and explanations he can.
What annoys and amuses me particularly in this
affair is that some of the suite who were disposed
to be severe with me because I dissuaded the Gen-
eral from riding to San Stefano on the first day of
his arrival, now wonder that such an idea could ever
have been considered, and blame me as if I had sug-
gested it.

" March 6th. — The Vandalia, with the Grant par-
ty, after various delays, got off to-day for Athens.

"March /th. — Just as I was finishing breakfast
there came a little note from Greene, asking me to
go to breakfast at Le Bon's to meet Skobelef. I
went at once. General Skobelef professed to be
very anxious to meet me, as we both knew so much
about each other. He complimented me on my
' Turkistan,' and said that many of the persons I
had spoken of were being accused and brought to
trial. General Kaufmann was making a regular
clearing out. We pitied General Golovatchef, who
had been turned out of the army, and was even re-

128

A MEMOIR

fused a brigade in this war. We both thought him
personally innocent, though he was always sur-
rounded by swindlers and blacklegs.

" Skobelef dined with us, together with Helbert,
MacGahan, Millet, Greene, and Chambers. He
made himself very entertaining, especially in his
discussions of the war and of military operations.
He is evidently a genius and a very sympathetic
one.

" Among other things, we spoke of Kashgar. He
said that much as the Russians hated to see a strong
Mussulman nation erected in Kashgar by the Eng-
lish, they would have kept still had the English been
in earnest. The moment they saw the English
waver in their policy they took advantage of it, and
egged on the Chinese — even supplying them with
money and arms. Kaufmann wrote to him the
other day that much as he disliked the Chinese as
neighbours, he yet liked them better than the Eng-
lish.

" His appearance was very amusing. A Euro-
pean officer who lives in his uniform always looks
odd in civilian dress. Skobelef had ridden to town
in uniform, and had been obliged to send to a Jew
slop-shop to get some ready-made clothes, and they
did not at all fit him.

" March ioth. — In accordance with a telegram I
had yesterday from Tseretelef, I went to the Rus-
sian war steamer Vladimir to see General and
Countess Ignatief. I found the whole Russian Em-
bassy. General Ignatief takes the treaty signed by
Vol. I.— 9 1 29

EUGENE SCHUYLER

the Sultan, together with Reouf Pasha, the Minister
of War, as special Ambassador. Tseretelef and
Stcherbatchef accompany him. The Countess Ig-
natief was very amiable, but abused me like a pick-
pocket because I had not been to see her and be-
cause Mr. Maynard had not let Grant go to San
Stefano. The General told me that Zichy, who had
been aboard, had begged him not let Bulgaria come
down to salt water; that if it did, England and
France would intrigue, etc., etc. Ignatief told him
that this was a proof of Russia's sincerity, for if
she had wished to keep Bulgaria all to herself,
she would have been very careful not to give it a
port. . . ."

" My previsions were correct. Greene had very
hard work to explain why General Grant had not
come to see the Grand Duke Nicholas, and when
the General went to St. Petersburg later he was
given a very cold shoulder. Years before there had
been a little ill-feeling against General Grant, on ac-
count of the Catacazy affair, and it had been very
difficult to procure a proper reception for General
Sherman, because he was accompanied by one of
the President's sons as aide-de-camp.")

T30

A MEMOIR

It was quite natural that the Turks should object
to the presence of a man who had done so much
to expose their barbarities. However, they never
dared say a word about the Bulgarian business, but
complained that Mr. Schuyler had too vigorously
supported his Government's view of its treaty rights
in Turkey. To relieve the situation, he was given
leave of absence and returned to America in the
spring of 1878, where he spent the summer. In the
autumn he was transferred to the consulship at Bir-
mingham— a curious appointment for a man whose
specialty was the Eastern Question. He accepted it
as a stop-gap, which, in fact, it was, as he was made
Consul-General at Rome in the summer of 1879.

Life in Birmingham was not in itself interesting,
but wherever he might be he made life interesting.
From his house at Edgebaston, the most attractive
of the suburbs, he took long walks over the country,
and longer excursions by train. Naturally, he and
his wife met all the people of note in the neighbour-
hood, and in his letters he speaks of Mr. Chamber-
lain, of Mr. Samuel Timmins, the Shakespearian
scholar, of the antiquarian, Mr. Bragge, and of many
others.

Housekeeping in Birmingham was unexpectedly
131

EUGENE SCHUYLER

difficult, the British cook objecting to the French
maid's irreligious habit of sewing on Sunday, and
giving notice in consequence; while the latter took
England so hard as to bring on a crise des nerfs,
which was made the occasion for a delightful trip
to Bath, " partly for ourselves, but chiefly for the
maid, who over-exerted herself until the other night
she went half crazy."

Then the confectioner would not supply sweets on
Sunday, the cook had a heavy hand, guests were
expected, the mistress was a good mistress, but no
cook, so the master of the house, collecting a hete-
rogeneous array of fruits and liqueurs and a bottle
of champagne, invented a dish which was a standby
of the family for ever after. The garden was looked
upon hopefully at first, but as everything came up
rhubarb, no matter what was planted, it did not
prove the source of pleasure that was expected.

All this time he was not forgotten in Bulgaria.
At the first meeting of the Bulgarian National As-
sembly, on April 4th, 1879, three telegrams were
sent, one to the Emperor of Russia, one to Mr.
Gladstone, and one to Mr. Schuyler. His diary
contains the following entry:

" Sunday, April 6th. — Palm Sunday. . . .
Went to the office and found a letter from Lord Au-
gustus Loftus and another from Shaw, Consul at

132

A MEMOIR

Manchester, which enclosed a telegram, sent there
by mistake, from the National Bulgarian Assembly
at Tirnova. I could not help being much pleased.

'"Tirnova, April 4, 1879.
" ' At the time that European diplomacy was try-
ing with all possible means to conceal the sufferings
of the Bulgarian nation, in consequence of the Turk-
ish atrocities perpetrated two years ago, you,
through your famous report, brought the truth to
light and helped to remedy the evil. The free Bul-
garian nation hastens to thank you heartily for your
great services, and to assure you that your hon-
oured name will hold an enviable place in the his-
tory of the liberation of our nation.

(Signed) Anthim,

President of the National Assembly.' '

While on a visit to London in May, 1879, Mr.
Schuyler saw in a newspaper his appointment as
Consul-General at Rome, and returned to Birming-
ham only to prepare to leave it; although for some
reason his departure was delayed until the end of
August. Meanwhile, in the leisure of Birmingham,
he had begun his " Life of Peter the Great," and be-
fore going to Rome he found time for a visit to Hol-
land, where, as he says, he " archived " most indus-
triously, and incidentally made an effort to find out
something about his Dutch ancestors. To his eld-
est sister,1 whose birthday he never forgot to notice,

1 Mrs. Grant.
133

EUGENE SCHUYLER

through all his wanderings, he wrote from Amers-
foort on August 3d:

" You see that I do not forget your birthday, and
I write, too, from the birth-place of your ancestors,
as well as of Jan Olden Barneveldt. ... At
present I will only say that there was a Hendrik
van Slichtenhorst, a Schepen (Alderman) at the
Hague from 1633 to 1646, when he died, and that
he figures in two splendid large pictures by Raves-
tyn, and one of Jansen. I hope he is a relative. I
have also bought a copy of the book of our ancestor
Arent v. Slichtenhorst, the ' History of Guelder-
land.' I can only barely make myself understood
in Dutch, but I find I can read it easily enough.

" My Dutch cousin came and took me to Nykerk,
the home of the Van Rensselaers. They took their
name from an estate called Rensselaer close by.
There and in many other churches I saw the Van
Rensselaer arms on many tombstones. In the
orphan asylum there is a splendid picture by
Breecker in 1641, of the first regents of the asylum.
One of them is Jan Van Rensselaer and another
Rykert van Twiller. Every one thought I looked
very much like the Van Rensselaer. I didn't see it
myself, except that he was short and stout. . . ."

Mr. Schuyler's position in Rome was a very agree-
able one. He and his wife were persona gratissimce
in Roman society, where the latter had already had

134

A MEMOIR

five years' experience. On the other hand, the ven-
erable Mr. Marsh, for many years Minister of the
United States at Rome, and greatly respected there
for his learning and other qualities, considered it
derogatory to the dignity of the Service to associate
the Commercial with the Diplomatic branch in social
matters, and therefore declined to present the Con-
sul-General at Court. To a man who had been used
to being on pleasant terms with royalty in many
countries, this view was unexpected. However, in
one way it gave to him and his wife a social position
of more scope than would otherwise have been pos-
sible. They had a delightful apartment in the
Palazzo Altemps, where they received their friends
in their usual way. Because they were, in a manner,
outsiders, having no connection with the Quirinal,
everybody came to them — both Blacks and Whites.
One met at their receptions Cairoli, the King's
Prime Minister, and the officials of the Papal Court;
Cardinal Howard, and Doctor O'Connell, the head
of the American College; the ladies of the Court; the
Ambassadors to the two Courts, resplendent with
decorations; all Roman society, and Americans
without number.

At this time " Peter the Great " was coming out
in Scribner's Monthly almost as fast as it was writ-
ten; a manner of publication which proved trying to

135

EUGENE SCHUYLER

the nerves of a much-interrupted man. Fortu-
nately for him and for the book, his duties as Consul-
General required many short journeys of supervis-
ion, and at these times he could often stop by the
way and get a quiet day or two for writing, and for
the country walks which he loved. He wrote from
Albano in the spring of 1880:

" A rainy day has not prevented work, though it
has made me hazy from want of exercise. Just now
I am capturing Azof. ... I walked yesterday
fully ten miles and came home rather tired. We
went to Genzano, from there down close to the
shore of Lake Nemi, then up an awfully steep hill
to the village of Nemi, and then by a short cut to
the Galleria di Sopra, on Lake Albano, and so down
home. It was windy and cool, but we had the sun
just at the worst time — as we were going up the
hill. For wild flowers it beats even Greece. I
counted fully eighty-five plants in bloom, not count-
ing grasses or the lovely ferns. Some of them were
very pretty. In the woods between the lakes the
ground was covered with the Poets' Narcissus, of
which I brought home a large handful.

" Dictation last night and this morning. Three
parts of Part 10 finished. Peter is back in Moscow,
having resisted — so far as I know — the temptations
of Aurora v. Konigsmark and the Fraulein v.
Thurn, and is beginning to cut off beards and
skirts. . . ."

136

A MEMOIR

The Roman life came to an end very soon. In
June, 1880, Mr. Schuyler was surprised by the an-
nouncement of his promotion and transfer to Bu-
carest as Diplomatic Agent and Consul-General.
He writes of his appointment :

" We enjoyed Rome very greatly, though I have
been far too busy with my Consular work and with
' Peter the Great ' to get all the advantage of Italy
that I wished. I leave it with regret. Bucarest is
very expensive and not particularly pleasant. Still
there is great political interest in the East, and no
one knows what is in store there. ... I was
appointed without my knowledge, and even yet
have no official announcement of the fact."

His stay in Bucarest was beset with vexations.
The title with which he was sent— Diplomatic
Agent— did not suit the Roumanian Government,
who justly maintained that such an agent could not
be received in an independent country. The new-
ness of their independence made them, perhaps,
more particular; but, in fact, the only other Dip-
lomatic Agent sent by us was to Egypt, a vassal
state. The President respected their prejudices by
using the term " Diplomatic Representative " in his
Message; and Mr. Schuyler was accepted provision-
ally until his title could be arranged. About the

137

EUGENE SCHUYLER

end of January he received his credentials as CJiarge-
d' Affaires and Consul-General, but meantime his
anomalous position had caused him many annoy-
ances. As Charge-d' Affaires he was placed on a
par with his colleagues of Holland and Monaco, all
the others being of higher rank. His personal rela-
tions with the Prince and Princess were always
pleasant. Of the former he had written in 1876:
" Like all the Hohenzollern princes that I have met,
he leaves you under a spell, produced by frankness,
bonhommie, intelligence, and culture."

With a new country like this, relations of every
kind had to be begun, and it was necessary, there-
fore, to make commercial and consular treaties,
which placed Americans choosing to go to Rou-
mania for business purposes, on the same footing as
other foreigners as to rights and privileges. These
negotiations dragged on until the following sum-
mer, owing to the procrastinating habits of the
Roumanian statesmen. The treaties were, how-
ever, finally signed and ratified. In addition, there
was a trade-mark convention to be made, and gen-
eral and special reports to prepare on the commerce,
industries, and revenues of the country.

Meantime a visit to Bulgaria, in response to an
invitation to dine with the Prince, made a pleasant
episode.

138

A MEMOIR

" Rustchuk, September 26, 1880,
Monday Morning.

". . . So far I have every reason to be satisfied
with my reception. Stoilof, the Prince's secretary,
timed a visit to Bucarest so as to take me over, and
we found one of the Prince's launches waiting on
the Roumanian side of the river. I got here about
noon, and at two o'clock was received by the Prince,
who was very amiable, and who talked politics a
long time with me. He thanked me for all I had
done, and also for my telegrams. It seems that
my telegram after the Winter Palace explosion was
the first he received, and Stoilof told me he was
very much touched.

" Afterwards I went to Stoilof's room, where I
saw the Metropolitan-Archbishop, who was all that
is most amiable. A number of Bulgarians were in-
vited to dinner to meet me, and one of them said I
had saved his life. I had seen him in prison. He
was then a school-teacher, and is now a judge. The
Metropolitan sat on the right hand of the Prince
and I on his left. There were, among others, the
Prefect, the Master of the Court, a German, and a
young Russian aide-de-camp, to whom I took a
fancy. The dinner was good, and the conversation,
at least on our side, tolerably animated. The
Prince started off that night for Shumla, where he
has some inspections of troops.

" I was interrupted here by a visit of the Metro-
politan, the Prefect, and all the city authorities, etc.,
etc., with formal speeches and no end of hand-

139

EUGENE SCHUYLER

shaking, and thanks to the original liberator and
saviour of Bulgaria, etc. If it did not somehow
seem ludicrous for me to be in this position I
should feel like crying. At the bottom of the last
page I had a visit from Mr. Zancoff, the Minister
of Foreign Affairs and Prime Minister.

"' Later. — I breakfasted with Dalziel, the English
Vice-Consul, where I met Vincent,1 one of the
secretaries of the East Roumelian Commission. I
had seen him in London. Then I went with the
Prefect to inspect some fortifications, visited a
school, and called on the Metropolitan, and appar-
ently thus escaped a Macedonian deputation.

" I am, on the whole, very much pleased with my
visit. Everybody looks happier and more comfort-
able. One can see that the people are free. Even
the Turks seem contented enough. It seems rather
pleasant to see Turks again in their motley garb,
bazaars, and minarets. . . ."

He was now working harder than ever at " Peter
the Great," which was drawing to a close in a man-
ner that was vexatious to him. The magazine hav-
ing changed hands, he was asked to condense his
later chapters, in order to finish more quickly; and
where he did not condense enough, a ruthless editor
either mangled or omitted some of the portions with
which he had taken the greatest pains. This, of
course, necessitated a subsequent rewriting of all

1 Sir Edgar Vincent.
I40

A MEMOIR

the latter part of the book. In October he went
to Odessa to consult the library there.

" Still at Odessa, October 28, 1880,
but I expect to leave on Monday.

" My Dear Gertrude : I have been very busy
with reading up until I thought my brain would
burst. Everything opens up here so much, but I
hope to go back with a much clearer idea of certain
things concerning Peter. I shall also be all primed
to write my regular article for the Athenceum on
Russian literature. . . ."

" Bucarest, November 14, 1880.
". . . My report is finished, but the third copy
is not quite finished. It makes eighty-one pages of
foolscap, of which forty-one have been done since
I got back — in ten days. Besides that, I have cor-
rected, had copied, and got off three chapters of
Peter, have drawn up and had copied a pro jet de
traite, both in English and French, twenty-one
pages each; have written two long despatches in
English and French, and two short ones, and this
makes thirty-six letters. I have now on hand some
more Peter and three long despatches. I feel,
therefore, that I have not been idle, but still I have
not seemed to work particularly hard. . . ."

It was a peculiarity of his that he never did seem
to be working very hard. He always had an air of
leisure and detachment, stopping to walk about

141

EUGENE SCHUYLER

the house or the garden, to talk, to play a game
of patience, seeming to idle away his time, but ac-
complishing an amazing amount of work. At this
time his work was made much more difficult by the
long illness of his private secretary. Moreover,
Bucarest did not agree with him. He suffered
greatly from neuralgia, and found his life there alto-
gether depressing. To one of his family he wrote :

" I don't know why you have such a fixed idea
of the charms of Bucarest. Take to-day; it is sunny
and pleasant, but it is impossible to walk a step.
There are two streets that are well paved, six more
with a block or two of paving; the rest are with
large cobble-stones worse than Constantinople,
either no sidewalks or paved like the street. Even
in the good streets the sidewalks are as in Pera,
either very narrow or none at all. As the streets
are never cleaned or swept, those rare sidewalks are
now covered with slimy, sticky mud, through which
you must shuffle, for if you lift your feet you fall
down. There is not a picture nor statue — a poor
library, a parody on a museum, almost no music,
except a wretched Italian opera. Society is fear-
ful. . . .

" I have just had another Christmas present, or,
rather, notice of one. The Prince of Serbia has
sent me the Takova Cross, Commandeur, round the
neck like the others. It has not come yet, so that
I don't know how it looks. When it arrives I will

142

A MEMOIR

write a polite note, and say that I will ask permis-
sion of Congress to wear it. I won't say when, but
that will excuse me from wearing it if I go to Bel-
grade. Of course I don't wear any of them, except
the Roumanian medal, which is not a decoration,
being only given for literary merit. But some day
when I am in America I'll get some friend to get
a resolution through Congress for all of them. I
see General Sickles has just asked permission for
the Legion of Honor."

In March, 1881, occurred the assassination of the
Emperor of Russia.

" The first account has just come. The awful
details make me almost sick. ... I don't think
I ever spoke to the present Emperor,1 except on
my formal presentation, and I don't remember that
I was even presented. He did not care much to
see people. But I used to hear a good deal about
him from people who knew him, and, contrary to
most foreigners, formed a high opinion of him.
One thing is perfectly true. He and his wife are
still in love with each other; and they were the only
ones of the Imperial family, male or female, about
whom there was not the slightest breath of scandal.
I might, perhaps, except the Grand Duchess Cath-
erine (Mecklenburg) and the Grand Duchess Vladi-
mir. He is obstinate, but he is sensible and intelli-
gent, and is fond of the English."

1 Alexander III.
143

EUGENE SCHUYLER

" Bucarest, March 26, 1881.

". . . We have had a great excitement. The
Prince has been proclaimed King. I have just
come from the Senate, where I saw the law voted.
The town is gay with flags. It is a pleasant day,
and everybody is out. Fortunately, I did some
work this morning, for I have been gadding about
all the afternoon, seeing my colleagues, who are
now only distinguished strangers until they get
new credentials, and looking at the crowd. Un-
luckily, it will put the treaty back a few days yet,
and some pages will have to be re-copied. I have
sent a telegram to Washington and hope to get
one soon in reply.

" It seems that yesterday the Conservatives vio-
lently attacked the Liberals for protecting Nihilists,
which made the majority so angry that they insisted
on proclaiming the King as a reply. It zvas not
to be done until May 22. No foreign power has
been asked for its consent, and some of the Aus-
trians are furious. Awkwardly enough for them,
both Hoyos and Wesdehlen went to Sinaia early
this morning to look for a house, so that they know
nothing about it. . . .

" March 2jth. — After finishing my letter last
night, I went up towards the palace with the crowd,
and when all the formalities had been concluded the
King and Queen came out on the balcony. He
looked grave and quiet, but she was excited and
very much pleased, and constantly waved her hand-
kerchief to the crowd. When they had gone in

144

A MEMOIR

Bratiano1 bowed awhile and finally kissed his
hand right and left. It is something, of course, to
make a king. . . .

" May io, 1881. — . . . Your letters came yes-
terday, just as I was starting on my picnic. ' Gar
nichts oder ganz ' is the Queen's favourite motto,
and has no special reference to her being queen.
They say she is very unhappy. She is rather afraid
of her husband, who is not very sympathetic; she
has no children, and worse even, not a single rela-
tive or equal in the country. In most royal families
you know, there are a lot of cousins, brothers, and
sisters, who help pass the time. When Carol came
as Prince he introduced a very rigid etiquette,
which has quite cut them off from intercourse
with the people of the country. So she is to be
pitied. . . .

" I am much worried over Bulgaria. The Prince
is going to try to upset the Constitution. You will
have seen his proclamation in the papers. I tried
to see Zancoff to-day, but was unsuccessful. I
shall do what I can to support the Constitutional
party. I think the abdication of the Prince much
the least of two evils, and I cannot but ask myself
whether there is not some Russian intrigue at bot-
tom, to show the Russians the folly of a constitu-
tion. . . .

" It seems to me now as if there were nothing but
going to bed and getting up again, with a little
worry in between. ... If I were in the service

1 The Prime Minister.

Vol. I.— 10 145

EUGENE SCHUYLER

of any other Government it might do me good to
be an authority about these countries. But with
ours it is not of the least service."

In June, 1881, he was sent on a special mission
to Belgrade for the purpose of making treaties with
Serbia.

" I fear that my stay here will be prolonged for a
few days. I saw Mr. Mijatovitch again this morn-
ing, and gave him my draft treaties. He says he
will read them over at once, and hopes that we can
come to an agreement in a few days. I should
then have to send them to America before signing,
which would take about six weeks. . . . We
had a long hunt in the library this morning for the
volumes of Russian laws I wanted, which had got
misplaced. There is an awful job before me to
study them, which, however, will satisfy my author's
conscience not to take the things at second
hand. . . .

" At noon I was received by the Prince and Prin-
cess. I was in ordinary morning dress, with black
gloves, he ditto, and she in black. They are in
mourning for his grandmother, who died the other
day, very old — a peasant woman, who could neither
read nor write. I had sweets and cold water and a
cup of coffee. They were very amiable. He has
great good sense, and showed that he perfectly
understood himself and what he was talking about.

146

A MEMOIR

He is much more sympathetic than the Roumanian
King."

While waiting for the treaties to be sent back
from America, he went for a short visit to Paris.
From Vienna he wrote to his wife, August 4th:

" I think you will laugh when I tell you why I
stay over here to-morrow. I am invited to dinner
to meet the King of the Sandwich Islands. I have
been dining to-night to meet the Prime Minister,
and am to breakfast with him to-morrow.

" I found, to my astonishment, to-day that the
Prime Minister is Armstrong — whom we used to
call ' Feejee ' Armstrong — an old college friend of
mine. You say I meet them everywhere. He was
born in the Sandwich Islands, where his father was
a missionary or something of the kind, but had
never been back there. He had always known the
King, and did a good deal for him in America.
The King then asked him to go out, but he refused.
He said, however, that if the King should ever get
into difficulties, to send for him. Last November,
when he had lost all his money and was helping his
brother supervise the negro schools at Hampton,
he got a telegram to go at once. He was made
Attorney-General, settled all the difficulties, and is
now Prime Minister and Foreign Affairs. Then
came the journey round the world, and for the last
few months he has done nothing but hobnob with
Kings, Queens, and Emperors — China, Japan,

147

EUGENE SCHUYLER

Siam, Burmah, India, Egypt, Berlin, London,
Vienna, etc. He is very entertaining and amus-
ing, especially when he talks about his King.
Phelps had him to dinner to-night, together with
Jones and his daughter, and a very amusing old
man, Smith — who is with them — a man who seems
to know everybody. By the way, Jones crossed
with you all in 1867, when you rescued a ship-
wrecked crew, and your father christened a baby.
From there we went to the Volks-garten, where I
met General di Cesnola, whom I knew only by
correspondence.

" Vienna, Sunday, August 7, 1881.
". . . The dinner last night passed off very
well. . . . Besides the King, his prime minister
and his chamberlain, there were only Jones, Smith
— who knows everybody in New York and Paris —
Cesnola, and myself. His Majesty Kalakaua was
very amiable and pleasant, and there was a good
deal of general conversation. I did not, however,
get any chance to talk to him, on account of my
place at table. I devoted myself chiefly to Arm-
strong, and had a very jolly time. His Majesty is
not bad looking, but very much like a negro,
which is strange, as he has no negro blood in him.
I have acquired such delightful ideas of the climate
and life at the Sandwich Islands, that I think I
would accept with joy if Blaine sent me there as
Minister. . . ."

148

A MEMOIR

To his Wife.
" Bucarest, Monday, September 26, 1881.
". . . The Requiem for the repose of the soul
of President Garfield took place yesterday morning
in the cathedral, with all due ceremony, the Metro-
politan conducting the proceedings. The service
by no means comes up to a Russian one. There had
been very late notice, and not many people were
there; most of the diplomats, several officials and
officers, etc., etc. In spite of the pouring rain, I
had to go down again in the afternoon to call on
the Metropolitan and thank him. He speaks
French and is a nice old man. I believe the Gov-
ernment has also sent a telegram of condolence to
Mrs. Garfield. They have also charged me with a
message for the Government. The papers say that
the English Court has gone into mourning. I
should not be surprised if this and the general feel-
ing of sympathy in England led to our sending an
Ambassador to England before very long. I am
sure I hope so. All this only shows how people
are beginning to respect us now that we are strong
and successful. England now looks at us with very
different eyes from twenty years ago. ... I see
that the Belgian and Spanish Courts have also gone
into mourning. . . ."

In the autumn of 1881 a leave of absence enabled
Mr. Schuyler to revisit America. During the win-
ter, which he spent chiefly in Washington, his

149

EUGENE SCHUYLER

advice was asked in regard to certain matters
concerning which he was greatly interested and
particularly well informed. He had always advo-
cated the union, wherever possible, of the Diplo-
matic and Consular Service, on grounds of economy
and efficiency.

" Our interests are chiefly commercial ones. Any
important case has to go in the end to the Minister.
Why not suppress the intermediate step — the Con-
sul-General— or unite him to the Legation? It
will be cheaper and will be more efficient. At the
same time there is a saving to travellers and
others. . . . The office of Consul-General is
chiefly one of supervision — at Rome almost en-
tirely so — and that could perfectly well be per-
formed by the Legation. In London and Paris
this is impossible or very difficult, owing to the
amount of work done. . . .

" There is no such absolute distinction between
diplomatic and consular duties as many people, not
diplomats, seem to think. They constantly run
into one another. If our Government chose to im-
pose upon the Legations all the duties incumbent
on consuls it would make no practical difference to
anybody, and would, of course, be only applicable
in the Capitals, where the Legations reside. . . .
Nearly every government has at some time carried
on its consular business in some Legation or other.
But just here is a point about which there may be

150

A MEMOIR

a susceptibility, charging not diplomats with con-
sular, but consuls with diplomatic functions. Gen-
erally speaking, in Europe diplomats come from
the upper and consuls from the middle classes; and
this looks like putting a man above his sphere.
You know the idea is very widely spread in America
that it is absurd to have any diplomats; that a
consul acting as Char ge-d 'Affaires could do the
work just as well. Now what I have wanted to
do was to . . • show that ministers and secre-
taries, while not losing the consideration attached
to them, and keeping their proper rank, are per-
fectly fit and able to do consular duty and are not
useless excrescences."

Mr. Schuyler's opinion was not mere theory.
Among other instances, the Italian Minister had
the title of Consul or Consul-General in five coun-
tries, while a number of European Courts recog-
nised our Minister as Consul-General or our Con-
sul-General as also Secretary of Legation without
any trouble. In view of all this he assisted in the
preparation of a bill uniting the Consulate-Gen-
eral with the Legation in several places, including
Rome and Vienna. In his absence, and greatly
to his annoyance, the wording of the bill was ac-
cidentally changed, so that instead of making the
Secretary of Legation, Consul-General, the Con-
sul-General was invested with the office of Secre-

151

EUGENE SCHUYLER

tary of Legation. This unfortunate mistake caused
him to be accused of having shortened the life of
the Minister to Rome, by depriving him of a sec-
retary without whose services he was unable to
carry on the work of the. Legation; and a very
powerful enemy was raised up in Washington.
The result was far-reaching, and was undoubtedly
one of the causes of the subsequent interruption of
his career.

VII

Mr. Schuyler remained in America until the fol-
lowing July. Meantime he was appointed Minister
to Greece, Serbia, and Roumania, and after visiting
the two Tatter countries, took up his residence in
Athens in January, 1883.

His first visit there had been made in the spring
of 1877, when he went off for a breathing space
after the eight months of work and worry entailed
by the Bulgarian investigation and the events
which followed it. A letter written at that time
gives his first impressions in all their freshness:

" I cannot realize that I have been here only a
week, so much has been compressed into a small
time. There is much to see and much to enjoy, and
much that is simply strange. For one thing, peo-

152

A MEMOIR

pie here are much more cut off from the world than
at Constantinople, and the European mails leave at
rare and, to me, difficult-to-ascertain times. To-
day is the Greek Good Friday, and I must say I
never saw so strange a one, or, on the whole, so
jolly a one. The streets are full to overflowing
with people, and yet it is not a close holiday, for
most of the shops are open. One, indeed, is draped
in deep black, and the flags are everywhere at half-
mast, but trade goes on as briskly as ever. Half
of the common people go about with lambs and
sheep on their shoulders or hung around their
necks — to be eaten on Easter — and booths are on
all the corners, for the sale of Easter candles and
red Easter eggs. We went into some of the
churches and did as the rest did, and were never
before so hospitably received. For a few sous we
bought some slim candles, which we lighted and
stuck before the pictures of the saints, some little
bouquets and sprigs of flowers, which we laid on
the tomb of Christ, erected in the middle of the
church, and we were then sprinkled with holy
water from long-necked blue bottles, and were
given sprigs of orange flowers for ourselves, amid
the smiles and bows of the priests, deacons, and
all the assistants. To-night there are to be every-
where funeral processions, of which I will tell you
later.

" It is impossible to give you an idea of the purity
of the air, the loveliness of the landscape, and the
charm of everything, from the Acropolis to the

153

EUGENE SCHUYLER

Public Garden, and from the peasant to the King.
Each day seems more delightful than the one pre-
ceding. Coming here from Constantinople is like
suddenly emerging into civilization. I feel better
and younger. We don't even talk politics, though
I have met nearly the whole diplomatic corps. It
is quite another atmosphere — moral and intellect-
ual, as well as physical.

" The more I see the ruins and the remnants of
ancient sculpture, the more I am willing to bow
down before Greek art, and to admit that the
Greeks of the old days could not do wrong in mat-
ters of taste.

" We left Constantinople last Wednesday on the
Messageries steamer, and after coasting by purple
islands scattered through a bright blue sea, anch-
ored off the Piraeus early on Friday morning. An
hour's drive brought us to Athens.

" How our days have been spent, except that they
have been pleasant and happy, I don't think I could
tell you. We have been to Daphne and Eleusis,
have ascended Mount Pentelicus, have driven
through the olive groves of Plato's Academy, have
been almost daily to the Acropolis, and were pre-
sented to King George, who was very pleasant and
amiable and talked to us for a long time. One
thing we found very delightful, and that was,
strange to say, the cemetery. Not the modern
one, but one where people have been resting for
2,000 years and more; where simple, touching
tombs have but lately been brought to light. There

154

A MEMOIR

was no suggestion of grief in those sculptures —
restrained, but sad, farewells. I wish you could see
them. Unfortunately, photographs never show
such things exactly as they seem to you when you
see them; they exaggerate defects and discolora-
tions, and do not allow your fancy to replace the
broken noses or smooth the ragged outlines. . . .

" I believe I began this letter on Good Friday,
but it is now Easter Sunday in the Greek rite. We
were at a great ceremony last night at the cathe-
dral, or, rather, on a platform in front of it. The
King and Queen and all the Court came to be
blessed by the Metropolitan at midnight. The
whole square was alive with lighted candles, and the
effect was marvellous. Unluckily, Greek church
music is not as good as Russian, or it would have
been even grander. The streets were all filled with
troops, and what with the bands, the people, the
lights, and the firecrackers and the fireworks, it was
very gay. Good Friday evening was almost as gay
in another way with the religious processions, while
everybody held candles.

" The fields, hillsides, and roadsides all about here
are wonderfully gay with wild onion — pink or white
— daisies, marigolds, scarlet poppies, and blood-red
anemones — these last the most beautiful of all.

" The Reads have been very polite to us; far more
than I had any right to expect, and we have taken
them in great affection. In general, every one here
is nice and agreeable, and we are already great
Philhellenes. . . ."

155

EUGENE SCHUYLER

The Schuylers were very fortunate in their house
(Michaeli Vodu), which was a little out of the city;
a palace, in a very large garden — the largest in
Athens except the King's. Their landlord was
Prince Souzo, a son of that Souzo, a Phanariot
Greek, who, after being made Hospodar, was start-
ing for Bucarest, when the Sultan casually men-
tioned a little service which he could render in return
for his new honours. Would he be so obliging as
to send back the head of a certain prominent per-
sonage in Bucarest. The commission was executed
in the simple manner of the time, the person in re-
quest being bidden to a feast. At the end, when
the guests were dispersing, there was the slight
gesture usual in such cases, and the head was
brought in a few moments after.

In spite of the Arabian Nights entertainments of
the last generation, the Athenian Souzo was a
peaceful and agreeable man, who let his palace and
lived in an apartment in the city. Still, the civili-
sation of modern Greece is not very old. The
King's aide-de-camp de Service was Colonel Hadji-
Petros, the son of the Roi des Montagues; and
among the Greek Deputies were a few who still
wore the national costume, and might quite well
have been brigands in their day. One of them
stared so long and so fixedly at Mrs. Stanford's dia-

156

A MEMOIR

monds that a bystander exclaimed: " Oh, wouldn't
he like to catch her in a dark place on her way
home!"

It was at a reception at the Schliemanns'. They
had a handsome house and entertained a great deal.
As Schliemann delighted in finding that the old
Greek names were still in use, Madame Schliemann
(who is a Greek) used to say when engaging a new
porter: " Your name is Rhadamanthus," and to
the cook, " Your name is Pelops." On this occa-
sion Mrs. Stanford had consulted a friend about her
dress, saying that she was sorry she had left her
diamonds at home; she only travelled with a few.
When she entered in her purple and gold gown, she
was blazing with diamonds from head to foot.
Everybody stopped talking and looked at her, and,
after a little, Madame Schliemann said to Mr.
Schuyler: " Shall I go up and put on my Trojan
necklace? " " Certainly," he said; and she ran up-
stairs like a little girl. When she came down she
said to Mrs. Stanford: " You have your diamonds,
but I have my necklace, which was dug out of the
ruins of Troy."

" My diamonds are older still," said Mrs. Stan-
ford. " They were dug out of the bowels of the
earth."

At this time Tricoupis, the great Greek states-
157

EUGENE SCHUYLER

man, was in power. He was the Government.
His capabilities and endurance seemed unlimited,
and it used to be said of him, with more or less
truth, that whenever a Minister resigned, he took
the vacant place, so that it sometimes happened
that he held nearly all the portfolios at once. He
was a strong man and a serious one. Interesting
he always was, but he did not care for trifling; nor
could he find leisure or inclination to be so con-
stantly accessible as is expected in ultra-democratic
Greece. His devoted sister took that duty upon
herself. Miss Tricoupis was never known to go out
of the house, but received from eight o'clock in the
morning until midnight. A man-servant in Greek
costume sat on a chair on the pavement, in order
to be able to direct visitors upstairs. At the head
of the stairs they knocked on a door, were bidden
to come in — " Oriste! " — and entered the salon.
This was a room literally filled with plants and
flowers. An india-rubber plant reached to the ceil-
ing; all manner of other things grew in pots, and
every available spot held plates and vases of flowers,
principally wild flowers. Miss Tricoupis always sat
on a sofa at the left of the door. Chairs were
arranged in a semicircle in front of the sofa, and the
most distinguished guest was placed beside the

hostess, in the Continental fashion. Miss Tricoupis

158

A MEMOIR

wore an unchanging costume; a black stuff gown,
made with a train, with white lace around the
neck and down the front of the bodice, and her
hair braided in front a la Grecque. Her face was
not handsome, but strong and pleasing, with very
bright, brown eyes. At this time she was a middle-
aged woman, perhaps a trifle older than her brother.
She had the vivacity which he lacked, and made
herself agreeable to every one. Besides this, she
was able, in the course of a day, to pick up any
amount of information which he must have found
useful. Foreigners were welcome to her salon
during the day, but the evening, when Tricoupis
himself could be present, was reserved for the
Greeks; and while others were not forbidden, it was
generally understood that they would go in the
daytime.

There were always Russian ships in the harbor
and usually many others, and life was gay as far
as breakfasts, dinners, dances, and entertainments
of that sort were concerned, but there was no the-
atre— no opera — not even concerts, except some-
times at the palace.

" In spite of scenery, we cannot equal Rome in
attractions. Tis the Carnival, and dancing is the
aim of life. You would not suspect me of that,
and what will you think when I tell you that I

159

EUGENE SCHUYLER

opened a the dansant chez nous day before yesterday
by dancing with the Queen? You know every-
thing begins small. We have the best dancing-
room in Athens. 'Twas thought to revive the
mazurka, which has not been danced since Otho's
days, and of which the Queen, as a Russian, is very
fond. At the Russian Court it replaces the cotil-
lon. So they asked us to give a practising place.
We were only too glad to consent, for it amuses us
to have others be amused. The Grand Duke Paul
(brother of the Emperor of Russia) came once, and
asked for another. The result was, that on Tues-
day we gave a dancing afternoon, which seems to
take here, as saving ball dresses, to which the
Queen also came with one hundred and ninety
others and danced for three hours. Now they ask
for another soon. As royalty has gone to no other
diplomatic house for three years, the rest don't like

it, and talk about these d d republicans, but

what care we? What makes it worse is, that we
are the only non-Russian diplomats asked to the
balls and fetes on the Russian ships when the King
and Queen go. The King says he don't care.
Neither do I."

The Queen was still young; she had been married
at sixteen. She was a devoted mother and a most
kind and sympathetic woman, very active in works
of benevolence. She had more gayety of tempera-
ment than the King, and must have missed the

160

A MEMOIR

large family circle of the Russian Court, with their
constant informal amusements.

The afternoon dances were all extremely simple
affairs. Tea and cakes constituted the principal
refreshment. On the first occasion a young Rus-
sian officer said to Mrs. Schuyler: " Your samovar
isn't nearly big enough. I'll bring ours next time."
And after that, every time there was a dance at
Michaeli Vodu, the young Russian appeared with
the ship's samovar tucked under his arm.

After hearing about the Queen's dance, the King
intimated that he would like to go too.

" Admiral Baldwin has been here now a week
with the Lancaster, (illegible) and Kearsarge, and
has been making full atonement for what was
thought the rudeness of Admiral Nicholson about
two years ago. I am nearly killed by it all myself.
We began with an informal dinner and soiree, fol-
lowed by another. On Monday we had a pretty
garden-party and dance, where we were much
helped by the Lancaster's band. One surprise we
could give to the officers, which was to show them
more pretty girls than they have the habit of seeing
out of America. On Wednesday the King break-
fasted with us at the Legation. We were twenty in
all; and besides the officers and regulation guest?,.
we were able to ask the Roumanian Minister and
the Serbian Minister and his wife; also the Russian
Vol. I.— ii 161

EUGENE SCHUYLER

Char ge-d Affaires and Madame Bakhmeteff. It
passed off remarkably well, both eating and drink-
ing fairly good, and the Lancaster's orchestra play-
ing in the next room. The King stayed fully an
hour and a half afterwards. This is the only foreign
house he has taken a meal in for very many years,
except the Russian Legation, where it is de rigueur
to invite the Queen, as being a Russian Grand
Duchess."

It was at this breakfast that the King spoke to
Mrs. Schuyler of his early life in Greece, and of
having come there a boy of eighteen, of another
religion and another language. " My boy will have
an easier time of it than I have had," he said; " but
thank God, I have had a happy marriage."

It is a somewhat thankless task to be the king
of an intensely democratic people.

The King and Queen carried themselves very

royally, and no one knew better than King George

how to prevent a liberty; but in their private life

they were extremely simple and natural. When

Mr. and Mrs. Schuyler were about to leave Athens,

they were invited to the King's country place at

Dekeleia to say good-by. A palace has been built

there since, but then it was a simple country house.

It was all quite charming, and leaves a pretty picture

in one's mind — the King making jokes with the

162

A MEMOIR

children and running up-stairs two steps at a time to
see if the Queen was ready to receive the guests;
the Queen taking Mrs. Schuyler into her bedroom
to show her an Ikon which had belonged to Peter
the Great, and saying: " Do you think Mr. Schuy-
ler would be shocked if I brought him in here? "
Everything perfectly unaffected, yet not without
the proper amount of observances.

When they were asked to write their names in
the visitors' book, and it was found that a queen's
writing materials go astray like other people's, she
called out, as any other wife might call on the man
of the house for help: " Oh, Vil — lee, Vil — lee, I
have no pen; I have no ink! "

On coming to the throne, the King had been
obliged to change his name, as well as his language
and his religion. As King of the Hellenes, he had
to be George, but in his family he was still " Wil-
lie."

A lady spending a day at Dekeleia was asked
to " Come up-stairs and see the prettiest thing you
ever saw." She went up, and there was the Queen,
giving the baby its evening bath, while the King
looked on and handed sponges and towels. Then
the other children were put to bed, and their
mother went around and kissed them all good-
night, making the sign of the cross over each one.

163

EUGENE SCHUYLER

The Queen was a devout member of the Greek
Church, but the King clung to the faith of his
childhood; or, rather, King George belonged to the
Greek Church: " Villee " was a Lutheran.

Among all the social diversions there was no
lack of serious occupation. " Peter the Great "
was finished in Athens and came out in book form.

To A. A. Adee.

" November 5, 1883.
" My Dear Adee : I have been feeling of late
that I have been neglecting you — officially —
but I have always remembered that it is far more
of a bore for you to read a despatch than it is for
me to write it, and I have thus quieted my diplo-
matic and consular conscience. In point of fact, I
have been working very hard ever since the first
of August at finishing ' Peter the Great,' and I
have sent off, on the average, forty 8vo pages of
print a week, which has thus relieved the Depart-
ment. I am happy to say that this great feat has
been accomplished, and I think you will (modesty
of no account) find the copy I shall send you worth
your reading. You will tell me afterwards. But on
parting from this companion of so many years, I
don't quite know what to do next, and to keep my-
self from having brain fever and to cure a bad cold —
for even in my orange and lemon garden, with my
tame owl and tortoise, I have a cold — I am going

164

A MEMOIR

to Corfu for a week, leaving the newly raised
' vexed question ' of the suppression of free Bible
distribution until my return. Perhaps by that time
I shall be more inclined to agree with the Synod,
and think it even worse than I do now. . . .
" Pray remember me to all, and believe me
Yours most sincerely,

Eugene Schuyler."

To A. A. Adee.

"January 30, 1884.

" My Dear Adee : I have ordered my publishers
to send you a copy of my ' Peter the Great.' But
I can scarcely expect you to read it, as it is all
prose and no poetry. You will, however, I hope,
make semblance of reading it, and in due time send
me a little compliment. Just now I am working
on a translation of some old Russian travellers — one
as early as the thirteenth century in Constantinople
before the Latin conquest. I began them years
ago.

" I am delighted with a recent circular of the De-
partment, asking information about the culture of
raisins, figs, olives, etc., partly because it revives
all my old botanical tastes, and partly because it
gives me occasion for various petty excursions to
the islands. I shall set about the work at once, and
only hope I can do it justice; not that I expect
much from Greek agri- and arboriculture.

"Another thing, too; it makes me put an end
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EUGENE SCHUYLER

to a period of dissipation which has lasted too long,
beginning with the daily practice of the mazurka
in our salon and ending with an afternoon dance
here, in which the Queen and the Grand Duke Paul
took a lively part. Did I say ending? I have
been out nearly every night since, and that, added
to dances on the Russian ships, has nearly finished
me. I absolutely need solitude in the olive groves
with Theocritus. With good weather — we have
snow here — there is nothing like that.
Yours most sincerely,

Eugene Schuyler."

At this time the American School of Archaeology
at Athens was in its infancy, and a man of Mr.
Schuyler's tastes could not fail to be deeply inter-
ested in its success. What he could do for it, he
did, more in the way of moral support than in any
other way, although he was occasionally able to
obtain gifts of money. He wrote in April, 1883:

" The school is getting on very well, and fortu-
nately some excellent Americans have been here
who can witness to its utility. Sturgis is here now,
as well as Professor Thayer and Professor Green-
ough, of Harvard. ... In order to show the
good feeling of the Government here, Professor
Goodwin was invited twice to dine at Court, and
has also been invited to the balls there."

166

A MEMOIR

One of the last pleasant incidents of Mr. Schuy-
ler's official residence in Greece was a series of short
cruises on the Undine, a little yacht which he hired
for a time.

" I have just got back from another cruise; this
time to the Cyclades, when I saw something of six,
the prettiest being Tinos, and Karystos on the
south end of Eubcea, and by far the most interest-
ing, Delos. In its utter desolation it is more in-
teresting to me than Olympia; but then it was the
seat of a finer religion. . . .

' The proposed abolition of this Legation is mere-
ly the absurd economy-cry. The Democrats want to
save $100,000 on the Consular and Diplomatic Ser-
vice, and then give outright a million to the New
Orleans Exposition (which promises, however, to
be very remarkable, and you may find it worth while
going there). The Department of State has taken
up the defence of this Mission, saying very nice
things about me and of the Service generally with
unusual warmth and energy. The Senate has
greatly amended the House bill, and it now remains
to see what will be done in the Conference Com-
mittee."

To Russell Sturgis.

"July 23, 1884.
" My Dear Sturgis : Consummatum est. . . .
The Diplomatic Agency at Cairo is reduced to a
simple consulate. The Consul-General at Constan-
tinople is reduced nearly half, and is no longer Sec-

167

EUGENE SCHUYLER

retary of Legation. This Legation is utterly abol-
ished. A Consul-General will be appointed at
Bucarest at $3,500 and a Consul here at $2,500.
The total saving on this place is $1,000. No provis-
ion is made for any officer at Belgrade. So far as I
know, I am legislated out of official existence; for
I know of no vacancy where I can be stored until
wanted for future use. Therefore, as far as I know,
I am a private man and my own master. I don't
so much object to the situation as to the moment
when it comes. ... I have a house on my
hands up to the middle of November. Therefore,
I think I shall stay here until the late autumn. At
all events, I have a house over my head — my books
around me; I can pack up at leisure, and perhaps
do a little work. And yet, when I am in trouble
and perplexity, I find it very hard to work. It is
only when I am comfortable and prosperous that
my brain works easily and that my hand follows.

" Here is one hardship. Congress passed the law
July 6th, to take effect July 1st. I did not know it
till the 14th."

When the letters of recall came, that to Serbia
was written to Prince instead of King, and the one
to Greece to the King of Greece, instead of King
of the Hellenes. They had to be sent back, caus-
ing much delay and annoyance. Later he writes :

" I am on my way to Belgrade and Bucarest, to
take leave and present my letters of recall. It is

168

A MEMOIR

an expensive journey, and at the present time un-
comfortable, for I do not see how I can escape a
quarantine on returning. However, I cannot af-
ford to be impolite, even if the Government chooses
to be. I have known the Kings of Serbia and
Roumania since 1876, and they have always been
very amiable to me. The Department said that if
it were inconvenient to present my letters in person
I could send them to the Foreign Offices. But
these small countries are very sensitive — for such
a proceeding with England or France would hardly
be remarked — and I am patriotic enough to wish
to soften the withdrawal of the Mission as much as
possible, even at my own expense. I shall try to
get repayment out of the Government, but have
little hope of it."

This had been a very happy and successful period
of his life. A dozen years later, a visitor returning
from Athens said: "It is astonishing how the
Schuylers are still loved and lamented there."

VIII
Mr. Schuyler returned to America in November,
1884, and he and his wife established themselves
for the winter in Washington. During the follow-
ing year he delivered at Johns Hopkins and Cornell
Universities the lectures afterwards embodied in the
book entitled " American Diplomacy," which was

published in 1886.

169

EUGENE SCHUYLER

There was every indication that if he had chosen
to stay in America and resume the practice of the
law, his peculiar experience and training would
have brought him an important practice. His de-
cision to leave his own country at this period of his
career was an error of judgment, of which he after-
wards became conscious. But literature was al-
ways more attractive to him than law; and he longed
for the out-of-door life of a southern climate. In
March, 1886, he settled in Alassio, on the Riviera,
which remained his head-quarters until he went to
Cairo, in September, 1889.

For the moment the restful life was very agree-
able. The villa, Molino di Sopra, was a pleasant
place, with one of the lovely terraced gardens com-
mon in that locality. The owners of the villas
about Alassio are much given over to gardening,
and he was an important member of the enthusiastic
band. He had gone to Alassio mentally and physi-
cally tired, but his natural elasticity was great and
the surroundings were restorative. He soon be-
gan to plan literary work, and to feel the need of
getting in touch with people and things in Italy.
In June he wrote from Parma :

" I am on a little journey. It seemed to me that
I was not quite Italianised, and I needed to see more
of the country and fall into Italian ways of thought.

170

A MEMOIR

Out on the edge, in Liguria, we see too many for-
eigners and too few cultivated natives. . . .
There have come suggestions to my mind which
may turn me off into a new track. For somehow
I cannot resist the temptation to write, or at least
to study for writing ultimately. Taking in knowl-
edge in one way, working it over, and letting it
out in a different form begins to attract me for its
own sake."

A temporary decrease of income made him feel
that the gap must be filled by something less leis-
urely than literature, and he made an arrangement
with the New York Herald for occasional corre-
spondence. This was not an agreeable step to take,
and he only did it from a sense of duty. " I don't
want, but our income has been reduced, and I
must."

About the same time he was spending some of
his time in looking up out-of-the-way words and
their definitions for the " Century Dictionary," on
which his friend, Mr. Russell Sturgis, was engaged.
This was a pursuit which interested and amused
him greatly, and for which, with his stores of un-
usual and accurate information, he was peculiarly
fitted.

In pursuance of his arrangement with the Herald

he spent about two months in Vienna in the early

171

EUGENE SOHUYLER

winter of 1887. One of the interesting events of
this visit was the meeting with the Bulgarian Depu-
tation in search of a Prince. They told him that
the Prince of Coburg, on whom their choice finally
fell, and who became Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria,
had never occurred to them until suggested by him
at that time.

A few months later he and his wife were stopping
in Mentone at the time of the famous earthquake
of that year.

To G. Bakhmeteff.

"Alassio, March 10, 1887.

" My Dear Jack : Ever since your telegram I
have been intending to write, but you know in such
times one can't always do as one chooses.

"We had gone to Mentone for a dinner-party with
the expectation of going on to Nice and Cannes
for the like. The very morning that we were to
breakfast at Nice came the earthquake at six. Of
course there was no getting off, as the trains were
too full of runaways. So the next day we came
back to Alassio, after spending five hours at the
station, to come back to Italy on a train with no
passengers, simply because the fugitives had about
6,000 trunks at the station bound the other way,
and they would look after them first. As no tele-
grams had come, we supposed Alassio safe, and were
much surprised on arriving to find that the whole

172

A MEMOIR

town had fallen down, but the villas safe; ours, how-
ever— as luck will be — the worst damaged. To go
back — it seems an age. Having seen several small
earthquakes, and supposing this not to be an earth-
quake region, I lay calmly in bed, happening to be
awake at the time, wondering when it was going to
stop . . . and then when part of the front of the
hotel came off, G. and I found ourselves under the
archway of the door. Somehow I had managed to
put some clothes on. She had very little. We went
into the garden. She shivered and I went up again,
enjoying the view of the distant mountains through
the fissures in the walls, to get some more clothes.
Unluckily, she had packed up the night before, and
it was very hard to hit on anything. I had my
money in my pocket; diamonds and jewels were out
of the question; but I seized what I could, even the
blankets from the bed. But while I was groping
about in the twilight came a second shock, almost as
bad as the first. She did — I don't know what — in
the garden, and I — well, imagine anything you like.
However, I got down-stairs, and, although we
were perfectly safe, we followed example and went
to the Public Gardens, where Howard and I held
up a blanket and She put on a dress, and then my
brilliant yellow and brown plaid dressing-gown from
Vienna, and then blankets over her head. Howard
found a Kiosque; they gave us brandy and biscuits;
we revived ourselves and then others, especially one
very pretty girl. Then we went back to the hotel,
had coffee — the strong-minded servants (though

173

EUGENE SCHUYLER

they left that day) wanted to know if we wished
hot water, baths, etc. We packed up entirely and
left nothing; we had our luggage brought down-
stairs, and then went to see how our friends had
fared. (Our friends are the Andrews. Him you
met in Athens; she is Cyrus Field's daughter.)
They were very nervous; their house was unharmed,
but the shock had gone about one hundred feet the
other side. A number of people already there, in-
cluding a Dresden baroness, a grand-niece of Sir
Walter Scott, and two very shaky old New Yorkers
named Watts. We took coffee again, and then the
third shock came, when we preferred the dew to
the coffee. Andrews, however, was very calm, re-
mained up-stairs, and insisted on having a long,
scientific discussion with me, and refused to come
down till he chose, or let his carriage take the
Watts home, lest he should never see it again.
(The Watts, however, got home and took their nine
o'clock drive, as if nothing had happened.) Then
a sad day. We couldn't get away; we went to
Rumpelmayer's, had kiimmel and bitters, then to
see the ruins, then to Rumpelmayer's, etc., etc., etc.
The telegraph office was in ruins; an office rigged
up in a hotel garden, with one wire, four hundred
English women and men waiting to send telegrams.
We — that is, Howard and I — couldn't stand it; by
great good luck got tickets, went to Monte Carlo,
to send telegrams and postal-cards. Of course we
played on all the earthquake numbers, and, strange
to say, always lost, when we ought to have won.

174

A MEMOIR

At last we went to the Grand Hotel to dine, and
found old Admiral Baldwin and his wife and a lot
of other people whom we knew. At Monte Carlo
there had been only an uneasy feeling, and they
were much astonished at our tales. Finally, in de-
spair, we came back to Mentone, found the ground
floor of the Andrews' villa covered with beds, and a
motley, but pleasant, company. Unfortunately, at
each alarm they routed us out, and finally we were
forbidden to go back to the house. The garden
was very damp and cold. Howard sat in the street
in front of a fire which they built for him, and we
took a deserted carriage and slept for three hours.
And we could have been comfortable indoors, had
we known it; for there was a room with a fire and
a private entrance into the garden, where it was
very cold and damp.

" We could stand it no longer and made up our
minds to come back to Alassio as soon as possible,
having no idea as to its state. We went to the sta-
tion at about nine, but there was such an accumula-
tion of luggage that we couldn't get off till about
two o'clock. The farther on we went, the more
ruins we saw, except at San Remo, which is intact,
and the more we began to think that our own
house had fallen down. It was not, however, so
bad as that. Nearly every house in the town itself
is uninhabitable, but the villas are safe enough,
though the walls and ceilings of our bedrooms are
so badly cracked that we are sleeping in the study,
drawing-room, and dining-room. The rest of the

175

EUGENE SCHUYLER

population was in the fields, or a few favoured ones
in railway wagons. Now most of them have little
wooden huts. At last, too, they have begun to pull
down and repair the town where it is possible.
Here there were only three old women killed, but
the material damage is very great and falls chiefly
on poor, ruined, decayed gentlemen, and mezzo ceto,
who get a scanty living from the rents of their
houses and rooms. Some houses had as many as
twenty owners, for single rooms were bought and
sold. At Diano Marina, not far off, there were
over two hundred killed, and every house is down.
All must be blown up by dynamite and rebuilt.
Diano Castello is just as bad, but the loss of life is
less. I had to accompany our consul to these places
the other day and walk through the whole. I
wished him at the bottom of the sea, for we had
had a little shake, which drove us from the break-
fast-table, and sent down walls at Diano, nearly
killing two soldiers. One couldn't help thinking
that another shock might come when we were in
the middle of it all.

" It is only two days now that we have been quite
free from little shocks, and I think even with this
that there have been some tremors. We cannot
quite get reconciled to them; and when the pigeons
all fly away from the window-ledge at once it gives
my heart such a quiver as makes me want a glass of
vodka. At the same time we don't feel equal to go-
ing away, unless for a long time, and that we cannot
do just now. Besides, we want to give a good ex-

176

A MEMOIR

ample to the rest. The worst of it is, that the
shocks came chiefly at night, and seemed to prefer
from four to six in the morning. We have had to
put all our clothes near the door, so as to grab them
when we ran out, to sleep with the outside door
open, with lights everywhere, with a bottle of
brandy and water already mixed in the garden,
and cold bouillon and sandwiches on the hall table.
We devoutly hope that you will never have such
experiences and we never again. . . .
" We both send much love.

Ever yours,

Eugene Schuyler."

" On reading this letter over to Gertrude, I find it
very mixed and repeating, but you must lay that
to our tremors and quivers. — E. S.

" March n, j.jo P.M.— I was just going to close
this letter ten minutes ago, when we had the worst
shock we have had since the first."

The strain of living for several months with con-
tinual shocks of earthquake and continual expec-
tation of worse ones was greater than appeared at
the time, and left him somewhat run down. From
Castrocaro, where he went for a course of baths, he
wrote:

" I amuse myself with reading, even in my bath.
Byron's and Shelley's poems took me to their lives,
and Landor's Life has taken me to his poems.
Vol. i.— 12 177

EUGENE SCHUYLER

How wonderful Gebir and Count Julian are ! Now
I'd like to read a little of Southey, but he seems
so very dead that he is not even in Vieusseux. I
remember about things which I read years ago and
liked. I have also read the greater part of Moore's
poems, and want now to get hold of his Journals.
I must try Wordsworth, though I rather hate the
thought. I am now in Lady Blessington's novels,
having read three volumes of her life and letters.
Dickens conies next. The fact is, that all these peo-
ple knew, and most of them either loved or hated
one another, and thus I am led on, and all because
I saw Byron's and Shelley's houses at Pisa last
April."

A little later he wrote from Alassio:

" Of late I am entirely devoted to Italian history
and memoirs of the early part of this century. . . .
For serious reading I have a canto of Dante every
morning before my bath and tea. Longfellow's
translation amuses me very much. You cannot
possibly understand it unless you have read the
original. I dare say that at first it was very good,
but that little Dante Club sat on it every week,
until they quite squashed all the poetry, and even
the verse out of it. . . .

" In reality, I am lazy by nature, and yet I am
never so happy as when hard at work. But I like
to get off quickly what I have in my head, and
writing bothers me. I really can't do much with-

178

A MEMOIR

out a shorthand writer and clerk, and that here is
impossible. Indeed, I fear that I need a good deal,
and was looking back with delight to Athens at the
time I was finishing ' Peter.' I must have, in ad-
dition, a good study, with my man in the next
room, table, lights, many books, etc.; then mild
weather, so that I can get up early, and finally a
country not so hilly as this, with a carriage, and
facilities for making excursions where I can stay a
day or two, when I always read greatly. Here I
have most of this, except the carriage and the level
country. It is a bore always to walk up and down
hill."

The early summer of 1888 found him in Bologna,
attending the festivities in honour of the eight hun-
dredth anniversary of the university. On this oc-
casion he represented Yale, Columbia, Johns Hop-
kins, and Cornell Universities and the State Univer-
sity of Iowa. His detailed description of the com-
memorative ceremonies was sent to the New York
Nation, and his private letters contain only jottings.
From Bologna he went on by short stages to Ven-
ice, picking up material for the series of short arti-
cles which he was at this time writing.

" I had six delightful weeks at Venice, two days
at Bassano and Possagno, a fortnight at Said, on
Lago di Garda, and a week at Brescia, which pleased

179

EUGENE SCHUYLER

us very much. Gertrude and I are studying up
Lady Mary Wortley's ' Italian Life,' and we have
seen some pleasant places and made some agreeable
acquaintances in consequence. . . .

" The Nation has let you know from time to time
where I have been and what I have been doing.
They have three or four articles still on hand, and
I have as many more nearly ready. It has amused
me to write them, and especially to read up for
them; for each of them represents two or three
thousand pages of reading, and some of them have
been in outline in my head for a year and more.
Indeed, I have read more English literature and
more real literature in general than for many, many
years before. And I have enjoyed it, too!

" On the whole, I am more than usually satisfied
with myself. I have told you what to think about
Bulgaria in two articles in the New Princeton Re-
view (for which or for some other reason I have
received the Grand Cordon of the Bulgarian order
of St. Alexander), I have enlightened you on our
Consular Service in The America of Chicago, and
on Mr. Bayard anent of ' Marriages Abroad ' in
the North American, besides three stories, which
repose and will long repose in manuscript. At
present I am trying to enlighten you on the ad-
vantages of Commercial Treaties, and on the rela-
tions of the Pope to the Italian Government. For
lighter work I have Canova, Corinne, Ruskin, Mrs.
Browning, and Smollett, not to speak of others on

the stocks or in them."

1 80

A MEMOIR

The political situation in America interested
him greatly, and in November he wrote : " Things
happen just now to be in that state that our for-
eign policy during the next ten years will make a
great point in the history of the nation." And
again, December 30th:

" I am writing out some of my ideas about for-
eign policy, but I shall probably send the article
to the North American, as it will be too long for
a mere newspaper. I am working also at one or
two shorter things on the same subject or similar
ones. I don't exactly like to write anything for
the Post, simply for the purpose of being refuted.
It seems to me as if you all had chosen to typify
all that seemed to you most objectionable in the
single person of Blaine, regardless of whether he
really possesses all of these characteristics. It
seemed to me during the campaign that Godkin
weakened his case by harping too much on Blaine
and his wickedness. I fear that you are all too
busy in America to get interested in more than
one or two issues at a time; and now that you all
go in for tariff reform and civil-service reform, you
forget that a nation as great as ours has other
duties and interests which must also be looked
after."

When, in March, 1889, Mr. Blaine was made
Secretary of State, he offered the Assistant Secre-
taryship to Mr. Schuyler by telegraph. The latter

181

EUGENE SCHUYLER

had been hoping that a foreign mission would
reinstate him in the Diplomatic Service, and this
appointment took him entirely by surprise. The
pay was very small, the work was hard, and the
expenses were great; but in every other respect the
position was attractive to him, and he telegraphed
his acceptance, and at once began his preparations
for departure. In a few days came another tele-
gram from Mr. Blaine, asking him to refuse the
nomination, offering a European post, and promis-
ing explanations by letter. There was but one
thing to do — to comply with the request and await
the explanation. While awaiting it, he wrote :

" Perhaps a great favour is done me, perhaps I
am sacrificed in an ingenious way. But I can't help
myself. ... I had made up my mind to four
years of Washington, and Washington life, which
I love, with all its surprises and opportunities, and
am therefore disappointed. I had hoped, perhaps,
to make some reforms, and do a little good to the
country, as well as to help a few deserving people
and do something to raise the consular standard.
For all that, I was willing to make some sacrifices,
though I feared that it would end in my financial
ruin. I shall now probably be able to go on with
the mild literary work, to which I have taken a
liking, and shall be in every way more indepen-
dent."

182

A MEMOIR

The opposition to his confirmation, which was
the cause of the withdrawal of his nomination,
was generally supposed to have been caused by the
fact that in his " American Diplomacy " he had
made certain statements concerning the official ac-
tions of a man who had at one time held a high
office in the Government. In point of fact, while
this was one of the causes, his connection with the
bill uniting the offices of Secretary of Legation and
Consul-General at Rome was possibly an even more
important factor. In spite of his philosophy and
his mental resources, it would be useless to deny
that he was disappointed and for a time depressed.
He never did deny it — he only made the best of it.

In connection with this appointment there were
some touching incidents. He received a large
number of letters and petitions from Armenians,
reminding him of his services to humanity at the
time of the Bulgarian massacres, and begging him,
now that he was to be in power, to induce the
United States Government to interpose in behalf
of the oppressed Armenians. Perhaps nothing
went to his heart more than his powerlessness to
respond to these appeals.

As to the promised European post, he wrote :

" Think of my uncertainty — anywhere from To-
bolsk to Tangiers. We have settled ourselves in

183

EUGENE SCHUYLER

imagination in Paris, Frankfurt, Athens, Constan-
tinople, Cairo, and even Calcutta. We live a day
in each in turn."

To Herbert Tuttle.

"ALASSIO, May n, 1889.

" My Dear Tuttle : Many thanks for your let-
ter of April 27th, which came this morning. The
' Schuyler incident ' requires some work to ex-
plain; but I have every confidence in Mr. Blaine's
wishes and intentions, and I hope that will justify
us.

" Briefly thus : I had asked for a diplomatic post,
especially the Roman mission. To my surprise,
I was offered by telegraph the Assistant Secretary-
ship, my chief friend being notified at the same
time. There was a reason, and the offer was seri-
ous. Aside from what Mr. B knew about

me before, I had an opportunity in Rome last
spring, though a private man, and not having
been there for eight years, to manage for him one
or two little diplomatic matters that no one in the
Legation was able to do.

" The objections against me on the part of certain
senators were not political, but from such petty,
trifling, personal reasons, that, had I been in Wash-
ington, I could have stopped it all by threatening
to tell the true cause. But even had I started I

should have been too late. Mr. B asked me

by telegram to decline, not saying why, and prom-
ising me a European post. This I did. Had I

184

A MEMOIR

known of the Senate opposition to me, I should
have declined sooner for a patriotic reason : it is es-
sential to the success of an administration that the
State Department and the Senate Committee on
Foreign Relations should work well together.
Now Sherman, the chairman, is, or has been, a
rival of Blaine; while Edmunds has not for years
been on speaking terms with him. I could not
properly, by fighting for a confirmation, increase
this tension.

" If Mr. Blaine offers me a place that I can accept,
as he has promised others, as well as myself, that
he will do, I shall come to America in the winter,
and I have no doubt of my confirmation if I am on
the spot, though I may have to show fight. I am
willing to accept one or two places that would
otherwise be unacceptable, simply for the purpose
of setting myself right before the public. . . .

" I have been doing a great deal of work, and
writing, with the great amount of reading neces-
sarily involved, is now my chief amusement. The
Nation still has five of my Italian articles on hand,
besides some reviews, including a long one of
Mme. de Stael. You have probably seen one of
my articles on Tolstoy (as he wrote his name) in
Scribner's for May, and you will find one which
will interest you on ' American Marriages Abroad '
in the North American for April. Every once in
awhile the old habit comes over me, and I write,
what would once have been a report or despatch
to the Department. . . ."

185

EUGENE SCHUYLER
To Mrs. Schaeffer.

"ALASSIO, May 25, 1889.

" My Dear Eva : It rejoices me that you have
liked my Tolstoy article. I hope to follow it up
with some more, but they will not have that in-
terest of actuality, nor will they give much, if any,
of my personal experience. One is written, though
not corrected, called Corinne, which is an account
of one of Mme. de StaeTs flirtations (I have al-
ready sent a review to the Nation on Lady Blenner-
hasset's life of her); Lady M. W. Montagu, that
I have been preparing for ever since last summer;
and perhaps Corilla, the improvisatrice, with
Florentine and Roman life in the last century.
Also 'Two Petty Sovereigns': 1, Napoleon, Lord
of Elba; 2, Marie Louise, Duchess of Parma.

" Here is a list of small subjects. If you want
anything done quickly, say so, as I am blown
about by every wind. They all enter into the cadre
of my ' Italian Influences ' (don't mention that
title): Pisa, Leigh Hunt; Florence, George Eliot,
Countess of Albany; Rome, Lady Blessington,
Queen Christina, Hans Christian Andersen, Cha-
teaubriand, Thorwaldsen; Bologna, Lady Morgan,
Rogers; Chiozzia, Goldoni; Venice, G. P. R.
James, Cooper, Ruskin, Moore; Mantua, Sordel-
lo; Naples, Alexandre Dumas. Also somewhere
Stendhal, N. P. Willis, and Miss Sedgwick,
Madame Mere (Bonaparte); Ugo Foscolo, Ros-
sini, Metastasio, etc., etc. The list is very easy to

186

A MEMOIR

extend. I have just sent off an article on Haw-
thorne. That on Smollett will be published at
once. I don't know why I should inflict all this
on you, except that it is pleasant to talk about
what I am interested in just now more than any-
thing else. . . ."

On July 2, 1889, while on a visit to Zurich, he
received the announcement of his appointment as
Diplomatic Agent and Consul-General at Cairo.
He wrote to his wife, " It is like beginning a new
career."

To Herbert Tuttle.

" Zurich, July 23, 1889.
" My Dear Tuttle : Many thanks for your con-
gratulations and your letter of July 7th. Cairo
was one of the places I had expressed a willingness
to take, and even a preference for, over Athens
again. You understand, what is not so well known
in America, that over here the post is rated as of
first importance, that the Agent ranks as Minister,
and that it is a place of great political interest.
After seeing the intrigues of Oriental powers like
Russia, England, and Turkey, it will be interesting
to witness those of Western powers on Eastern
soil. I shall regret being cut off from libraries, and
I hope that I shall not be bitten with the mania for
Egyptology, almost thinking to take up the study
of the Alexandrine period in self-defence.

" By the way, in coming to Switzerland on a semi-
187

EUGENE SCHUYLER

literary journey, I have in full view daily here the
house in which Bluntschli was born, and have
visited Neuchatel, the early home of Vatel. In
general, my Swiss tour has been very fertile, and
something may yet come of it. I have been par-
ticularly interested in the bearing of the Swiss dur-
ing this last crisis. I saw many old friends among
the diplomats at Berne, and had quite a talk with
Droz, the Minister of Foreign Affairs. . . .

" I shall leave for Egypt about the end of August.
Probably I shall come to America to see about my
confirmation, in which case I'll see you. You'll
find in the September number of the Political Sci-
ence Quarterly a short article of mine on Italian
immigration. With regards to Mrs. Tuttle,
Yours ever,

Eugene Schuyler."

Even in the pleasure of a return to the profession
which he preferred, he did not disengage himself
from literary interests. A letter written while he
was still in Zurich contains the following outline of
a projected work :

" To amuse you and show you that my mind has
not been idle, I send a prospectus of my proposed
book. 22-24 I have not yet visited, and I should
like to make royalty complete by adding Prangins,
with Jerome Napoleon, his father and mother,
whose diary is just being published. You see that
I have a good deal of work cut out, but I have so

188

A MEMOIR

much material that with a shorthand writer it would
go very fast. In treating of the reformers, I shall
take a modified Catholic view, which has not been
done in English with the new lights; but I should
tell of their private lives, etc., rather than of their
religious ideas.

" Does it look like a book that you or any one
else would want to read? "

Swiss Associations.

I. Geneva in 1816 (Byron, Stael, Shelley,
Countess Bruce, etc., etc.).
II. Geneva— Calvin and the Heretics.

III. Coppet — Benjamin Constant.

IV. Geneva — Bonstettin.
V. Geneva — Voltaire, etc.

VI. Chillon— Bonivard and Peter of Savoy.
VII. Lausanne— Madame de Charriere, Gib-
bon, etc.
VIII. Payerm — The two Jominis.
IX. Yverdon— Pestalozzi and Education.
X. Neuchatel — Rousseau.
XI. Geneva— Toppfer, Cherbuliez, Zschokke,

and Swiss Novelists.
XII. Berne in the Eighteenth Century.
XIII. Basel— Erasmus and Paracelsus.
XIV. Sackingen— Schleppel.
XV. Constanz— John Huss and Pan-Slavic

Patriotism.
XVI. St. Gall— Gustavus IV. (very affecting).
189

EUGENE SCHUYLER

XVII. St. Gall — Vadian, Kenler, and his funny
adventure with Luther.
XVIII. Zurich— Zwingli.
XIX. Zurich — Lavater, the pietist and physiog-
nomist, the Russians, and the French.
XX. Rapperschwyl — Koszciuszko.
XXI. Rapperschwyl — Caroline Bauer and Leo-
pold I. and Stockmar.
XXII. Einsiedeln.

XXIII. Chur and Louis Philippe.

XXIV. Arenenberg and Louis Napoleon, the Don

Juan of Canton Thurgau.
XXV. Luzerne— William Tell.

Mr. Schuyler did not reach Cairo until October
ist, owing to delays about his papers. It seemed
wiser, in consideration of possible difficulties about
confirmation, to keep the house in Alassio for an-
other year, and Mrs. Schuyler decided to remain
there for a time, especially as they were expecting
to go to America later in the season. This journey
was finally given up, but in view of the uncertain-
ties of the situation, he did not settle himself in any
permanent way; and his Cairo house remained only
half furnished. He had with him, as Vice and
Deputy Consul, a nephew, to whom he was much
attached.

190

A MEMOIR

" Cairo, October 14, 1889.

" My Dear Evelyn : Your letter of September
13th came to me here, where I arrived ten days
ago, after being obliged to spend a few days in
Alexandria. It seems much the same as ever, and
I have not yet tired of looking at the people. But
the moist heat at this season, when the Nile is
overflowed, and the consequent flies, mosquitoes,
etc., beggar all description. I have to attend to
work, to make official calls, and to bother about
the house, but it is far too hot even to look at rugs
and portieres. That will come later.

" Louis1 has been appointed my Vice and Dep-
uty, and I shall hurry to have him here, as I have
no one at all to write or copy for me. . . . My
predecessor . . . took the house before I
came, owing to the stupid blunders which delayed
me. It does not quite suit me, but we can manage
to live in it, especially with our pretty garden,
which we hope to make still prettier. I am going
to furnish a bedroom temporarily and take up my
abode there, for the hotel is too expensive. The
house, being built by a Turk or Arab, is full of
absurd, useless passages, so as to allow women and
servants to disappear in every direction. Not to
speak of the ground floor, where I must create a
kitchen, we have on the first floor two halls, four
passages, two staircases, a coffee-kitchen, a Turk-
ish bath, various closets, etc., a large salon, and
four other good rooms, besides one which will serve

1 His nephew, Louis Bedell Grant.
191

EUGENE SCHUYLER

for the servants' dining-room. On the floor above
are seven good rooms, besides four passages, etc.
My present household consists of the first Janissary,
Suleiman, a light-colored Arab, in a gorgeously
embroidered costume, speaking English; the
second Janissary nominally, but really a very good
body-servant, the blackest nigger you ever saw, in
similar attire, named Farak, brought from the
Soudan by Gordon, and trained by Lady Vivian;
a boab, or gate-keeper, named AH; and a gardener
called Abdullah. All these more or less paid by
the Government. Then we shall bring Francesco
and Barbara, and, of course, have a cook. Last
winter, as Cardwell says, about five hundred Amer-
icans called at the Consulate, and the year before
about twelve hundred. And as the season lasts
from four to six months, that alone gives work.

" But I am hungry, this being 7 a.m., before my
bath, so good-by.

Ever affectionately,

Eugene."

To his Wife.

"Cairo, Monday, November 25, 1889.
". . . This week has gone like a flash, and has
been so taken up that I have had time for nothing.
First, it was necessary to instal Louis; then there
have been lots of Americans who wanted things;
and finally, on Saturday, I was received by the
Khedive. Everybody says that it was a very fine
ceremony, but being inside a gilt coach, drawn by

192

A MEMOIR

six horses, with an escort of cavalry, Louis and
Lynch (whom I had temporarily attached) follow-
ing in another, I didn't see much of it. But there
were salutes of cannon (twenty-one guns) from the
citadel, and the band played " Hail, Columbia."
My suite were much impressed with my demeanor,
especially Louis, and the hotel was crowded with
spectators. We made our little speech, then we
sat down and smoked jewelled tchibouks about ten
feet long, which were arranged with such mathe-
matical precision that I could scarcely keep from
laughing, as, including the whole Cabinet, we were
about twenty people. Then coffee in jewelled cups
or cup-holders; and then as I went away a sword
was hung over my shoulders. The master of cere-
monies accompanied me back and came in. Then
the Minister of Foreign Affairs called in state. A
special salon, coffee, and cigarettes. Then five
minutes afterwards we went in state (Suleiman hav-
ing new clothes and sword for the occasion) to call
on the Minister of Foreign Affairs. That night
we were at a friend's to see a dance of Arabs, and
yesterday I was so used up that we took refuge
with the Pyramids and the Sphinx, and had a nice
lunch there. All this morning we have been mak-
ing official calls, and have been working hard all
the afternoon. . . ."

Vol. I.— 13 193

EUGENE SCHUYLER

To Mrs. Schaeffer.

" The Nile, near Maragha, January 17, 1890.

" My Dear Eva : Receiving two letters from
you makes me think that it is very long since I
wrote to you. Of course here in a dahabiyeh I
don't have all the distracting occupations and wor-
ries of Cairo, but I find that reading, work, sight-
seeing, and a rough sea like the present interfere
with letter-writing. In fact, the Nile life does not
come up to my ideal, especially as we have gener-
ally had too cold winds to sit on deck, and the sun
has not always shone. The trip has been an in-
teresting one, but I have had enough of tombs and
temples, of mud towns, and native visitors. How-
ever, I have had a rest, and have accomplished my
consular inspection. I feel as if I were beginning
to know something about Egypt. To-day we are
bored by the strong head wind, as we are in a hurry
to get to Assiout, where I shall probably take the
railway to Cairo, as I ought to be there for the
dinner to Stanley on the 20th. I am the guest of
a San Francisco friend, Mr. Jeremiah Lynch, on
this good dahabiyeh Vittoria. . . .

" Since I have been in Egypt I have had no time
to write anything but official reports; but even
those I have tried to make entertaining, and all
have been complimented. I have been up here
working on a big one on ' Irrigation.' And yet I
am boiling over with subjects and information, and
desire to write, but I can't find the time. I believe

194

A MEMOIR

that I could get off three long articles in the next
week if I only had a good shorthand writer always
at hand. I brought up a lot of books and material
with me, chiefly so as not to run too much in one
groove. But the only poetry I have read was Pa-
racelsus on the day of Browning's funeral. I had
read it already twice since getting interested again
in Paracelsus himself when I was at Einsiedeln and
Basel. As was natural, my reading has been chiefly
on Egyptian subjects — books of all kinds and de-
scriptions. So far as I have yet got, about the
best book of travel on the Nile is Miss A. B. Ed-
wards's ' A Thousand Miles up the Nile,' though
she is too wordy and gushing. Her article on Bu-
bastis in the last Century is very good. As she is
now lecturing in America, you may see her.

" I have also been trying to read Ebers's novels,
but I find them rather tough. I am only three-
quarters deep in the ' Egyptian Princess,' though
' Uarda ' looks better. Still the ' E. P.' was his
first attempt. The most romantic things I have
read are the Biblical accounts of the Egyptian Jews.
If you can read the story of Joseph without preju-
dice, you will find it great fun. He was such a
fearful Jew, especially when he made Pharaoh pro-
prietor of all the land. His successors have main-
tained this monopoly ever since. And the gen-
eral wiliness of everybody before and during the
plagues, which really occur every year! . . .
Truth compels me to state, that being obliged to
use glasses to read, I bought a big-print Bible of

195

EUGENE SCHUYLER

the Missionaries especially for the trip. My great
regret is, that it does not contain the Apocrypha.
I have picked up a few stray bits of information;
as finding that Jeremiah wrote his ' Lamenta-
tions ' in the immediate vicinity of Cairo, in a vil-
lage now called Matarieh, the ancient Heliopolis.
When I was there I did not know this, though I
did know that Moses, Pythagoras, Plato, and
Euclid had studied there, and Herodotus had
stayed there. By the way, I hope you like my
seal, which is an old cornelian scarab — say 5,000
years old — bearing the name or cartouche of King
Usurbasen I. I don't go in for such things, but
this was given to me, and I rather like it, now that
I know that this king built the obelisk at Hieropo-
lis, which must have been seen and admired by all
the gentlemen just named, not to speak of Joseph.
Close by the obelisk is a big sycamore-tree, under
which the Holy Family rested during the flight.
It is surrounded with a fence, and a knife is pro-
vided for visitors to carve their names thereon,
provided they do not touch the tree. . . .
"Much, love to you all.

Yours ever affectionately,

Eugene."

He had entered upon his life at Cairo with all
his usual enthusiasm, and without taking the Egyp-
tian climate into account any more than he had

ever taken anything into account when he had an

196

A MEMOIR

interesting occupation on hand or a plan to carry
out. A bad climate is a great searcher-out of weak
points; and certain tendencies which might have
remained in abeyance, or might even have been
corrected in Washington or Alassio, were rapidly
developed in Egypt. By midwinter the climate
and the feverish rush of work were beginning to
tell on him. Soon after his return from his trip
up the Nile, he had a great anxiety in the danger-
ous illness of his nephew, who had no sooner re-
covered than he himself was attacked with influenza.

" About a week after I got back Louis was taken
down with influenza, which turned into bronchitis,
and then with pneumonia with a touch of pleurisy.
He had to be taken to the hospital of the German
diaconesses, where he was for two weeks, excel-
lently attended to and nursed, though he was twice
close to death. The doctor insists on sending him
up the Nile, probably to-morrow, so that I shall
be alone again with all my tourists. Well, Louis
was not yet out when I was taken down with a
very sharp — though short — attack, raging fever,
bronchitis, etc., etc., in bed six days before allowed
to sit up. Can now crawl about, but have tempo-
rarily lost my voice. It leaves us all so weak. One
of the cavasses was ill too, and we had to shut the
Consulate for three days. Then people besieged
me in my bed. I had to interfere when an Austrian

197

EUGENE SCHUYLER

officer threatened to kill a very pretty American
girl if she would not marry him, with no end of
telegrams, letters, and interviews. I think, how-
ever, that the excitement did me good. I had also
to institute a search for the missing head of the
American School at Athens. I have drunk more
milk than I have since I was a baby.

" Now for your letter. I have lost all thought
about my confirmation. I am too busy. I suppose

that will keep me on the tenterhooks until

the end of the session in July or August, and that
then I shall be reappointed. I don't care, except
for the uncertainty, and on Gertrude's account.
Just at present I feel desperately like writing —
novels, plays, essays, all sorts of things — and no
time. . . . Constance Woolson has been here,
and is coming back again. She has quite set me
up. She cares not about plot, but only for the
way things are done, and she puts my little stories
way, way up, next to the French, for facture. Now
she wants me to write a play, and has left me a lot
of French ones to read and profit by. I have two
in my head. One an English melodrama, the other
a society comedy, scene in Cairo. Dear me ! if I
could only do all that is expected of me.

" It is impossible to give you an idea of the num-
ber of Americans here. I have had fifty in one day
in the office. Until I was convalescent I had not
been able to open a book since I left the Nile. The
season is at its height. They will go soon."

198

A MEMOIR

He was never really well again, although he went
on with his usual occupations and tried to write
in his usual vein.

" This is Shams el-Nessin, ' the smelling of the
Zephyrs,' and is the only festival which Mussul-
mans and Christians both hold to. It always comes
on the Coptic (or Greek) Easter Monday, and the
proper thing is to eat some onions and badfish in
a garden: much like that festival in Athens to
which we were invited for strawberries at 8 a.m.
As the garden looked pretty, I thought it a good
way of inaugurating an unfurnished house by giv-
ing a small tea-party under this pretext.

" Tuesday, April 15th.— Our little party went off
very well, but I got no chance to finish my letter.
There were about twenty here altogether. . . .
Four rooms and the veranda were open, though
only two were furnished, i.e., properly with curtains
and all. The rest had only rugs, tables, and chairs.
The garden looked pretty, as the roses are just
coming out, and the turf was bright green with
the shadows of the palms on it. I had eight big
earthenware bowls filled with roses, which are very
fine here now. There are not many varieties, but
the La France and Marechal Niel are as good as
anything on the Riviera— also a dark red rose.
People seemed to enjoy themselves. ...

"... One of the great races here is a Noah's
Ark race, where people drive or guide animals.
General Dormer won one once with a turkey, and

199

EUGENE SCHUYLER

someone else with a pelican. The ostrich and the
monkey were recalcitrant and lost.

To Maurice Howard.

" Cairo, June 9, 1890.

" My Dear Maury : How many letters I have
begun to you I don't know. The one I just tore
up was dated May 13th.

" Would that you were here, for in spite of the
heat I could get much out of you, and you would
be much interested in all sorts of things. The gar-
dens, for example. As a rule, everything blooms
twice a year, and just now we have no end of
Brazilian, Madagascar, Soudan, and Indian queer
trees and plants. I never saw a place where bright
red was so prevailing a colour. I have just driven
by a little oval, which I remember in early winter
as thickly planted with scarlet geraniums and Hibis-
cus rosasinensis, with an inside circle of Poinsettias,
which grow here from six to ten feet high. Now
the poinsettias are green, but there is an outside
row of Poinciana regia, a graceful clean mimosa-
leaved tree, each now a mass of scarlet flowers with
yellow stamens, each flower about three inches
across. You can scarcely see the foliage, and they
look like bonfires. Then the Erythrinas have been
gorgeous, especially the indica. There was one
very beautiful tree just going off — Jacaranda Mi-
mosifolia, leaves as suggested, but lovely blue
flowers, in big clusters, like a Tecoma. The trees

200

A MEMOIR

vary from ten to thirty feet. There is a very beau-
tiful Tccoma stans now in bloom, bright yellow
flowers, a shrub from ten to twenty feet high, well
worth cultivating on the Riviera, as is also Bigno-
nia venusta, the most beautiful I know, climbing,
flowers of a perfect orange, growing in clusters, in
shape and size like a trumpet honeysuckle. The
Frangipannis are in full bloom again, as also the
Dnvanta Plumicri, though I am not very fond of
this last. The general shade-tree here, which grows
very quickly, is the lebbek — Albizsia Lcbbek — a
sort of acacia with locust leaves and a whitish-green
tassel of flowers. It is not quite evergreen, for the
leaves fall off about the middle of April, but by
the middle of May they are all on again and the
flowers out. Then the sycamore and no end of
Hens, including banyan; bananas, palms of all kinds
(I have a big Pritchardii in bloom in the garden
which is very fragrant), candle Euphorbias, Phy-
tolacca dioria, rosewood (palissandre), with its pen-
dulous branches of fragrant yellow flowers, and
logwood, much like it, casuarinas, acacias, eucalyp-
tus, and deciduous trees like poplars, planes, etc.
I wish you could smell a double Jasminum Sambac,
or even a single one. Mrs. Gibb and I once tried
to make them grow. The double is a greenish-
white flower like a round double ranunculus, with
a strong jasmin odor, just saved by a touch of
lemon. It is heavenly. There are beautiful mag-
nolias out now. As to roses, I have seen few
climbing ones, except Marechal Niel, but those and

20 1

EUGENE SCHUYLER

La France are as good as you have anywhere on
the Riviera. I have two or three hundred bushes
of La France and little else. If I stay I shall have
Stamm send for some fine varieties. Hardly a day
passes but I see something new.

" Just now both melons and watermelons are ex-
quisite, apricots and plums fair, cherries bad. But
the fresh dates in October! Nothing is more
delightful.

" You would be charmed too with the colours
both of faces and dresses. Such figures, such
poses, such dignity and grace! And then the
camels, the donkeys, the black soldiers in white
uniform, the jugglers, the marriage and circum-
cision processions. I can sit at a cafe or on the
hotel veranda for hours at a time, simply watch-
ing the people. As to the bazaars I will not speak,
for I have kept pretty clear of them, having no
money to buy, and not wanting to be tempted.
There is a £5,000 rug which I'd like, but am not
going to buy — only about six metres square.

" Love to John and much to yourself. Yours
ever sincerely, Eugene Schuyler."

In spite of himself his letters began to show his
failing health. To his wife's desire to join him in
Egypt was opposed the decree of his physician,
ordering him away. He was prevailed upon to write
for a leave of absence, and awaited its arrival, hop-
ing, as he said, that after all he would not need it.

202

A MEMOIR

" Cairo, June 12, 1890.
" My Dear Eva : Just as I was about to write
to you there came in your letter of May 15-20. I
have not been in the mood for writing either letters
or articles, and yet I have greatly wanted to do
the latter. But I have been far from well, and even
now am in the doctor's hands. My liver seems to
be all wrong, which in this climate is bad. The
doctor is coming to-morrow to take another gen-
eral look at me and tell me what to do. However,
my mind is more active than it has been in a long
time, and to-day I have even written a page of a
note for the Nation. Otherwise I have done noth-
ing but official things, and yesterday got off a re-
port on irrigation of one hundred and twenty-eight
pages, which cost me a lot of work, as I knew very
little about the subject, and now I know a good
deal. My next official subjects are Egyptian Fi-
nance, Olive Culture, Education, and the Suez
Canal. Every month now we have to write a Crop
report, and I have varied mine with all sorts of
agricultural lore. . . .

" I am glad that you have become a gardener.
My work in that line consists at present in sitting on
the veranda. However, I have raised some sweet-
peas, much to the wonder of the florist, though I
admit that they are not good, and I have some
morning-glories and balloon vines running up the
veranda lattice. One of the palms is in bloom and
is very fragrant evening and morning. We are
very comfortable in the house, though there is very

203

EUGENE SCHUYLER

little furniture; but that is all the better in sum-
mer. Since I have been ill the servants make me
up messes. I can make milk-toast myself, and
Farak makes excellent oatmeal-porridge. We al-
ways have our early breakfast here.

" I had a little trip through the Suez Canal with
the U. S. S. Alliance, and enjoyed it greatly, then
stopped a few days at Suez and Ismailia for a

change. . . .

" Much love to

you

all.
Affectionately,

Eugene."

At length, yielding to the urgency of his physi-
cian, he telegraphed for a leave of absence. Im-
mediately on its arrival he left Cairo, expecting to
join his wife at Alassio and go with her to Carlsbad.
Stopping to rest at Venice, he was prostrated by a
malarial fever. The physician in attendance did
not consider him in immediate danger; but in any
attack of illness a weak heart had to be taken into
account. On the evening of July 16th, suddenly,
without an instant's warning, he died.

Two days later he was buried in the Protestant
cemetery on the island of San Michele, in accord-
ance with his own request that wherever he died,
there he should be buried.

204

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY
TWENTY YEARS AGO

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY
TWENTY YEARS AGO1

Twenty years ago there still existed in Moscow
the salon of the Prince and Princess Odoiefsky,
one of the literary centres of Russia. Other houses
there were where literary men assembled in groups
and coteries. At Katkof's for instance, on Sunday
evenings, one was sure to find the shrewd and
caustic Leontief, Professor Liubimof and his fel-
low-workers on the Moscow Gazette and the Rus-
sian Messenger, some of the professors in the re-
cently established Lyceum, and occasionally a
passing stranger, from either North or South,
who sympathized with the Moscow as distin-
guished from the Petersburg school of literature
and politics. Katkof, decided as he was in his
political views, was a charming talker on literary
subjects, about which he allowed more difference
of opinion. He was such a hard worker, especially

1 Published in 1889.
207

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

at night, that Sunday afternoons and evenings
were the only times when he was visible, as his
Gazette was not issued on Monday. His wife, a
princess of some small family in the Caucasus, was
an agreeable little woman; and the house swarmed
with children, with whom — I may speak of myself
— I was the best of friends; and I shall never for-
get my occasional dinners and evenings with the
family. At the house of Aksakof, the journalistic
rival of Katkof, and the great Slavophile, one
used to meet Miliutin, Prince Tcherkasky, and
others of his particular clique, as well as his father-
in-law, the poet Tiutchef, when he happened to be
in Moscow; but the feeble health of Madame
Aksakof prevented anything like regular recep-
tions. At Bartenief's — the editor of the Russian
Archives — a man remarkably well informed on all
historical and bibliographical subjects, and in the
rooms of some of the professors of the University,
one occasionally saw scholars and interesting men.
But the salon of Prince Odoiefsky was the great
meeting-place.

Prince Vladimir Feodorovitch Odoiefsky was
then the sole surviving member of the eldest
branch of the descendants of Rurik, and was
therefore not only the first noble in Russia, but,

genealogically speaking, of higher origin than the

208

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

Emperor. He had begun his public life as a
Chamberlain at Court and in the Ministry of Public
Instruction, had become Director of the Imperial
Public Library at St. Petersburg, and Grand
Master at the court of the learned and witty Grand
Duchess Helen; and had finally retired to Moscow
as President of one of the sections of the Senate
— which is the Russian Court of Appeals. In a
literary way he was one of the few survivors of
the Pushkin epoch, and in his youth had written
many short tales of a somewhat reflective and
ideal cast; some of them, such as " Beethoven's
Last Quartet " and " A Fugue of Bach," of great
merit. During later years his productions had
been fewer, but of much value. He was a many-
sided man — a courtier, a lawyer, a musician, a
writer, and a scientist. There was hardly a branch
of knowledge in which his opinion was not val-
uable, and his opinion was founded not only on a
wonderful acquaintance with books but on reflec-
tion as well. In his large library, filled with rare
works, there was hardly a volume that was not
annotated with his careful pencillings. For a
scientific knowledge of music and of musical
acoustics he had probably few, if any, superiors in
the world, and of late years had given all his spare
time to musical experiment, study, and composi-
Vol. I.— 14 209

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

tion. Though the first aristocrat of Russia, he
was perhaps the greatest democrat. In his famous
and curious cabinet, where all the Russian authors
from Pushkin to Count Tolstoy had so often
talked, where Glinka and Berlioz and every musi-
cian, and, in fact, every distinguished man who
had ever been in Russia had sat; where Emperors
and Grand Dukes even came, everybody was per-
fectly equal and perfectly at home. The lowest
clerk was treated in exactly the same way as the
Cabinet Minister or the Ambassador. There was
the same kind reception for all, the same willing-
ness to oblige and serve. The Princess Olga was
as charming as her husband, though in a different
way. Her brother, Count Lanskoy, as Minister
of the Interior, had been the chief man in the
movement for the emancipation of the Russian
serfs. Her family still keeps up its liberal ideas,
and one of her nephews is Mr. Galkin-Vrassky,
well known in connection with prison reform in
Russia; and whom Mr. Kennan has frequently
occasion to mention with praise.

To this hospitable house I was introduced, on
my first arrival at Moscow, in the autumn of 1867,
by Turguenief the novelist, whose personal ac-
quaintance I had just made at Baden-Baden. I

was young in years and still younger in character

210

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

and temperament; and from the first I was treated
not so much like a favored guest as like the
spoiled child of the house. I was made to dine
there regularly at least once in the week, and was
also expected to come to the usual Friday even-
ings; and the Prince, who had a taste for cooking
and had even published a cookery book, used to
send for me by messenger whenever he was to try
a new dish, or was expecting an interesting guest.
He lived in an old house on the Smolensky Boule-
vard, which had apparently escaped the fire of
1812, with wings extending in a semicircle on
either side to the street in the old Moscow style;
with a great court-yard in front, a large garden be-
hind, where he used to experiment on rare vege-
tables and plants — for he was as fond of botany as
of cookery or of music. Beneath him, on the
ground floor, dwelt the well-known bibliophile
Sobolefsky — whose library since his death has
been pretty well distributed through Europe and
America — who was then an habitue of the house.
On the regular Friday evenings the ladies usually
assembled in one of the two drawing-rooms about
the Princess, who made the tea, unless some young
lady relieved her of that duty; while the men
sooner or later dropped off into the cabinet of the

Prince for cigars, cigarettes, and talk. When

211

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

some great singer or musician was present, like
Madame Alexandrova, the prima donna of the
Russian opera, who used to come when she was
free, we adjourned to the big hall lined with books
between the salon and the cabinet, where there
were two pianos, an organ, and a collection of
musical instruments. There I met Berlioz and
other foreign musicians; and once heard the Rus-
sian composer Serof give us the bonnes bonches of
one of his new operas. The Prince had invented
a little piano-forte with separate keys for the flats
and sharps properly tuned like a violin. This
was sometimes tried, with the result of spoiling
our ears during the rest of the evening for the con-
ventional approximate sounds of an ordinary piano.
To tell of all who used to come there would simply
be to give a catalogue of Russian society of the
best sort — for all that was good at St. Peters-
burg occasionally stopped at Moscow, and in that
case always went to see the Princess — or to re-
count all the eminent names in Russian art and
literature.

It was here that one evening I met Count Leo
Tolstoy, who had of old relations with the Prince,
and who was intimate besides with many Moscow
ladies, great friends of the Princess, who were in

fact at that time furnishing material for his novel

212

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

of " War and Peace " which he was then slowly
writing. I was greatly attracted by him, and at
the end of the evening told the Princess that he had
asked me to come to see him. She laughingly
replied: " It is not worth your while; for you will
make nothing out of him, as he is very shy and
very wild " {tres- farouche ct trcs-sauvage).

Somehow I was not deterred by the forbidding
remark of the Princess, and the next day went off
to see Count Tolstoy, whom I found surrounded
by books and papers in a small apartment lent to
him by a friend. Far from being a bear he seemed
to me to be extremely amiable. Our acquaintance
continued until a suddenly proposed journey took
me southeastward to Orenburg on the confines of
Asia, when he not only gave me letters to various
relatives and friends whom I would be likely to
meet, but gave me, in addition, a pressing invita-
tion to come to his country-place in the autumn
and stay as long as I liked and could put up with
his ways.

When the autumn came the invitation was re-
peated.

213

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

Therefore, on Saturday, October 3d, 1868, I
left Moscow at five o'clock in the afternoon by the
only available train on the Southern Railway, then
lately opened, and after passing Tula — the Bir-
mingham and Sheffield of Russia — about one hun-
dred and twenty miles south of Moscow, arrived
at the Yasenki Station about two o'clock at night.
During the journey I was much amused by mak-
ing the acquaintance of Mr. N. Makarof, the com-
piler of the best Russian-French dictionary, who,
in the Russian simple way, told me all his affairs
and the whole story of his life. On a journey Rus-
sians become very garrulous, and, while they are
as inquisitive as the Scotch, they are frank and
confiding about their own affairs — even those of
an intimate nature — to a degree that it is difficult
for us to imagine. The lovely day in Moscow had
ended in a disagreeable storm of rain. The Count's
carriage was waiting at Yasenki Station, but it
rained so hard and it was so dark that it took us
fully an hour and a half to drive the four miles to
the house at Yasnaya Polyana. At last we came
to a tall stone column and turned up an avenue
of trees. A servant was waiting for me at the

house, who conducted me through what seemed a

214

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

labyrinth of passages to my room, where I found
a table spread, and was very glad to eat somewhat
and warm myself with tea. I was told that very
late hours were kept, and that I should not be ex-
pected to appear before eleven o'clock, which
was the usual time for morning coffee. The room
which had been given to me was on the further
corner of the ground floor. I had to pass the
Count's business-room and study to get to it; but,
as I found the next day, I was near a staircase,
and could go up to the drawing-rooms and dining-
room with ease. In one corner was a glass cup-
board filled with holy pictures — images, or Ikons
as they call them — some in the old and primitive
style, evidently painted before the beginning of
Dissent, and some richly covered with jewels; be-
sides crosses, rosaries, and relics, so that my curi-
osity was greatly aroused. I soon ascertained that
this was the room of Madame Yushkof, the
Count's aunt, who had taken care of him since
his early youth and had since continued to live
with him.

At eleven o'clock the next morning I made my
appearance in the drawing-room and became ac-
quainted with the various members of the family:
the Countess Sofea Andreievna, a charming, tall,
slender, and handsome woman of about twenty-

215

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

four, the daughter of a German physician at Mos-
cow, named Bors, who was at that time the chief
military medical officer at Tula; three children —
Serge or Seryozhka, a nice handsome boy of five
years old; a little girl with bright eyes like her
mother, called Tania, short for Tatiana; and a
little boy named Ilya or Ilyushka (Elijah); and an
English governess. The Count wore a gray
plaited blouse, confined by a belt, neither exactly
a shooting-jacket, nor yet a peasant shirt, which
turned out to be his habitual costume in the coun-
try. The usual language of the family was Eng-
lish, at all events when the children were present.
The children had their coffee and bread and butter
with us, after which the Count and I smoked,
talked, and played an hour or so duets on the
piano, as it was still too rainy to go out. Suddenly
the weather cleared as if by magic, and we were
able to ride out and look at the estate.

Yasnaya Polyana, which means, literally, an
open field or clearing, contains about 3,000 acres,
the greater part of which had been always under
cultivation; but as the land was not rich and
seemed poor in comparison with the fertile black
soil beginning four miles to the south, and as the
recent opening of the railway had reduced the

price of grain by bringing it from far better lands,

216

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

and wages in this region were very high in con-
sequence of the peasants being employed as
carters and drivers, Count Tolstoy had begun to
give up sowing wheat and rye, and was then plant-
ing the whole estate with birch-trees. These he
estimated would in the course of twenty years
yield a large and steady revenue if carefully cut for
firewood on the French plan, and thus he would
leave the estate to his children far more productive
than he had himself inherited it. The house
stood on a little hill at the end of a fine avenue of
birch and lime trees : in front were the remains of
a magnificent garden, with many ponds and slopes
of grass and fine alleys of trees. Behind the courts
and stables the woods, fields, and plantations be-
gan. The green-house had been burnt down a
year or two before, and since then the flower-
garden had been given up. The old manor-
house, which had been a very fine building, had
become so ruinous that it had been pulled down
shortly before, and the family were then living in
one of the detached wings. All large Russian
houses, both in city and country, were formerly
built with two or three detached wings, which
were always found useful and convenient in the
times when a whole family, with half a dozen

servants, would come for a three months' visit.

217

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

We came back to a five o'clock dinner, after
which there was music and general conversation,
until between nine and ten, when we had a light
supper, without the children, and then the Count
took me to his study, where we talked until one or
two.

The other days were passed much in the same
way. It is impossible to give the diary of a week
so spent, the charm of which lay in the company,
the lovely October weather which invited to ex-
cursions of all kinds, and in the talk.

Although Tolstoy was then engaged on the last
part of " War and Peace," there could have been
little writing done at this time. The author's
great passion was then, as it always had been,
sport. Every morning I found that he had been
up by daylight, or even before, no matter at what
time he had gone to bed on the previous night,
and had gone off into the woods with his gun
and dogs in pursuit of game. This was just the
season for it; but the heavy rain had for the mo-
ment driven off the woodcock, of which there
were generally quantities within a short distance
of the house in what had been formerly a park.
It is to this love of sport that we owe not only the
whole story of " The Cossacks," as well as several

other of his early tales, but also some of the best

218

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

pages in " War and Peace " and in " Anna
Karenin " — the shooting parties and the military-
races, all of them evidently accounts of what Tol-
stoy had seen and taken part in. After going out
once or twice with him I could see the intense
realism of these parts, and for me they now have
a special attraction as recalling this visit to Yas-
naya Polyana. Having inherited an antipathy to
firearms, and never having lived in a region where
game was plentiful, or where its pursuit was
socially obligatory, as in England, I had never
been in the woods with a gun in my hand, and I
was persuaded to do so for the first and last time
in my life — not that it displeased me, quite the con-
trary, but somehow the occasion has never come
again.

I can never forget my first day out — a day as
warm and beautiful as that on which I am now
writing on the Riviera. We drove about a dozen
miles to an open wood where we expected to
shoot hares. There we were joined by Mr. Bibi-
kof, our nearest neighbor, whom we saw nearly
every day. Perhaps it was because Tolstoy had
so strong an individuality that I have but little
remembrance of Bibikof, except as a pleasant,
hospitable country gentleman, with a good house

and an agreeable family. I but dimly recollect

219

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

even how he looked. Each party had brought a
dog or two, whose duty was to start the hares and
drive them along the country-road through the
woods, so as to pass us, who sat or stood at con-
siderable intervals in convenient little nooks ap-
parently arranged for the purpose; for there was
generally a stump or log so placed as to make a
seat and a look-out. My forest excursions had up
to that time been solely botanical, and, except for
a curious bird or insect, I had looked only at trees,
shrubs, and the ground in search of some rare
plant, moss, or fungus. It was new to me to sit
still and use my ears as well as my eyes; to appre-
ciate the different noises of the wood; to know
whether that was a twig or a leaf which fell — for
the leaves were just falling, none of them, even
maples and oaks, coloured so highly as with us; to
distinguish between the noises made by the birds;
to speculate as to the origin of unknown sounds,
and to have one's attention always strained for the
patter-patter of the hare. I passed thus what I
look back to now as one of the pleasantest half-
hours of my life; strained, attent, and exercising
what seemed to me to be a new sense; quite alone,
yet having friends within call, though I knew not
where they were, having been first posted. At

last I heard the dogs coming down the road and

220

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

the unmistakable sound of the hare over the dry
leaves. She came out into the little clearing,
stopped still, and looked at me with curiosity. I
looked at her with equal wonder, and was so
nervous and excited that I quite forgot that I had
a gun and had been put there to kill her. When
we had each gazed our fill she leisurely walked
off. There was another half-hour of waiting, dur-
ing which I heard occasional shots in various di-
rections. Again a hare appeared and sat in front
of me — it was probably the same one come back
to see what I was doing then. This time I delib-
erately aimed and fired, wounding her in a hind
leg. I pitied her as she hopped off into the under-
brush, and entirely forgot that I had a second
barrel of my gun. When we met afterwards and
compared results, it was found that on the whole
I had not done so badly; for there was only one
hare killed by the whole party — by one of the Bibi-
kofs. Tolstoy had seen a hare, but she had
escaped while he was cocking his gun. The rela-
tion of my adventures sent the sportsmen into
roars of laughter; but Tolstoy said something in
the evening which showed that he appreciated
their poetic side.

On another day we went hare-hunting. Tol-
stoy and two of the Bibikofs were mounted, and

221

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

armed with very long, flexible, but heavy whips,
followed by the dogs in leash. The rest of us —
that is, the ladies and children of the Bibikof fam-
ily, the Countess, Serge, and myself — went in a
lineika, a long, low Russian vehicle for country
use, shaped very much like a prolonged Irish
jaunting-car, which will hold eight or ten people
sitting back to back. When we had come to a
sort of moor we were posted on a low hill from
which we had a wide view in all directions, and
where the servants were to prepare the picnic
lunch. The riders, with their respective dogs,
which were loosed, started off in different direc-
tions. The dogs were trained to drive the hares
near the hunters, who, as soon as they came within
distance, deftly killed them with one blow of the
whip, either strangling them or breaking their
backs. It was mad, break-neck riding over the
hills, gullies, and blind holes, and the sport was
almost as exciting to the onlookers as to the actual
participants.

This particular sort of sport is perhaps peculiar
to the region; the rest of it might have been en-
joyed at almost any country-house in such weather.
What had more savour to me were the after-supper
talks, often prolonged till late in the night.

222

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

III

One evening during my stay Tolstoy told me
much about his early life; but in what I shall say
now I do not repeat all that he said or as he said
it, and I fill in some details from other sources.

He was born on sIS.?* 1828, at Yasnaya
Polyana, the youngest of four sons. Of his
brothers, Nicholas lived until 1862; he is said to
have had a charming character, was a great
sporting friend of Turguenief, whose estate was
near by, and served for some years in the army
of the Caucasus. He told sporting stories very
well, and even wrote out some of them, which
were published; but, as Turguenief said, "his
hands were as callous as those of a workman, and
he experienced great physical difficulties in writ-
ing." In some ways he might well have stood
for the original of Nicholas Levin in " Anna
Karenin " even to many of the details. His sister
Marie married another Tolstoy. She was, accord-
ing to Turguenief, " a woman in the highest
degree agreeable and sympathetic; " who again
writes (in 1856): "Her illness saddens me. If
there is a woman on earth who deserves to be
happy, it is she. But it is just on such natures
that the heavy hand of fate is always laid." Tol-

22^

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

stoy's mother died in 1830, when he was not yet
two years old, on which the children were taken
care of by their aunt, the Countess Osten Sacken,
their father's sister. But about the time of the
removal of the family to Moscow, in 1837, the
father died. Leo, his brother Dimitri, and his
sister Marie, were sent back to the country, while
Nicholas remained in Moscow with his aunt Osten
Sacken and attended the University. Three years
later the Countess Osten Sacken died, and the
younger children passed into the care of her sister,
another aunt, Madame Yushkof, living at Kazan.
She devoted herself to Count Leo and his family
for the rest of her long life, and Tolstoy gives an
amusing example of her wishes for his future
prosperity in the first chapter of his " Confessions."
Dimitri now went to the University of Kazan, dis-
tinguishing himself at one time by a religious zeal
which made him the laughing-stock of the rest of
the family.1

1 The account of his early life, given by Count Tolstoy in his " Con-
fessions," is interesting; but we must remember that it was written
under the influence of a very strong religious emotion.

" I was baptized and brought up in the Orthodox Christian Faith.
It was taught to me in my early childhood, and through my whole
boyhood and youth. But when, at the age of eighteen, I had passed
my second year at the University, I no longer believed anything that
I had been taught. Judging from certain recollections I could never
have believed seriously, and had only a sort of confidence in what
older people had professed in my presence. Even this confidence was
very shaky. I remember when I was about eleven years old that a
boy, long since dead, Volodinka M , a pupil of the High School,

224

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

Leo himself began to attend the University in
1843 at the age of fifteen, and passed one year
in the course of Eastern Languages, and two
years in that of Law. Suddenly, seized with a
desire of doing good to his peasants, he left the
University and settled on his estate at Yasnaya
Polyana. His experiences there, as well as his
ideas in going there, are hinted at in his sketch
called " The Morning of a Proprietor " (Utro

came to see us one Sunday and told us, as the last news, a discovery
that had been made at school. This was that there was no God, and
that all that had been taught us on that subject was pure imagination.
This was in 1838. I remember how interested my elder brothers got
over this news; how they called me into the consultation, and how
we all became very animated and received the information as some-
thing very interesting and perfectly possible.

" I remember, too, that when my eldest brother Dimitri, while he
was at the University, suddenly gave himself up to religion with the
peculiar passion of his nature and began to attend all the services,
to fast, and to lead a purely moral life, we all, even our elders, con-
stantly held him up to ridicule, and for some reason or other called
him Noah. Mussin-Pushkin, who was then Curator of the University
of Kazan, when he used to invite us to a dance and my brother re-
fused, laughingly tried to persuade him by saying that David had
danced before the ark. I sympathized then with these jests of my
elders and concluded from them that it was necessary to learn the
catechism and go to church, but that all that should not be taken
too seriously. I remember also that I read Voltaire when I was very
young, and his ridicule not only did not disturb me, but even amused
me. Unbelief came on me just as it had come, and still comes, on
persons of all classes of society.

" The religious belief which had been inculcated into me in my
childhood disappeared in me as in several others, with this difference
only, that as I had begun to read philosophical works at the age of
fifteen, my refusal to believe was made with the consciousness of what
I was doing. At sixteen I had stopped saying my prayers, and act-
ing on my own convictions refused to go to church or to fast. I did
not believe in what had been taught me in childhood, but I believed
in something or other.

" Some time I will tell the history of my life, which is both touch-
ing and instructive in these ten years of my youth. I think that very
many will have the same experience. I desired with all my soul to

Vol. I.— 15 225

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

pomiestchika). In 185 1 he made to his brother,
then serving in the Caucasus, a visit which com-
pletely changed the current of his life. Struck
with the scenery and the simple ways, influenced
perhaps also by other considerations, he desired to
remain; and, as the Caucasus was not then a
place for civilians, he entered the military service
as Yunker in the fourth battery of the twentieth
brigade of artillery. A Yunker was at that time

be good; but I was young, I had passions, and I was alone, quite
alone, when I sought for good. Every time that I tried to express
what were my most heartfelt wishes, that I wished to be morally
good, I met with contempt and ridicule; but whenever I gave my-
self up to my bad passions I was praised and encouraged.

" Ambition, love of power, love of gain, pleasure, pride, wrath,
vengeance- — all that was respected: when I gave myself up to these
passions I began to be like a man and felt that people were contented
with me. My good aunt, a most virtuous woman, with whom I lived,
always said to me that she wished nothing for me so much as to come
into relations with a married woman: ' rien ne forme un jeune homme
comme une liaison avec une femme comme il faut.' She wished me
also another good fortune, that I should become an aide-de-camp,
especially an aide-de-camp to the Emperor. But the very highest good
luck would be to marry a very rich girl, in consequence of which I
should possess the greatest possible number of serfs.

" I cannot remember these years without horror, disgust, and pain
of heart. I used to kill people in war; I challenged them to duels in
order to kill them; I used to lose money at cards; I ate up the labour
of the peasants and punished them; I led an immoral life; gave my-
self up to systematic deception. Lying, theft, pleasure of all kinds,
drunkenness, violence, murder. . . . there was no crime that I
did not commit. For all that my contemporaries praised me and still
considered me a comparatively moral man.

" Thus I lived for ten years. During this time I began to write—
from vanity, cupidity, and pride. I was the same in my writings as
I was in my life. In order to get fame and money, for which I wrote,
it was necessary to conceal what was good and show forth what was
bad. And so I did. How often did I take great pains in my writings
to conceal, under an appearance of indifference, and even of light ridi-
cule, those aspirations of mine to virtue which were really the aim of
my life. That end I succeeded in attaining, and I was praised in con-
sequence."

226

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

something between a soldier and an officer, the
rank by which noblemen generally entered the
army, which obliged them to do soldier's duty, and
yet allowed them to associate on an equality with
the officers. He was stationed at Staro-Lidov-
skaya on the Terek, where he remained about
three years, till the outbreak of the war with
Turkey. The new surroundings awakened new
expressions of his nature, and Tolstoy began to
write. " Childhood " (Dietstvo) was finished in
1852, and " Boyhood " (Otrotchestvo) in 1854.
"The Incursion" (Nabieg) and "A Landlord's
Morning " (Utro Pomiestchika) were also written
in 1852. It is curious to find that at the very
beginning were the germs of the three different
lines that he has continued and woven together in
his latest and best works, and even the germs of
his more recent philosophical-religious phase.
The foundations were laid for several other short
stories, especially " The Cossacks " — and in some
cases the projects were committed to paper.

When the Eastern war began, Tolstoy asked for
active service, and was assigned to the staff of
Prince Michael Gortchakof, the commander-in-
chief of the Russian army on the Danube; and
when the scene of action was transferred to the

Crimea, he obtained the command of a mountain

227

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

battery, and had the chance to do good service
in the battle of the Tchernaya (August 16, 1855).
This battle, which was so disastrous to Russia,
was the outcome of a series of blunders, beginning
with the demand of Baron Vrefsky, the repre-
sentative of the Minister of War, for active oper-
ations of some kind, and with the forgetfulness of
the military topographers to put down on the cam-
paign-map certain gullies and ravines that proved
of great importance. The deliberations of the
Council of War and the events of the battle were
well hit off in a satirical song, which is an excel-
lent illustration of a national trait of Russians, of
being able to joke and laugh even in the worst
moments, and thus to keep up their spirits. It
was very popular in the Crimea, and was soon
circulated in manuscript throughout Russia. The
voice of the army ascribed the authorship to Tol-
stoy, but it was naturally impossible to avow it.
He was at least one of the authors, for new verses
were occasionally added at officers' suppers, when
Tolstoy himself sometimes accompanied it on the
piano.

During the campaign Tolstoy began " Youth "
(Yihwst), which was not finished till two years
later, wrote another sketch of the Caucasus,

" Wood-cutting " (Rubka-lyesa), and the three

228

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

sketches of Sevastopol. These last drew to the
author great attention at home. The first two
were read with sympathy at the Palace, and the
Emperor Nicholas — who even in the midst of war
could think of the intellectual glory of his country
— gave orders that " the life of that young man
must be looked after." That is the expression
which Tolstoy used in speaking of it. As a result
— much to his personal annoyance — he was kept
out of harm's way; sent, I believe, to Simpheropol
for the short remainder of the siege.

After peace was made Tolstoy resigned from
the army, and went to St. Petersburg, twenty-six
years old, and with a great prestige for so young
an author. Here he was at once received in a
flattering way by the chief literary circle of the
capital — Turguenief, Gontcharof, Grigorovitch,
Druzhinin, and Ostrofsky — and on one occasion
they had themselves photographed together.1

1 " Twenty-six years old I arrived at St. Petersburg after the war,
and came into relations with authors. They received me in a flatter-
ing way, like one of their own number. I had not succeeded in
taking any situation before the views about life of the writers with
whom I became intimate had already taken possession of me, and had
completely effaced in me all my previous desires to make myself better.
These views made up a theory which quite excused the license of
my life. Their substance was in general, that life continues to prog-
ress, and that in this development the preponderant part is due to
us men of thought, and especially to those of us who are artists and
poets. Our vocation was to instruct people. What was our instruc-
tion there was no need of inquiring; for it was admitted in theory
that artists and poets instructed unconsciously. I considered myself
a remarkable artist and poet, and therefore very naturally accepted

229

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

Tolstoy at last grew weary of life at St. Peters-
burg and returned to Yasnaya Polyana. The life
of the capital did not agree with his ideal of the
objects of existence. He was young, obstinate in
his own opinions, and was inclined to deviate from
the accepted rules of literary art. But in spite of
obstinacy and eccentricity, he was respected and
loved by those who met him. As his brothers
had died of consumption, and he looked very deli-
cate and was credited with leading a very fast life,
fears were entertained for his health; and Tur-
guenief, who was comparatively a near country
neighbour, as distances go in Russia, had a general
mandate to look after him. Of Russian literary
men Turguenief was perhaps his warmest friend,
although he was the constant object of his raillery;
and in general conversation Tolstoy was sometimes
exasperating. Of the results of Turguenief's ef-
forts to keep Tolstoy in order I must speak later.

Tolstoy, while in the country, kept on writing,
and showed only to a moderate extent his peculiar

this theory. I, an artist and poet, wrote and taught not knowing what.
For that I was paid money, I had excellent eating, lodging, and so-
ciety: I was famous. Therefore what I taught must be very good.
This belief in the importance of poetry and the development of life
was a Faith, and I was one of its Priests. Being a Priest was very
advantageous and very agreeable, and I lived a long time in this be-
lief without doubting its truth. . . . We were all then convinced
that it was necessary for us to speak and write and print as quickly
as possible, and as much as possible, and that all that was necessary
for the good of humanity." — " Confessions."

230

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

ideas. The next year, 1857, he went abroad for
the first time. He was delighted with Germany,
stayed a long time in France, and went as far as
Rome. In Paris he went to see a man guillotined
and was greatly impressed. He told me the whole
story in such a vivid way that I fully expected he
would use it in a novel; and I could not help
thinking of it afterwards when reading Turgue-
nief's remarkable account of the execution of
Troppmann. But so far it has only furnished a
sentence or two in the " Confessions."

His journey abroad gave rise to two or three
short stories; but he soon ceased writing, to de-
vote himself to educating the serfs on his estate,
and in i860 he made another journey to the West.
He married in 1862, and from that time on, and
for fully ten years after I knew him, devoted
himself to the enjoyment of his family life, and to
the pursuit of literature, without, however, neg-
lecting opportunities for well-doing.

The Count said that his family was descended
from a Dane named Dick, who, when he came to
Russia, translated his name into the corresponding
Tolstoy (thick). The tradition, however, which
is received by the genealogists, traces the origin
of the family to a German named Indris, who came

to Tchernigof, in 1353, with his two sons and

231

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

about 3,000 followers, all of whom immediately
accepted the doctrine of the Eastern Church, and
Indris was renamed Leontius. It was only in the
fourth generation that one Andrei received the
surname of Tolstoy, on account of his figure. All
of the Tolstoys who are counts, are descended
from Count Peter Andreievitch, the well-known
diplomatist and statesman of the times of Peter
and Catherine L, who distinguished himself dis-
agreeably by the capture of Peter's son Alexis at
Naples. For his services he was made count in
1724, the fourth time that this title had been
given. Therefore the present Minister of the In-
terior, Count Dimitri Andreievitch, and the late
Count Alexis Constantinovitch, the poet and
author of " Prince Serebryanny," are both distant
cousins of Count Leo; but it is necessary to go
back to the son or grandson of the first count to
find a common ancestor. Many of the family,
both counts and untitled, have distinguished them-
selves in war, in diplomacy, in statesmanship, in
literature, in the arts, and at Court. Each of the
three Emperors Alexander has had for intimate
friend a Count Tolstoy. A cousin of the novelist's
grandfather, Count Peter Alexandrovitch, served
with distinction under Suvarof, gaining the grade

of colonel and the cross of St. George at the storm

232

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

of Praga, was Russian Commissioner with the
army of the Archduke Karl, commander of the
Russian army in Northern Germany in 1805, and
ambassador in Paris in 1807 and 1808, when his
recall was asked by Napoleon because he fre-
quented the society of the Faubourg St. Germain.
In 18 12 he commanded the militia at Moscow and
organized the national defence; in 181 3 he com-
manded a corps in Benningsen's army in the oper-
ations against Dresden and Hamburg; in 1823 he
was made a member of the Council of State as
President of the Military Section, and in 1831
commanded the reserve army against the rebellious
Poles. He is described by Dolgoruky, who is not
given to compliment, as " a man of pre-eminent
nobility of soul, of unwavering constancy, of ex-
emplary unselfishness, who ardently loved his
country, was faithful in friendship, honourable
without the shadow of a change, respected by
everyone, and who, during the whole seventy-
five years of his life, was a chevalier sans pair et
sans reproche." In fact he was a worthy prototype
of the old Prince Nicholas Bolkonsky, the father
of Prince Andrei in " War and Peace."

Count Osterman-Tolstoy might have served as
the original of one incident in Byron's " Don
Juan," in having been the handsome young lieu-

233

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

tenant who brought to Catherine II. the news of
the fall of Ismail. He speedily advanced at Court,
inherited the immense fortune of his great-uncles,
Counts Ivan and Feodor Osterman, and was al-
lowed to add this name to his own. Though in
disfavour under the Emperors Paul and Alexander
I., he nevertheless took an active part in the war
of 1812, and won the battle of Kulm (so far as is
permitted even to a Tolstoy to win a battle), by
which the tide was first turned against Napoleon.
Later he lived abroad, took Fallmerayer on a three
years' journey in the East, and died at Geneva in

1837.

The novelist's father, Nikolas Hitch, had no
higher rank than Lieutenant-Colonel: but his
uncle, Feodor Andreievitch, the Senator and
Privy Councillor, who died in 1849, at the age °f
ninety-one, was a noted bibliophile, whose splen-
did collection of Slavonic manuscripts is now in
the Public Library at St. Petersburg; and his
cousin, Count Feodor Petrovitch, was a sculptor
and medallist of merit, and died in 1873 as Vice-
President and Professor in the Academy of the
Fine Arts.

The mother of the novelist was the Princess
Marie Volkonsky, daughter of a general of Cath-
erine's time, and a direct descendant of St.

234

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

Michael, Prince of Tchernigof, who was mar-
tyred by the Mongols in 1246 for refusing to per-
form an act of heathen worship, and was subse-
quently canonised by the Russian Church. Thus
on his mother's side, and also in other ways,
Count Leo Tolstoy is a descendant of Rurik.
Among his other direct ancestors we find mem-
bers of the princely houses of Trubetzkoy Gort-
chakof, Stchetinin and Trockurof, without men-
tioning countless relationships and connections
with most of the noble families of Russia.

I have dwelt thus at length on the family of the
Tolstoys, partly perhaps because I have a personal
leaning to genealogy, but chiefly because Tolstoy
is the rare exception in Russian literature of a
novelist who really forms part of the society he
has undertaken to describe, and because of the
contrast of his family history with his present
religious and social opinions. Such contrasts are
not rare in Russia.

IV
As we spent the evenings and part of the
mornings in the Count's study, which was full of
books, the talk very naturally ran on literature.
At intervals I helped him to rearrange his library,
a good portion of which consisted of old French

235

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

books which had descended to him from his father
or grandfather; but which contained also the best
imaginative literature of England, France, Ger-
many, and Italy, not to speak of Russian books
and an enviable collection of works about Napo-
leon and his times which were in use for " War
and Peace." Of these latter, some rare books I
was able afterwards to obtain; others I still envy
him. Unfortunately I have mislaid most of my
notes with regard to our literary conversations.
Certain things, however, made a strong impres-
sion upon me.

Tolstoy had a very high opinion of the English
novel, not only as a work of art but especially for
its naturalism — a word not then in vogue. " In
French literature," he said, " I prize, above all,
the novels of Alexandre Dumas and of Paul de
Kock." At this I opened my eyes wide, being
at that time strongly imbued with the ideas of the
school then prevalent. " No," he said, " don't
tell me any of that nonsense that Paul de Kock is
immoral. He is, sometimes, according to English
notions, improper. He is more or less what the
French call teste and Gaulois; but he is never im-
moral. Whatever he may say in his books, and
in despite of his little loose jokes, his stories are

perfectly moral in tendency. He is the French

236

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

Dickens. His characters are all drawn from life,
and very perfectly too. When I was in Paris I
used to spend half my days in the omnibuses,
simply for the amusement of looking at the people;
and I can assure you that nearly every passenger
had come out of one of Paul de Kock's novels.
And as to Dumas, every novel-writer ought to
know him by heart. His plots are marvellous, to
say nothing of his workmanship: I can read him
again and again; but his plots and intrigues form
his strong point." For Balzac he did not care so
much. Among other writers I can now only re-
call Schopenhauer, for whom at that time he had
a great admiration, and whose German style he
particularly praised.

We talked of contemporary Russian authors,
and the conversation naturally fell upon his own
books, of which he spoke with great frankness.
" War and Peace," which was then in publication,
afforded the subject for a long talk; but of this I
can only give the result, and not in so many words
what he said.

" War and Peace " was originally published in
six parts, beginning in 1865, and not as usual in
Katkof's Russian Messenger. Four numbers had
then been issued, had had a very great sale, and
had been read by everybody. These carried the

237

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

story down to the battle of Borodino. The final
portions did not appear for a year or so afterward.
There had been, of course, some hostile criticism,
to which Tolstoy replied in Bartenief's historical
journal, Russian Archives, at about this time, and
much in the same way that he talked about the
book to me.

It may be remarked here that before writing
" War and Peace," Tolstoy began a novel to be
called " The Decembrists " (Dekabristy), on the
theme of the attempted revolution of December
if, 1825 (on the accession of the Emperor Nich-
olas), in which so many well-born Russians, in-
cluding several of his own relatives and family
connections, had taken part. At this time, before
the rise of destructive Nihilism, owing in part to
the return of several of the participators, who had
been pardoned by the Emperor Alexander after
a sojourn of over forty years in Siberia, the his-
tory of this conspiracy greatly occupied the Rus-
sian public. But " in trying to bring to life again
in his own mind the period of the Decembrists,
he could not help going back in thought to the
preceding period — the past of his heroes. Grad-
ually he penetrated deeper and deeper into the
causes of the events that he wished to describe —

into the family history, the education, the social

238

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

conditions of the characters he had chosen. Final-
ly he stopped at the time of the Napoleonic wars,"
and wrote what we all know.

The idea of " The Decembrists " was not lost
sight of, and the reader who remembers among
the later chapters of " War and Peace " those
that describe the home life of Pierre and Natasha
will see, if he be acquainted with Russian history,
how skilfully the ground is prepared for another
epical romance of a similar character. Diis alitcr
visum. Twice before 1878 the project was taken
up, and the opening chapters were re-written, but
it was then abandoned. In the first draught Pierre
and his family appear in Moscow on their return
after their long exile in Siberia.

" ' War and Peace,' " said Tolstoy, " is not a
novel, still less a poem, still less an historical
chronicle. It is not presumption on my part if I
keep clear of customary forms. The history of
Russian literature from Pushkin down presents
many similar examples. From the ' Dead Souls '
of Gogol to the ' Dead House ' of Dostoievsky
there is not a single artistic prose work, of more
than average merit, which keeps entirely to the
usual form of a novel or a poem.

" Some of my readers have said that the char-
acter of the times is not sufficiently shown. I

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COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

know what they mean — the horrors of serfdom,
the walling up of wives, the flogging of grown-up
sons, the Saltytchikha, as she is commonly called
(that Madame Saltykof who, in the time of
Catherine II., in the course of eleven or twelve
years had over a hundred of her serfs whipped to
death, chiefly women and girls, for not washing
her linen properly), and things like that. The
fact is that I did not find all this a true expression
of the character of the times. After studying no
end of letters, journals, and traditions I did not
find such horrors worse than in our own times or
any other. In those times people also loved,
hated, sought the truth, tried to do good, and
were led away by their passions. There was also
then a complicated, thoughtful, moral life, perhaps
even more refined than now, in the highest class.
Our traditions of that epoch are drawn from the
exceptions. The character of that time comes
from the greater separation of the highest class
from the rest, the ruling philosophy, the peculi-
arities of education, and especially the habit of
talking French; and it is that character which I
tried, as far as I could, to portray.

" You spoke of the similarity of some of the
names, such as Bolkonsky, Drubetzkoy, Bilibin,

Kuragin, etc., with well known Russian names.

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COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

Yes, that I did purposely. In making imaginary
personages act with real historical characters,
there seemed to me to be something awkward for
the ear if Count Rostoptchin talked with a Prince
Pronsky, or Strelsky, or some other made-up
name. Although Bolkonsky and Drubetzkoy
are not Volkonsky and Trubetzkoy, yet they have
a sound which is natural and customary in Russian
aristocratic circles. I couldn't invent names for
everybody, like Bezutchy and Rostof, which did
not seem false to the ear, and I tried to get
around the difficulty by taking the names of well-
known families with the change of a letter or a
syllable. I should be sorry if this should lead
people to think that I wanted to represent partic-
ular persons, especially because that sort of litera-
ture which consists in the description of persons
who really exist or have existed has nothing in
common with my purpose. Maria Dmitrievna
Akhrosimof le terrible dragon (Madame Ofrosimof)
and Denisof (the celebrated guerilla leader Denis-
Davydof) are the only characters to which invol-
untarily and without thinking I gave names re-
sembling those of two characteristic and charming
personages of the society of that time. That is
my fault, caused by the special characteristics of
these two persons; but the reader must admit that

Vol. I.— 16 241

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

there is nothing resembling the truth in their
actions. All the other characters are entirely im-
aginary, and even for myself have no original,
either in tradition or in actual life."

In spite of this declaration the Count's family
friends insist that in the Princess Marie Bolkonsky
he drew an ideal portrait of his own mother; but
it is possible that the similarity of the name (Prin-
cess Marie Volkonsky) may have deceived their
imaginations into seeing a likeness of character.
The faithful picture of the times is due to a study
of memoirs, old letters, and personal accounts,
quite as conscientious as that given by any his-
torian to his material. There were still living in
Moscow many old people whose early recollections
went back to the burning of Moscow, and Tolstoy
himself must in his younger days have known
many who had taken at least a minor part in the
events which form the groundwork of his story.
The Princess Odoiefsky told me that some ladies,
and especially a Miss P., a distant connection of
Tolstoy, and a common friend of us all, had been
very serviceable in getting at the old people of
Moscow, and in writing out their stories and
anecdotes. In fact, society had changed so little
in Moscow and the country, up to the time of the

Crimean War, that had Tolstoy described only

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COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

what he had himself seen, his picture would have
been true externally of the earlier period; but it
would have lacked the breath of life, the spirit
which animated the men of 1812.

The indication of sources detracts no more from
the merits of the novelist than from those of the
historian. At times it is easy to see what influ-
ences were at work in " War and Peace." The
history and influence of freemasonry in Russia
was just at that time a new subject for research,
as the barriers against historical study and criti-
cism were being gradually relaxed. The reading,
by the author, of a series of articles in the Russian
Messenger, on freemasonry in the time of Cath-
erine, and the book of Longinof on Novikof, made
Pierre become a mason, and further guides were
found in the large collection of masonic books,
emblems, and rubbish, in the public museum at
Moscow, which contains most of the archives and
property of the Russian masonic lodges when they
were closed and seized.

One incident in the latter part of the story, the
indecision of the Countess Helen, Pierre's wife, as
to her choice of a new husband, is founded on an
occurrence at St. Petersburg while the story was
in progress. A certain Madame A., although she
was not yet divorced from her husband, was eagerly

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COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

courted by two suitors, the old Chancellor, Prince
Gortchakof, and the Duke of Leuchtenberg, the
Emperor's nephew. The Emperor forbade both
the rivals to marry, one because of the relationship,
the other on account of his age and family. The
issue of the story was different. The lady lived
for a while with Prince Gortchakof as his niece,
and in that capacity presided at his diplomatic
dinners; subsequently she ran away with the
Duke, and years after, in 1879, married him mor-
ganatically, with the title of Countess Beauhar-
nais.

The Vicomte E. M. de Vogue, in his interesting
and appreciative book " Le Roman Russe," seems
to imply that Tolstoy's battle descriptions are im-
itated from the celebrated account of the battle of
Waterloo in Stendhal's " Chartreuse de Parme,"
the idea of which, Sainte-Beuve in turn says, " was
taken from an English book, ' The Memoirs of a
Soldier ' of the Seventy-first Regiment, who took
part in the battle of Vittoria without understand-
ing anything about it; much as Fabrice took part
in that of Waterloo, asking himself afterward if
he really had been in a battle and had really
fought." The "Chartreuse de Parme," with all
its merits, is a signal example of how an historical

novel should not be written. Tolstoy made im-

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COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

aginary take part with real characters in historical
events. Stendhal does the same partially at
Waterloo and in Milan; but after that all is ficti-
tious, and, worst of all, real names are given to
purely imaginary places. The Parma of the novel
is in no way, either historically or topographically,
like the real Parma, however much it may be like
Modena.

In speaking not of this, but of his treatment of
history in general, Tolstoy said that the historian
and the artist, in describing an historical epoch,
have totally different aims and treat of different
subjects. " An historian would not be right if he
tried to present an historical personage in all his
entirety, in all his complicated relations to all
sides of life. Neither would an artist do his duty
if he always gave him his historical signification.
Kutuzof was not always riding on a white horse,
with his field-glass in his hand, pointing at the
enemy. Rostoptchin was not always with a torch
setting fire to his house at Voronovo (in fact he
never did this at all), and the Empress Maria
Feodorovna did not always stand in an ermine
cloak resting her hand on the ' Code of Laws.'
But this is the way in which the popular imagi-
nation pictures them. The historian deals with
heroes; the artist with men. The historian treats

245

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

of the results of events; the artist of the facts con-
nected with the event.

" Battles are, of course, nearly always described
in a contradictory way by the two sides; but, be-
sides this, there is in every description of a battle
a certain amount of falsehood which is indispen-
sable on account of the necessity of describing in
a few words the actions of thousands of people,
distributed over a space of several miles, all under
the strongest moral excitement, under the influ-
ence of fear of disgrace or death.

" Descriptions of battles generally say that such
troops were sent to attack such a point, and were
afterwards ordered to retreat, etc., as if people sup-
posed that the same discipline which on a parade
ground moves tens of thousands of men by the
will of one, could have the same effect where it is
a question of life or death. Everyone who has
been in a war knows how untrue this is, and yet
on this supposition military reports are made out,
and on them descriptions of battles are written.

" By the way, a friend told me what was said

by Nikolai Nikolaievitch Muravief-Karsky about

my description of Schongraben, which confirms

my conviction. Muravief, who had been himself

a commander-in-chief, said that he had never read

a truer account of a fight, and from his own ex-

246

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

perience he knew how impossible it was to carry
out the orders of the commander-in-chief on the
field of battle.

" Go about all the troops immediately after an
engagement, or even on the second or third day,
before the official reports are written, and question
all the soldiers and the higher and lower officers
how things went: all these people will tell you
what they really felt and saw, and you will receive
an impression which is grand, complicated, im-
mensely varied, and solemn, but by no means
clear; you will learn from no one, still less from
the commander-in-chief, exactly how the whole
took place. But in two or three days official re-
ports begin to come in, talkers begin to describe
what they never saw, finally the whole report is
made up, and this creates a sort of public opinion
in the army. It is so much easier to settle all
one's doubts and questions by this false, but always
clear and flattering account. If in a month or
two you question a man who took part in the bat-
tle, you will no longer feel in his story that raw,
living material that was there before, for he will
tell it according to the official report. The details
of the battle of Borodino were told to me by many
shrewd men who took part in it and are still alive.
They all told the same story, all according to the

247

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

untrue accounts of Mikailofsky-Danilefsky, Glinka,
etc., and even related the same details in the same
way, though they must have been miles off from
one another.

" After the loss of Sevastopol, General Kryz-
hanofsky, the chief of artillery, sent me the reports
of the artillery officers from all the bastions and
asked me to combine these twenty or more reports
into one. I am very sorry that I did not take
copies of those reports. It was an excellent ex-
ample of the na'ive, indispensable, military lie out
of which descriptions are made. I presume that
many of my comrades, who then made those re-
ports, would laugh at the recollection of their
being ordered by their superiors to write about
what they never saw. All who have experienced
a war know how fit Russians are to do their mili-
tary duty, and how unfit they are to describe it
with the indispensable, bragging lie. Everybody
knows that in our armies this duty, the compilation
of reports, is generally performed by our officers
of non-Russian race.

" But besides the necessary falsehood in the
description of events, I find a false way of under-
standing events. Often when studying the two
chief historical productions on this epoch, Thiers
and Mikailofsky-Danilefsky, I am astonished how

248

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

such books could be printed or read. Without
speaking of the exposition of the same events in
the same serious, important tone, with references
to authorities, and yet diametrically opposed to
each other, I have found in these histories descrip-
tions of a sort that I did not know whether to
laugh or to cry over them, when I remembered
that these books are the sole memorials of the
epoch and have millions of readers. I'll give a
single instance from Thiers, who, in speaking of
the forged Russian bank-notes brought by Napo-
leon, says : ' Using these means in an act of benevo-
lence worthy of himself and of the French army,
he distributed assistance to the sufferers by the
conflagration. But provisions being too precious
to be given for long to strangers, for the most
part enemies, Napoleon preferred to furnish them
with money, and had paper rubles distributed to
them.' If Thiers had fully understood what he
was saying, could he have written in such a way
of such an immoral act? "

This led to a long discussion of the French oc-
cupation, and of the burning of Moscow, which
Tolstoy maintained in even stronger terms than
those he afterwards employed in his novel, was
solely due to accident. He showed me the large
library of books and authorities that he had col-

249

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

lected for his studies, and pointed out to me some
interesting memoirs and pamphlets which are rare
and little known. Of Rostoptchin he spoke with
great contempt. Rostoptchin always denied that
he had had a hand in the burning of Moscow until
he found out that, to excuse themselves, the
French had attributed it to him, and that in his
visit to France after the restoration this was
thought a glorious deed of patriotism. He at first
accepted it modestly, and then boldly boasted of
it. The legend has been kept alive, partly by the
chauvinism of French historians and partly by the
influence of the Segurs (one of whom married his
daughter) and their numerous relatives and liter-
ary following.

Count Tolstoy insisted on his accuracy, and
especially on his conscientiousness in historical
matters and said : " Wherever historical characters
act and speak in my novel, I have imagined noth-
ing, and have conformed myself strictly to his-
torical materials and the accounts of witnesses."
From this the conversation branched off to the
activity and effect of historical characters on events,
all of which was afterward said so fully in the epi-
logue of " War and Peace " that there is no need
to repeat it here.

In his early stories Tolstoy had already so suc-
250

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

ceeded in combining- vivid realistic descriptions
of places and persons with the moral and meta-
physical reflections and reasonings of the charac-
ters that it was natural for the reader to say:
" This is a real personage; " " That is a genuine
experience;" "The author must have passed
through that phase in order to portray it so well."
Tolstoy laughingly, but in all seriousness, denied
that there was the slightest autobiographical char-
acter in the three sketches, " Childhood," " Boy-
hood," and " Youth," which in the translations
lately made have been given the names of " Souve-
nirs " and " Mes Memoires." Indeed, neither do
the incidents of the book correspond to the facts
of Tolstoy's life, nor does the moral and mental
development of Irtenief conform to what Tolstoy
has told about himself in his " Confessions." Now
that Tolstoy has become a figure in the religious
world, his novels and tales have been carefully
studied by many who seek in them something
more than their artistic merits; and wherever there
are traces of the ideas about life and its objects,
which have been so greatly developed in his mys-
tical writings, they choose to consider these por-
tions as autobiographical. Thus Tolstoy is found
to be present in " The Cossacks," in " War and
Peace," and in " Anna Karenin " in the respective

251

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

characters of Olenin, Pierre, and Levin. It would
be strange if he were not to some extent there
present, as he invented them. But between put-
ting a little part and parcel of the author's self
not only into these, but into every character he
drew, and autobiography, there is a great differ-
ence. This constant tendency to see the person-
ality of the author in his heroes, whether the
author in question be Byron or Tolstoy, seems to
me to be a perversion of fact and a perversion of
criticism. In " Childhood," " Boyhood," and
" Youth " there are pictures of Russian family life
so carefully drawn and so well coloured that their
truth is recognised at once by every Russian of
that class in society, and by every foreigner who
has had the good fortune to be intimate with Rus-
sian families where there are a lot of children. On
reading the book again, after twenty years, certain
things strike me now as peculiarities of Russian
life which were then so natural as to pass unnoticed.
For instance, Nicolai Irtenief stealing off in a
sledge to make his second confession at the age of
fifteen, and saying that this was the first time that
he had ever been in the street alone without his
tutor or some one of the family. The pedagogue
(7raiBay(oy6<;) to sleep in his room, to take him to

and from school, and follow his every movement,

252

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

is so usual a character in the life of every well
brought up Russian boy (as indeed in the life of
some other European countries) that a foreigner —
even an American — as soon as he becomes inti-
mate with Russian life, forgets the strangeness of
him. In the characters of this book Tolstoy, with
the aid of his own recollections and his lively
imagination, simply tried to put himself into the
place of the boys, with the ideas that he thought
he might have had at the time. The boy who
approaches nearest to Tolstoy's character is not
Irtenief but Prince Nekhliudof, who reappears
with some of the author's peculiar views in some
of the stories of the Caucasus, in " A Landlord's
Morning," and in " Lucerne." While writing the
other books just mentioned the author was grap-
pling with some of the great problems of human
life, and he made Olenin, Pierre, and Levin do
some of his thinking for him, without intending
to give them any portion of his individuality. At
the time of my visit, for instance, Tolstoy was still
occupied with his studies in freemasonry, and was
diligently reading the mystical writings of Novi-
kof and others for the sole purpose of understand-
ing the psychological history of the early part of
the century, and not with any intention of seeking
the highest benefits of humanity through such

253

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

means. He was simply reading up — cramming
if you will — for the character of Pierre; and
Pierre's dabblings with freemasonry must not
therefore be thought to represent any experience
or mental process of Count Tolstoy.

" The Cossacks," Tolstoy assured me, was a true
story so far as the plot is concerned, and was told
to him by an officer one night when they were
travelling together, not even in the Caucasus but
in the north of Russia. What he had written
was, however, only the first part, and he then still
hoped some day to write the rest. Perhaps on
the whole it is best as it is; as, though a fragment,
it is perfect in its way — an idyll and not a complete
story. I told the Count of my first acquaintance
with Turguenief at Baden-Baden the year before,
and that he had advised me, if I wished to do any-
thing more, to translate " The Cossacks," which
he considered the finest and most perfect product
of Russian Literature. I asked Tolstoy's permis-
sion to translate it, which was readily given, but
I tried my hand first on one of the sketches of
Sevastopol, and, although I began at " The Cos-
sacks," changes of post and varied duties pre-
vented my finishing the translation for fully ten
years.

254

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

Tolstoy received with evident pleasure the
compliments of Turguenief, and spoke of the
latter's books with appreciation — " Smoke " had
been published not long before — and of the man
in terms of affection and sympathy. From noth-
ing that he said, or that Turguenief ever said on
the various occasions when he talked to me about
Tolstoy, to whom he even gave a letter of intro-
duction, could I have ever imagined that there
was then a wide breach between the two friends,
and that the quarrel was not made up till ten
years later. I learned this only afterwards, and
gradually came to the whole story of the rupture.
A brief account of their mutual relations may be
interesting, and is almost necessary to a proper
appreciation of Tolstoy at that time.

Turguenief's admiration of Tolstoy's genius and
power never varied, although his criticisms were
sometimes harsh, when it seemed to him in special
cases that his brother author had taken the wrong
road. The first reference to Tolstoy in his letters
seems almost prophetic. He wrote from his
country place at Spasskoe, on October 24, 1854,
when Tolstoy was still in the army : " I am im-
mensely delighted with the continuation of ' Boy-

255

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

hood; ' may God give Tolstoy long life, as I hope
he will astonish all of us, for he is a talent of the
first rank. I made yesterday the acquaintance of
his sister, who has just married another Tolstoy,
a highly pleasing, sympathetic woman." In his
letters of 1855-56 there are some words of praise
for the Sevastopol sketches. After the war — as I
have already said — the two writers met and saw
each other frequently at St. Petersburg, as well
as in the country, where they visited each other
for the purpose of shooting. The signs of dis-
sension soon began to appear. The natures of the
two men were not at that time harmonious, and
their ideas ran in very different channels. Tol-
stoy, who was young, and who as a writer was
somewhat of a spoilt child, whose ways smacked
a little still of the freedom of the camp, was in-
clined to rebel against the tutelage and paternal
care which Turguenief seemed to be exercising
over him. He amused himself not only by escap-
ing from the surveillance of his friends, but by
occasionally enticing them to a late supper or a
wild night. Besides that he was much given to
persiflage, which did not always accord with the
serious humour of his friend. After leaving Rus-
sia for Paris in the autumn of 1856, Turguenief
wrote to Tolstov (November 26th) in replv to a

256

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

letter of his, " I have reflected seriously over all
that you write, and it seems to me that you are
wrong. I can be quite frank to you, because it
would be impossible for me to be false where you
are concerned. We seem to have made our ac-
quaintance in an awkward way and not at the
right time; when we see each other again things
will go smoother and better. I feel that I love
you as a man; as regards the writer words are
superfluous. But there is much in you with
which I am not quite satisfied, so that I thought
it better to keep away from you: when we see
each other again we will try to go hand in hand
and perhaps will succeed better. But here, far
away from you, odd as it may sound, my heart
hangs on you as on a brother, and I am very ten-
derly disposed towards you: perhaps with time
everything good will come of this. I heard of
your illness and was much troubled; but I beg
you to banish all remembrance of it. You are
anxious about yourself, and think perhaps of con-
sumption— but, by God, you have it not." Then
follow questions about Tolstoy's sister and brother,
talk about common friends, and about the state of
affairs in Paris, and then literature comes up.
" You have already finished the first number of
* Youth : ' that is splendid. How vexed I am
Vol. I.— 17 257

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

that I cannot hear you read it ! If you do not go
off on by-ways, you will go far. I wish you
health, activity, and spiritual freedom. ... As
concerns my ' Faust,' I scarcely believe it will
please you. My writings were at one time able
to please you, and possibly even to influence you,
but only until you became independent; now you
can learn nothing more from me. You see only
the difference of the style, the slips and the faults ;
you need now only to study men, your own heart,
and really great writers. I am only a writer of
the transition period, and am only good for
people who are in the transition period."

About this time he wrote to a literary friend,
Druzhinin : " People tell me that you sympathise
with Tolstoy, and that he is become very polished
and clear. I am much delighted with that.
When this young wine has gone through the proc-
ess of fermentation it will be a drink fit for the
gods."

A few days after, December 8, 1856, he writes
again to Tolstoy :

" Dear Tolstoy : My good genius took me
yesterday to the Post-Office and inspired me to
ask whether there were any letters for me Poste
Restante, although I supposed that all my friends
had my Paris address. There I really found your

258

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

letter in which you speak of my ' Faust.' You
will easily understand with what joy I read it.
Your sympathy gave me deep and sincere pleas-
ure. Your whole letter breathes a gentle and
calm feeling, a friendly peace; and it only re-
mains for me to stretch my hand over the gulf
which had long ago become a scarcely notice-
able crack; about which we will think no more,
as it is not worth the trouble. I am shy about
speaking on one thing which you mentioned in
your letter, . . . but may everything turn out
for the best, and may it bring to you that peace
of soul which you so need — or rather did need
when I learned to know you. As I see, you
sympathise for the moment very much with Druz-
hinin, and are under his influence. Very well, but
take care that you don't eat yourself sick off him.
When I was at your age none but enthusiastic
natures had any influence over me; but you are
a very different man from me, and it is quite
possible that his journal, The Times, is now
changed."

Turguenief saw Tolstoy often during the latter's
journey abroad, but wrote to a friend (March,
1857) : " I cannot thoroughly sympathise with
Tolstoy. We seem to be far too unlike each
other."

The summer of 1861 Turguenief spent on his
Russian estate, where he was finishing " Fathers

259

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

and Sons," and had frequent opportunities of see-
ing Tolstoy. It was then that the great breach be-
tween the two friends took place. Different ver-
sions became current. That given by Pavlofsky
is substantially as follows :

He had visiting him at one time, besides Tolstoy,
his friend the poet Fet; a very good fellow, who
had a large estate in the neighbourhood to which
he was just then devoting himself heart and soul,
letting his beard grow, and giving himself all the
airs of a country gentleman of the old Russian
school. There were also some others, one of them
an intimate friend. An excursion had been or-
ganised to Fet's estate, and the party was taking
a hasty breakfast while the carriages were waiting.
Somebody thoughtlessly asked Turguenief about
his daughter — a subject on which he was very sen-
sitive. " She is always abroad," he replied, " and
as I did not like her education to be entirely French,
I have got for her now an English governess, an
excellent woman." Tolstoy smiled (little thinking
that he should ever have an English governess for
his children) and said, " Yes, she will be taking
your daughter to visit the poor, and leaving money
and medicine on the table." " Well," said Turgue-
nief, " there's no harm in any case; because the

poor will receive some aid, and the child will begin

260

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

to understand the duty everyone owes to the suf-
fering."

" Yes, if it is not one thing it is the other. If
your daughter does not get a good education, at
least the poor will receive something. She's your
natural daughter, isn't she? "

"Yes, well?"

" Well, you seem to be making an experiment
in anima vili."

Turguenief could scarcely contain himself, espe-
cially when he thought he saw a gleam of satisfac-
tion in Tolstoy's eyes that his power of teasing
should have been so successful, and burst out:
' Tolstoy, stop, or I'll throw my fork at your
head."

Both calmed down and the affair seemed ended.
It is necessary to say that the mother of this
daughter of Turguenief was one of his serfs, who
subsequently married a shopkeeper at Moscow.
Such children born of serfs were as little regarded
by Russians who lived at home as children born
of negro or mulatto slaves were regarded by the
Southern planters in the United States at the same
time. Although his daughter, she was his serf; and
therefore, according to the ways of thinking at that
time, Tolstoy's remark was not quite so brutal as
it might seem to us now. It was the peculiar sen-

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COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

sitiveness of Turguenief on this subject that gave
it importance.

Tolstoy went to an estate of his in the neighbour-
hood, while Turguenief and the others went to see
Fet, where they spent some days. On returning,
Turguenief found two notes from Tolstoy; one an
apology and sincere regret for what he had said;
the other, that the insult given to him could only
be wiped out in blood, and challenging him to
come the next morning, between five and six
o'clock, to a place mentioned, and kill each other
without witnesses. Turguenief thereupon sent one
of his friends to propose a regular duel according
to the code. But Tolstoy had already gone back
to Yasnaya Polyana, and, when he was found, re-
peated his apologies and retracted his challenge.
Of course the matter got out, and all sorts of
stories were circulated at Moscow; before which,
however, Turguenief wrote to his friend Annenkof :
" I have entirely and decisively quarrelled with Leo
Tolstoy. The question of a duel hung on a hair,
and at this moment the hair is not yet broken. The
fault is mine: but it was all the result of an old
hostility — an antipathy of our two natures. I have
always felt sure that he hated me, and I can never
understand why, nevertheless, he used to come

back to me. I have been forced to keep my dis-

262

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

tance — then I have tried to approach him; and we
were very near approaching each other with pistols
in our hands. I have never liked him."

Turguenief went off to Paris; but gossip and
scandal were rife in Moscow, and somewhat later
he heard to his surprise that Tolstoy had circulated
among his friends a defamatory letter. He wrote
to Annenkof: "In all this business, except at the
beginning, when I was wrong, I have done every-
thing to avoid this radical conclusion; but Tolstoy
has insisted on driving me to the foot of the wall,
so to speak, and consequently I can't do otherwise
than fight. Next spring we shall be face to face
at Tula." He enclosed a copy of the letter or chal-
lenge which he had written to Tolstoy, proposing
to fight as soon as he should return to Russia in
the spring. Tolstoy immediately wrote to Turgue-
nief, denying categorically that he had circulated
any letter or had given the slightest cause for any
injurious remarks. There was therefore no cause
for a duel, and it did not come off; and Turguenief
wrote to his friend: "We are not going to fight,
of which I am very glad." But the two writers
had not again met when I was at Yasnaya Polyana,
and did not in fact see each other until the summer
of 1878.

With the passing years the old friendly feeling
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COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

returned, fostered naturally by the respect each had
for the other's talent. We have, unfortunately,
very few letters of Turguenief between 1862 and
1868; in January, 1868, he wrote to Polonsky:
" The lack of talent, especially of poetical talent,
is our misfortune. Since Leo Tolstoy nothing has
come up, and his first work was already printed in
1852." Two months later he was reading " War
and Peace " and wrote: " The novel of Tolstoy is
a wonderful work, but its weakest side — and that
is what the public especially enjoy — is its history
and psychology. His history is sleight of hand,
dazzling your eyes with trivial details; and his psy-
chology is a capriciously uniform turmoil over one
of the same set of themes; everything that has a
relation to life, description, the military part, and
so forth is thoroughly excellent. A master equal
to Tolstoy we do not possess." In 1875 he says:
" ' Anna Karenin ' does not please me, though
there are truly splendid passages in it — the races,
the mowing, the hunt — but it all tastes sour, and
smells of Moscow, incense, old maids, Slavophilism,
Junkerthum." And about the same time: " He has
a very extraordinary talent, but in ' Anna Karenin '
il a fait fausse route. One notices here the influ-
ences of Moscow, of the Slavophile nobility, of

orthodox old maids, as well as his own retired life

264

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

and the lack of the necessary artistic freedom. The
second part is insipid, tiresome, and unmeaning;
that is a pity! " It is fair to say that at this time
the novel was not yet finished; and the conclusion
was not published for three years thereafter. On
the last day of 1876, speaking of a recently pub-
lished criticism on Tolstoy, he wrote: " I think the
critic exaggerates. But how can one help com-
plaining that this man, who is so unusually gifted,
should do exactly that which he ought not to do,
just as if he were trying to win a bet."

Finally, whether it was brought about by the
intervention of friends, or whether caused by a sud-
den impulse, Tolstoy, in the spring of 1878, wrote
to Turguenief. We possess only the reply :

"Paris, May 8, 1878.
" Dear Leo Nikolaievitch : I have just re-
ceived your letter, which has greatly rejoiced and
touched me. I am very sincerely ready to renew
our early friendship and warmly grasp the hand
you have stretched out to me. You are per-
fectly right in supposing that I have no kind of
hostile feelings towards you. Even if they once
existed they have long ago disappeared, and
there remains only the remembrance of you as
a man to whom I was once attached, and as
an author whose first steps I was one of the
earliest to appreciate, and whose works of imag-

265

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

ination have always excited in me the most lively
interest. I am heartily delighted at getting rid of
the misunderstandings which had come up be-
tween us. I hope to go to Orel this summer,
when we shall certainly see each other."

At the beginning of August Turguenief arrived
at Moscow, and immediately wrote to Tolstoy, pro-
posing either to go to Yasnaya Polyana or to have
a meeting at Tula. Tolstoy, who was then medi-
tating a long novel — though he had not then be-
gun it, and perhaps has not yet done so — went to
meet him at Tula, carried him off home, and kept
him several days. On reaching his own estate
Turguenief wrote to him : " I must repeat to you
again what a good and agreeable impression my
visit to Yasnaya Polyana made upon me, and how
glad I am that our earlier misunderstanding has so
disappeared as to leave no traces of having ever
existed. I feel clearly and plainly that Life, which
has whitened our hairs, has not been useless to us,
and that both you and I are better to-day than we
were sixteen years ago. This feeling does me
much good." And again, ten days later: "I am
very glad to hear that everybody at Yasnaya Pol-
yana looked on me with friendly eyes. There is no

doubt but that the bond you speak of exists be-

266

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

tween us, and I am very glad of it, although I will
not investigate all the threads of which it is woven.
The main point is that it exists."

The next letters to Tolstoy were taken up partly
with my translation of " The Cossacks," which, I
regret to say, was found " literal, but dry and mat-
ter of fact," with an idea he had of himself trans-
lating " The Cossacks " into French, and with
efforts to put on the Paris market the French
translation of " War and Peace." In one of these
letters he says : "lam glad that you are all physi-
cally well, and hope also that your intellectual ill-
ness, about which you wrote, has disappeared. I
have gone through the same thing. It has often
appeared in the form of an inner fermentation be-
fore the beginning of a work. I believe that you
have had some such fermentation. Although you
ask me not to speak of your writings, I cannot
help remarking that I have never made fun of you
even in the very slightest degree. Some of your
works pleased me very much — others less : for ex-
ample, ' The Cossacks ' caused me great pleasure
and astonishment. Why should I have laughed at
you? I thought that you had long ago got rid of
those feelings of old times."

At another time he sends him a letter from Flau-
bert about the French translation of " War and

267

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

Peace." " Thanks for having made me read the
novel of Tolstoy; it is of the first order. What a
painter and what a psychologist! The first two
volumes are sublime, but the third falls off horri-
bly (degringole affreusement). He repeats himself
when he philosophises. At the end you see the
gentleman, the author, and the Russian — while up
to that time you had seen only nature and human-
ity. There seemed to me sometimes to be things
like Shakespeare. I kept uttering cries of admira-
tion while reading it — and it is long: yes, it is
strong, very strong " (oui, c'est fort, bien fort).

Turguenief talked much about the necessity of
advertisement and reclame to make anything suc-
ceed in Paris, and said : " During these last few
days I have read for the fifth or sixth time with
ever new enjoyment this truly great creation of
yours. Its whole putting together is very differ-
ent from what the French like and demand in
books. But its truth keeps the upper hand. I
hope, if not for a famous victory, at least for an
enduring, though slow, conquest. You tell me
nothing about your new work, though there are
rumours here that you are working diligently. I
see you in spirit sitting before your writing-table
in that simple room that you showed me." The

summer of 1881 Turguenief spent at Spasskoe,
^268

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

where his friend Polonsky paid him a long visit,
which he has described very pleasantly in an arti-
cle called " Turguenief at Home." Among other
events Tolstoy spent a couple of days there and
sent him a copy of his collected works.1

After his departure Turguenief read aloud por-
tions of Tolstoy's works, especially the forty-third
chapter of the first part of " War and Peace," and

1 The following is the account by Polonsky of Tolstoy's visit: " One
Wednesday, July 8th, Turguenief received a telegram from Leo Niko-
laievitch Tolstoy, informing him that he would reach Mzensk on
Thursday at ten o'clock in the evening. Turguenief therefore ordered
the horses to be sent to meet him the next day.

" That evening we separated soon after taking tea, and went to our
own rooms. I sat down to my table, pulled the candles nearer, and
wrote out my impressions of the journey I had just made, till one
o'clock. Suddenly I heard someone whistling in the court-yard, the
sound of steps, and the dogs all barking. I looked out of the window,
but there was no moonlight and I could distinguish nothing.

" I sat down again to my writing, but heard someone pass through
the garden towards the house, and then dimly heard a voice in the
house. I thought that one of my children was talking in his sleep,
and went into the children's room. I again heard the voice, this time
quite plainly, and I recognised it as Turgu^nief's. 'What the devil's
the row? Are there thieves in the house? ' I went in the dark
through the whole house, and opened the door of a room which had
an exit to the terrace, and into Turguenief's study. A candle was
burning there, and a gray-haired, bronzed peasant, in a blouse girt
by a strap, was reckoning up with another peasant. I looked at him
and did not know him. The peasant raised his head, gave an inquiring
glance at me, and asked: ' Polonsky, is that you? ' Then for the first
time I recognised Count Leo Tolstoy. We embraced and kissed each
other warmly.

" It turned out that the Count had mistaken the day of the week,
and had said Thursday when he meant Wednesday. Not finding Tur-
guenief's carriage at the railway station he had taken another; but as
the night was dark and the driver scarcely knew the way, he had
taken all this time in coming. Turguenief also had not yet gone to
bed and was writing. He was surprised and greatly delighted to find
the Count. The samovar and a little supper soon made their apoear-
ance in the dining-room, and we talked till three o'clock.

" The day after Tolstoy's arrival we had a comical incident. An
hour before dinner Turguenief was told that the cook was dead drunk

269

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

greatly excited said, shaking his head : " I know
nothing in European literature finer than this de-
scription. . . . That is a description ! " And
he was as delighted as if he had discovered it for
the first time.

But while Turguenief thought Tolstoy a great
writer and admired and prized his talent, he from
time to time considered him from his own moral
and aesthetic standpoint. In other words, he ap-
plied to the views of Tolstoy the measure of his
own views about men, and was not always satisfied.
While he was reading " Anna Karenin " he could
not understand why Tolstoy was so evidently pre-
possessed in favour of Levin, who was to him an
unsympathetic character. " Can you for a moment
believe," said Turguenief to Polonsky, " that Le-
vin is in love with Kitty, or that he could ever

and that there was no one to prepare the dinner. At first he was
much perplexed. The guests could not be left without dinner, and
so he resolved to cook it himself. Rubbing his hands he explained
how he would cut the turnips and chop up the cutlets. He had already
started for the kitchen when Zakhar, vigilant as Argus and mysteri-
ously silent, though not dumb, immediately reined in the passionate
ardour of his former master, and gave him a hard scolding. ' That's
not your business,' he said, ' go away. We can get dinner ready with-
out you.' And Turguenief at once obediently returned to our society.
In this way the culinary talents of the honoured Ivan Sergh&evitch have
been hidden from posterity. I cannot repeat all that was said in our
conversation with Tolstoy; but I can asseverate that there was noth-
ing which in society is known as ' censurable talk.' The Count pressed
his views on no one, and listened to Turguenief's remarks and objec-
tions. In short, he was no longer that Count that I had once known
in his youth. He did not stay more than two days at Spasskoe, and
then travelled to his estates in the government of Samara, where he
wanted to be for the harvest."

270

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

love anybody? No; love is one of those passions
which annihilates our ' Me ' and compels us in
some degree to forget ourselves and our interests.
But Levin, even after he knows that he is loved
and is happy, never ceases holding fast to his own
personality, and flattering himself. It seems to
him that the very drozhky-drivers — especially they
— offer him their service with peculiar respect and
readiness. He is annoyed that people near Kitty
greet him. He does not for a minute cease being
an egotist, and sees something quite extraordinary
in himself. Psychologically this is all perfectly
correct (although I do not like psychological pre-
cision and minuteness in a novel), but all these
details show that Levin is thoroughly selfish, and
it is easy to understand why he sees in women
beings created merely for house-wifely and family
cares and for empty prattle. It is said that the
author is himself like this Levin, but that is scarce-
ly the case; at most he may have transferred to
Levin one individual trait of his own character and
worked it up artistically; but even with all that, I
cannot see what there is to awaken our sympathy."
" Not love alone," continued Turguenief, " but
every violent passion, religious, political, social —
yes, even the passion for study — can destroy our
selfishness. Fanatics for hateful and senseless

271

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

ideas do not spare their lives, so great is their
love."

A year later, October 31, 1882, Turguenief
wrote : " I have lately received from a very dear
Moscow lady that ' Confession ' of Leo Tolstoy
that has been forbidden by the censorship. I read
it with the greatest interest. A remarkable piece
of writing for its straightforwardness, its sincerity,
and its conviction : but it is wholly based on false
propositions, and if carried out to the end would
lead to the saddest denial of energetic human
life; . . . this is a kind of Nihilism. I wonder
greatly why Tolstoy, who among other things also
renounces and denounces art, surrounds himself
with artists, and what they can learn from his con-
versation. Nevertheless Tolstoy is perhaps the
most remarkable man in the Russia of to-day."

When, a few months later, Turguenief lay on his
death-bed, he probably thought over the ideas in
Tolstoy's " Confession " and the long conversation
— the last — that they had had during the brief visit
at Spasskoe. And taking up a pencil, he wrote to
Tolstoy that touching appeal to be himself once
more; the last words he ever wrote:

" Dear and Beloved Leo Nikolaievitch :

" I have not written to you for a long time; for
I lay and lie, in two words, on my death-bed. I

272

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

cannot get well, that is not to be thought of.
But I write in order to tell you how glad I am to
have been your contemporary, and to make my
last, earnest request. My friend, return to literary
work ! This talent of yours has come down from
whence all else comes. O ! how happy would I be
if I could believe that my prayer would be an-
swered ! But I am only a man who is near his end
— the doctors do not even know how to call
my disease — nenralgie stomachale goutteuse. I can
neither stand, nor eat, nor sleep; but what am I
saying! It is wearisome to repeat all this! My
friend, great writer of the Russian land — give heed
to my prayer! Let me know if you receive this
scrap, and allow me once more to embrace warmly,
warmly yourself, your wife, and all yours! . . .
I can write no more. . . . I am tired ! " x

Tolstoy deeply lamented Turguenief's death,
and, speaking of his delicate, loving nature, lament-
ed that a writer so artistic in the highest sense, and
so devoted to Russia, should have passed his best
and ripest years abroad, afar from his sincere
friends and away from his own family.

" He was till the end of his life," said Tolstoy

1 The artist Verestchagin, who was present at the death of Tur-
guenief, says: "Madame Arnold told me that Turguenief was much
agitated by a letter which he wrote from his death-bed to Tolstoy. I
was sitting by the table when he called me; he gave me a piece of
paper on which he had written in pencil, and said, ' Please send this
off at once, it is very urgent.' "

Vol. I.— 18 273

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

to Danilefsky, " an independent, inquiring spirit;
and, notwithstanding our temporary breach, I al-
ways highly esteemed him and warmly loved him.
He was a genuine self-reliant artist, never lower-
ing himself to consciously serving a passing de-
mand of the minute. He may have gone astray,
but even in his errors was sincere."

In helping Tolstoy rearrange his library I re-
member that the collected works of Auerbach were
given the first place on the first shelf, and, taking
out the volumes of " Ein Neues Leben," the Count
told me to read it after I had got to bed, as it was
a very remarkable book, and added : " It was ow-
ing to this that I started a school for my peasants
and became interested in popular education. When
I went back to Europe the second time I went to
see Auerbach, without giving my name. When he
came into the room I merely said, ' I am Eugen
Baumann,' and, when he hesitated in surprise, I
hastened to add : ' not really in name, but in char-
acter; ' and then told him who I was, how his book
had set me thinking, and what good it had done

me."

274

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

It so happened that in the following winter I
spent a few days in Berlin, where, in the hospitable
house of Mr. Bancroft, then the American Minis-
ter, I had the pleasure of meeting Auerbach, with
whom during my stay I became well acquainted.
In talking about Russia we spoke of Tolstoy, and
I recalled to him this incident. " Yes," he said,
" I always remember how frightened I was when
this strange-looking man said, ' I am Eugen Bau-
mann,' for I feared he was going to threaten
me with an action for libel and defamation of
character."

" Ein Neues Leben " naturally brought us to
talk of peasant schools, and of the general condi-
tion of the peasantry, and of the results of emanci-
pation, and the Count took me through the peasant
village of the estate, which is close to the ruined
pillars of the large gateway of the park.

" The houses are low huts of one story " — I
quote from a letter written by me at the time from
Yasnaya Polyana — "built generally of logs; brick
houses are not thought so warm.1

" The entrance takes you into the court, on one
side of which are cattle and horse-sheds, made of
interlaced twigs and covered with straw; on the
other side is the door leading into the hut, which

1 Printed in the Evening Post of New York, November 27, 1868.
275

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

consists usually of a single room lighted by two
small windows, each with double frames to keep
out the cold. There is no ceiling, but the room is
open to the roof, which is thatched with straw.
The floor is sometimes of earth, but more gener-
ally of brick or boards. There is a large brick
stove which keeps the house perfectly warm.
There is seldom more than a single chair, but
rough benches are disposed about the sides of the
room, and there are one or two tables. Behind a
screen is usually a sort of bed for the master of the
house, and a cradle — a square board suspended
from a beam by four cords attached to the corners
and gathered into a knot, resembling the scale of
a balance. There is a little shelf in one corner,
with the usual holy picture, and perhaps a small
lamp burning in front of it. Except the wooden
dishes and utensils there is no other furniture.
The families are always very large, and people
sleep on the stove, on the benches, or on the floor.
It is quite customary here for the younger married
members of a family to sleep in the sheds, or in the
court. They do this even in winter, though some-
times in the morning they are covered with snow.
The peasants' houses in this part of Russia are per-
haps the worst of all. In the north of Russia,
where wood is abundant, though the peasants are
actually poorer, they have larger and better houses
and more furniture. All the peasant huts which I
saw on the Volga, or even at one hundred miles
from it in the government of Samara — where wood

276

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

was so scarce that they burned dung for fuel — were
larger, usually of two or even three rooms, and had
more furniture, and well carved cupboards for the
crockery and the holy pictures.

" One evening I paid a visit to an old peasant in
one of these huts. The room was lighted with a
lutchina, or piece of birchwood, which gave out a
bright blaze. This is a narrow strip of wood held
between three nails on the top of a wooden stand-
ard, and as each piece will burn not more than two
minutes, a little girl has to be constantly replen-
ishing the burner. The ashes are caught in an
earthen vessel. An old woman was weaving a
coarse linen cloth with a rude machine. A man
was making, very neatly and deftly, lapti, or the
shoes of linden bast which the peasants usually
wear. The most interesting sight was a man beat-
ing wool. He had fixed to the wall a large strong
bow, strung with a heavy gut string. He kept the
string in continual vibration by striking it with a
heavy, notched piece of wood, and at each vibra-
tion the string caught up and tore apart the wool,
and sent it down to the floor in white snowy flocks
like soapsuds. It was as well carded as if it had
been done with a machine.1 This was the trade of
this man, who goes from house to house and earns
perhaps a ruble and a half a day, if he works stead-
ily. His coming is rather a festival in the house,
as he is usually a merry fellow, and sings to the

1 Exactly the same instrument is used in Central Asia for carding
cotton.

277

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

music of his bow-string. The winter is the intel-
lectual season for the Russian peasants as for the
rest of the world. They begin to use lights on the
15th (27th) of September, and from that time on
they work in the evening, while the old women tell
stories and the young people sing. Usually all the
young girls meet together for singing and spin-
ning, and go from house to house on successive
evenings. In this cottage was a very intelligent
boy about fourteen, who knew something about
America, and had a fair elementary education.

" There is no church in the village, but half-way
between this and the village of the next proprietor
is a neat old church, called St. Nicholas of the Ant-
hills, from a miraculous image of St. Nicholas said
to have been found in some ant-hills in the neigh-
bourhood. I am told that the priest has absolutely
no influence on his flock. The peasants are relig-
ious, but respect the proprietors more than the
priests, and are more influenced by them both for
good and evil. Count Tolstoy says that the entire
abolition of the priesthood would probably have no
effect whatever on the morality of the peasantry.
The morals here, as in all villages which are near
a high road, are not good. The women are early
corrupted by the soldiers who pass. As to drunk-
enness, it is neither worse nor better than others.
The men are nearly all cartmen and drivers, and
have the faults of that class. The land is therefore
cultivated almost entirely by women.

" I asked Count Tolstoy what he thought had
278

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

been the effect of emancipation. He told me that
he had been a supporter of the measure, and one
of the officers to carry it out — a mediator of the
peace — but that he now thought that it had come
too soon : that it had been reached by reasoning
only by theoretical men, and had not come, as in
Western Europe, through the demand of the peo-
ple, or by the necessity of the case. So far as the
material condition of the peasants is concerned, he
thought that the emancipation was injurious. He
always judged the prosperity of a village by the
amount of live stock, and always counted that
whenever he passed a village, and had noticed that
the amount was continually decreasing. His peas-
ants had three dcssyatines (nine acres) of land per
head, held in common, for which an annual rent of
three rubles per dessyatine is paid. They have the
privilege of buying this land at fifty rubles per
dessyatine, and can even buy for thirty; but to his
knowledge no peasant in his district has purchased
land and settled on it as in other countries, though
many of them do not lack the means. The peas-
ants are glad to work as little as possible, and like
to spend most of their time in a drinking-house.
Unfortunately just about the time of the emanci-
pation the taxes on spirits were very much reduced,
and this has been productive of much drunkenness.
It is now proposed to raise them again, and limit
the number of licenses to sell."

279

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

While it may have been Auerbach's novel which
turned Tolstoy's mind particularly toward the sub-
ject of peasant education, yet in starting a school
he was only conforming to the spirit of the time —
for philanthropy was then in the air — as well as sat-
isfying his own personal desires to do good, desires
common in that emancipation period to all liberal
spirits. In 1862, in that small district, containing
about ten thousand inhabitants, there were four-
teen good schools besides ten petty ones, taught by
church readers, or old soldiers, or simply for the
servants' children on the various estates. The
school which Tolstoy founded he placed in a two-
storied brick house on his estate, separated from
the village by a little ravine. It was open both
morning and evening, and had on an average about
forty pupils, boys and girls : some coming long dis-
tances and even from other villages, attracted by
the fact that the instruction was free, and the school
enjoyed a good reputation. In its last year there
were four teachers, but Tolstoy frequently gave
personal instruction — at one time he passed all his
evenings there — in Russian, and especially in Bible
History, in singing and in drawing, as he was then
passionately fond of music and art. This school
flourished for about three years, when it died a nat-
ural death; not so much from any lack of interest

280

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

on Tolstoy's part, as because every child in the vil-
lage, which had only one hundred and fifty inhabi-
tants, had learned to read and write, and had ac-
quired all the other knowledge he seemed capable
of mastering, and new pupils could not grow up
fast enough to make it worth while keeping up the
school. A sort of school lingered on, but it was
subsequently closed, apparently in consequence of
some mistaken interpretation of a circular of the
Minister of Public Instruction; and new schools
were forbidden to be opened unless the number of
the pupils seemed to satisfy the Government. In
connection with this school Tolstoy published a lit-
tle journal under the name of Ydsnaya Polydna, in
which he gave a description of the school itself and
of the method of teaching employed there; as well
as long papers containing his views on the general
subject of education, and specimens of the compo-
sitions and themes of the pupils. This journal, a
copy of which he hunted up and gave to me, has
now become very rare; but many portions of it, to-
gether with some articles published elsewhere, are
now included in the fourth volume of his Collected
Works. The three papers describing the school in
November and December, 1862, have been trans-
lated, at least into French, and are well worth read-
ing even by those not at all interested in education,

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for they contain passages descriptive of children
and life in a Russian village which are equal to parts
of his best novels. There are also interesting pas-
sages in the longer essays which have not yet been
translated, but more because they throw light on
the development of Tolstoy's character, than be-
cause what he says, or what anyone else may say,
about the education of Russian peasants is of any
importance to us who live in a very different phase
of civilisation.1

1 Toystoy in his Confession is not just either to himself or to his
schoolwork. He says: "When I came back from my journey abroad
I settled in the country and accidentally hit on occupying myself
with peasant schools. This occupation was quite according to my
liking, because there was not apparent in it that falsity which had
so impressed me in my literary teaching. Here I was also acting in
the name of Progress, but I had already begun to be critically dis-
posed towards Progress itself. I said to myself that Progress in some
of its phases was irregular, and that it was therefore necessary that
our relations towards unsophisticated people, towards simple peasant
children, should be perfectly free, and that they should be allowed to
choose that path of progress which they preferred. In reality I was
always turning about the same insoluble problem, teaching without
knowing what I taught. In the higher spheres of literary activity I
understood that it was possible to teach without knowing what to
teach, because all writers taught differently, and concealed from them-
selves their own ignorance only by their disputes with one another;
here with peasant children I thought it possible to get over this diffi-
culty by allowing children to learn what they wished. Now I laugh
in recollecting how I tacked in order to accomplish my desire of
teaching, although I knew very well in the depth of my soul that I
could teach no one anything useful because I myself did not know
what was useful. After passing a year over my school I went abroad
a second time, in order to learn there how to gain the art of teaching
others, when one knew nothing one's self.

" It seemed to me that I had learned that abroad, and armed with
all this wisdom and skill I returned to Russia in the year of the
Emancipation of the Serfs, took the place of mediator, and began to
teach the ignorant people in the schools and the educated class in a
journal that I started publishing. Everything seemed to go on well,
but I used to feel that I was not quite right in mind, and that it

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COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

Tolstoy's school was free in more senses than
one, for generally no attempt was made to keep
order or discipline, and only those subjects were
taught which interested the pupils, and only so far
as that interest continued to exist. The great
questions in his mind were, What can one teach?
and How can one teach?

" In the decision of these questions I was aided
by a sort of pedagogic tact which I possessed, es-

could not last long. I might have reached the same despair which
came on me fifteen years later, if there had not been yet one side of
life which I had not yet experienced, and which promised me salva-
tion: that was family life.

" During a whole year I continued to act as mediator, buried myself
in my schools and my journal, and worked so hard that I became worn
out. The continual disputes between serf and master, that I tried to
settle as mediator, weighed on me; my work in my schools seemed
to come to nothing; and I began to hate my tacking and veering in
my journal, all with a desire of teaching everybody, and of concealing
the fact that I did not know what I taught. I grew ill, rather morally
than physically; I threw up everything, and went off into the steppes
among the Bashkirs, where I could breathe the pure air, drink kumyss,
and lead an animal life.

" When I came back I married. The new conditions of a happy fam-
ily life turned me completely away from any search for the general
meaning of life. My whole life at this time was concentrated in my
family, my wife, and my children; and then in studying how to in-
crease our fortune. My aspiration for personal perfection, which had
already given place for a desire for perfection in general, for progress,
now completely gave way to a desire to make myself and my family as
comfortable as possible.

" Thus fifteen years passed. Notwithstanding the fact that during
all that time I considered literature to be nonsense, I nevertheless con-
tinued to write. I had already tasted the charm of literature, the charm
of receiving great pecuniary reward and much applause for worthless
work, and I gave myself up to it again as a means of bettering my fort-
une and of suffocating in my soul all questions about my life and
about life in general. I wrote what was for me the only truth then,
that one should live so that one's self and family should be as com-
fortable as possible."

This is the way in which Tolstoy now describes himself as he was
at the time that I visited him at Yasnaya Polyana.

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COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

pecially by my zeal for the work. Coming all at
once into the closest personal relations with the
forty little men who constituted my school (I call
them little men because I found in them those same
traits, sagacity, a great knowledge of practical life,
a fund of humour, simplicity, perfect straightfor-
wardness, which characterise in general the Rus-
sian peasant); perceiving their impressionableness,
and their readiness to obtain what knowledge they
needed, I immediately felt that the old clerical way
of teaching had outlived its time and did not suit
them.

" After that I tried modes proposed by peda-
gogic writers, especially Germans, and found, too,
that they did not suit; and much — especially where
there was an effort to teach by sight or by sound —
was distasteful to the pupils and often laughed at.
Compulsion was contrary to all my ideas, and
therefore when I found that one subject was repul-
sive, I tried to find something which the pupils
would be glad to learn. I experimented at the
same time on what were the best ways of teaching
even these subjects. People, who came to know
my school personally, approved and applied some
of my ideas, which I set forth sometimes at very
great length in the journal which I had started for
that purpose. But I must admit that I was an-
noyed— being younger then — not so much at the
fact that my ideas were not accepted, as that those
who officially devoted themselves to educational
interests did not think it worth while to refute

284

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

them; but treated them with complete indiffer-
ence."

In discussing methods of teaching Tolstoy laid
down three principles as fundamental: "The
teacher is always involuntarily led to teach in
the manner of teaching most convenient to him-
self. The more convenient this method is to the
teacher, the less convenient it is to the pupils.
The only good method is that which satisfies the
pupils."

What had always particularly troubled him and
occupied his attention was the best method of
teaching children to read. He asked me much
about new methods in use in America, and at his
request I was able to procure for him — I think
through the kindness of Mr. Garrison of the Nation
— a good selection of American Primers and Ele-
mentary Readers. In one of these I remember the
pronunciation of the different sounds of the vowels
and of certain consonants was represented to the
eye by a character similar in general shape to the
ordinary letter, but with special distinctive changes
which at once caught the eye. These books
proved of some use to Tolstoy in the preparation
of his Primer or ABC, on which he spent much

time, but the publication or use of which in schools

285

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

was forbidden by the Minister of Public Instruc-
tion.

Tolstoy did not approve of examinations, nor
even of individual recitations, at least for Russian
peasant children. He seemed to prefer something
akin to what is the Arabic, and in general the
Eastern method, of all the pupils reciting together.
His efforts in instruction in history and geography
were on the whole failures. What little success he
had came from using the Manuals of Peter Parley,
translated into Russian fifty years ago; by telling
stories, and by appeals to the Russian patriotic
feeling, which was quickly on the alert; " so that,"
he said, "as a general rule I see no necessity of
teaching history or geography to a boy before he
goes to the University; and I do see great harm in
it. After that I don't know." The one exception
that he made was for biblical history and the Bible
in general, especially the Old Testament. One of
the most interesting portions of his report is the
passage about the Bible, of which I cannot forbear
quoting the conclusion :

" In order for a pupil to give himself up entirely
to his teacher, it is necessary to raise a corner of
that veil which hides from him all the enchantment
of that world of thought, knowledge, and poetry,
to which his studies are to introduce him. . . .

286

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

What means have we for raising this veil? I
thought of many things. But as I was myself in
that world to which I wished to introduce my
pupils, nothing seemed to be easier, and I taught
them to read; I explained the phenomena of nature;
I used to tell them what was written in the Primers,
that ' the fruits of knowledge are sweet ; ' but they
did not believe me, and even drew off. I then tried
reading the Bible to them, and took complete pos-
session of them. The edge of the veil was lifted,
and they quite gave themselves up to me. They
grew to love the book, love study, and love me.
All that I had to do was to guide them fur-
ther. . . . Perhaps this was accident; perhaps
in another school the same results may be reached
by beginning in a different way. Perhaps. But
this accident is repeated too invariably in all schools
and in all families, and its explanation is too clear
to me for me to admit that it is a chance. For the
purpose of opening a new world to a pupil, and of
making him love knowledge before he has knowl-
edge, there is no book like the Bible. I speak even
for those who do not regard the Bible as Revela-
tion. No; at least, I do not know of a production
which unites to the same extent as the Bible, in so
condensed a poetic form, all the sides of human
thought. All questions of natural phenomena are
explained by this book. All the primitive relations
of men to each other — families, states, religions, are
for the first time recognised in this book. Gener-
alisation of ideas, wisdom in a simple childlike

287

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

form, enchants the pupil's mind for the first time.
The lyrical qualities of the Psalms of David affect
the minds of children as well as adults; and for the
first time, in the Bible, everyone learns the charm
of the Epic in its inimitable simplicity and force.
Who has not wept over the history of Joseph and
of his meeting with his brothers? Who has ever
told without terror in his heart the story of the
chained and shorn Samson, who, in order to re-
venge himself on his enemies, buried himself under
the ruins of the Palace? And still hundreds of
other impressions which have nourished us like our
mother's milk. Let those who deny the educa-
tional signification of the Bible, and who say that
the Bible has outlived its time — let them compose
such a book, such stories which explain the phe-
nomena of nature, either drawn from general his-
tory or from their own imagination, which will be
accepted as the Bible stories are — and then we will
admit that the Bible has outlived its time. . . .
I repeat my conviction, which may perhaps be
drawn from an exceptional experience, that with-
out this Bible in our society the development of
the child or of the man would be as impossible
as it would have been in Greek society without
Homer. . . . The publication of a translation
of the Bible in the simple language used by the
peasants would form an epoch in the history of the
Russian people."

288

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

In another place, speaking of the way in which
children love to learn, and how their feelings grad-
ually affected their families, he writes : " A father
once told me that he burned up a whole candle
while holding it in his fingers before his son's
book, and he praised greatly both his son and the
book. It was the Gospel."

In his educational writings, most of them as old
as 1862, there is an occasional paragraph that fore-
shadows the later phase of Count Tolstoy; and in
an article written as late as 1885 he avows his ad-
herence to all that he had said earlier. Such are,
among others: " Perhaps the people do not under-
stand, and do not wish to understand, our literary
language, because there is nothing in it for them
to understand; and because all our literature has no
meaning to them and they must create their own
literature." Again, in discussing the question
whether peasants should be taught Art, he says:
" Every child of the people has the same rights —
even greater rights — to the enjoyments of Art as we
who belong to a privileged class; we who are not
weighed upon by the necessity of constant hard
labour; we who are surrounded by all the comforts
of life. To deprive them of the enjoyment of Art,
to deprive me, the teacher, of the right to introduce
them into the domain of the highest pleasures,

Vol. I.— 19 289

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

which they are begging for with all the powers of
their being, would be an immense absurdity." And
again : " I have arrived at this conviction, that all
that we have done in poetry and music is false,
exclusive, without meaning and without future,
and insignificant in comparison with the needs and
even with the productions of these arts of which
we find specimens among the people. I am con-
vinced that a lyric of Pushkin or the last Symphony
of Beethoven is not as unconditionally and uni-
versally good as the song about ' Vanka the Cel-
larer,' or the air, 'Down along Mother Volga;'
that Pushkin and Beethoven please us not because
they express absolute beauty, but because we are
as depraved as they, and because they only flatter
our abnormal irritability and our weakness."

VII

When I had been just a week at Yasnaya Pol-
yana I happened in the course of the evening to
speak of my journey down the Volga, and told of
my call at Kazan on General Yushkof, Count Tol-
stoy's uncle, to whom he had kindly given me a
letter. The old man had been in the campaign of
1 812, when he was even already a general, though

young; and the Count had told me that I might

290

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

perhaps get out of him some stories about the
battle of Borodino, the retreat of the French, and
how Moscow looked after the great fire. He had
apparently utilised some of these for " War and
Peace." I explained, therefore, why I had heard
nothing of the kind. I had been admitted at
Kazan into a very good and comfortable house,
and had presented my card and letter of introduc-
tion to the servant, who came back and begged me
to wait a little. While waiting I noticed that the
letter, still sealed, had been placed on a chair. At
last the General came in, old but vigorous, and
with an expression of great kindliness and sym-
pathy. He asked me to sit down, sat down him-
self, and after a few words: " You brought me, I
think, a letter from my nephew Leo? Where is
it?"

" I believe you are sitting upon it," I replied.
He got up, found the letter, and handing it to me
said: " Will you kindly read it to me. I am totally
blind." The situation was awkward, but there was
no help for it; although the letter was so flatter-
ing and affectionate towards me that I felt com-
pelled to skip a whole paragraph. I regret now
that, instead of giving it back to the old man, I
did not put it into my pocket and preserve it as a

souvenir. There were two grand pianos in the

291

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

other room, and in answer to some question the
General said that he had always been passionately-
fond of music, that he had brought up all his chil-
dren to play and sing, but that now that he was
old and blind they would go off to St. Petersburg
during the winter and leave him all alone. Gradu-
ally I persuaded him to play from memory some-
thing from Beethoven and Mozart; then we went
out into the garden and sat in the sun, and in the
two hours that he kept me he told me much that
was interesting, but not what I wanted.

About four o'clock the next morning, after tell-
ing this adventure, I was awakened by hearing
someone fumbling along the passage, when sud-
denly my bedroom door opened, and thinking that
for some inexplicable reason the servant had come
to wake me, I called out, " What's the matter? "
The door closed and I heard a voice say in French:
" Hit, there's a man in my bed; a man! " The door
again opened and a gentleman appeared with a
candle, and asked " Seryozha, is that you? " " No,"
I replied, "hma guest of the house." He laughed,
begged pardon, and went away; and my senses
were then sharp enough to hear the arrangement
made that she would go up to the drawing-room
and sleep on the sofa till the family were up; while

he could lie down on the divan in the Count's study.

292

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

I immediately conjectured what turned out to be
the true state of the case. I was occupying the
room of Madame Yushkof, the Count's aunt, and
had been invited to stay till her arrival, about a
week hence. She had suddenly returned without
giving notice, and had brought a friend with her.
As the doors of Russian country-houses are very
rarely locked at night, they had come in without,
as it happened, awaking anyone in the house but
myself.

I ascertained the truth when Ivan brought me
my morning tea, and I immediately packed up so
as to be in readiness to depart the same day.
When I went upstairs for the eleven o'clock coffee,
I chanced to find Madame Yushkof alone in the
drawing-room and was obliged to introduce my-
self. She had evidently been told — probably in
explaining who I was — my story of the night be-
fore, for she smiled and said: " So, you were in
Kazan last spring and saw my husband, who told
you that he was stone blind. I assure you that
there is not a word of truth in it. He sees as well
as you or I do. It is merely one of his notions to
make himself appear interesting." I asseverated
my belief that he really was blind, but could not
convince her. Count Tolstoy afterwards told me
that, although they were on perfectly friendly terms,

293

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

she had long been separated from her husband, and
had not seen him for years. I felt sure that at least
he had not seen her.

The morning was dark and rainy, but the sun
came out afterwards, and the strange gentleman,
who turned out to be an old family friend with
whom Madame Yushkof had been staying, drove
with me to Tula. Although we exchanged occa-
sional letters, Count Tolstoy did not come again to
Moscow during my stay there, so that this was the
last time I saw him.

Postscript.

Judging from the past there has never seemed
to me any reason to believe that the present phase
of mystical religious enthusiasm, through which
Count Tolstoy is now passing, would last for the
whole of his life; or that he is permanently lost to
literature. Most of the foreign visitors to him,
who have published their impressions, were more
interested in his social and religious theories than
in Russian literature. It is pleasant, therefore, to
find from the account of the novelist, G. P. Dani-
lefsky, of his visit to Yasnaya Polyana in the au-
tumn of 1886, that Count Tolstoy is not so different

after all from what he once was; and that to an old

294

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

friend he is willing to show the interest in art and
literature which still possesses him.
Some passages may well be quoted:

" My conversation with the Count about the
past and present was interrupted by a large, hand-
some setter, running in and lying down at his feet.
' Is that Laska? ' I asked, thinking of ' Anna Ka-
renin.' ' No; she died long ago. This is my eldest
son's sporting dog.' ' And do you shoot now? '
' No; I gave it up long ago; although I walk about
the neighbouring fields and woods every day. . . .
What a delight it is to repose from intellectual
occupations by means of simple physical labour.
Every day, according to the season, I either dig
the ground, or saw and chop wood, or work with
scythe, sickle, or some other instrument.' I could
not help thinking of the box of shoemaker's tools
in the window of the Count's reception-room.

" ' And ploughing,' the Count continued, ' you
cannot conceive what a satisfaction it is to plough.
It is not very hard work, as it seems to many; it
is pure enjoyment. You go along lifting up and
properly directing the plough, and you don't notice
how one, two, and three hours have gone by. The
blood runs merrily through your veins; your head
becomes clear; you don't feel the weight of your
feet. But the appetite afterwards, and the sleep!
If you don't feel tired wouldn't you like to take a
walk before dinner and look for mushrooms? It

295

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

has rained lately, and there must be some good
white mushrooms.' "

This little walk lasted for three hours and a half,
and led them a course of five or six miles, through
the orchards planted by the Count, over hill and
dale, through woods and meadows; and past those
plantations of trees which I had seen in their in-
fancy, but which now are thick woods and realise
the prophecy of the Count with regard to their
value. All this time the Count talked with sym-
pathy and interest of art, of Russian literature, and
of its best representatives. Speaking of popular
literature, Tolstoy said :

" More than thirty years ago, when some of
our present writers — and I among them — had
just begun to work, among the hundred millions
of the Russian Empire, the number of readers
could be counted by tens of thousands. Now,
since the multiplication of schools, they can prob-
ably be counted by millions; and these millions
of Russian readers stand before us like hungry
little jackdaws with wide open mouths, and say
to us : ' Gentlemen, writers of our own land, throw
into our mouths some intellectual food which is
worthy of you and of us. Write for us, who
thirst for the living literature, save us from those
chap-books of " Yeruslam-Lazarevitch," " Milord
George," and the like food to be found at the

296

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

fairs.' The simple and honourable Russian peo-
ple is worthy of our answering this call of their
good and upright soul. I have thought much
about it, and have decided to make essay on this
ground according to the measure of my strength."

"....' How warm it is, and how the air smells
of leaves,' he said, approaching an old half-ruined
bridge over a little narrow stream. ' The force of
immediate impressions from nature is wonderful.
How I love and prize artists who draw all their in-
spirations from that mighty and eternal source!
In it is the only force and truth.'

" We talked about various artistic methods in
literature, painting, and music. ' Not long ago I
happened to read a book,' said Tolstoy, stopping
before the planks thrown over the stream, ' the
verses of a dead young Spanish poet. Besides the
remarkable talent of this writer the account of his
life greatly interested me. His biographer quotes
a story told of him by his old nurse. She had no-
ticed, with apprehension, that he often passed whole
nights without sleep, would sigh and pronounce
aloud some sort of words, would go out into the
fields and villages by moonlight and stay there
whole hours. One night she even thought he had
gone out of his mind; for he got up, dressed in the
dark and went out to a neighbouring well. The
nurse, who followed him, saw how he drew a bucket
of water and began to pour it slowly on the ground;
then drew another and poured that out too. " Poor
fellow, you've lost your wits," she said. But not at

297

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

all. The young man was doing that for the pur-
pose of hearing and seeing the more carefully
how streamlets of water fall and splash in the
moonlight on a quiet night. The experience was
necessary for his new poem. In that case he was
confirming his recollections, and the poetic im-
pressions which they prompted, by nature itself;
just as painters are obliged sometimes to have
recourse to mannikins which they place in the re-
quired positions, and cover with the proper cloth-
ing. In reading our own and foreign writers I
involuntarily feel who is true to nature and borrows
from her, and who is false. There are some books
whose falsity is at once so evident that I cannot
get beyond the first page, and not even threats of
corporal punishment would induce me to read them.
. . .' Tolstoy would have been willing to walk
further, but the Countess arrived from Tula with
a bundle of proof-sheets, and it was dinner-time.
' You are not tired? ' said Tolstoy, as he gaily and
lightly went up the staircase; ' for me daily exer-
cise and physical labour are as indispensable as the
air. In summer in the country as to this I have
full choice. I can plough or cut grass. In the
autumn in rainy weather it is wretched. In the
country there are no sidewalks or pavements,
and when it rains I cobble and make shoes. In
town, too, I am bored by simple walking, and
one cannot plough or mow there; so I saw and
split wood. Sedentary intellectual work, without
physical exercise and labour is a real calamity.

298

COUNT LEO TOLSTOY

If for even a single day I do not walk or work
with my legs or hands, I am good for nothing by
evening. I can't read or write, or even listen to
anyone with attention; my head turns; there seem
to be stars in my eyes and I have a sleepless
night.' "

Danilefsky concludes as follows:

" Count Leo Tolstoy, after this new meeting of
ours, remains in my thoughts the same great and
mighty artist that Russia knew and knows. He is
in perfect health, vigorous, in full possession of all
his artistic force; and, without any doubt, is still
able to enrich his country with more than one pro-
duction similar to ' War and Peace ' and ' Anna
Karenin.' I say even more. Just as his quiet life
and interruption of work after ' Childhood and Boy-
hood ' and the ' Sevastopol Sketches,' when he was
busy with questions of pedagogy, and published
the Ydsnaya Poly ana school journal, was not apathy
nor weakening of his artistic strength, but only an
involuntary repose or breathing time — during which
there ripened in his mind the ideas of ' War and
Peace ' — so now, when Count Tolstoy, after study-
ing in the originals the ' Old and New Testaments '
and ' Lives of Saints,' consecrates his leisure to
tales for the people, he is evidently only preparing
himself for new and great artistic productions; and
his present state of mind is only a new step, only
a nearer approach to other still higher stages of his
creative power."

299

THE MINNESOTA HEIR OF
A SERBIAN KING

A CONSULAR EXPERIENCE

THE MINNESOTA HEIR OF
A SERBIAN KING

A CONSULAR EXPERIENCE

On one of my visits to Belgrade I happened to
hear some vague rumours about an unfortunate
American who had been seeking for treasure in
several of the ruined old castles of Serbia. I heard
enough to interest me deeply, and seized the first
occasion for obtaining accurate information. What
I am now about to tell was chiefly derived from
Mr. Miyatovitch, afterwards Minister of Foreign
Affairs, but at that time Minister of Finance. He
was kind enough to give me not only all the details
he knew, but copies of certain papers in his pos-
session, and to note down for me the most impor-
tant points. It is more convenient, however, to ex-
press myself in my own words and in my own way,
though many of the expressions which I heard still
cling to me.

In July, 1875, a man, evidently a foreigner, came
303

THE MINNESOTA HEIR

to the Ministry of Finance at Belgrade. When he
obtained an interview with the Minister, and was
asked why he came to Serbia, and why especially
he wished to see the Minister of Finance, he said —
in a strange German-English dialect — that he was
a citizen of the United States, and owned a farm in
Minnesota which he worked with his children; but
that he was unfit for hard work, as he had served
in the war as a private, had been wounded, and was
then receiving a pension of six dollars a month.
The first impression which he produced on the
Minister — and the Minister had the pardonable
weakness of trusting to first impressions — was a
favourable one. He was a man apparently of be-
tween fifty-five and sixty years old, of middle size
and well built, with a fine head and face. His
forehead was high; his bluish-grey eyes expressed
goodness and gentleness as well as a strong will;
his nose was well proportioned and well formed; his
thick brown beard was slightly sprinkled with grey.
He was poorly but neatly dressed, and had all the
air of an earnest, sober man, accustomed to earn
his own living. On being asked again what had
brought him to Serbia and what he wanted, he pre-
sented his American papers, began to smile, and
said : " You will laugh at me, and perhaps pity me,
and think me an old fool; but the reason that I

304

OF A SERBIAN KING

have come out here all the way from Minnesota is
to search quite alone for what was left to me by
my ancestors." There was nothing extraordinary
in the request for permission to seek for hidden
treasure. Such permissions are often asked for;
sometimes as many as twenty or thirty in a year:
and once in a while there seems to be an epidemic
of the sort in different districts. But the Minister
was surprised that so old a man, who seemed so
sensible and modest, should abandon his family and
his country and come as far as Serbia with the sole
object of hunting for a treasure. Then, as on many
subsequent occasions, the Minister tried to dis-
suade him, and to prove the uselessness of his work.
But all was in vain. " No, no, dear sir," he said,
" the treasure is still buried in the ground, or there
would be something of it in the European muse-
ums: I have been in many places in Europe and
have never seen anything like it, and therefore I
am sure of my enterprise, as I am searching ac-
cording to my documents." He then said that he
was of Serbian origin; that his name was August
Boyne de Lazar; that he was born in Chemnitz in
Saxony in 1818; and that after the Revolution in
1848, in which he was implicated, he had emi-
grated to the United States. He claimed to be
descended from a family closely related to that of
Vol. I.— 20 3°5

THE MINNESOTA HEIR

Prince Lazar; which was once so rich and powerful
that it owned Sokol, Shabatz, and other towns in
the Shumadia — that wonderful forest-country, even
the name of which is derived from a word express-
ing the rustling of the leaves. When he said this,
the Minister, who is well versed in history, remem-
bered an old tradition that the Obilitch family had
owned property in this region; and he advised the
American, if he searched at all, to confine himself
to the delta between the Sava and the Drina, where
these towns are situated. Boyne knew the name
of Obilitch, but nothing of the connection of that
family with King Lazar, and had never heard of
the hero Milosh.

In order thoroughly to understand the circum-
stances, it is necessary to make here a slight his-
torical digression. The literature of Serbia is rich
in ballads of an epic character. These were among
the earliest Slavonic ballads collected, and were of
great interest, especially to German scholars, as
throwing light on the possible composition of the
Homeric poems. One great cycle of these ballads
is concerned with the battle of Kossovo, where on
Vidovdan (St. Vitus's Day), June 15, 1389, the
Serbian King Lazar was defeated by the Turks,
and Serbian independence was lost for nearly five
centuries. This defeat was rendered decisive by

306

OF A SERBIAN KING

the defection of Vuk Brankovitch, one of the sons-
in-law of Lazar, who, believing the day lost, went
over to the Turks. Vuk had had a personal quar-
rel with another son-in-law of Lazar, Milosh Obi-
litch. At a banquet which Lazar gave the night
before the grand battle he brought out a great gold
goblet and drank to the health of Milosh, taunting
him with his disloyalty. The latter accepted the
toast, finished the cup, and strode out of the tent
in a fury; swearing that he would show if it were
he who could be disloyal. With one of his friends
he rode into the Turkish camp straight to the tent
of the Sultan Murad I. (Amurath) and demanded
an audience. On the advice of the Vizier, Murad,
instead of giving his hand to be kissed, offered his
foot, which Milosh seized, pulled him to the
ground, and stabbed him in the belly. After kill-
ing the two Viziers he mounted his horse and rode
away with his companions, pursued by the Turks,
but leaving a broad swath of death as they gal-
loped through the camp. The other two were
killed and Milosh was captured. The Sultan did
not die on the spot, but was so grievously wounded
that his son Bayazed (Bajazet), the same who was
afterward captured by Tamerlane and kept in a
cage, fought the battle in his stead. King Lazar
was taken prisoner, and both he and Milosh Obi-

307

THE MINNESOTA HEIR

litch were brought to the dying Murad for his
orders. The Sultan ordered them to be executed,
and commanded that Milosh Obilitch should be
buried by his side and King Lazar at his feet; to
show that all Christians were rayahs or subjects.
Milosh spoke up and said:

' ' Thou art dying ! I also am death-doomed.
I beseech thee, O Murad, great Sultan !
Let not thus our dead bodies be buried,
Let the two Tsars lie in death side by side !
Let me lie at the feet of Tsar Lazar !
His true knight was I ever in this world ;
His true vassal I would be in that one ! "

It is said that Murad, struck with the bravery and
fidelity of Milosh, granted his petition.

Milosh is the hero from whom the treasure-
seeker was apparently descended. The proofs of
this descent are very curious.

When August Boyne left Saxony to go to Amer-
ica his father gave him some papers and docu-
ments, a small Bible containing notes, and told him
all that he had heard from his own father and could
remember about the family history. Long after-
wards, when Boyne was ill in a hospital at Chicago,
this Bible was stolen from him; it was recovered,
but — portions of the notes having been apparently
purposely cut out — in a mutilated condition. In

308

OF A SERBIAN KING

order to guard against further loss, copies were
made of all that remained, which were duly certi-
fied and attested by the proper judicial and notarial
authorities. Among the papers shown to the Ser-
bian Minister was one " the validity of which
was proved by many signatures and legalised by
American authorities. [I give here the Minister's
exact words.] It was said therein that the docu-
ment consisted of four leaves; but only two came
into my hands. The other two had either been lost
by Boyne, or had been stolen from him." This
professed to be written by Andria Obilitch, the
great-grandfather of August Boyne. It was in
German and ran as follows:

"Brandenburg, May i, 1759.
"My Dear Son Frederic de Lazar: I hand
over to thee my last Will and Testament relating
to our family matters, which I know from my par-
ents in Serbia. I could never go there myself, for I
was so long in the military service; and afterwards
was too ill and old. Other secret things and mat-
ters I will tell thee orally. But here it seems nec-
essary and important to describe the days of my
youth and my experience. My father was a Prince
of Serbia. I was born in the year 1697 in a castle
in the Shumadia; and was brought up in the castle
of Shabatz on the River Sava. In the year 1704
there was great excitement and commotion in con-

309

THE MINNESOTA HEIR

sequence of the Turkish tyranny; and there were
disasters without precedent.

" One night, when the reflection of burning
houses reddened all our windows, I woke up daz-
zled by the bright light of the conflagration; and
was seized by the hand of a faithful servant. ' Get
up, Andria,' he cried to me, ' we have no time to
lose; the long-beards are near.' The long-beards
were the Turks — so we called them. I was always
afraid of them — they were terrible, and came often
to our town to kill and plunder, and I rose instantly.
The servant took me in his arms. I heard fearful
noises everywhere about me. My mother came
into the room very much agitated and excited, and
wished to see me. At the same moment we heard
the firing of muskets quite close to us. One of the
doors was burst open; smoke and sparks flew all
about us, and a gang of fierce-looking Turks
rushed into the room. They swung around their
heads their swords, which glittered like reddish
flame, and, shouting terribly, threatened to kill and
massacre all of us. The servant, in his fright, let
me fall to the ground; and I rolled under some fur-
niture and crept off as far as I could get. But I
could see how he fell a victim to his fidelity, in the
attempt to save me, by the cruel hands of the
Turks. I could also see — oh, horror — how they
caught my mother, how they took her by the hair
and cut her to pieces. When this was done they
left the place. This bloody scene remained deeply
engraved on my mind; so that even now, after

310

OF A SERBIAN KING

many years, I see these horrible details again en-
acted. I remained alive among the dead; but felt,
after a while, that I was taken up and carried into
the street. They washed my face, which was
covered with blood, put me on a cart, and off we
went in great haste, as fast as the horses could run.
We saw all round us villages in a blaze, and peo-
ple and cattle running in all directions. From
time to time we met many carts, and people laden
with their property, going along our road to the
Shumadia forest. When we reached the forest we
were warmly received, with joyful acclamations.
They took me down from the cart, and passed me
about from one to another. All were surprised
that I had survived, and covered me with kisses.
My man — the same who brought me here — took
me into his arms, carried me into a tent, and told
me to lie down and rest. He told me that his
name was Yefrem Nadustratz (one who has lost all
hope), that he was a servant of our family, and that
he had saved me out of gratitude to my father, his
master. The people called me Andria Obilitch.
They afterwards built houses and shelters, and my
servant and preserver also built a house. He was
clever in healing horses, and lived well, and I often
travelled about with him. When I was about
twelve years old, I went with him to Sokol; and as
we came back, he said : ' We will pass now on the
Belgrade road, so that you may see where your
father lived. Do you see yonder that half-ruined
tower, and the ruins of buildings? ' ' Yes, I see.'

3ii

THE MINNESOTA HEIR

' That was where your father Lazar lived. He was
a prince of the Serbian land, and a famous and
highly esteemed lord. All of your family were
greatly respected. But they were all killed by the
Turks, who carried off great treasures. You are
now the only surviving member of your famous
race. I saved you when Shabatz was burned.
The Shumadia Castle alone remains in the posses-
sion of your family; but, you see, it is worth noth-
ing now. The Turks killed every living soul, and
burned down all the villages, and it will be worth
nothing during your lifetime.' "

The castle of Sokol is now a picturesque ruin —
like so many others in Serbia — which gives a great
idea of the power and wealth of its former owners.
The general effect of all of them is occidental
rather than oriental. The old nobility of Serbia,
as well as of Bulgaria and Greece, were either ex-
terminated by the Turks, or reduced to peasantry
by being stripped of their lands. In Bosnia, on the
other hand, the nobles saved their estates by turn-
ing Mohammedan. They are still fanatical Mus-
sulmans; but they speak Serbian and rarely Turk-
ish, retain their family names, and use coats of
arms.

The remaining part of the story was on the miss-
ing sheets, and has to be filled in from the family
traditions told by August Boyne to the Minister.

312

OF A SERBIAN KING

There was, however, a copy of the notes from the
old Bible, about the descendants of Andria Obi-
litch; by which it may be seen that one of his sons,
Frederic, was born in Brandenburg on May 7,
1744; that Frederic's son, John, was born on June
12, 1784; and that John's son August — the man in
question — was born in Chemnitz on August 5,
1818.

The accuracy of names in this document and its
general air of historic truth make it curious and in-
teresting. Mr. Miyatovitch believes it genuine,
and has published it as throwing light on the popu-
lar rising against the Turks in 1704. One might,
perhaps, account for the character of the story by
supposing it to be a romance invented by some
soldier who had served in the army of Prince
Eugene, when he besieged and took Belgrade, in
1717. This, however, could not be the case if we
are to accept the family history as handed down
and related by Boyne.

According to the oral account Andria lived in
this way for some time longer; until Yefrem, feel-
ing himself infirm, said to the boy : " I shall die
soon, and you will be left alone to live as you can.
If it is possible, escape across the river away from
the Turks, so that your life may be preserved; and
perhaps your descendants may some time come

313

THE MINNESOTA HEIR

back, and get again the lands and property of your
family." Later on Yefrem, after swearing the boy
solemnly to secrecy, took him to the ruined castle;
made him observe carefully, and try to remember
certain signs and landmarks; and finally led him
through subterranean passages of great length into
a vaulted room, where the goods and treasures of
Andria's father were heaped up. There were, he
said, many splendidly ornamented oriental arms,
and weapons of excellent workmanship, books and
documents, deeds and diplomas, rich drinking-
cups, and many utensils of gold and silver, mosaics
and enamelled trinkets, medals and money, and
strong chests full of valuables. It was impossible
to take anything away, from fear of the Turks.
Besides this, Yefrem felt that it was a solemn trust
which he had no right to deliver up to the boy.
He allowed him, however, to take one ancient coin
in order to impress the secret on his mind.

Soon after this — it must have been about the
time that the Austrians were besieging Belgrade —
Yefrem found a means of escaping from the coun-
try with Andria; and in search of some honest
and honourable employment they made their way
through the Slavonic-speaking countries to Silesia.
Yefrem died, and Andria took service with a great
landed proprietor. Here he fell in love with a

OF A SERBIAN KING

pretty peasant-girl, who was born on the estate,
and was consequently the serf of the lord of the
manor. For that, or for some other reason, he
was not allowed to marry her; but he gave her the
old coin which he had brought from the vault and
had carefully kept. One day the lord, his master,
played cards with a German baron, and, among
other stakes, lost the girl who was Andria's sweet-
heart. Andria, in a frenzy of anger and despair,
tried to kill the baron; but, mistaking the man,
killed one of his attendants. For this he was
obliged to run away and hide himself; and, meet-
ing some recruiting sergeant, he was enlisted in the
body-guard of the King of Prussia. He was then
about twenty-two years old. One day, many years
after, when there was a festivity at court, and
Andria was on guard at the door of the ball-room,
a fine lady passed on the arm of a gentleman; and
by some accident dropped her bracelet. Andria
picked it up, and even in its setting of jewels recog-
nized the coin; then, raising his eyes as much as he
dared, he recognized the girl he had once loved.
She had married, it seems, an officer who had be-
come a great general, and she was then a fine lady.
The gentleman who was with her admired the coin,
which seemed curious and rare, and had an inscrip-
tion in an unknown language; and the King, send-

3i5

THE MINNESOTA HEIR

ing for the director of his numismatic collection,
asked him if such a piece existed in his cabinet.
The director replied that he had recently bought
a similar one at Venice.

It must be remarked here that Venice had in
the Middle Ages an active commerce with the
whole Balkan Peninsula, and that the Venetian
coins served as models for the old Serbian money.
About all this August Boyne knew nothing, and
when he first told the story to the Minister had
never seen any old Serbian gold coins, which are
extremely rare.

As time went on Andria prospered; the King,
who had taken a fancy to him, helped him; and he
was able to build a house with the right to convert
it into an inn. This he did when he had grown
too old to be of use in active service; and, as
he often told his guests stories about fights in Ser-
bia, to which he gave the name of boyne or voyne
(in Serbian boy or voy means a fight, and voyna
war), they came to call the house the Boyne Inn —
Gasthaus zum Boyne — and he and his descendants
adopted it as a surname. The de Lazar was evi-
dently an attempt at translating Lazarevitch, the
son of Lazar, the patronymic which Andria had
from his father — Andria Lazarevitch Obilitch —
and had nothing to do with the old King Lazar.

316

OF A SERBIAN KING

About the life of Andria's son and grandson I
know nothing, nor why one of them went to Sax-
ony; nor did the Minister remember that August
Boyne had told him anything in particular about
his life up to the age of thirty, when he emigrated
to America. I must return to his appearance in
Belgrade.

As I have said, the Minister at first tried to dis-
suade Boyne from what he considered a useless and
absurd undertaking; and, when he found this of no
avail, advised him to search especially near Shabatz
and in that region; where he knew, as a historian,
that the Obilitch family had possessed lands.
Boyne spent a whole year in that part of the coun-
try, and then began to explore the districts of
Morava and Kraguyevatz. He occasionally re-
turned to Belgrade; and the Minister, who had be-
come more and more interested in him and had
been greatly impressed by his straightforwardness,
his earnestness, and his simple piety, assisted him
from time to time with food, linen, clothes, and
even money. Boyne had gradually learned a little
Serbian, and wherever he went tried to do good to
the people about him; leaving a most favourable
opinion of him on all with whom he had to do.
What particularly struck my friend the Minister
was that he generally prayed aloud, and that his

317

THE MINNESOTA HEIR

prayers were extemporised, and suited to particular
circumstances. " I was deeply touched," the Min-
ister said, " when he prayed for Serbia, the Prince,
the whole Serbian nation; and specially for the
children of this nation who frequent the schools,
upon whom he implored the Almighty's blessing.
At the time when he asked for the concession, and
permission to search for the treasure, he said that
he would spend it entirely on the construction of a
Serbian railway, and that he would not carry out
of the country a single farthing. But later he
changed his mind and said : ' It is nearly two years
that I live in this country among the Serbians; and
I see that the nation is not pious and has forgotten
God and His goodness to men : and so, if I find my
treasure, I wish with the money to build many good
schools to teach children the fear of the Lord, and
to educate them in the love of their neighbours.' "
In May, 1876, Boyne was full of hope, and said
that he had found certain signs on an old ruined
castle not far from Kraguyevatz. He came again
to Belgrade in June during a period of great heat,
on foot and utterly destitute; and was almost im-
mediately taken ill. The Minister was absent at
the time; but a lady went to see him in the wretched
cottage where he had found a lodging, and provid-
ed him with linen and other necessaries. This

3i8

OF A SERBIAN KING

friend on a later visit found that everything had
been stolen from him in the weak state in which he
was; and therefore had him transferred to the hos-
pital. He was accompanied at this time by an ill-
looking man, whose acquaintance he had some-
where made, and whom he had engaged to help
him in his work. When the Minister returned to
Belgrade he went to see poor Boyne, and found
him dying. He expired on the morning of August
3, 1876, and was buried among the poor in the
highest spot of the cemetery of Belgrade, whence
there is a lovely view over the Danube. The body
of this unknown and friendless American, the pos-
sible descendant — and the last — of the hero King
Lazar, was followed to the grave by one mourner
only — the Serbian Prime Minister. The face of
the poor man after death took on such a Serbian
type that the Minister took the trouble of having
him photographed. His death was doubtless due
to fever brought on by overwork and exhaustion;
but the lady, with whom I have talked, felt sure
that he had been poisoned. What supported her
in this theory was that the man whom he had taken
as his assistant had disappeared; carrying with him
most of the papers, notes, and the various small
objects that belonged to him.

Seven or eight years after this I met in Athens
319

THE MINNESOTA HEIR

Mr. Arthur J. Evans, now keeper of the Ashmolean
Museum at Oxford, with his wife — a daughter of
Mr. E. A. Freeman, the historian — who had come
from a journey in Macedonia. At Prishtina, or
somewhere near there, Mr. Evans had bought some
fine old Serbian gold coins from a man who, al-
though he seemed to have a large quantity of them,
would only show them one by one, behaved very
mysteriously and suspiciously, and then disap-
peared. Some of these coins were unique; of
others only one or two specimens were known to
exist. I told him the story of poor August Boyne,
and he agreed with me in thinking that possibly at
least a part of the Obilitch treasure had been
found.

320

THE LOST PLANT

THE LOST PLANT1

That evening we were playing whist at the Gov-
ernor's house, as we had the habit of doing two or
three times a week. I had as partner my French
colleague, M. Dorat, still a young man, who had
arrived in the island as consul two or three months
before. I had not seen very much of him, for it
was the season of the year when we old fellows feel
disinclined to much movement; with the excep-
tion of an occasional outing in a boat, or on a don-
key, I had confined myself chiefly to my books and
my garden. With most of us our gardens were
great sources of amusement and delight. There
was always a pleasurable excitement when a new
package of seeds arrived from Europe — for every-
thing grew so well and fast; and many were the
tin-boxes of bulbs and plants imported in the gen-
erally vain hope that something new might possibly
be found. No one was contented with the produc-
tions of the island; we all wanted something dif-

1 This story appeared in Scribner's Magazine under the nom de plume
of John Pierson, and was the only fiction ever published by Mr.
Schuyler. " The Minnesota Heir of a Serbian King " is a true story.

323

THE LOST PLANT

ferent. Each had his own little fad, and mine was
to reproduce, in this tropical country, an old-fash-
ioned English garden, with its hollyhocks and lark-
spurs, its columbines and daffodils, its lavender and
rosemary and sweet-scented shrubs and herbs. Do-
rat had not been there long enough, we thought,
to catch the prevailing taste; his garden, which
was large, and in the time of his predecessor had
been very fine, was now neglected and had gone
to waste; and if he occasionally put into it some
wild plant which he had found, it was only for his
experiments on the food and ways of life of the
insects which he was always collecting and study-
ing. He had also a pronounced taste for ornithol-
ogy, and for natural history of every kind; and, in
pursuit of specimens, accompanied by an old native
whom he had somewhere picked up, made constant
excursions — often for days at a time — into the
swampy and little known interior of the island.

Just behind my chair was standing a young
English officer, named Furniss, apparently a family
connection of the Governor — at all events, a mem-
ber of his official and personal household — who had
arrived by the last steamer. He was waiting for
the end of the rubber to take a hand, and while the
cards were being dealt was asking some questions
about the methods of travelling, and announcing

324

THE LOST PLANT

his intention of making some botanical excursions.
One or two things struck me in what he said, and,
looking over my shoulder, I jestingly remarked,
" So you are going to look for Humtn's Sitnoea."
As I turned back I intercepted such a look,, seem-
ingly of hatred, from beneath the dark brows and
lashes of my partner that I almost dropped the
cards I was dealing. There was something which
made me feel thoroughly uneasy. Furniss had
started a topic to which my chance remark had
given more interest; and, after we had begun to
play, the conversation still went on behind my back.
Although my partner kept control of his game, and
made no mistakes, I could see that he was listen-
ing to every word that Furniss said, and closely
watching every movement that he made. I grew
more and more nervous, till at last I could stand
it no longer, and called out, rather abruptly, as
others thought : " My dear Furniss, if you keep on
looking at my cards and talking of botany at the
same time I shall think each trick a new and rare
species and shall lose all the points." Furniss, some-
what offended at my tone, walked away from the
table.

When the rubber was over Dorat withdrew, by
rights, and I refused to play longer, which was mis-
interpreted by some of the party, as was also a

325

THE LOST PLANT

whispered remark of mine to Furniss in passing,
which was overheard by someone, that I would see
him again later. I went into the other room, to a
balcony overlooking the sea, and lighted a cigar,
while reflecting on what course I ought to pursue.
The fact is that a German botanist named Humm
had discovered in this island a plant which pos-
sessed singular curative virtues, used among the
natives, but the existence of which they carefully
concealed. Medically — as Humm had shown by
experiments — it was as important as cinchona or
condurango, or the more recently introduced coca.
Humm had brought away a sufficient amount of the
drug for it to be thoroughly tested in European
laboratories and hospitals; but the plant had never
been found again. One academy after another had
offered prizes for its discovery, which in the aggre-
gate then amounted to a large sum — a sum suffi-
cient to encourage an enterprising man to encoun-
ter great risks in its search. It was evident from
what Furniss said that he had come out to look for
it; hoping that his connections and his official posi-
tion would enable him to conduct his explorations
more easily and more thoroughly than those who
had gone before him. Several had already visited
the island for this purpose; but they had either fallen
victims to the climate, or had given up the quest

326

THE LOST PLANT

in despair, in consequence of the difficulties put in
their way by the natives. It was equally plain to
me, from his conduct at the card-table, that Dorat
had come out for the same purpose; although he
had so far concealed his plans and his interest in
plants, in order to blind the eyes of the English.
He had the advantage of being in better relations
with the natives, because French prestige and
French influence are persistent in any place which
has once been under French rule; and the only
foreign words which the natives used were also
French. Although the English have held the isl-
and for a long time they hold it simply as con-
querors, and have never succeeded in identifying
themselves with the people.

I had not been smoking long before I was joined
by Dorat, who was evidently looking for me. With
great politeness and delicacy he offered me his ser-
vices as to a colleague in difficulties; and, when
he saw my look of astonishment, in answer to my
questions told me that everybody believed that I
was to have a duel with Furniss. English customs,
we see — especially on such points — were not yet
predominant in the island; and duels were not yet
uncommon, although they were generally innocu-
ous. I of course thanked him for his kindness, and
promised to call on him if I stood in need of a

327

THE LOST PLANT

friend; but explained that between an old, irritable
fellow like myself, and a young man like Furniss,
there would probably be no difficulty which could
not be settled with an explanation, or, if need be,
with an apology. The talk passed on to other
things, when suddenly Dorat asked, " How did you
come to mention the Simoea Hummiif "

" Oh! " I said, " that is an old idea of mine; I
thought of looking for it when I first came; so
that I naturally suspect every fresh man of the same
desire."

" And you never did look for it? "

" No, I was always naturally indolent; I broke
my ankle a week after I arrived; that and the heat
and malaria, and the bother of travelling in the in-
terior have kept me quiet. But I have never lost
a Platonic interest in it, and if you find it I shall
congratulate you heartily."

" But why should I look for it? "

"In .the first place, my dear colleague, why
should you mention it at all, if it were of no in-
terest to you? And, secondly, you must know as
well as I do that very large rewards are offered for
finding it, with which will follow a wide scientific
fame. Why shouldn't you find it? You are young
and vigorous; being French, you have influence
with the natives; you already, if I mistake not,

328

THE LOST PLANT

speak something of their language; you make fre-
quent shooting excursions into the interior; and
you can perfectly well make botanical experiments
in your neglected garden at the consulate. The
spirit of old Hume would, I am sure, be delighted
if you should carry out his beneficent intentions."

"You call him Hume; do you mean Humm? "

" Yes, the last was his German name ; but when
he got naturalized in America he was so laughed
at on account of his name that he changed it to
Hume."

" You knew him, then? "

" Yes, I met him first when I was quite a boy,
when I joined a scientific party to the Rocky Moun-
tains, and, as I had been a comrade of Eaton and
Brewer, was much interested in botany. We got
to be very good friends then; but I had almost for-
gotten about him until I met him again when I
was vice-consul at Tripoli. He had come there to
study assafoetida and laserpitium and other precious
plants which the ancients obtained from that region.
I was able to lodge him in my house, and we re-
newed our old acquaintance; you know he died
there, or, rather, in the interior; but he left me his
papers, and — well, come and breakfast with me to-
morrow, about twelve, and I will show you some-
thing that will interest you."

329

THE LOST PLANT

Throwing away the end of my cigar I went back
to the drawing-room, and finally found Furniss —
to whom I at once apologized for my brusque lan-
guage— and asked him, if he did not mind my limp,
to walk home with me, as I had something to tell
him. He readily consented, and as soon as we
could get away we walked down the quiet tree-lined
street until we reached my garden. Then I per-
suaded him to sit awhile with me in the veranda,
where I knew that we could not be overheard. My
faithful servant brought us out narghilehs, for this
souvenir of my life in Asia and Africa still clings
to me; the broad-leaved plants looked fantastic in
the moonlight, and we were glad to neutralise the
strong, heavy odours with the smoke of our pipes.
The outlook on the garden gradually brought us
to the subject of plants, and, after we had got
warmed up on this topic, with the help of a glass
or two of good old Madeira, I told him that I had
overheard enough of his conversation to make me
understand that he had come out expressly to find
the lost plant. He frankly admitted his purpose,
without the slightest hesitation; and gradually was
led on to talk of his past life, of the influences which
had moulded it, and of his hopes for the future.

" Well," I said, " I will do all I can for you; and
perhaps I can give you certain information which

330

THE LOST PLANT

you do not possess. But I must be fair all round.
Dorat is a colleague of mine, with whom I am on
the best possible terms; and whatever information
I give you I must give him."

" Dorat," he said, " the French consul, who was
your partner to-night? Has he come here, too, for
this purpose? "

" Yes; I never suspected it till this evening; now
I know it. He is coming to tiffin with me to-
morrow; and the best way to manage the thing
will be for you to meet him. But, as I want a wit-
ness or two, bring the Governor with you. I'll send
him a little note early in the morning, and I will
try to find one or two others also."

" Oh, I think there will be no difficulty about
that, as the Governor has already told me of
your breakfasts; besides, to-morrow is Sunday,
and he will have no engagements after church.
But you're as solemn and mysterious as though
some great event were impending. What is the
matter? "

" The matter, my dear fellow, is simply this, that
you must entirely forget all that I tell you, and act
entirely on your own judgment. Be on your guard
against your rival. Never trust yourself alone with
him, if you meet him in the interior. From what
I saw to-night I believe him quite capable of kill-

33i

THE LOST PLANT

ing you, if need be, to prevent your succeeding to
his detriment."

" Not so bad as that, I hope."

" Not a word more ever on this subject. You
know all that I fear. Take your own course. We
shall see you to-morrow at noon."

Our breakfast was unusually pleasant, for I had
succeeded in getting hold of M. Blancsube, one of
the richest and most hospitable planters of the isl-
and, a man universally liked for his wit and his good
company, and respected for his intelligence and
probity. The Governor was in better form than I
had ever seen him, gave us amusing stories of his
experiences in other colonies — and he seemed to
have lived in some capacity in nearly every part
of the globe — and by great good luck assisted me
by appearing in an entirely new and unexpected
character. Apropos of some of the fruit, he launched
out in a discourse on the vegetable productions of
the different places where he had been which would
have done credit to Grant Duff himself.

When we began to smoke I brought out a port-
folio and showed some of the very curious things
that I had been able to retain in my wandering life

332

THE LOST PLANT

— autograph letters of Bruce and Burckhardt; a
sketch-map of Humboldt; a relic of Connolly and
Stoddart from Bukhara which had not been found
by Dr. Wolff; photographs of Convolvulus Sabbatius
and Campanula Sabbatia which I had myself taken
from living plants at Capo di Noli, the only place
in the world where they grow; and a few similar
things.

" You are an amateur photographer, then? " said
M. Blancsube.

" Don't be alarmed for yourself, monsieur, there
are no instantaneous cameras concealed in the walls
to take you in an unguarded moment ; I photograph
only plants. And I could show our friends here,
if they were not already too learned to need them,
photographs of nearly every plant growing on the
island, except of the one we all want most to see,
the Simcea Hummii. I can, however, show you
something about that; but before I open this en-
velope I must make a bargain with them. What
I want is the drug. At one time I should have been
glad of the fame of the discovery, but now I am
too old to care much about that, as well as of the
great reward offered for the plant ; but, while money
is always an object, I have luckily a few weeks ago
received a legacy large enough to enable me to live
wherever I please in tolerable comfort. Therefore

333

THE LOST PLANT

if I show you now what I have carefully preserved,
in the hope that I might myself some day be fortu-
nate enough to come across the plant, I must ask
both Dorat and Furniss, or whoever is the dis-
coverer, to furnish me with one living root, after he
has taken proper measures to secure his priority of
discovery."

To this they both agreed, and after telling them
in detail of my acquaintance with Humm or Hume;
of his tragic death in the desert, on the eve of an-
other voyage to our island; and of how he came to
make me the heir of his secret, I showed them, first,
a careful water-coloured drawing of the plant, and
then a dried specimen of it just as it was coming
into bloom. Finally, I unfolded a leaf of paper on
which Humm had drawn from memory a sketch of
the locality where the plant was found, and of the
route which he had taken from the coast. Unfor-
tunately the paper had got worn out at the folds,
from being carried in the old botanist's pocket-
book; and the chart was so illegible and confused
as to be of comparatively little value. The aston-
ishment and interest with which my revelations
were received by all present, although Blancsube
needed a few words of explanation in order further
to understand the matter, were so great as to justify
me to myself for the little coup de theatre which I

334

THE LOST PLANT

had prepared. When one gets old, one's vanity is
pleased with even such little harmless successes.

While the map was being carefully examined by
the Governor, who was trying to identify localities,
Blancsube suggested — what, strangely, never oc-
curred to me — that it might be photographed.
This I offered to do at once and to give both Dorat
and Furniss copies, as well as to allow them the use
of the little herbarium I possessed and of all my
photographs of plants.

" But," I said, " you will notice from Humm's
note that the plant was found just coming into
bloom on October 6th, and to-day is September
20th. If either of you intend to look for it in ear-
nest you must lose no time. You will, of course,
take your own ways of announcing the discovery
so as to secure the priority; although I believe that,
according to the conditions of most of the rewards
offered, the plant must be brought back in a living
condition and planted in a botanical garden. The
Governor has one here under his charge, though
I am surprised to learn to-day that he takes such
a personal interest in it. I must tell you, also, that
I have still deposited in a safe place a bit of the
drug, which, however, is not unknown to others,
and which will serve for the identification of the
plant; and I shall be greatly pleased if, when you

335

THE LOST PLANT

find it, you will send a messenger to let me know.
When you come back I hope to be able to show
you a fairly good specimen of it growing in my own
garden."

They all laughed at my last remark, which they
thought a mere bit of chaff; but in very truth, I had
a few days before planted in an out-of-the-way
place a tuber which I had every reason to believe
was that of the Simcea.

Ill

Within the week both Furniss and Dorat started
on the quest, the former taking the route which he
had combined with the Governor's from Humm's
sketch-map; and the latter preferring, on hints re-
ceived from the natives, to begin with the other end
of the island, whither he went by sea. For some
days we heard nothing. At last one afternoon a
negro brought me a laconic note from Furniss, say-
ing, simply : " I have found it, and, with due in-
gratitude, I hope that I am ahead even of you."
I immediately went out and looked again at my
precious plant; for the tuber had sprouted, and the
rapidly unfolding leaves were beginning (at all
events to my imagination) to present a strong re-
semblance to the dried specimen given me by

336

THE LOST PLANT

Humm. I am ashamed to tell how many times
that day I had already looked at the plant; and, in-
deed, I was beginning to grow nervous, anxious,
envious, and jealous of my rivals; and to think that
I had made a precious old fool of myself in being
so generous with my information. After all, what
difference did it make to me if they did kill each
other — people whom I hardly knew? But as the
cool freshness of evening approached, my amiability
returned; and I resolved to go to the Governor's
and invite myself to dinner, and find out what in-
formation he had received; for I felt sure that he
knew something more. Sir Thomas was in very
good spirits, but could tell me nothing that I did
not know. He was glad to see me, and, for a won-
der, we were quite alone. We concluded that
piquet would be better than the usual double-
dummy; the card-tables were brought out, the
lights were being arranged, and the soda-water and
glasses exposed on the side-table, when a clatter of
hoofs was heard coming down the road, and in a
moment more a message was brought to us from a
coffee-planter that the body of a man had been
found at the bottom of a precipice, in a place about
twenty miles away, but hard to reach. It was
thought to be that of an Englishman, apparently
a scientific man, as he had been collecting plants;
Vol. l— 22 337

THE LOST PLANT

and the request was made for the despatch of some-
one to identify, if possible, the corpse, with instruc-
tions as to its burial. We had no question but that
it was Captain Furniss, as we knew of no one else
corresponding to the description. From what I
knew, or rather suspected, it flashed through me at
once that there had been foul play. But I consid-
ered it best, for the moment at least, to keep my
suspicions to myself, as they might be entirely un-
founded. After a hurried consultation with me as
to the best course to pursue, Sir Thomas decided
that two or three men from the hospital should go
on at once with extra horses, and that he and the
doctor would leave before daybreak, driving as far
as the road was practicable, so as to reach the field
of the accident at the earliest possible moment in
the morning. I readily acceded to his suggestion
to accompany him.

We had little time for sleep, as we started very
early, and the sun was just rising when we had to
leave the high-road and mount our horses. Had
it not been for the errand on which we were bent
and our desire to hasten, I should have greatly en-
joyed this early ride on one of our delightful South-
ern spring mornings. As we descended the ridge
we had opposite us a hill-side, which we had to cross
later, covered with plantations of coffee and pepper,

338

THE LOST PLANT

while the valley below was green with the sugar-
cane. Flowers of all kinds grew in profusion along
the roadside, and I could not help observing them
carefully and mentally repeating their names. But
the detour was long, and it was a toilsome march.
That the body was that of Captain Furniss there
could be no doubt. There were no signs of stabs
or shots, but it was so bruised and cut by the rocks
that, although it had been carefully covered with
leafy boughs, decomposition had already begun,
and it was necessary to bury it as soon as possible.
Due note, however, was taken of its position and
of various apparently petty details. One circum-
stance I could not help noticing at once, and I nat-
urally called the Governor's attention to it. The
botanical specimen-box lay at a little distance from
the body; it had evidently been opened and a
search had been made among the plants it had con-
tained; for they were lying in a confused heap, not
as if they had been accidentally shaken out. This
certainly looked strange. The plant that was
sought for was not among them. The pressing-
boards were missing, and as I felt sure that he or
one of his men would carry them, that also
seemed strange. Those, however, we afterwards
discovered, caught on a ledge of rock above. One
of the men climbed up with difficulty and threw

339

THE LOST PLANT

them down to us; they were still strapped together,
but the drying- paper contained no plants of any
kind, and in all probability they had not been used
in that last day's excursion. Out of pardonable
curiosity I looked carefully at every sheet, even
holding them up to the light; and it seemed to me
as if on one I detected the outline of the Simcea.

With the consent of the planter who owned the
land, a grave was dug for poor Furniss close to the
spot where he fell, and his body was tenderly and
reverently placed in it, Sir Thomas reading, in a
broken voice, the English burial service, with only
myself to make the responses. We resolved to
place a tablet or cut an inscription upon the nearest
rock in commemoration of this martyr to science.
I could not help thinking of a similar tablet I had
once seen in the old quarries near Syracuse where
the Athenians had been imprisoned and starved.
But that was to an American midshipman, named
Nicholson, who had fallen in a duel with a British
officer, in maintaining the honour of his flag, in
the opening years of the century.

It needed no hint of mine as to my private sus-
picion to induce Sir Thomas to proceed to a minute
investigation of the rock from which Furniss had
fallen. For that it was necessary to return to the
high road, proceed along it some distance farther,

340

THE LOST PLANT

and then turn to the left over a difficult bridle-path,
and then a foot-path among the rocks. I did not
feel equal to this, and stayed in the little hut on the
roadside where we had left the carriage; while Sir
Thomas, who had kept up wonderfully, went on
with the others to the scene of the accident.

The report which they brought back was, in one
sense, very satisfactory. The place from which
Furniss had fallen was identified, close to a splendid
clump of that lovely, fragrant flower which the
natives call naruna — the botanical name of which
escapes me now — which was somewhat rare, and
was the finest Sir Thomas had ever seen. The
marks were seen where Furniss's foot had slipped,
and there were no traces of a struggle or of the
presence of anyone else. He had apparently been
engaged in securing fine specimens of the naruna,
when a treacherous branch or twig broke and down
he went. Nevertheless it was impossible entirely
to exclude the hypothesis that he might have been
pushed off by some barefooted native coming up in
silence behind him.

We had wondered what had become of Furniss's
servants; but while we were resting from the fa-
tigue and emotion of the day, we were joined by
them. They did not yet know of his death. Two
mornings before, owing to the illness of the special

34i

THE LOST PLANT

man who carried his traps and assisted him in plac-
ing the specimens between the drying-papers, the
captain had insisted on starting out alone, with the
expectation of returning in the course of a couple
of hours. It was only, however, towards night
that his absence caused any apprehension. They
looked for him in vain that night, and had been
searching for him without result ever since. So
far their evidence all agreed. They utterly denied
having met any other white man for several days
before that, and had seen no suspicious character
either on the day of Furniss's disappearance or
since. They had not seen Dorat. But when they
tried to explain why they had not brought away
the whole of their master's collections, or even all
of his kit, there were strange and suspicious hesita-
tions and contradictions. They professed to know
nothing of any living plants, planted, or otherwise
preserved by Furniss. As the place which had
been the captain's last head-quarters was a long
way off and difficult to reach, Sir Thomas decided
not to go himself, but to send one of the men from
the hospital, on whom he thought he could thor-
oughly depend, back there with one of Furniss's
black followers, in order to make a thorough inves-
tigation of the camp, and bring away everything,
explaining to him the importance of the matter.

342

THE LOST PLANT

It seemed to us quite plain that someone —
whether a rival or a native herb-doctor, or, rather,
herb-charmer, or, perhaps, one of the plantation-
hands who had discovered the body — had searched
the botanical case found near the corpse; and that
someone had probably also searched his tent; at the
same time we had no actual proof that Furniss had
yet attempted to dig up and remove any specimens
of the plant, even if he had found it. He had per-
haps waited to do that until the instant of starting
on his return, when it would be in the more devel-
oped state. Nor did we find out anything subse-
quently to make us change that opinion.

We were just taking a hasty bite before starting
on our return to town, when there suddenly came
on one of those torrential showers which are not
unusual in tropical countries. Fortunately the hut
in which we were stood on high ground, or we
should have run the risk of being swept away.
Rain fell in sheets. The continued thunder and
vivid flashes of lightning frightened the horses,
while the poor natives cowered on the floor of the
hut from fear. It seemed as if the storm would
never end; but just when the thatched roof was be-
coming like a sieve, and we were beginning to be
wet by the drizzle, the storm passed away as sud-
denly as it had begun.

343

THE LOST PLANT

It was, however, impossible to move. The
ground was water-soaked and the road too heavy
for our vehicles; more than that, the dry bed of the
little stream we had crossed in the morning was
now filled with a rapid, raging river. There was
nothing to do but to wait.

By sunrise the stream had fallen sufficiently to
allow us to proceed, and we reached the town with-
out any serious difficulty, but through what a scene
of desolation! Everywhere the lowlands were
covered with gravel and mud; good land had
been temporarily ruined, and the sugar-canes were
broken down and destroyed. We heard afterwards
that in other places serious damage had been done
to the coffee and spice plantations.

My servant, as he opened the door for me, had a
careworn and dejected look, as if reproaching me
for having stayed out all night; and when, while
waiting for a cup of tea, I started down the garden-
path, he warned me to be careful as the ground
was undermined and treacherous, or something of
that sort. A fear passed through my mind, which,
alas! was only too well founded. The consulate
was not far from the edge of a little stream, which,
in swelling so suddenly, had cut for itself another
temporary channel and had swept away a part of
my garden — a part which had contained many

344

THE LOST PLANT

plants which were dear to me, and, more than all,
that precious plant which I before believed and
now felt sure was the Simcoa.

Days passed, and there was no news from Dorat.
The accident to Furniss, the destruction of my gar-
den, and the silence of Dorat, worked so strongly
upon my nerves that I became disgusted with the
island and everything in it, and I had serious
thoughts of resigning. My work had not been
hard at this post, for the trade with the United
States was not great, and American ships came so
infrequently that the quarrels and complaints of the
crews were rather a diversion than a burden. But
a few busy days happened to come just then, and
made me feel how wretched my life would be were
I deprived of just that kind of work to which I had
been accustomed from my youth up. I was too
old to engage in another occupation — even had I
needed so to do — and could not bear the thought
of absolute idleness. Besides, the position itself is
a pleasant one to a man old in the service, who
neither overrates its advantages nor neglects its
opportunities. Some of my friends used to think
me unpatriotic because I had lived so many years

345

THE LOST PLANT

abroad. But they forgot that I was all this time
in the Government service; and I am sure that, if
anything will make a man patriotic, it is to feel that
it is his sole duty in life to guard and advance the
interests of his country without other cares or oc-
cupations. He is not, like people who remain at
home, distracted by the struggle for existence, and
thinking of the duty he owes to his country only
when drawn on the jury, or dunned by the tax-col-
lector, or inspirited by party enthusiasm just be-
fore an election. Abroad, his consular or diplo-
matic duties form the chief object of his life; and
distance and time make him love and cherish more
some manifestations of our national life which, it
is true, might after a long absence in other lands
prove irksome to him were he living at home.

I therefore thought better of this, and sent by
steamer — to be telegraphed from Suez — a request
for a leave of absence, to be taken at once. Before
resigning, I thought I would go home on leave,
and see whether I could not obtain promotion or
a change of post; but, as I had no intention of ever
returning to the island, I proceeded to pack up or
otherwise dispose of my goods and chattels.

At last, one morning I received a message from
the gerant of the French consulate saying that
Dorat was ill with malarial fever at the other end

346

THE LOST PLANT

of the island. He had been very low for several
days, but had finally roused sufficiently to send
word, and hoped to see me before he died. Much
as I could have wished to go to him, the journey
was at that time beyond my strength. We decid-
ed to send a good doctor, who agreed that, if Dorat
were in a state that he could be moved, he should
be brought down to the nearest point on the coast,
and from thence, if possible, to Port Philip by sea.
I even gave the doctor the bit of the precious drug
that I had preserved so long, explaining its quali-
ties, with the idea that it might possibly be of use.

In a few days Dorat was brought to town, very
weak, pale, and emaciated; but the doctor seemed
to think that he had passed the crisis, and that if
carefully nursed he would slowly recover. Al-
though I was expecting to sail in the next steamer
— for I had received a favourable reply to my tele-
gram— I felt that I could not under the circum-
stances leave Dorat in this condition, and — to
make a long story short— I threw up my passage,
stayed on, and devoted myself to looking after him,
making him comfortable, and cheering the hours
of his convalescence until he was strong enough to
be sent home, when we came to Europe in the
same steamer.

It was impossible not to be impressed with his
347

THE LOST PLANT

patience, his gentleness, his strong will, and his de-
votion to science. His character appeared to me
in an entirely new light, and all my foolish suspi-
cions and prejudices speedily vanished. It was a
long time, however, before I dared tell him of the
accident to Furniss, and of my own personal disap-
pointment. To this he seemed to pay no attention,
and I said nothing more. It was only some days
afterwards that he seemed suddenly to remember
the incidents just preceding his journey to the in-
terior, and inquired how Furniss had fared. He
was evidently sincerely shocked and astonished at
the story I had to tell him. Indeed, at first, all
memory of recent events seemed to have passed
away from him, leaving his mind a blank. When
he had recovered his memory he felt sure that just
at the time when he was fighting with the fever
he had seen and handled the Simcea, and made
preparations for its transport; intending to start on
his return on the very day when he was stricken
powerless. But these may have been delusions of
his fevered brain. From that time his most ardent
desire was to get well quickly in order to visit
again that locality where he was sure the Simcea
grew. For my part, I tried to persuade him that
we had probably all been victims of a delusion, and
that the quest was hopeless.

348

THE LOST PLANT

I should perhaps have succeeded in this had not
the incoming steamer brought, with introductions
to me, a small scientific party organised and sent
out by Cornell University with the intention of
making a careful exploration of that and the neigh-
bouring islands, which had been never really ex-
plored since the time of Bougainville, and then only
superficially. Among the special objects of the
expedition was that of discovering the Simcca, as
well as the finding of some traces of the dodo. My
part of the play was ended ; and I therefore not only
gave all the information that I could — telling these
enthusiastic young men the outward story of the
most recent events; but I also made over to them
for the museum of the university all my collections
and special books, about the disposal of which I
had been somewhat in a quandary. I have not yet
heard, however, that the expedition has discovered
either the lost bird or the lost plant.

349

INDEX

Abdul Hamid Pasha, 61

Abdul Medjid, Sultan, 59

Abdullah, 192

Academy, Plato's, 154

Acropolis, the, 153, 154

Adee, A. A., letters to, 164-166

Adrianople, 73, 103, no, 115, 116

yEgean, the, 118

" A Fugue of Bach," 209

Ahmed-Aga, 67, 68, 71

Ahmed Mukhtar Pasha, 113

Ahmed Tefik Pasha, 117

Ahmed Vefyk, 114

Akhrosimof, Maria Dmitrievna,

241
Aksakof, 208
Aksakof, Madame, 208
" A Landlord's Morning," 227,

253

Alassio, 170, 172, 175, 178, 184, 1S6,
190, 197, 204

Albano, 136

Albany, Countess of, 186

Alexander, Emperor, 238

Alexander I., Emperor, 234

Alexander III., 143

Alexandria, 191

Alcxandrova, Madame, 212

Alexandrovitch, Count Peter (Tol-
stoy), 232

Alexis, 232

Alexis, Grand Duke, 34, 35, S3

AH, 192

Alliance, U.S.S., 204

America, 26, 39, 45, 58, 131, 143.
147, 149, 151, 152, 169, 170, 181,
185, 187, 188, 190, 195, 211, 278,
308

America, 180

" American Diplomacy," 169, 183

" American Marriages Abroad,"
185

Americans, the, 59

Amersfoort, 134

Andersen, Hans Christian, 186

Andreievitch, Count Dimitri (Tol-
stoy), 232

Andrews, James Bruyn, 18, 174

" Anna Karenin," 219, 251, 264, 270,
295, 299

Annenkof, 262, 263

Anthim, 133

Arabs, the, 104

Aral, Sea of, 42

Archaeology, American School of,
166

Arenenberg, 190

Arizona, 43

Armenia, 121

Armenians, 183

Armstrong, 147, 148

Arnold, 93

Arnold, Madame, 273

Ashmolean Museum, 320

Asia, 26, 31, 52, 76, 105, 213

Asia, Central, 42, 49-51, 53, 54, 82,
83, 277

Assiout, 194

Assym Pasha, 127

Athenaum, the, 141

Athens, 119, 128, 152, 160, 162, 164,
166, 169, 174, 179, 184, 187, 199, 319

Auerbach, 274, 280

Austin, 123

Austrians, the, 91

Azarian, 117

Aziz Pasha, 60, 61

Azof, 136

Vol. I. — 23

353

INDEX

Baden-Baden, 21, 210, 254

Baker, 112

Baldwin, Admiral, 161, 175

Balkan Peninsula, 316

Balkans, the, 73, 75

Balzac, 237

Bancroft, 28, 275

Baring, Walter, 62, 73, 78, 82, 97,

121
Bartenief, 208, 238
Basel, 189, 195

Bashi-bazouks, 61, 63, 66, 67
Bashkirs, 283
Basili, 119
Bassano, 179
Batak, 67, 68, 71, 87, 91
Bath, 132

Bath and Wells, Bishop of, 106
Battenberg, Prince Alexander, 120
Bauer, Caroline, 190
Bayard, Mr., 180
Bayazed, 307
Beaconsfield, 93, 96, 97
Beauharnais, Countess, 244
Beethoven, 290, 292
" Beethoven's Last Quartet," 209
Bek, the, 47
Belgrade, 56-58, 90, 93, 143, 146, 168,

303. 304, 311. 3i3» 3i4» 3I7-3I9
Benkendorp, 119
Benningsen, 233
Berlin, 148
Berlioz, 210, 212
Berne, 188, 189
Besika, Baie de, 115
Bibikof, Mr., 219
Bibikofs, the, 221
Bilibin, 240

Birmingham, 131, 133, 214
Bismarck, 98

Black Sea, the, 100, 104, 111, 116
Blaine, 148, 181, 182, 184, 185
Blessington, Lady, 186
Bluntschli, 188
Boker, Geo. H., 54, 56, 82; letter

from, 83-85
Boker, Mrs., 84
Bolkonsky, 233, 240-242
Bologna, 179, 186
Bonaparte, Madame Mere, 186

Bonivard, 189

Bonstetten, 189

Borodino, battle of, 238, 247, 291

Bors, 216

Bosnia, 56, 312

Bosphorus, the, 64, 104, 108, 117,

123
Boyardjik, 69, 75
" Boyhood " (Tolstoy), 227, 251,

252, 255
Boyne, August, 306, 308, 309, 312,

3i3» 316-320
Bragge, Mr., 131
Brandenburg, 309, 313
Bratiano, 145
Breecker, 134
Brescia, 179
British fleet, 116
Browning, 195
Browning, Mrs., 180
Bruce, Countess, 189
Bruce, Mrs., 105
Brunswick, 120
Bubastis, 195
Bucarest, 91, 98, 137, i39i 142, 144.

149, 168
Buckingham Palace, 107
Bukhara, 47, 48
Bukharans, the, 26
Bulgaria, 59, 62, 63, 76, 82, 85, 86,

88, 94, 99, 102, 105, 115, 118, 120,

121, 130, 132, 138-140, 145. 180,

312; Prince of, 120
Bulgarian Church, 59; Constitu-
tion, 85, 86, 91; Deputation, 172;

National Assembly, 132, 133
Bulgarians, 62, 91, 112; petitions

of, 79-81
Burgas, 112
Burmah, 148
Burnaby, 105, 112
Burutina, 67
Buyukdere, 108, in
Byron, 108, 177, 178, 189, 233, 252

Cairo, 167, 170, 184, 187, 190-192,

194, 196, 198, 203, 204
Cairoli, 135
Calcutta, 184

354

INDEX

Calice, 91

Calvert, Consular Agent, 116

Calvin, 189

Cannes, 172

Canova, 180

Canton Thurgau, 190

Cardwell (U. S. Diplomatic
Agent and Consul General at
Cairo), 192

Carlsbad, 204

Carnarvon, Lord, 106

Carol (King of Roumania), 145

Castrocaro, 177

Catacazy, 130

Catherine, 243

Catherine, Grand Duchess, 143

Catherine I., 232

Catherine II., 82, 84, 240

Catherine, Queen, of Sweden, 38

Caucasus, the, 23, 208, 223, 226, 228,
253. 254

Cavendish, Lord and Lady Fred-
erick, 106

Century, the, 195

" Century Dictionary," 171

Cesnola, General di, 148

Chamberlain, Mr., 131

Chambers, General, 113, 115, 116,
120, 129

Charriere, Madame de, 189

" Chartreuse de Parme," 244

Chateaubriand, 186

Chaudordy, 90, 95

Chefket Pasha, 69, 75, 93

Chemnitz, 305, 313

Cherbuliez, 189

Chicago, 180, 308

" Childhood " (Tolstoy), 227, 251,
252

" Childhood and Boyhood," 299

Chillon, 189

China, 147

Chinese, the, 129

Chiozzia, 186

Christina, Queen, 186

Chur, 190

Circassians, the, 63, no, 112

Clarke, Campbell, 93

Coburg, Prince of, 172

Coffey, Mr., 31

" Colonial New York — Philip
Schuyler and his Family," 6

Colorado, 43

Columbia College, 17, 108; Uni-
versity, 179

" Confessions " (Tolstoy), 224,
231, 251, 272, 282

Conference, the, 85, 88, 90, 92-97,

99, 119, 121
Constant, Benjamin, 189
Constantinople, 54, 56, 57, 59, 60,

73, 75, 77, 81, 85, 88, 90, 91, 95-98,

100, 108, no, in, 114-116, 123,
125-127, 142, 153, 154, 165, 167,
184

Constantinovitch, Count Alexis

(Tolstoy), 232
Constanz, 189
Conway, Moncure D., letter from,

76
Cooper, 186
Coppet, 189
Corfu, 165
Corilla, 186
Corinne, 180, 186
Cornell University, 6, 169, 179
Correggio, 40
Corsica, 104

Corti, Count, 95, 100, 114, 124
Cosmopolitan Club, 106
Cossacks, 25
" Count Julian," 178
Cox, S. S., 18
Crete, 117

Crimea, the, 23, 227, 228
Currie, 96

Curtin, Andrew G., 31, 32, 34, 42
Cyclades, the, 167

Dagmar (Grand Duchess, now

Empress Dowager), 34
Daily News, London, 62, 64, 78, 118
Dalziel, 140

Danilefsky, 274, 294, 300
Dante, 178

Danube, the, 227, 319
Daphne, 154

Dardanelles, the, 114, 116, 120
" Dead House," the, 239
" Dead Souls," 239

355

INDEX

Dear-Bekir, 80

De Forest, Mr., 18

Dekeleia, 162, 163

Delos, 167

Denisof, 241

Denis-Davydof, 241

Derby, Earl of, 62, 63

Derkos, 113

Despatch, the, 117, 120, 124, 126

Diano Castello, 176

Diano Marina, 176

Diary, 93-96, 1 13-130

Dick, 231

Dickens, 237

Dilke, Ashton, 106

Dilke, Sir Charles, 105, 106

Dimitri, Tolstoy, 224, 225

Dimitroff, Peter, 65

Djura Beg, 46

Dolgoruky, 233

" Don Juan," 233

Dormer, General, 199

Dostoiefsky, 239

Dresden, 41, 233

Drina, the, 306

Droz, 188

Drubetskoy, 240, 241

Druzhinin, 229, '258, 259

Duff, Grant, 105

Dumas, Alexandre, 186, 236, 237

Eastlake, 40

Ebers, 19s

Edgebaston, 131

Edinburgh, Duke of, 119, 120

Edmunds, 185

Edwards, Miss A. B., 195

Egypt, 148, 188, 194, 197. 202

Egyptian Jews, the, 19s

" Egyptian Princess," 195

d'Ehrenhoff, 93

" Ein Neues Leben," 274, 275

Einsiedeln, 190, 195

Eleusis, 154

Eliot, George, 186

Elliot, Sir Henry, 61, 62, 91, 93, 96.

97, 100
Elliot, Lady, 93
Elliot, Miss, 93
Emir, the, 46, 47, 48

Emperor, the, of Russia, 34-36, 53.

120, 143, 160, 244
Empire, Ottoman, 103
Empress, the, of Russia, 3.4, 35, 120
England, 62, 64, 76, 77, 90, 101, 104,

130, 132, 149, 169, 187, 219, 236
English fleet, 114, 116, 117
Erasmus, 189
Erik XIV., 38
Erzeroum, no
Eski-Saara, 75
Euboea, 167
Euclid, 196

" Eugen Baumann," 274, 275
Eugene, Prince, 313
Europe, 76, 86, 95, 98, 105, 121, 126,

151, 211, 274, 279, 305
Evans, Arthur J., 320
Evening Post, 30, 275

Fallmerayer, 234
Farak, 192, 203
" Fathers and Sons," 20, 259
" Faust," 258, 259
Feodor Andreievitch (Tolstoy), 234
Feodor Petrovitch, Count (Tol-
stoy), 234
Ferdinand, Prince of Bulgaria, 172
Fet, 260, 262
Field, Cyrus, 174
Finland, 38, 39
Fish, Mr., 55, 103
Fiske, J. S., letters to, 73-75
Flaubert, 267

" Fliegende Hollander," 41
Florence, 186
Forster, Mr., 18
Forster, 105, 106
Foscolo, Ugo, 186
France, 98, 99, 130. 169,231,236,250
Frankfurt, 184
Franklin, General, 34, 37
Freeman, E. A., 78, 106, 320

Gabrovna, 75
Gaillard, Colonel, 120
Galata, 120

Galkin-Vrassky, Mr., 210
Gallipoli, no, 117

356

INDEX

Galloway, 115

Garda, Lago di, 179

Garfield, President, 149

Garfield, Mrs., 149

Gargiulo, 112, 114

Garrison, Mr., 285

Gazette, Pall Mall, 102

" Gebir," 178

Geneva, 189, 234

Geneva, New York, 44

Gennadius, 107

Genzano, 136

George, King (of the Hellenes),

154, i55. 161-164, 168
Germany, 98, 99, 231, 233, 236
Gibb, Mrs., 201
Gibbon, 10S, 189
Gladstone, W. E., 101-103, 105, 106,

132
Glinka, 210, 248
Godkin, E. L., 181
Goldoni, 1S6

Golovatchef, General, 128
Gontcharof, 229
Goodwin, Professor, 166
Gordon, 192

Gore-Browne, General, 107
Gortchakof, 235

Gortchakof, Prince, 35, 227, 244
Gosselin, 107
Gourko, 118
Grant, General, 106, 120, 122, 124-

128, 130
Grant, Mrs., 124-126, 133, 134
Grant, Jesse, 123
Grant, Louis Bedell, 191
Greece, 107, 136, 152, 158, 167, 168,

312
Greek Church, the, 164
Greeks, 112
Greene, Francis V., 113, 116-118,

121-123, 125, 128-130
Greenough, Professor, 166
Grigorovitch, 229
" Guelderland, History of," 134
Gustavus IV., 189

Haden-Keui, 113
Hadji-Petros, Colonel,
Hafiz Pasha, 67

156

Hague, the, 134

Haider Bey, 75

Hakluyt Society, 100

Hamburg, 233

Hampton, 147

Harcourt, 106

Hartley, Sir Charles, 105

Harvard, 166

Hawthorne, 187

Haxtun, Captain, 115

Helbert, 129

Helen, Grand Duchess, 209

Heliopolis, 196

Helsingfors, 38

Herald, New York, 49, 64, 171

Herodotus, 196

Herzegovina, 56, 68

Hesse, Prince Alexander of, 120

Hieropolis, 196

Higginson, Captain, 115, 124

Hohenzollern, 138

Holland, 133, 138

Hornby, Admiral, 115

Howard, Cardinal, 13s

Howard, Maurice, 173-175; letter

to, 200
Hoyos, 144
Hunt, Leigh, 186
Huss, John, 189

Ignatief, Countess, 91, 126, 129, 130
Ignatief, General, 93-93. 97_Ioo,

1 18-121, 125-127, 129, 130
Ikon, 163, 215
Illitch, Christo, 81
Illitch, Stef, 81
Ilya (Tolstoy), 216
India, 148
Indris, 231, 232

Iowa, 56; State University of, 179
Irtenief, 251, 252
Islam, 104
Ismail, 234
Ismailia, 204
d'Istria, 87

" Italian Immigration," 188
" Italian Influences," 186
Italy, 104, 170, 172, 236
Ithaca, New York, 3, 4. 7, 18, 44
Jaffa Railway, 114

357

INDEX

James, G. P. R., 186

Jansen, 134

Japan, 147

Jeremiah, 196

Jerusalem, 104, 114

Jewell, Marshall, 49, 50, 52, 55

Jews, 32

Johns Hopkins University, 169, 179

Jominis, the two, 189

Jones, 148

Joseph, 195, 196

Kalakaua, 148

" Kalevala," 20, 38

Karl, Archduke, 233

Karshi, 48

Karystos, 167

Kashgar, 129

Katkof, 207, 208, 237

Kaufmann, General, 52-54, 83, 128,
129

Kazala, 43

Kazan, 224, 225, 291, 293

Kazzanlyk, 75

Kearsarge, the, 161

Keller, Count, 113

Kenler, 190

Kennan, Mr., 210

Khiva, 44

Khodjent, 46

Khokand, "jy

Kief, 29

King, Charles, 108

King, Miss (Mrs. Eugene Schuy-
ler), letters to, 63, 71, 86, 92, 96-
101 ; marriage of, 108

King, Rufus, 108

King, the (of Roumania), 144, 169

King, the (of Serbia), 169

Kirghiz, 26

Kitab, 46

Klissura, 69

Kock, Paul de, 236, 237

Kokan, 42, 46, 47

Kolniscke Zeitung, 64

Konigsmark, Aurora von, 136

Kossovo, battle of, 306

Koszciuszko, 190

Kraguyevatz, 317, 318

Kryzhanofsky, General, 248

Kulm, battle of, 234
Kuragin, 240
Kutshura, 74
Kutuzof, 245

" Lalla Rookh," 13

" Lamentations," 196

Lancaster, the, 161, 162

Landor, 177

Lanskoy, Count, 210

Latouche-Treville, 114

Lausanne, 189

Lavater, 190

Lawson, 96

Layard, 114, 115. 126

Lazar, August Boyne de, 305

Lazar, Frederic de, 309

Lazar, King, 306, 307, 308, 319

Lazar, Prince, 306

Le Bon, 128

Leontief, 207

Leontius, 232

Leopold I., 190

" Le Roman Russe," 244

Leuchtenberg, Duke of, 244

Leuchtenberg, Prince Eugene, 119

Levant Herald, 114, 116, 121

Levin, 223, 252, 253, 270, 271

Lewis, Charlton, 18

Liguria, 171

Lincoln, 45

Liubimof, Professor, 207

Liuxiala, 38

Loftus, Lord Augustus, 132

" Lohengrin," 41

London, 56, 77, 78, 101, 105, 133,

140, 148, 150
Long, Dr., 62
Longfellow, 178
Longinof, 243
Louis Philippe, 190
" Lucerne," 253
Luther, 190
Luzerne, 190
Lynch, Jeremiah, 193, 194

Macedonia, 115

MacGahan, 44, 64, 96, H3» "5. "6»
119, 121, 123, 125, 129

358

INDEX

Mahmoud Pasha, no

Mahn, Dr., 17

Makarof, N., 214

Mantua, 186

Maragha, 194

Maria Feodorovna, Empress, 245

Marie Alexandrovna, Grand

Duchess, 36, 37
Marie Louise, 186
Marie (Tolstoy), 223, 224
Maritza, the, 73
Marlborough Club, 105
Marlborough House, 107
Marmora, Sea of, 112
" Marriages Abroad," 180
Marsh, Geo. P., 135
Matarieh, 196
Maynard, Mr. (U. S. Minister at

Constantinople), 75, 115, 124, 130
Maynard, James, 112, 117, 120
Maynard, Mrs., 117
Mediterranean, the, 100, 101
Mehemmed Ali Pasha, 127
Mentone, 172, 175
" Mes Memoires," 251
Metastasio, 186

Metropolitan, the Armenian, 117
Metropolitan, the (of Bulgaria),

139
Metropolitan, the (of Greece), 155
Metropolitan, the (of Roumania),

149
Metropolitan, the (of Russia), 34
Michael, St., Prince of Tcherni-

gof, 235
Michaeli Vodu, 156, 161
Michell, 32
Mijatovitch, Mr. (See Miyato-

vitch), 146
Mikailofsky-Danilefsky, 248
Milan, 245

Milan, Prince, 57, 58
Miliutin, 208
Miller, Lieut., 123
Millet, 118, 123, 125, 129
Milner-Gibson, 126
Milosh, 306

Milosh, Obilitch, 307, 308
Minnesota, 304, 305
Mirsky, 116

Miyatovitch (See Mijatovitch),

303, 3i3
Modena, 245
Molino di Sopra, 170
Monaco, 138

Montagu, Lady M. W., 186
Monte Carlo, 174, 175
Montenegro, 56, 119, 121
Moore, 178, 186
Morava, 317
Morgan, Lady, 186
Morloy, 114
Moscow, 21, 26, 29, 33, 42, 136, 207-

212, 214, 216, 224, 233, 239, 242,

243, 249, 250, 261-264, 272, 291, 294
Moscow Gazette, the, 207
Moses, 196
Motley, Mr., 106
Mott, General, 114
Mouy, 114
Mozart, 292
Mundella, 105
Murad I., 307, 308
Murad, no
Muravief-Karsky, Nikolai Niko-

laievitch, 246
Mussin-Pushkin, 225
Mussulmans, 67, 70, 112, 312

Mzensk, 269

Nadustratz, Yefrem, 311

Namyk Pasha, 117

Naples, 186, 232

Napoleon, 186, 233, 234, 236, 249

Napoleon, Jerome, 188

Napoleon, Louis, 190

Nation, the, 18, 179, 180, 185, 186,

203, 285
Nekhliudof, Prince, 233
Nemi, 136
Neuchatel, 188, 189
Neva, the, 36
New Englander, 18
New Haven, 17
New Path, the, 18
Nepi Princeton Review, 180
New York, 4, 39, 49
New York (City), 3, 44, 55
Nice, 172
Nicholas, Emperor, 229, 238

359

INDEX

Nicholas, Grand Duke, 94, 11S,

123, 125, 127, 128, 130
Nicholas (Tolstoy), 223, 224
Nicholson, Admiral, 161
Nihilism, 238, 272
Nikolas Hitch (Tolstoy), 234
Nile, the, 191, 194, 197. 198
North American, the, 18, 19, 180,

181, 185
Norton, C. E., 19
Novikof, 243, 253
Nykerk, 134

Obilitch, 306, 317, 3-0

Obilitch, Andria, 309, 311, 313. 3*6

O'Connell, Dr., 135

Odessa, 28, 95. J4i

Odoiefsky, Prince, 22, 23, 207, 208,

211, 212

Odoiefsky, Princess, 207, 210-213,
242

Ofrosimof, Madame, 241

Olenin, 252, 253

Olympia, 167

Onore, 116

Orel, 266

Orenburg, 25, 26, 42, 43, 213

Orr, Mr., 42, 49

Osten Sacken, Baron, 53

Osten Sacken, Countess, 224

Osterman, Count Feodor (Tol-
stoy), 234

Osterman, Count Ivan (Tolstoy),

234
Osterman-Tolstoy, Count, 233
Ostrofsky, 229
Otho, 160
Oxford, 320

Pakoff, 37

Palazzo Altemps, 135

Palgrave, 106

ranaguiourichte, 80

Panagurishta, 66, 70

Paracelsus, 189, 195

Paris, 21, 36, 58, 105, 107, 120, 148-

150, 184, 231
Paris, Comte de, 106, 107
Parma, 170, 186, 245
Paul, Emperor, 234

Paul, Grand Duke, 160, 166

Pavlofsky, 260

Payerm, 189

Pears, 116

Pennsylvania, 32

Pentelicus, Mt., 154

Pera, 81, 93, 109, 126, 127, 14-

Peroffsky, Fort, 44

Perushtitsa, 66, 74

Pestalozzi, 189

Peter, 232

Peter Parley, 286

Peter of Savoy, 189

Peter the Great, 163

" Peter the Great, Life of," 133.
13S, 137. 140, 164, 165, 179

Petritch, 69

Petroffsky, 45

Petrofsky, 53

Phare de Bosphore, 115

Phelps (U. S. Minister at Vien-
na), 148

Philippopolis, 61, 70, 71, 74, 7$, 86,
89

Pierre, 252-254

Pierrepont, Mr., 106

Piraeus, 154

Pisa, 178, 186

Plato, 196
Plevna, no

Poles, the, 233

Political Science Quarterly, 188

Pol on sky, 264, 269-270

Torte, the, 60-62, 88, 90, 98, 99, n3>

"5
Porter, John A., 20
Possagno, 179
Post, the, 181
Pcussin, 40
Fraga, 233
Prangius, 188
President, the (Grant), 55
" Prince Serebryanny," 232
Prince, the (of Bulgaria), 138, 139
Prince, the (of Serbia), 142, 146
Prinkipo, 117, 119
Prussia, King of, 315
Pushkin, 209, 210, 239, 290
Pyramids, the, 193
Pythagoras, 196

360

INDEX

Queen, the (of the Hellenes), 155,

160, 162-164, 166
Queen, the (of Roumania), 144,

M5
Queenstown, 21
Quirinal, the, 135

Radetsky, 116

Radolinsky, Count, 124

Radonitch, 119

Raphael, 40

Rapperschwyl, igo

Rasgrad, 121

Ravestyn, 134

Read (U. S. Minister at Athens),
155

Red Book, 52, 53

Reouf Pasha, 130

Reuss, Prince, 124

Revel, 29, 31

Reynolds, 40

Riviera, the, 170, 199, 201, 219

Robert College, 61, 62, 64

Robeson, Captain, 124

Rocky Mountains, 39

Rodosto, 112, 113

Rogers, 186

" Roi des Montagnes," 155

Rome, 131, 133, i34> 137. 150-152,
159, 183, 184, 186

Rossini, 186

Rostoptchin, Count, 241, 245, 230

Roumania, 138, 152

Roumania, Prince of, 9S

Roumanian Government, the, 137

Roumele Hissar, 64

Round Table, the, 18

Rousseau, 189

Royal Asiatic Society, English, 92

Royal Geographical Society, Eng-
lish, 92

Rumpelmayer, 174

Rurik, 208, 235

Ruskin, 40, 180, 186

Russia, 20, 28, 31, 32, 39, 49, 53, 54,
76, 84-86, 93, 94, 96, 104, 109, 130,
187, 207, 208, 210, 214, 228, 230, 235,
242, 254, 256, 263, 272, 275, 276,
282, 299

Russia, Emperor of, 132, 143, 160,209

Russian Archives, the, 208, 238
Russian Government, the, 53, 54
Russian Messenger, the, 207, 237,

243
Russians, the (in Asia), 52
Rustchuk, 139

Saadoullah, 121

Sackingen, 189

Safvet Pasha, 94, 93, 113, 117, 121

St. Gall, 189, 190

St. Petersburg, 21, 22, 39-43, 48-50,
52, 54, S6» S2-84, 120, 130, 207, 209,
212, 229, 230, 234, 243, 256, 292

St. Sophia, 92, 115

Sainte-Beuve, 21

Sala, George Augustus, 93, 100, 107

Salisbury, Lord, 90, 91, 93-100

Salisbury, Lady, 91

Salo, 179

Salonica, 93

Saltykof, Madame, 240

Saltytchikha, the, 240

Samara, 270, 276

Samarcand, 42, 47, 48

Sandwich Islands, 147, 148

San Francisco, 194

San Michele, 204

San Remo, 175

San Stefano, 118, 119, 121, 122, 123-
128, 130

Saratof, 42, 43

Saros, Gulf of, 117

Sava, the, 306, 309

Saxe-Weimar, Grand Duchess of,
116

Saxony, 305, 308, 317

Schaeffer, Mrs., letters to, 186, 194

Schleppel, 189

Schliemann, 157

Schliemann, Madame, 157

Schneider, Mr., 64, 119, 121

Schongraben, 246

Schopenhauer, 237

Schuyler, Eugene, birth and an-
cestry, 3; boyhood and youth, 8-
20; Consul at Moscow, 21-31;
visit to Orenburg, 25, 26; Con-
sul at Revel, 31 ; Secretary of
Legation in St. Petersburg, 31-

36l

INDEX

56; journey to Central Asia, 42-
49; Consul General and Secre-
tary of Legation at Constanti-
nople, 56-130; visits to Bulgaria,
63-81, 86-89; Consul at Birming-
ham, 131-133; Consul General at
Rome, 134-136; Charge d'Af-
faires and Consul General at Bu-
carest, 137-152; visit to America,
149-152; Minister to Greece,
Serbia, and Roumania, 152-169;
visit to America, 169; residence
in Alassio, 170-190; Diplomatic
Agent and Consul General at
Cairo, 187-204

Schuyler, Mrs. Eugene, 161-163,
173. i77> 180, *9°'> letters to, 141-
149, 192

Schuyler, George Washington, 4-8

Schuyler, Mrs. G. W., 7, 8

Schuyler, Philip Pieterse, 4

Schuyler, Walter, 39

Scott, Mrs., 84

Scott, Sir Walter, 174

Scribner, Matilda (Mrs. G. W.
Schuyler), 6

Scribner, U. R., 7

Scribner' s Monthly, 135, 185

Secretary of State, the, 55

Sedgwick, Miss, 186

Segurs, the, 250

Seraskierat, the, 127

Serbia, 56, 57, 58, 121, 146, 152, iOS>,
303-306, 309, 312, 318

Serge (Tolstoy), 216, 222

Serof, 212

Sessbeicin, A. Enuceron, 89

Sevastopol, 229, 248, 254, 256, 300

Shabatz, 306, 309, 312

Shakespeare, 268

Shams-el-Nessin, 199

Shaw, 132

Sheffield, 214

Shelley, 177, 178, 189

Sherman, General, 130

Sherman (Senator), 185

Shipka Pass, the, 116

Shumadia, 306, 309, 311, 312

Shumla, 139

Siam, 148

Siberia, 42, 238, 239

Sickles, General, 143

Silesia, 314

Silivria, 113

Simpheropol, 229

Sinaia, 144

Skobelef, 113, 116, 128, 129

Skobelef, General, 119

Slichtenhorst, Arent van, 134

Slichtenhorst, Hendrik van, 134

Sliven, 70

Slivno, 74, 75

Smalley, G. W., 105, 106

Smith, 148

Smith, Eustace, 106

Smith, Goldwin, 106

Smollett, 180, 186

" Smoke," 255

Sobolefsky, 211

Sofea Andreievna (Countess Tol-
stoy), 215, 222, 299

Sokol, 306, 311, 312

Sophia, 70

Sordello, 186

Soudan, the, 192

Southey, 178

" Souvenirs," 251

Souzo, Hospodar, 156

Souzo, Prince, 156

Spain, 23

Spasskoe, 255, 268, 270, 272

Spedding, 106

Sphinx, the, 193

Stael, Madame de, 185, 186, 189

Stamboul, 103, 112

Stamford, Mrs. Leland, 156, 157

Stanley, 194

Stanley, Lady, of Alderley, 107

Staro-Lidovskaya, 227

Stchetmin, 235

Stebatchef, 119

Steherbatchef, 121, 130

Stendhal, 186, 244, 245

Stillwater-on-the-Hudson, 4

Stockmar, 190

Stoilof, 139

Strangford, Lady, 87

Stremoukhoff, 53

Sturgis, Russell, letters to, 22, 166,
167, 171

362

INDEX

Suez, 204

Suez Canal, 37

Suleiman, 192, 193

Sultan, the, 104, in, 112, 127, 128,

130
Suvarof, 232

" Swiss Associations," 189
Switzerland, 187

Taine, 21

Tamerlane, 307

Tangiers, 183

Tashkent, 42, 44

Tatiana (Tolstoy), 216

Taunton, 101

Tchaldja, 113

Tchardjui, 48

Tchekmedje, 113

Tcherkasky, Prince, 208

Tcherlow, 112

Tchernaya, battle of the, 228

Tchernigof, 231

Telegraph, Daily, 93, 96

Tell, William, 190

Terek, the, 227

Thayer, Professor, 166

" The Cossacks," 218, 227, 251, 254,

267
" The Decembrists," 238, 239
" The Incursion," 227
" The Morning of a Proprietor,"

225
Theocritus, 166
Therapia, m
The Times (Russian), 259
Thiers, 248, 249
Thorwaldsen, 186
" Thousand Miles up the Nile,"

i9S
Thrace, 115

Thurn, Fraiilein von, 136
Times, London, 28, 83
Times, the, 123
Timmins, Samuel, 131
Tinos, 167
Tirnova, 70, 75, 133
Tiuchef, 208
Tobolsk, 183
Tolstoy, Count Leo, 21, 26, 27, 185,

186, 207, 210, 212, 213, 216-220,

223-225, 227-232, 235, 236, 238, 239,

242, 244, 245, 249-267, 269, 270, 272-

275, 278, 280-284, 285, 286, 289, 290,

293-299
Tophane, 123
Toppfer, 189
Touchard, Captain, 114
Trandafil, 68
Trebizond, no
Tribune, the, 85, 121, 126, 127
Tricoupis, 157, 159
Tricoupis, Miss, 158, 159
Trockurof, 235
Troppmann, 231
Trubetskoy, 235, 241
Tseretelef, Prince, 64, 74, 75, 93,

94, 116, 119, 121, 129
Tsesarevitch, the, 34, 35
Tuckerman, C. K., 119
Tula, 214, 216, 263, 266, 298
Turguenief, 20, 21, 210, 223, 229-

231, 254, 255. 259-266, 268-273
Turkey, 45, 46, 59, 89, 96, 104, 123,

128, 131, 227
Turkish fleet, 117
Turkish Parliament, 114
Turkistan, 54, 102
" Turkistan," 92, 128
Turkomans, 52
Turks, the, 58-61, 66-68, 72, 86, 87,

89, 93-100, 103-105, in, 113, 114.

121, 123, 126, 127, 131, 140, 306,

307, 310. 312. 3i3
Tuttle, Herbert, letters to, 184,

187
Twiller, Rykert van, 134

" Uarda," 195

Undine, the, 167

United States, y6, 261, 304, 305

Ura Tube, 46

Ural, the, 26

Urgut, 46

Urutsi, 71

Vadian, 190

Valnief, Count, 54

Vandalia, the, 99, 122-124, 126-128

Van Rensselaer, 134

Vatel, 188

363

INDEX

Venice, 179, 186, 204, 316

Verestchagin, 273

Viega, 69

Vienna, 41, 85, 147, 148, 151, 171,

173
Vieusseux, 178
Vincent, Sir Edgar, 140
Vivian, Lady, 192
Vladimir, Grand Duchess, 143
Vladimir, Grand Duke, 26, 53
Vladimir, the, 129
Vlangali, General, 53
Vogue, Vicomte de, 244
Volga, the, 25, 42, 276, 290
Volkonsky, 241, 242
Volkonsky, Princess Marie, 234
Voltaire, 189, 225
Voronovo, 24s
Vrefsky, Baron, 228
Vuk Brankovitch, 307

Wagner, 41

Wales, Prince of, 107

" War and Peace," 213, 218, 219,

233. 236-239, 243, 250, 251, 264,

267, 269, 291, 299
Washburn, Dr., 61
Washington, 28, 54, 55, 103, 124,

144, 149, 152, 169, 182, 184, 197
Waterloo, 244, 245

Watts, Mr. and Mrs., 174
" Wood-cutting," 228
Woolson, Constance, 198
Wordsworth, 178
World, the, 30
Wortley, Lady Mary, 180
Wright, Arthur W., 15

Yale College, 11, 20

Yale University, 15, 179

Yamboli, 71, 74, 75

Yasenki, 214

Yasnaya Polyana, 26, 27, 214, 216,

219, 223, 225, 230, 262, 263, 266,

275, 281, 283, 290, 294, 299
Ycung, John Russell, 123
" Youth " (Tolstoy), 228, 251, 2$~,

237
Yushkof, General, 290-292
Yushkof, Madame, 215, 224, 293,

294
Yverdon, 189

Zancoff, Mr., 140, 145
Zeitung, Kblnische, 64
Zia, Yussuf, 104, 114
Zichy, Count, 91, 95, 100
Zschokke, 189
Zurich, 187-190
Zwingli, 190

364

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