Selected orations and letters; with historical introduction, an outline of the Roman constitution, notes, excursuses, vocabulary, and index by Harold W. Johnston

?A

6278

1892.

UC-NRLF

THE LIBRARY

OF

THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA

IN MEMORY OF

PROFESSOR WILLIAM MERRILL

AND
MRS. IMOGENE MERRILL

BINDI
NtS

1 Intercollegiate ILatin Series

M. TULLI CICERONIS ORATIONES ET EPISTOLAE SELECTAE

r SELECTED
ORATIONS AND LETTERS

OF

ICICEKO

I — — /

'

WITH HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, AN OUTLINE OF THE ROMAN CON-
STITUTION, NOTES, EXCURSUSES, VOCABULARY, AND INDEX

HAROLD W. JOHNSTON, PH.D.

PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN ILLINOIS COLLEGE, AND LATE PRINCIPAL OF
WH1PPLE ACADEMY

CHICAGO
ALBERT, SCOTT AND CO.

1892

GIFT

COPYRIGHT, 1891,
BY ALRERT, SCOTT & Co.

C. J. PETERS & SON,

TYPOGRAPHERS AND ELECTROTYPERS.

145 HIGH STREET, BOSTON, U.S.A.

THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED TO MY SUCCESSOR IN
WHIPPLE ACADEMY,

principal Sosepl) $1, Barker, 2LJC,

WITHOUT WHOSE ENCOURAGEMENT IT WOULD NOT HAVE BEEN

BEGUN, AND TO WHOSE PRACTICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE

NEEDS OF SCHOOLS IT OWES WHATEVER MERIT

AS A SCHOOL BOOK IT MAY POSSESS.

PREFACE.

THIS edition of Cicero's Orations and Letters is intended
for the use of secondary schools. It differs in several respects
from those already in general use and, as these differences are
the only apology for its publication, I desire to call attention
to them at the outset.

I. The Selection of Orations is very different from the
usual one, and the Letters have not before been published
with the Orations. Twelve years' experience in reading Cicero
with pupils of from thirteen to nineteen years of age has
taught me that their chief difficulty in understanding the
author lies on the historical side. To read understandingly
the orations against Verres, for the Manilian Law, against
Catiline, for Archias, Milo and Marcellus, and against Antony,
even in chronological order, requires a more minute acquaint-
ance with Roman history than the average schoolboy possesses,
and the case is worse when these orations are read in order of
" ease," " merit," or " interest." I have, therefore, tried to
lessen a difficulty which I could not wholly remove, by limit-
ing the field of historical study. I have taken the Con-
spiracy of Catiline as the main theme, following it up with
Cicero's Exile and his Feud with Clodius. The period covered
is only from one-third to one-half as long as the usual one,
and is the most interesting in the life of Cicero. The orations
given are arranged in chronological order : Against Catiline,

8 PREFACE.

I., II., for Murena, against Catiline, III., IV., for Sulla, for
Sestius, and for Milo. The period between the Sulla and
Sestius is covered by a selection of twenty-three Letters,
equivalent to three of the shorter orations usually given.
The amount of text is greater than in any other school edition,
and the student will find in the specious reasoning of the
' Sulla, the despairing weakness of the Letters, and the passion-
ate self-justification of the Sestius, better material for an
estimate of Cicero's character than in the Manilian Law, the
Archias, the Marcellus, and the one or two Philippics which
they have displaced^ In the text edition, however, which
accompanies this, I have included the Manilian Law and the
Archias for the purpose of giving material for reading at
sight and with dictated notes.

II. The Introductory Matter is much fuller than in similar
books. It is divided into two parts : The first contains the
life of Cicero and an estimate of his character, together with
an unusually full account of the events which are treated of in
the orations and letters following. The second part contains
an outline of the Roman Constitution as it was in Cicero's
time. It has seemed to me better to put this matter in a
connected form, however imperfect it may be, than to scatter
it through the book in the form of introductions and notes to
the several orations. The matter is divided into sections,
which are numbered, and to these sections reference is con-
stantly made in the notes. The teacher should have the
second part merely read over in the class-room, making such
explanations and adding such illustrations as may be neces-
sary. The first part should then be assigned for study in
convenient lessons as far as § 50 before commencing to read
the first oration ; the rest may be taken in order as directed

PREFACE. 9

in the notes on the title of each oration and letter. The con-
stant references in the notes will help the student to retain
what he has thus learned and recited.

III. The Text presents some peculiarities. I have adopted
that of C. F. W. Miiller for the Orations, and A. S. Weseriberg
for the Letters, both contained in the former's complete
edition of Cicero's works in Teubner's series. I believe that
this approaches more closely than any other to what Cicero
actually wrote. But as printed here, the following changes
should be noticed : 1. Where the editors supplied words
necessary to the sense but lacking in the MSS. they printed
them in italics — I have left them undistinguished by the
type. 2. Where the editors found in the MSS., words that
they did not think Cicero's, they enclosed them in brackets

— I have omitted both the brackets and the words. 3. Where
the editors found passages defective, or senseless and defying
reconstruction, they marked them by an asterisk or an obelisk

— I have omitted all such passages entirely. With these
three exceptions, the Teubner text is here given. I have
made these changes in order to furnish a clear, straightfor-
ward, readable text, which would make unnecessary the
suggestion or discussion of various readings.

IV. The Notes are placed upon the same page as the text,
for the convenience of both teachers and students, but a
separate text is furnished to prevent the improper use of the
notes in the class-room. These notes are intended to assist
the pupil in the harder places, and to call his attention to
such matters as will help him to a knowledge of the Latin
language and of the life and thought of the men who used it.
.It follows, therefore, that they are to be studied and recited,
not merely consulted or neglected at the pleasure of the

10 PREFACE.

student. Three principles have been carefully regarded in
their preparation : 1st. They are brief and pointed, and their
tone is positive. In the many places where scholars disagree,
and certainty is impossible, I have given that explanation
only which seems to me the best, without a hint of other
possibilities. The discussion which is so stimulating and
profitable in college classes, I believe to be out of place in the
preparatory school. 2d. It is assumed that what is once
learned will be retained, and no notes are intentionally
repeated. When an illustration occurs of a usage that has
already been explained the student is merely referred to one
or more passages where his attention has been called to it,
a key word (case, mood, tense, etc.) being always given to
assist him in getting the point desired. The teacher should
insist upon a full transcription of at least one of the pas-
sages cited, with an explanation of the principle involved.
3d. Great care has been taken in making references to other
books to limit these to such books as each student must and
does possess. I assume that he has a Latin Grammar (Allen
& Greenough's, Gildersleeve's, Harkness', or Preble's revision
of Andrews & Stoddard's), a school History of Home (Allen's,
Creighton's, Myers', or Pennell's) and an edition of Caesar's
Gallic War, I.-IV. To these books I make frequent reference
and to absolutely no others. I have also confined quotations
from other Latin authors to the four books of Caesar, which
are read before Cicero is begun, and to a few passages from
Sallust which are printed in extenso, and are meant to be
studied in connection with the Orations against Catiline.
Even in case of references to other parts of this book the
student is never referred to a passage in advance of the
chapter on which the note is given — provided, of course, that

PREFACE. 11

the orations and letters are taken as arranged in the book and
the Introduction as suggested above. I am sure that these
three principles are pedagogically sound, whether or not I
have successfully applied them.

V. The Vocabulary is intended to contain all the words
found in the text here given, and in addition all those in
Verres L, Philippica XIV., Archias, Marcellus, Deiotarus, and
the Manilian Law, editions of which I hope to furnish soon
for supplementary reading. I shall be grateful to the student
who will call my attention to words omitted.

VI. The Index will be found useful for purposes of reference
and topical study.

VII. Passages for Ketranslation have not been included
in the book, as it seemed wisest to have them in a separate
manual. An excellent little book of this kind has been
prepared by Professor J. D. S. Eiggs, of GranvilLe Academy,
whose In Latinum has already been introduced into many of
our schools.

No claim is made for originality in the matter here given.
I have drawn freely from all sources accessible to me, chiefly
English and German. Besides the standard Histories of
Home and Latin Literature, and the Dictionaries of An-
tiquities, I have used for the Introduction the biography of
Cicero by Trollope, Gow's Companion to School Classics, and
the introductions to the editions mentioned below. For the
Notes, I have used the editions of the several orations and
letters by Halm & Laubmann, and Hofmann & Anderson in
Weidmann's series, by Kichter, Koch, Eberhard, Landgraf,
and Frey in Teubner's series, by Hachtmann and Bouterwek
in the Gotha series, by Eeid, Heitland, and Purton in the-
Pitt Press series, by Wilkins and Holden in Macmillan's

12 PREFACE.

series, by Upcott, Watson, and Pritchard & Bernard in the
Clarendon Press series, and by Siipfle, Muirhead, and Long.
I have not consulted any American editions while preparing
my notes ; but I have used for twelve years with one or more
classes daily the editions of Professors Harkness, Chase &
Stuart, and Allen & Greenough, and it is impossible that I
should not have reproduced in many places their thoughts,
perhaps even their very words. In any event, my debt to
them is very great.

Finally, I must acknowledge the great assistance given me
in the correction of references and revision of the proofs by
my former pupil, Mr. Frederick W. Sanford, B. S., of the
Jacksonville High School.

OAK WOOD, Dec. 1st, 1891.

LIFE OF CICERO.

PLACE IN ROMAN HISTORY.

MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO (106-43 *), is the most promi- 1
nent figure in the history of the last years of the republic.
Born in an obscure country town, his family of the middle
class only, without the prestige of wealth or noble birth,
brought into contact with some of the greatest men Kome
ever produced, — Sulla, Caesar, Pompeius, Antonius, Octavi-
anus, — aided only by his natural talent, high ambition,
and tireless industry, he left a name remarkably free from
moral reproach, prominent in politics, incomparable in
literature, the second, if not the first, in oratory.

His PRIVATE LIFE. — Judged by the standard of to-day 2
— a standard by which Cicero alone of all the Romans is
ever judged — his character was not spotless. He was
intensely vain, hot tempered, not always considerate of his
friends, vindictive toward his enemies, extravagant and
selfish. On the other hand, his morals were conspicuously
pure. In an age of corruption and social degeneracy he
was always above all scandal and reproach. He was merci-
ful and compassionate to his slaves ; his dealings with the
poor and helpless were just and humane. The lifelong 3
devotion of Atticus and Tiro testify to his amiable and*
affectionate nature ; his defence of E/oscius, Sestius, and
Milo to his courage and loyalty. His tenderness to his
daughter Tullia and his love for his brother Quintus touch
us still. His wealth was acquired honorably, and, if spent-
* B. C. is to be understood with all dates in this book.
13

14 LIFE OF CICERO.

lavishly, was spent on books and villas and works of art,
not on the gratification of the meaner passions. His
domestic relations became unhappy. After thirty years of
married life he divorced Terentia. He married a young
heiress and divorced her too. The sufferings of Tullia
caused him the keenest sorrow, and his only son was
dissipated and incapable. He found distraction, however,
in his studies, and consolation in philosophy.

4 His POLITICAL CAREER. — Cicero's political career began
with his quaestorship in Sicily in 75. At the earliest legal
age he became aedile and praetor. In 63 he was consul,
and suppressed the conspiracy of Catilina. In 58 he was
exiled, but was soon recalled. During the so-called first
triumvirate he was kept in the background, neglected alike
by friends and foes. During the civil war (49-45), after
long and anxious hesitation, he espoused the cause of
Pompeius against Caesar, but was finally reconciled to the
latter, and lived on friendly terms with him until his
assassination. He took no part in the plot against Caesar's
life, but openly exulted in the deed of the conspirators.
For a short time his early vigor reasserted itself, and he
headed the patriotic party against the new triumvirate.
When the cause of the republic was finally lost, he was
among the first to fall a victim to the proscription. He
was murdered in 43 at the age of 63.

5 Cicero was a patriot — as a politician he was a failure. He
seemed unable to comprehend the tendencies of the times,
the fickleness of the people, the rottenness of the aristoc-
racy, the insufficiency of the old constitution. He was
short-sighted, hesitating, by turns lenient to weakness, and
^iarsh to cruelty. He was easily swayed by circumstances,
and often the tool of unscrupulous men. He lacked the
far-seeing statesmanship, self-control, and resolute deter-
mination that gave Caesar the victory, and the disinterested-
ness of purpose and stubbornness of will that made Cato
great in defeat. But Augustus said of him, " He loved his

.

PLACE IN ROMAN HISTORY. 15

country." His motives were pure, his integrity unim-
peached, and he laid down his life for the republic.

His POSITION IN LITERATURE. — To the pursuit of litera- 6
ture Cicero brought extraordinary intellectual capabilities,
a strong imagination, refined and elevated tastes, and habits
of application that excite our amazement. His learning
was great, — Varro alone of his contemporaries surpassed
him, — and to the end of his life he read and studied inces-
santly. His memory, like Macaulay's, was always in action,
and he seems to have easily run over the immense accumu-
lations of his intellect. He raised the Latin language to
the highest plane of its development ; Ciceronian Latin
means all that is clear, direct, and forcible. It is doubtful
whether any writer of any age has been more widely read ; it
is certain that none has exercised a more powerful influence
upon the world. There is no style of literature that he did
not attempt ; but it is to rhetoric, philosophy, and his let-
ters that he chiefly owes his fame. In the first two his 7
services to the Roman world as the mediator of Greek cul-
ture are beyond estimation ; he was the first apostle to the
Romans. His letters are to us a still more priceless treas-
ure. They are a complete history of the times, bringing
before us most vividly the last days of the republic. They
are more than eight hundred in number and of various styles,
some mere records of the events of the day, a few carefully
prepared for publication as political pamphlets, the larger
number friendly communications on all sorts of subjects to
all sorts of people, revealing the writer's most personal
relations and thoughts with the most transparent and en-
gaging candor. Many of the letters of his correspondents
too are preserved among them, and add still more, if possi-
ble, to their value.

CICERO AS AN ORATOR. — Quintilian says of him : Apud 8
posteros id est consecutus, ut Cicero iam non hominis
nomen sed eloquentiae habeatur. In clearness, fulness,
life, and energy of style, he has never been surpassed. He

16

LIFE OF CICERO.

made for every speech the most careful and conscientious
preparation, and handled his subjects with the most con-
summate skill. He could confuse a thing when he chose,
and weave a web of sophistry almost impossible to disen-
tangle. What he wished to make clear he could put in the
simplest, plainest, most forcible way, and he generally did
9 it in the shortest sentences. He could be humorous, sarcas-
tic, pathetic, ironical, satirical, and when he was malignant
his mouth was most foul and his bite most venomous. His
orations are distinguished by variety and rapid change of
sentiment. His delivery was impassioned and fiery, his
voice strong, full, and sweet, his figure tall, graceful,
and impressive. He possessed a wonderful influence over
the senses and feelings of his hearers, and when other
counsel were associated with him it was usual for Cicero to
be the last to address the jury. By universal consent he is
placed side by side with Demosthenes, or at least close
after him. He surpassed the great Attic orator in variety
and brilliancy, but lacked his moral earnestness and conse-

10 quent impressiveness. In all ages he has been the model
and despair of the greatest orators. Petrarch and Erasmus,
Chatham and Burke, Webster, Everett, and Choate, have
all felt and owned the powerful influence of his example.

We know of over one hundred orations which he deliv-
ered; fifty-seven have been preserved entire, some twenty
others in a fragmentary condition. We do not have them,
however, in the precise form in which they were delivered,
because it was his custom to prepare his speeches for pub-
lication by removing the parts of less permanent interest,
and revising the rest.

TO THE CANVASS FOR THE CONSULSHIP.

11 His EARLY EDUCATION. — Cicero was born on the 3d of
January, 106, at Arpinum, an old town in the land of the
Volsci and the birthplace of Gaius Marius also. As a mere
boy he attracted attention by his decided talent and resolu-

TO THE CANVASS FOR THE CONSULSHIP. 17

tion to excel, and he was early destined by his father's wish
and his own choice to a public career. His family belonged
to the equestrian order (p. 56, § 18) which had maintained
since the time of the Gracchi the attitude of moderate oppo-
sition to the senatorial, or conservative party, and none of his
ancestors had ever been a magistrate. Forced, therefore, to 12
rely upon his own merits to recommend him to the people, he
devoted himself with all his might to the study of oratory,
which was then, even more than law is now, the gateway to
a political career. The best teachers of rhetoric — and they
were chiefly Greeks — were his; but he visited the forum
daily to listen to those orators of his own country whose
eloquence was most admired, especially Lucius Crassus and
Marcus Antonius. He was a diligent student of Roman
law also, under the Scaevolae, and this knowledge was after-
wards of great value to him. He read with unflagging 13
zeal the best Greek writers, especially the poets, and of
these Homer above all others ; and from them he derived a
wealth of noble and exalted ideas, and the beauty of style
which he conspicuously possessed. But to complete his
ideal of a well-rounded orator and statesman he added
philosophy and logic to his studies, having for his teachers
representatives of the three chief schools, Phaedrus the
Epicurean, Diodotus the Stoic, and Philo the Academic,
To this list of his instructors must be added the famous
rhetorician Molo, who had come to Rome as ambassador
from Rhodes.

His FIRST CASES. — Thus prepared, Cicero in his twenty- 14
sixth year, in 81, commenced his career as an advocate. It
was customary for young men to make their first bid for
notoriety and public favor by bringing a criminal suit, on
good grounds or none, against some prominent but unpopular
man : so Caesar, in 77, unsuccessfully prosecuted Dolabella.
Cicero, however, preferred the more honorable course of
appearing for the defence, and in his first public case, in 80,
he spoke in behalf of Sextius Roscius, charged with parri-

18

JFE OF CICERO.

cide. This was the justest case that Cicero ever championed ;
and the courage with which he opposed the favorite of the
dictator Sulla, and exposed the corruption of the Sullan
reign of terror, brought him into immediate prominence.

15 It may be that he feared the resentment of Sulla, for the
next year (79), pleading ill health and the need of further
study, he went to Athens and thence to Asia and Rhodes.
In Athens he studied for six months under the most famous
philosophers, and there formed his memorable friendship
with Titus Pomponius Atticus. In Asia also he visited
the most distinguished masters of eloquence ; but it was at
Rhodes, and under the same Molo whose lectures he had
heard at Rome, that he profited the most. Under the in-
fluence of his criticisms Cicero put aside "the juvenile
superfluities and redundancies " that had marred his earlier
style.

16 His QUAESTORSHIP. — Greatly improved, — prope mutatus
he calls it, — he returned to Rome in 77 (Sulla had died in
78) and resumed his labors in the courts. His talent, skill,
and unselfishness so recommended him to the people that
when in 76 he offered himself for the quaestorship, an
office (p. 56, § 14) carrying with it a seat in the senate, he
was unanimously elected. As quaestor (75) he was sent to
Sicily, at that time the chief source of the corn supply of
Rome, and his honorable administration did much to recon-
cile the provincials to the burdensome exactions of the
government. All his spare time was devoted to study, and
at the expiration of his year of office he returned to Rome
with the confidence and esteem of the whole province.

17 He soon found, however, that in his absence he had been
forgotten : even his efforts to supply the city with food
during the scarcity had been unnoticed or unappreciated.
This fired him to still greater activity, and he formed the
resolution to stay in the city as much as possible, and live
and work under the eyes of the people. Consequently,
while the slave war raged in Italy, while the pirates defied

TO THE CANVASS FOE THE CONSULSHIP. 19

the power of Rome upon the seas, while Lucullus fought
against Mithradates and Tigranes in the east, Cicero was
daily busy in the forum, always at the service of all who
needed his assistance. None of the speeches, however,
which he delivered in these years (75-72) have come down
to us.

His AEDILESHIP. — Cicero's political attitude up to this 18
time is very uncertain. He seems to have acquiesced in
the triumph of Sulla as an earnest of peace and order, but
to have revolted at the tyranny and cruelty of the dictator.
Neither are we thoroughly acquainted with his relations to
Pompeius, the spoiled favorite of the senate, who had re-
turned victorious from Spain in 71, had quarrelled immedi-
ately with his party, had nevertheless gained the consulship
in 70, and had set about the undoing of Sulla's constitution.
But we do know that Cicero, who in 70 was elected aedile
(p. 66, § 64 f.) for 69, took advantage of the trial of Gains
Verres to pose as the zealous champion of the people's
rights. Verres had been propraetor of Sicily for three 19
years, and had shamefully abused and plundered the prov-
ince. On the expiration of his term of office the Sicilians
brought suit against him for extortion, laying damages at
$2,000,000. Bound by a promise given during his quaestor-
ship Cicero departed from his custom and undertook their
case, thus appearing for the first time as prosecutor in a
public cause. He made the case a political one by publish-
ing through Rome his intention to proceed against Verres
not as an individual but as a type. He promised to expose 20
in this trial the corruption of the senate's system of ad-
ministering the provinces, which had made the title of
governor a synonym for plunderer and extortioner. He
also promised to uncover the rottenness of the senatorial
courts which had regularly acquitted offenders notoriously
as guilty as Verres, and had unblushingly divided with
them the spoil. The case of Verres is closely connected
with the proceedings of Pompeius* against the senate.

20 LIFE OF CICERO.

^ culprit did not venture to stand his trial. He went
into exile, the Sicilians were avenged if not recompensed,
and Cicero was acknowledged the first advocate of Rome.

21 The next year (69) he was aedile. The aedileship was
not a necessary step in a political career, but it carried
with it the management of certain of the public games,
and upon these the aediles were expected and accustomed
to spend immense sums of their own money in the hope of
gaining popular favor. Such an expenditure was entirely
beyond Cicero's means ; but the Sicilians had not forgotten
his uprightness in his quaestorship and his eloquence in
the prosecution of Verres. With their assistance he fur-
nished corn at unusually low rates, and the grateful people
received with favor the comparatively modest games he
was able to give them, and his popularity was undiminished.

22 His PRAETORSHIP. — When the two years required by law
had elapsed he became, in 67, a candidate for the praetor-
ship (p. 65, § 59 f.). The election was several times inter-
rupted and postponed, but on each occasion Cicero's name
was at the top of the list of candidates in all the centuries.
In his year of office he presided over one of the standing
courts. Here his minute knowledge of the law (§ 12) was
of great service to him, and his tribunal was thronged with
young men listening to his decisions. The most important
political event of the year was the proposal of the tribune,
C. Manilius, to transfer the command against Mithradates

23 from Lucullus to Pompeius. The latter was to have un-
limited funds, unlimited troops, unlimited authority over
citizens and allies, in short such powers as not even the
ancient kings had possessed. The measure was clearly
unconstitutional, and as such was vigorously opposed by the
conservatives. Besides, they hated Pompeius for his own
sake, because to him they owed the loss of the courts and
the re-establishment of the tribunate. The measure was
supported by Caesar and Cicero, by the latter, perhaps,
because he felt it his fluty to take the side approved by the

THE CANVASS OF 64. 21

party to which he owed the very position that gave weight
to his opinion. He therefore delivered in support of the
Manilian law the eloquent oration De Imperio Cn. Pompei,
his first distinctively political address to the people from
the rostra, though there had been no lack of politics in his
speeches for Roscius and against Verres. The bill was 24
carried, and the successful termination of the war seemed
to vindicate the policy of Cicero, who, notwithstanding
many rebuffs and wrongs, continued the ardent supporter
and eloquent apologist of Pompeius all his life. In spite
of his exacting official duties Cicero remained true to his
profession of advocate during his praetorship. At its end,
remembering his experience in Sicily, he declined a prov-
ince and remained at Rome, working with the greater
energy to keep his hold upon the people and to gain the
favor of influential men : all with a view to the great prize
of his ambition, the consulship, for which he became a
candidate in 64.

THE CANVASS OP 64.

CATILINA. — His most prominent and most dangerous 25
competitor was Lucius Sergius Catilina, of patrician family,
born about 108. Endowed with unusual powers of mind and
body, he had inherited from his father a noble name but
not a patrimony sufficient to satisfy the excessive needs of
a luxurious age. In his early youth Catilina flung himself
into all possible excesses which, without undermining his
gigantic strength, blunted his moral feeling and coupled
with an inordinate ambition led him into a series of awful
crimes almost beyond belief. He entered upon public life 26
just at the time of Sulla's reign of terror, during which,
stained by the guilt of a brother's murder, he had the mur-
dered man's name put upon the proscription list as if he
had still been living. He is also accused by Cicero of the
murder of his wife and son to clear the way for a second

22 LIFE OF CICERO.

marriage. As a zealous disciple of Sulla he sated his thirst
for murder, for at the head of a band of Gallic horse-
men he slew a number of Roman knights, among them his

27 brother-in-law, Caecilius, and tortured to death a relative of
Cicero and Marius. He is supposed to have gone through
the regular course of offices (p. 69, § 77) at the regular
age for each. He was elected quaestor, and afterwards as
legatus conducted the siege of an enemy's town, but the
year and the war are unknown. In 73 he was accused
of incest with a vestal virgin Fabia, the half sister of
Cicero's wife, but was acquitted. By his mastery of the
arts of hypocrisy and dissimulation, and by his rare gift of
attaching people to him, he succeeded in spite of the stains
upon his character, in obtaining the praetorship in 68.

28 CATILINA'S FIRST ATTEMPT AT THE CONSULSHIP. — The
following }^ear he administered as propraetor the province
of Africa, which he left in the summer of 66 to appear in
Rome as a candidate for the consulship. But even before
his departure from the province envoys from Africa had
appeared before the senate to present complaints about the
scandalous oppression of which he had been guilty ; hence
threatened with a prosecution for misgovernment he was
obliged to retire from his candidature. The technical reason
assigned was that he had failed to announce himself as a
candidate seventeen days before the election as the law
required.

29 From his family and former connection with Sulla's party
it is probable that he expected to stand for the consulship
as one of the conservative (senatorial) candidates. Upon
the conservatives, therefore, he visited his disappointment,
believing that had their support been earnest and sincere, the
prosecution might have been evaded or at least postponed.
He turned, therefore, to the democrats, the opposition, and
secured their support for his next attempt by putting for-
ward a program more radical than any that their own leaders
dared propose. Attention, however, was called from his
designs by more exciting proceedings in the state.

THE CANVASS OF 64. 23

THE (so-called) FIRST CONSPIRACY. — The candidates 30
elected for 65 after Catilina's withdrawal were Publius
Autronius Paetus and Publius Cornelius Sulla. The latter
was a- relative of the dictator, personally insignificant but
brought into prominence by his influential connections and
by the great wealth which he had accumulated during the
proscriptions. The consuls-elect were immediately brought
to trial on the charge of bribery, were convicted and deposed.
In their places were elected the rival candidates, Lucius
Aurelius Cotta and Lucius Manlius Torquatus. Autronius is
said to have immediately conspired with Catilina and Cn.
Calpurnius Piso, a youth of good family but abandoned
character, to murder the consuls at the very outset of their
official career when they appeared in the Capitoline temple
on the 1st of January to make the customary vows for the
welfare of the state. Whether or not Sulla took part in 31
the plot cannot be determined with certainty ; it is proba-
ble that he did, but so cautiously that strictly legal proofs
could not be secured. Vargunteius and others were in the
plot, which was to be executed by means of gladiators.
Catilina and Autronius were to be proclaimed consuls, and
Piso was to be furnished with an army to gain fame and
fortune in Spain. Sallust declares that the plot was
formed early in December, 66, but became known before the
end of the month, and a body-guard was provided by the
senate for the consuls-elect. The execution of the plot was
therefore postponed until the 5th of February 65, and
its scope was enlarged to include the murder of the leading
senators. It was asserted that it failed only because on
the appointed day Catilina gave the signal before a suffi-
cient number of his followers appeared. The conspirators
escaped without punishment : Piso even received from the
senate the reward he was to get from the plotters. He was
sent as quaestor to Spain, where he was soon opportunely
murdered by the natives.

Although tradition has assigned to Catilina the leading 32

24 LIFE OF CICERO.

part in this plot, and although it is usually called his first
conspiracy, it is very doubtful whether he was actively en-
gaged in it. He probably sympathized at the time with
Autronius and Sulla in their disappointment, and was after-
wards made their scapegoat when their sins were discovered.
In fact, it became quite the usual thing at Koine to ascribe
to Catilina all unfathered crimes and outrages. It is at
least significant that after the failure of the plot he wrent
on with his plans to get place and power by the forms of
law, even if his methods were violent and unscrupulous.

33 His SECOND ATTEMPT. — In the same year (65) Catilina
was brought to trial by Publius Clodius Pulcher, afterwards
the notorious enemy of Cicero, for his cruel oppression of
his province. Catilina bribed his accuser to allow him
to select most of the jury ; but although several of the jury
were also bribed, and the influence of many prominent men
was exerted in his behalf, he narrowly escaped conviction.
The intervention of the trial, for the case did not come on
until the consular elections were over, prevented his standing
for the consulship this year, but he caused it to be known
that he would surely be a candidate in 64. In this his second
canvass he was actively supported by the more radical demo-
crats, the influence of Caesar and Crassus being secretly but

34 no less effectively exerted for him. In order to make his
election more certain he looked for an associate among the
other candidates with whom he might exchange votes and
resort to the boldest and most violent measures. Besides
Catilina and Cicero there were in 64 five candidates for the
consulship of 63. Of these the most promising was Gains
Antonius Hybrida, who in character and antecedents
strongly resembled Catilina. He was a son of the great
orator Marcus Antonius and the uncle of the greater tri-
umvir of the same name, the Mark Antony of Shake-
speare.- During Sulla's rule he had plundered Greece at the
head of a band of cavalry and had taken part in the pro-
scriptions. In 70 he had been removed from the senate,

THE CANVASS OF 64. 25

but was afterwards restored. To him Catilina attached 35
himself, and both resolved to leave untried no means of can-
vassing, lawful or unlawful, to defeat Cicero — of the other
candidates they had ho fears. Catilina found friends to
assist him with their money and credit in the purchase of
votes, and at the expense of other friends shows of gladia-
tors were promised the people in his name. Finally, in
June Catilina called together his trusted adherents and
laid before them his plans and the means of executing
them. To the ambitious he promised high positions in the
state, to the bankrupt complete or partial relief by legisla-
tion, to all alike the rich spoil of an unscrupulous adminis-
tration and the plunder of the provinces. All was condi-
tioned of course upon his success in the election of the
following month ; and so, after ratifying their engagements
with the most fearful oaths (it is said that they pledged
each other in wine mixed with human blood), they separ-
ated to work, each in his own way, for the election of
Catilina and Antonius.

CICERO'S CHANCES. — While Catilina was indulging in 36
the most confident hopes, the prospects of Cicero were by
no means bright. He could count certainly upon the sup-
port of the knights only — the order to which his own
family belonged. For however great the reputation he had
made as an orator, advocate, and administrator, however
high he stood in the affections of the people, however pure
his character was amidst the moral filth of the time, how-
ever persuasively he urged his own claims, and however
eloquently he exposed the designs of his opponents, still
the arts of his competitors were strong with the lower
classes, and the nobility was solidly against him. The
nobles despised him as a homo novus ( p. 56, § 16), hated him
for his attacks upon them in his speeches against Verres
and for the Manilian law (§ 23), and feared that in the
future he might work in the interests of the democrats,
and further the ambitious designs of Pompeius.

26 LIFE OF CICERO.

37 THE RESULT. — A fortunate accident, providence he
would have called it, turned the tide in his favor. Q. Curius,
one of Catilina's penniless adventurers, began suddenly to
set a day for the fulfilment of his long-standing promises
to his mistress Fulvia: gold, jewels, everything should be
hers — after the election. She told her friends of her ex-
pectations, of course with due exaggeration. The vaguest
and most extravagant rumors spread through the city. The
terrors of the Sullan revolution were revived in the minds
of all who owned property, valued peace, and cared for
their lives. The threatened danger broke the pride of the
nobles, and they cast their votes for Cicero as the most
conservative democrat among the candidates. He was
elected at the head of the list with Antonius second and
Catilina in the minority by a few centuries only. For the
first and last time had a homo novus been elected consul at
the earliest age permitted by the laws.

•

HIS CONSULSHIP.

38 His OFFICIAL DUTIES. — In another part of this book
(p. 64, § 53) the duties of the consul are described. Mr.
Trollope, however, has called attention to the little that we
know of the administrative work done by the great Roman
officers of state. " Though we can picture to ourselves a
Cicero before the judges or addressing the people from the
rostra, or uttering his opinions in the senate, we know
nothing of him as he sat in his office and did his consular
work. We cannot but suppose that there must have been
an office and many clerks. There must have been heavy
daily work. The whole operation of government was
under the consul's charge, and to Cicero, with a Catilina on

39 his hands, this must have been unusually heavy." In spite
of his official duties Cicero continued his practice in the
courts. He has given us a list of twelve speeches, con-
sulares he calls them, delivered this year, five of which are

HIS CONSULSHIP. 27

contained in this volume. He entered upon office on the
1st of January, 63. The winter and spring were occupied
with contentions about the agrarian law of Rullus, the trial
of Eabirius for the death of Saturninus, the proposal to
restore to their rights the children of those whom Sulla
had proscribed, Caesar's intrigues to secure the office of
pontifex maximus (p. 70, § 81), Cicero's law to check bribery,
and above all the rivalry of the candidates for the consul-
ship of 62. One of these candidates was Catilina.

CATILINA'S THIRD ATTEMPT. — Discouraged and dis- 4O
heartened as Catilina was by his second failure, he could
not give up and turn back. He had staked his all and his
friends7 all upon the consulship : he would make one more
effort to secure the prize — if that failed there was nothing
left him but ruin or civil war. He had already exhausted
all means countenanced or employed by the Romans in
their party struggles. One last resort remained, and so
without openly renouncing the support of the democrats
he strove to attach to himself a personal following, not a
" party," of the bankrupt and the ruined. There was no
lack of material to work upon. There were the dissi- 41
pated youth, those who had no possessions, the spendthrifts
and criminals of all kinds, the veterans of Sulla who after
quickly squandering their ill-gotten riches longed for new
booty, the great mass of those who had been driven from
house and home by the military colonies, and finally — the
most dangerous element — the mob of the capital, always
thirsting for pillage and blood. What hopes Catilina held
up before these new supporters, cannot be definitely deter-
mined ; the designs of anarchists are not usually very
precise and well defined. He undoubtedly promised a
cancellation of debts (novae tabulae), and the spoils of office
with hints at the proscription of the rich — just as he had
promised in 64, but on a larger scale. The threats of
fire, pillage, outrage, and murder that we read of must
have been the idle mouthings of his followers, or thrown

28 LIFE OF CICERO.

back upon this time from the events of the following sum-
mer and fall.

42 THE ELECTION OF 63. — Cicero, who had kept accu-
rately informed of Catilina's designs, fully appreciated
the critical condition of the state. As Catilina had turned
from the democrats to the anarchists, so Cicero turned to
the conservatives. He tried to win the confidence of the
senators, to open their eyes to the threatened danger, to
arouse their energies in behalf of the republic which he
believed could be saved by the senate alone. To convince
them of his disinterestedness he had declined a province
in advance of the lots. The rich one, Macedonia, which
afterwards fell to him, he turned over to his doubtful
colleague Antonius as a bribe to win him from his connec-
tion with Catilina, or at least to secure his neutrality. The
less desirable one he caused to be given to a stanch con-

43 servative, Quintus Metellus Celer. He bribed Fulvia, and
through her Curius, to keep him informed of Catilina's
plots. To counteract his election intrigues he proposed
and carried through a law in reference to bribery, adding
to the number of acts that were declared illegal, and in-
creasing the severity of the penalties. He looked to his
personal safety by forming a body-guard of friends and
clients, who also served him as a secret police. Finally, in
July, when news reached him of a secret meeting of
a particularly atrocious character, he called the senate
together the day before the election, and laid the danger
before them. The senate determined to discuss the condi-
tion of the state the next day instead of holding the elec-
tion. This was done, and when Cicero had acquainted
them with all that he knew, he challenged Catilina to reply

44 to his charges. Nothing daunted, Catilina replied in an
exultant and defiant speech, for which, says Cicero, he
ought not to have been allowed to leave the house alive.
The senate, however, took no decisive steps, the election
was no longer deferred, and Catilina left the senate house

HIS CONSULSHIP. 2&

with an air of triumph. Fortunately the revelations of
Cicero were noised about, and had more effect upon the
better classes of citizens than upon the senate, and his con-
duct upon the day of the election increased their dread of
violence. He appeared at the voting place wearing but
half-concealed beneath his official toga a glittering cuirass,
and surrounded by a numerous body-guard. The expected
attack was not made, but the people, duly impressed with
a sense of the consul's danger, rejected Catilina for the
last time, and elected Lucius Licinius Murena and Decimus
Junius Silanus.

THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINA. — It is at this point 45
that what is known as the conspiracy of Catilina really
begins. However radical, however revolutionary, his de-
signs had been previous to this defeat, he had aimed at
overthrowing the existing government only, not at sub-
verting the very order of the state itself. Now, however,
his plans were changed. In despair he set about the utter
destruction of the republic which he could no longer hope
to rule. He collected stores of arms in various convenient
places in and out of Rome. He sent money, raised upon
his own and his friends' credit, to his trusted lieutenant
Gaius Manlius at Faesulae in Etruria. Three armies of 46
Sulla's veterans and other disaffected persons were to
assemble in Etruria, Apulia, and Picenum. Outbreaks of
slaves, mostly gladiators, were arranged for. He counted
also upon the aid of Piso in Spain and Antonius in Home,
but both failed him for the reasons given in §§31 and 42.
On the 27th of October Manlius was to raise the standard
of rebellion at Faesulae ; on the 28th Catilina himself was to
put to the sword the leading men at Rome. But Cicero
had contrived to keep informed of all these plans, and on
the 21st of October he laid before the senate all the in-
formation he had gained. For the moment the senate
awakened from its lethargy. It passed the resolution 47
always reserved for the gravest crises, VIDEANT CONSULES

30

LIFE OF CICERO.

NE QUID RES PUBLICA DETRIMENTI CAPIAT, equivalent,

says Caesar, to calling the Roman people to arms. A few
days later caine the news that Manlius had done his part —
desperate men of all sorts were gathering around him
ready for open war. The senate sent the proconsuls
Q. Marcius Rex and Q. Metellus (Creticus) to Etruria and
Apulia, and the praetors Q. Pomponius Rufus and Q.
Metellus Celer (§ 42) to Capua and Picenum, with authority
to raise troops as needed. Rewards were offered for infor-
mation concerning the conspiracy. The bands of gladia-
tors in Rome were hurried away to distant points, and to
lessen the danger from incendiaries armed watchmen
patrolled the streets under the direction of the inferior
magistrates.

48 A week passed by. There was a report that an unsuc-
cessful attempt had been made to surprise Praeneste, an
important fortress east of Rome, but in the city itself noth-
ing occurred to justify Cicero's extraordinary precautions.
The senate began to believe that the upstart consul had
been trifling with its fears, and Catilina assumed the air of
injured innocence. In fact, when he was charged at last
with treason, he offered, as if confiding in the purity of his
motives, to surrender himself to the watch and ward of
any good citizen (custodia libera). All this time, however,
he was getting ready to leave Rome and join Manlius.
He saw clearly enough that the only chance of success lay
in a sudden attack upon the city before the senate's forces

49 were enrolled and equipped. For this reason, deceiving
his guard or securing his connivance, he gathered together
at the house of the senator, M. Porcius Laeca, on the night
of November 6th, the leaders of the conspiracy. He in-
formed them of his intended departure, assured them of
his early return with an army, selected some to accompany
him, despatched others to important points in Italy, and
assigned to those who were to remain at Rome the duty of
setting the city on fire in twelve places when his approach

HIS CONSULSHIP. 31

was announced. He spoke bitterly of Cicero's unusual
watchfulness, whereupon two knights volunteered to mur-
der the consul at his house at daybreak. The night was so
far spent, however, that the attempt was postponed for
twenty-four hours. In the mean time Cicero was warned
by Fulvia, and when early in the morning of the 8th, the
assassins presented themselves at Cicero's door as if to
make the usual morning call, they were refused admit-
tance. Several prominent men, summoned by Cicero for
the purpose, bore witness to the attempt, and helped to
spread the news through the city.

THE FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINA. — On the 50
same day (November 8th) Cicero assembled the senate in
the temple of Jupiter Stator, on the northern slope of the
Palatine hill and probably within the original fortifications
of the ancient city. Here lived Cicero and Catilina, here
lived the aristocracy, and hence is derived our word palace.
The senators came in large numbers. The late hour of the
day, the unusual place of meeting, and the supposed sub-
ject of deliberation, excited their liveliest anticipations.
Among them came Catilina, undismayed by the watchmen
already patrolling the streets, by the guards already posted,
by the crowds of people anxiously running to and fro, by
the band of knights who surrounded the senate fully armed
and who regarded him with no friendly eyes. As he made
his way toward his usual place, where as ex-praetor he sat
near the ex-consuls, no one spoke to him, no one greeted
him, and as he took his seat those near him rose from
theirs and left him alone. Cicero, losing his self-control 51
at this exhibition of Catilina's effrontery, broke forth in a
fiery speech, upbraided him with the events of the last two
nights, and demanded that he quit the city. Even now
Catilina attempted a defence. He begged the senators not
to believe the charges too hastily : he was sprung from
such a family, had so lived from his youth that he might
hope for every success ; they could not think that he, a

32 LIFE OF CICERO.

patrician, needed the overthrow of the republic when
Cicero, an immigrant into Rome, put himself forward as its
savior. He was going on with further insults when the
senate interrupted him with cries of hostis, parricida. He
rushed from the temple, and, after a last meeting with his
accomplices, he left the city the same night to join Manlius.
His friends spread the report that he was going into exile
at Massilia, a report that Catilina craftily confirmed by
letters written to prominent men at Kome.

52 THE SECOND ORATION. — The next day Cicero delivered
an address to the people, corresponding to a proclamation
of the president of the United States or an " inspired edi-
torial " in a European court journal. He acquainted the
citizens with the condition of affairs within and without
the city, defended himself from a double charge, busily
circulated by his enemies, that Catilina if guilty had been
allowed to escape, if innocent had been driven into exile,
encouraged those who were anxious over the result of the
apprehended war, and finally tried to frighten from their
purposes the conspirators that were in the city.

53 In a few days, as Cicero had predicted, came the news
that Catilina, with the fasces and other insignia of a consul,
had entered the camp of Manlius. The senate immediately
declared them both outlaws and traitors, promised amnesty
to their followers who should lay down their arms by a
fixed day, and commissioned the consuls to raise troops.
Antonius was directed to take the field against Catilina,
while Cicero took charge of the city. Days passed with
no decisive action — outside the city both parties were
gathering forces, inside they were watching and waiting.

54 CATILINA'S REPRESENTATIVES AT ROME. — Catilina had
left the senators Lentulus, Cassius, and Cethegus to watch
over his interests at Rome. P. Cornelius Lentulus Sura
had been consul in 71, but had been removed from the
senate on account of his immoral life, and, in order to re-
gain his seat, had a second time stood for and obtained the

HIS CONSULSHIP. 33

praetorship. He was slow of thought and action, and ex-
tremely superstitious — at this time the victim of pre-
tended soothsayers, who assured him he was the third
Cornelius whom fate had destined to rule at Home. L.
Cassius Longinus had been one of Cicero's competitors for
the consulship; he was looked upon as indolent and stupid
rather than wicked, and people could scarcely believe him
in the plot. C. Cethegus was a young man of reckless life 55
who was said to have been concerned in the conspiracy of
65 (§ 30). Besides these, the knights P. Gabinius Capito,
whom Cicero calls Cimber Gabinius, and L. Statilius, were
especially active. Lentulus was the authorized leader, and
he refused to resort to the torch and dagger until Catilina
should move upon the city. At last his impatient and
sanguine accomplices forced him to appoint the night of
the 19th of December, the feast of Saturn, for the general
rising. Cicero was convinced of their complicity in the
plot, and was informed of their plans, but in the absence
of legal proofs he could only wait for some overt act while,
providing for the safety of the city as best he could.

THE ORATION FOB MURENA. — In the mean time, one of 56
the consuls-elect, L. Licinius Murena, was impeached for
bribery under the provisions of Cicero's own law (§ 43).
Although the law was aimed particularly at Catilina, there
was little doubt that all the candidates were guilty of
illegal practices, and even before the election Cato had .
declared his purpose to bring to trial the successful men,
whoever they might be. One of these, however, proved to
be his brother-in-law Silanus, and him Cato permitted to
go in peace. Associated with Cato for the prosecution were
the great jurist Servius Sulpicius E/ufus, who had himself
been a candidate, and two unknown men of no importance.
The trial took place toward the end of November, and Q.
Hortensius, Cicero's only rival in the courts, and M.
Licinius Crassus, assisted Cicero in the defence. Cicero 57
passes lightly over the legal points involved — probably

34 LIFE OF CICERO.

they would not bear much handling — and lays the greatest
stress upon the retention of Murena in the consulship as a
matter of state expediency : Murena was a brave, loyal,
energetic man, such as the crisis required; the needs of
the republic should outweigh the strict requirements of the
law. In answering the opposing counsel, who were his
close and valued friends, he adopts a tone of good-natured
banter, which, though no less effective than abuse, could
not offend them, and has made this speech admired in both
ancient and modern times. Mr. Forsyth says : " It is a
striking proof of the elastic energy of Cicero's mind that
at the very moment of the explosion of the plot, in the
midst of the most awful danger, he was able to deliver in
defence of a friend a speech distinguished for light wit and
good-humored raillery." Murena was acquitted, and Cicero
turned his thoughts again to getting evidence against the
conspirators in Rome.

58 THE ARREST AND THE THIRD ORATION. — There hap-
pened to be in Home at this time envoys of the Allobroges,
a Gallic people whose country lay between the Rhone and
the Alps, trying to obtain from the senate some relief from
the cruelty and avarice of the Roman governors. Their
efforts had been fruitless, and in the worst of tempers they
were preparing to return to their homes. With them
Lentulus opened negotiations, using as go-betweens Cimber
Gabinius (§ 55) and one P. Umbrenus, a freedman who had
traded in Gaul and was personally known to the envoys.
Lentulus promised the Gauls full relief under the new
dispensation of Catilina, and asked in return that the war-
like nation would assist Catilina in the field, especially
with cavalry. The Allobroges hesitated for a while, and
at length consulted their patronus, Q. Fabius Sanga. He
revealed the plot to Cicero, and at the latter's suggestion
directed the envoys to feign the most active interest in the
conspiracy but to demand from the leaders in it written

59 pledges to show to their people at home. Lentulus, Stati-

HIS CONSULSHIP. 35

lius, Gabinius, and Cethegus fell into the trap, but Cassius
explained that he was soon going to Gaul in person, and
immediately left the city. The envoys also secured letters
from the conspirators to Catilina, by pretending that they
meant to turn aside to see him on their journey. Finally,
on the night of the 2d of December, they left Rome, having
all these damaging documents in their possession, and
accompanied by T. Volturcius, who was to guide them to
Catilina. In accordance with a pre-arranged plan, they
were arrested not far from the city gates, where the via
Flaminia crosses the Tiber by the Mulvian bridge, and
some show of violence was made to shield the Allobroges
from suspicion of treachery. On the morning of the 3d of
December the senate met in the temple of Concord. The
meeting lasted all day, but in the evening Cicero gave to
the expectant people a report of the proceedings in the
THIRD ORATION. The four leaders, Lentulus, Statilius, 60
Gabinius, and Cethegus had been confronted in the presence
of the senate by the envoys and by T. Volturcius, who had
been allowed to turn state's evidence. The letters written
by their own hands and attested by their seals had been
produced and read, and the culprits had confessed. The
senate had ordered rewards to be given to the Allobroges,
the four conspirators to be kept in custody, and others
implicated to be arrested if possible. The effect of this
speech upon the people was wonderful. Those who had
been disposed to doubt could doubt no longer, and Sallust
tells us that the lower classes, who had sympathized with
Catilina more or less openly, now cursed him when they
understood that their hereditary enemies, the Gauls, had
been summoned to burn the city over their heads.

THE PUNISHMENT. — The fate of the conspirators was 61
now to be determined. Their guilt had been fully estab-
lished. It was proved that they had formed a conspiracy
against the government, that they had planned an uprising
with torch and sword, that — a still more heinous offence

36 LIFE OF CICERO.

in Roman eyes — they had summoned a foreign people
to arms against their country, and had contemplated calling
up the hordes of slaves against their masters. In a well-
ordered commonwealth this would have been enough — the
punishment of high treason has always in all communities
been death. The civil courts would have dealt with the
leaders in the city, and the army with Catilina in the field.

62 But the state was utterly disorganized. In the first place,
it was doubtful if the criminals could be held for trial.
They had been put under the care -of certain eminent men
— Caesar and Crassus among them — who were responsible
for their safe keeping (§ 48), but the freedmen of the
prisoners were stirring, Rome was full of desperadoes,
the government had no efficient police or military force at
its disposal, and finally Catilina was close at hand. In the
second place, even if brought to trial, it was doubtful if
they could be convicted. The courts of Rome were noto-
riously corrupt ; if it was difficult to get a verdict against
an influential man in an ordinary criminal case, in a politi-
cal one it would have been almost impossible. No one
knew how far the conspiracy extended — Caesar and
Crassus were suspected, though probably unjustly, of com-
plicity in it — and the very jurors selected to try the

63 accused might have proved to be their accomplices. In
the third place, granting that the prisoners could be held for
trial, and that a fair trial was possible, their punishment
was a still more puzzling question. Penal imprisonment
had never been known at Rome, and the death penalty,
originally imposed by the people in full assembly only, had
ceased to be inflicted. In ordinary practice a criminal who
looked upon his conviction as certain, was allowed to
escape the theoretical punishment of death by going into
exile (§ 20), but the courts no more imposed exile as a
penalty than our courts now banish defaulters to Canada.
The criminal, by a legal fiction, left his country of his own
accord and was merely forbidden to return. In the case

HIS CONSULSHIP. 37

of Lentulus and his associates, this voluntary exile would
have been farcical — they would simply have joined Cati-
lina to take up arms against the country. Such an act
would have been a confession of weakneSk almost fatal to
the government.

THE CONSULTUM ULTIMUM. — It was therefore sug- 64
gested that the prisoners be put to death without a trial by
the mere order of the consul. It has been said (§ 47) that
on the 21st of October the senate had passed the con-
sultum ultimum, VIDEANT CONSULES NE QUID RES PUBLICA
DETRIMENTI cApiAT. Good constitutional lawyers, Cicero
among them, had always maintained that by this decree the
consuls were empowered to perform any act deemed neces-
sary for the safety of the state, that the laws and constitution
were temporarily suspended. On the other hand, authori-
ties equally good maintained that by this decree the senate
delegated its own powers only to the consuls, and that, as
the senate had no judicial powers at all, it did not and
could not give the consuls any authority over courts and
processes of law. This is the great constitutional question 65
that had so much to do with Cicero's career. It was unde-
cided in his day, and we cannot decide it now. Cicero had
always asserted the unlimited powers of the consuls by
this decree, but when he became the consul upon whom
rested the fearful responsibility he hesitated to act. Con-
vinced, however, that the death of the ringleaders was
necessary to the security of the state, he resolved to incur
the responsibility, but he felt that the senate should at
least declare in set terms that it counseled and approved
their execution. He therefore summoned the senate on
the 5th of December, the fateful Nonae Decembres of which
he so often speaks, to pronounce upon the fate of the
conspirators.

THE FOURTH ORATION. — The first to give his opinion 66
was the consul-elect, D. Junius Silanus, who boldly de-_
clared for the death penalty. With him agreed the sen-

38

LIFE OF CICERO.

ators one by one until it came Caesar's turn. He proposed
imprisonment for life in the country towns with confisca-
tion of property, and in an eloquent speech dwelt upon the
unconstitutionally of putting the men to death untried,
and upon the vengeance the people would surely exact
from the consul who should thus disregard their ancient
right to impose the sentence. His speech turned the tide.
All who followed him, including Cicero's brother, voted
with him, and many who had followed Silanus changed
their votes. The consul's friends crowded around his
chair imploring him to think of his own safety and lend

67 his eloquence to the support of the safer proposal. All
eyes were turned upon him as he rose to speak, as the con-
sul had a right to do at any point in the debate. Without
giving his voice outright for either proposal, he declared
his belief that the prisoners, by confessing themselves
hostes, had lost their rights as cives, and urged the senators
to take no thought of his safety, but consider the interests
of the state only. Still the senate wavered, and the decis-
ion was about to be postponed, when Cato in a vigorous
speech declared for death. The majority followed him,
and that night the five ringleaders were strangled in the
Tullianum, the dungeon beneath the prison.

68 THE END OF THE CONSPIRACY. — This bold and decisive
act broke the backbone of the conspiracy. From this
moment Catilina received no accessions of strength, and
his followers even began to desert him. His attempted
retreat with his army into Gaul was blocked by the praetor
Metellus Celer (§ 47> while M. Petreius, the legatus of
Antoirius (§ 53), advanced against him from the south.
Early in 62, when Cicero's year of office had expired, the
opposing forces met near Pistoria in Etruria. Catilina and
his followers, after fighting with the most desperate cour-
age, were defeated and slain to a man. The body of their
leader was found far in advance of his men covered by a
heap of dead soldiers that he had killed with his own
hand.

HIS EXILE AND RETURN. 39

But before Cicero's term had ended he received an earn- 69
est of the reward he was to get for his boldness in behalf
of the state. On the 31st of December, as he was
about to lay down his office before the assembled people,
and as he ascended the rostra to deliver the usual address,
the newly elected tribune (p. 61, § 61}, Q. Metellus Nepos,
forbade him to speak : " A man who had put Koman citi-
zens to death without a hearing did not himself deserve a
hearing." He permitted the consul, however, to take the
customary oath that he had observed the laws, and Cicero
added in a loud voice that he had saved the country too.
The people shouted their absent, hailed him as pater patriae
and in crowds escorted him, now ex-consul, to his home.

HIS EXILE AND RETURN.

AGITATION OF NEPOS. — The political disputes between 70
the conservatives and democrats, which had ceased during
the common danger from the conspiracy, revived in the
year 62. The above-mentioned tribune, Metellus Nepos, a
friend of Pompeius and initiated into his plans while his
legatus in Asia (§ 24), fiercely assailed Cicero and through
him the whole senate. He denounced the execution of the
conspirators as arbitrary and unconstitutional, and re-
proached the senate bitterly because of the continued pros-
ecution of Catilina's associates. At last in connection with
Caesar, who was now praetor and wished to lessen the
power of the senate, he proposed a bill recalling Pompeius
with his army to defend the state endangered by Cicero's
misrule. But the conservatives had gained courage by
their victory over the anarchists, and strength by the
better feeling which Cicero had fostered between the
senate and the equites. They met the proposal of Me-
tellus with such determined bravery that he left the city
and returned to Pompeius. For a time the democratic

40 LIFE OF CICERO.

opposition languished, and with the ascendency of the con-
servatives Cicero was secure.

71 THE ORATION FOR SULLA. — Meanwhile in the early
months of 62 the ordinary criminal law was set in motion
against several of Catilina's party, whose guilt was for the
most part clear. Among them were Autronius (§ 30) who
vainly appealed to Cicero once his colleague in the quaes-
torship, Servius and Publius Sulla, nephews of the dicta-
tor, M. Porcius Laeca, at whose house (§49) the famous
meeting was held, Lucius Vargunteius and Gains Cornelius
the would-be murderers of Cicero. Against all these
Cicero gave evidence and none were acquitted. When four
years later he was driven from Borne, Autronius was living
in Epirus in exile. About the middle of the year, prob-
ably in July, occurred the trial of P. Cornelius Sulla on
the charge of complicity in the First Conspiracy (§§ 30-
32). Since his conviction for bribery he had been living in
retirement, almost constantly at Naples, though an effort

72 had been made to remove his political disabilities. He was
prosecuted by T. Manlius Torquatus, son of the consul who
had been elected in his place, and by C. Cornelius, son of
the conspirator of the same name, and known from Cicero's
speech only. Cicero's reason for undertaking the defence
does not appear upon the surface. He alleges his desire to
aid a man whom he had good reasons for believing innocent,
his anxiety to show that he could on due occasion be mer-
ciful as well as severe, a natural impulse to act with the
most distinguished men of the day, who had turned their
backs upon Vargunteius and the rest, but warmly supported
Sulla. His real reason was that he was casting about for
friends in the troubles plainly approaching. Sulla's wealth
and influence were very considerable, and Cicero was
anxious to lay him and his powerful friends under an obli-
gation. With Cicero was associated Hortensius (§ 56).
Sulla was acquitted, but we know little of his subsequent
career.

HIS EXILE AND RETURN. 41

THE AFFAIR OF CLODIUS. — But toward the close of the 73
year 62 occurred a circumstance that excited party strife
again, and exercised the most baneful influence over
Cicero's later fortunes. P. Clodius Pulcher (§ 33), a young
man of ancient and noble family, but guilty of all sorts of
excesses, in prosecution of an intrigue with Caesar's wife,
ventured to disguise himself as a dancing-girl, and steal
into Caesar's official residence at the time when the myster-
ies of the Bona Dea, at which the presence of men was
strictly forbidden, were being celebrated there. Caesar
was then pontifex maximus (§ 39), but absent as propraetor
in Spain. Clodius was detected, but escaped. The high
priests declared the act sacrilegious, and required the
matrons and vestals to repeat the rites. Besides this the
senate ordered a judicial inquiry, and for the purpose of
securing greater rigor resolved that the jurors should be
selected by the praetor, and not, as was usual, be drawn by
lot. This required the assent of the people, and party 74
feeling prolonged the discussion into the year 61 when the
senate was defeated. The jurors were selected by lot, and
the money of Crassus, who, in concert with Caesar, used
every opportunity to humiliate the senate, secured the
acquittal of Clodius by a vote of thirty-one to twenty-five.
Cicero had from the beginning championed the cause of
the senate, but without personal bitterness toward Clodius.
Now, however, for reasons unknown to us, he suddenly be-
came his most vindictive foe. He not only destroyed dur-
ing the trial the attempted alibi by testifying that Clodius
was at his house when he claimed to be miles from Borne,
but after the verdict was rendered he let no opportunity
pass to twit him with the crime and the trial. Clodius
soon went to Sicily as quaestor, but he had resolved on
revenge, and was merely biding his time.

THE FIRST TRIUMVIRATE. — In 61 Pompeius returned 75
victorious from Asia, but was coldly received by the con-
servatives. A triumph was granted him and celebrated

42 LIFE OF CICERO.

with great magnificence, but the arrangements made by
him in the east and the rewards promised to his soldiers
met with much opposition and delay. In 60 Caesar re-
turned from Spain, and there was soon formed the so-called
first triumvirate between Pompeius, Crassus, and Caesar.
Pompeius contributed his military reputation, Crassus his
wealth, and Caesar his influence as a political manipulator.
United they were irresistible — the only opposition they
feared came from Cato and Cicero. They silenced Cato by
sending him to Cyprus on government business. They
made every effort to win Cicero's support, and, when this

76 had failed, to secure his silence and neutrality. They tried
to induce him to accompany Caesar into Gaul as legatus on
his staff, then to go abroad at public expense (libera legatio)
as if on public business, and finally to preside over the
board of twenty senators appointed to distribute lands in
Campania — all with a view to getting him out of Italy, or
at least out of Koine. Cicero declined all these offers.
Even his unreasonable admiration for Pompeius (§ 24) could
not reconcile him to the desertion of the conservatives,
although he saw that that party was unable to defend him
against the attacks of the Catilinarians or to maintain its
temporary connection with the equites (§ 11), which had
up to this time secured its position against the democrats
(§ 70). His refusal to be silenced cost him dearly. Unable
to cajole him, the regents resolved to coerce him, and em-
ployed as their tool for this purpose Clodius, who had now
returned to Eome.

77 CLODIUS' EEVENGE. — Eager to wreak his vengeance
upon Cicero, Clodius had sought to arm himself with the
formidable power of the tribunate. For this purpose it
was necessary that he, patrician born, should be adopted
into a plebeian family, a proceeding violently resisted by
the conservatives, and accomplished only by Caesar's help.
Clodius entered upon his new office on the 10th of Decem-
ber, 59, and proceeded, by various proposals, to attach to

HIS EXILE AND RETURN. 43

himself men of all parties, especially Cicero's personal or
political enemies. He won the favor of the poor by his
corn-law, gratified many knights and even senators by
limiting the power of the censors (p. 65, § 56), and paved
the way for his favorite political tactics by abrogating the
law which had put a check upon tumultuous assemblies of
the people, and by restoring the suppressed ward clubs. 78
As soon as he had thus secured a following upon which he
could rely, he came forward early in 58, in the consulship
of L. Calpurnius Piso and Aulus Gabinius, with a bill pro-
viding that any person who had caused a Roman citizen to
be put to death without a formal trial should be punished
with banishment. Cicero's name was not mentioned, but
it was easy to see that the law was aimed at the proceed-
ings of the 5th of December, 63 (§§ 65-67). Cicero
seemed at once to lose all his wonted resolution. Without
awaiting the progress of events, while it was yet uncer-
tain that the bill would pass, he put off his senatorial dress,
assumed that of a knight, and, in deep mourning, went
about appealing for sympathy and assistance as if already
accused. There was no lack of sympathy : 20,000 citizens,
knights, and senators put on mourning too, although the
consuls by edict forced the senate to resume its usual dress. 79
L. Ninnius, a tribune, and L. Lamia, a knight, were espe-
cially active in Cicero's behalf, until Clodius prevented the
former from addressing the people, and Gabinius banished
the latter from the city. Cicero's friends were harassed
also at all times by Clodius' hired bullies. Opinions differed
as to what Cicero ought to do. Some advised him to remain
until a direct attack was made upon him ; L. Lucullus
in particular was eager to resort to force in his behalf,
knowing that the great mass of moderate and peaceful citi-
zens, especially those in the country towns, were devoted
to him. But others, among them many of his sincerest
friends, counseled temporary submission, encouraging him
to hope for an immediate recall. To these Cicero yielded,

44 LIFE OF CICERO.

and, accompanied by crowds of those who loved and hon-
ored him, he left the city about the end of March, 58 ; into
exile itself he was afterwards followed by clients, freed-
inen, and slaves.

80 CICERO'S BANISHMENT. — No sooner had he gone than
Clodius proposed his formal banishment, and the people
voted it. He was forbidden the use of fire and water
within 400 miles of Rome, all who sheltered him within
these limits were threatened with punishment, and the
senate and people were forbidden to agitate for his recall.
Not a night was suffered to pass before his property ivas
seized by his unrelenting enemies. His house on the
Palatine (§ 50) was reduced to ashes, and on a part of its
site a temple was consecrated by Clodius to the goddess
Libertas. His villas at Formiae and Tusculum were pil-
laged and destroyed, and the consuls appropriated a good
deal of the spoil. Nor was his family spared. Cicero tells
us that his children were sought that they might be mur-
dered. His wife, Terentia, fled to her half-sister Fabia
(§ 27), a vestal, and was dragged from Vesta's temple to a
bank to give security for paying over Cicero's ready money
to his enemies. The news of these outrages reached him
before he left Italy, and he already regretted not having

81 followed the advice of Lucullus. He had left Koine un-
certain as to his destination. He repaired at first to Vibo,
in Bruttium, where he had a friend named Sicca, and there
he first heard of the enactment of the law and of the limits
fixed in it. He was refused an asylum in Sicily by the
praetor, C. Vergilius, who feared the dominant party in
Rome, although Cicero's services to the Sicilians (§§ 16, 19)
would have insured a kindly reception by the provincials.
He went, therefore, to Dyrrachium, declining an invitation
to the estate of Atticus (§ 15), and avoiding Greece for fear
of meeting some Catilinarians who were living there (§ 71)
in exile. In Macedonia he found a devoted friend in the
quaestor, Cn. Plancius, who had hurried to meet him at

HIS EXILE AND EETURN. 45

Dyrrachium and offered his hospitality. At his house, not
far from Thessalonica, Cicero lived in security but in deep
dejection. He apprehended that his brother Quintus, then
returning from his administration of Asia, might be perse-
cuted for his sake, suspected false dealings on the part of
Hortensius and others, and was tormented by fears for his
,wife and children.

EFFORTS FOR His RECALL. — Meanwhile, his friends in 82
Eome had not been idle. The conservatives felt bound to
secure the recall of the man through whose exile their
weakness had been so exposed. As early as the 1st of
June the tribune L. Ninnius had proposed his recall before
the senate, and, while the measure did not pass, it at least
nerved the senate from this time to devote all its energies
to Cicero's cause. On the 27th of October all the tribunes
except Clodius and Aelius Ligus repeated the proposition.
So long, however, as Clodius was in office nothing could be
accomplished; besides Caesar, who from G-aul exercised
great influence on affairs at Rome, had not yet declared for
Cicero, and Pompeius, to whom Cicero had written in May,
also failed him. At last Clodius quarrelled with Pompeius,
and the latter determined, out of spite, to recall the
former's arch-enemy Cicero. On the 1st of January, 57,
two new consuls entered office, P. Lentulus Spinther and
Q. Metellus Nepos. Lentulus was a devoted friend of
Cicero, and Metellus gave up his enmity (§§69, 70) at the
instance of Pompeius. It was determined to recall Cicero, 83
not by a decree of the senate but by a vote of the tribes
(p. 59, § 29), and the 25th of January was fixed for the
attempt. Although Clodius was now out of office, he was
still as active and unscrupulous as ever in his opposition,
and sought to make up for his loss of power by the use of
force and arms. With a band of gladiators he took pos-
session of the forum early in the morning of the appointed
day, drove away the friends of Cicero, and spread terror
through the streets. The tribunes Sestius and Milo adopted

46 LIFE OF CICERO.

like tactics, and for weeks the city was the battle-grounc
of the two factions. Finally, as the tribes could not mee
for the transaction of business, the senate determined to
put an end to the struggle by a vote of the centuries (p
59, § 30), and summoned to the city citizens from all parts
of Italy. Pompeius visited in person the towns and colo
nies, and exerted all his influence for Cicero. So, on th(
4th of August, the resolution for his recall was finally
passed by an assembly that the Campus Martius coulc
scarcely contain and Clodius could not daunt. The news
filled the city with indescribable joy.

84 CICERO'S RETURN. — Cicero had not waited in Macedonia
for the decree to pass. Having learned from his friends
that his recall was merely a question of time, he hac
returned in November, 58, to Dyrrachium, where he waite(
and watched the progress of events. He sailed for Bran
disium as it chanced on the very day that the people
authorized his return, and reached Italy on the 5th o
August , after an absence of about sixteen months. Al
Brundisium his daughter Tullia met him, — the 5th o
August happened to be her birthday, — and here on th<
8th he learned finally that his banishment was at an end
His return to Rome was a triumphal march. Crowds
attended him ; deputations from all over Italy met anc
welcomed him ; no sign of joy or mark of honor was
omitted on the way, and in the city itself the demonstra-
tions were on the grandest scale.

85 CICERO'S LETTERS. — To this period of his banishment
refer the Letters of Cicero that are contained in this book.
They have been selected largely to show the deep dejection
into which he was plunged by his removal from the capital.
From these and other letters of the same period modern
writers have chiefly derived the material for their unspar-
ingly hostile criticism of his character. While these let-
ters show little of ideal Roman fortitude, while they
abound in expressions of doubt and regret and despair,

HIS EXILE AND RETURN. 47

while they reveal his impatience to be recalled and his
injustice to Atticus and other friends, it must be remem-
bered, on the other hand, that Cicero's nature was keenly
sensitive, and that his pride had been most cruelly wounded.
All that he had was taken from him; all the cherished
occupations of his life were over ; and, so far as he could
know at the time, his doubts and fears were justified. The
expression of these doubts and fears may be open to
criticism as a matter of taste, but the Roman feeling in
regard to such matters differed widely from ours. They
did not affect a fortitude they did not have ; they did not,
as we do, try to conceal their feelings. If Vergil makes
his great hero Aeneas weep in storm and despair in battle,
it is not worth while to make excuses for similar weakness
on the part of Cicero.

His own justification for his conduct in retiring before 86
his foes without a show of resistance may be read in the
two orations that complete this book. Even after his
return the city continued to be disturbed by brawls and
riots. The armed bands of Clodius on the one hand and
of Sestius and Milo on the other struggled for the mastery
of the streets while the triumvirate was engaged with the
graver affairs of state. During the remainder of the year
57 Cicero was employed in recovering the remnants of his
property and getting his affairs in order. The site of his
town residence (§ 80) was restored to him, and damages
paid for the destruction of his house and villas. In 56 he
was busy as an advocate, taking but an insignificant part
in affairs of state. The rival factions were employing the
courts to annoy each other ; suits and counter-suits were
brought in rapid succession, and Cicero had ample opportu-
nity to defend his friends and assail his enemies.

THE ORATION FOR SESTIUS. — On the llth of February 87
two malicious charges were brought at the instigation of
Clodius against Cicero's champion, P. Sestius. He was
charged with bribery (de ambitu) by Cn. Nervius and on

48 LIFE OF CICERO.

the same day by one M. Tullius Albiovanus with a breach
of the peace (de vi), because he had gone about as tribune
with armed bands disturbing the public tranquillity. Of
the former charge nothing further is known. Cicero is
concerned with the latter only, and to this he pays little
formal attention. His object is rather to give an outline
of his client's life and character, and especially of his tribu-
nate, in such a way as to bring before the court any circum-
stance that might favorably influence its decision. In this
historical survey we have the fullest possible account of
the disorders of the time, from the standpoint of the con-
servatives. The trial lasted with interruptions until the
14th of March, ending with the acquittal of Sestius.

88 THE DEATH OF CLODIUS. — The events of the next four
years, 55-52, have little to do with the conspiracy of
Catilina, however important their part in the history of
Kome ; among them may be mentioned Caesar's conquest
of Gaul, the defeat and death of Crassus in the east, the
death of Julia, the daughter of Caesar and wife of Pompeius,
and the consequent estrangement of the two great rivals.
During the absence of Caesar in Gaul and Crassus in the
east, Pompeius was in Rome, and everything pointed to his
supremacy. As proconsul of Spain and as commissioner of
the corn supply he was invested with the highest military
authority, and by remaining at Rome he made his influ-
ence promptly felt. An event now occurred that made his
power still greater. The year 53 had passed in contention
and disorder. Party dissensions had been so violent and
unscrupulous that no magistrates had been elected for the

89 following year. On the 1st of January, 52, there were no
consuls to be inaugurated. Milo was one of the candidatesr
but Clodius had found means to prevent his election. The
wheels of government had therefore stopped, and according
to constitutional usage a series of interreges had to be-
appointed by patrician senators to set them in motion again.

HIS EXILE AND RETURN. 49

At this crisis it happened that Clodius and Milo met by
accident upon the via Appia a few miles from the city, each
attended by his gang of bullies and roughs. A quarrel
began among their followers, and a free fight followed,
Clodius was wounded and took refuge in a house near the
road, from which by Milo's orders he was dragged and mur-
dered. His body was carried to the city, and his funeral was
made the occasion of a disorderly political demonstration.
The corpse was burned in the senate house, and the building
itself took fire and was consumed. Anarchy ran riot, and
order was not restored until Poinpeius, in defiance of consti-
tution and laws, was made " sole consul " and put an end to
the battle of bludgeons with the swords of his soldiers.

THE ORATION FOR MILO. — A special commission was 90
appointed to try all cases growing out of the disturbance
on the Appian Way, and all the members of this commission
or court were selected by Pompeius. At the same time
all men capable of service in Italy were called to arms and
made to take the oath of obedience to Pompeius. Troops
were stationed at the Capitol, and the special court, sitting
in the forum, was surrounded by soldiers. Before this
court on the 10th of April Milo was arraigned on the
charge of assault and homicide. Cicero undertook his
defence for personal and political reasons. As he began
his speech he was received with hoots and yells by the par-
tisans of Clodius which the troops were unable to suppress.
The consequence was that, for the first time in his long
career, he lost his composure and broke down. Milo went
into exile at Massilia, whither Cicero sent him a carefully
polished (§ 10) copy of the speech which he had intended
to deliver, and which we now possess. Milo is said to have
replied on reading it that he was glad the speech had not
been spoken, as in that case he should not have been enjoy-
ing the delicious mullets of Massilia. The oration in its
revised form is regarded as perhaps the very best specimen
of Cicero's eloquence.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

B. C. Act. Cic.

106 1 Coss., C. Atilius Serranus, Q. Servilius Caepio. Cicero

born Jan. 3d. Pompeius born Sept. 30th.
105 2 Coss., P. Rutilius Rufus, Cn. Manlius.
104 3 Coss., C. Marius II., C.. Flavius Fimbria.
103 4 Coss., C. Marius III.,. L. Aurelius Orestes.
102 5 Coss., C. Marius IV., Q. Lutatius Catulus. Marius defeats

the Teutones at Aquae Sextiae. Birth of Q. Cicero.
101 6 Coss., C. Marius V.,M' Aquilius. Marius defeats the Cimbri.
100 7 Coss., C. Marius VI., L. Valerius Flaccus. Saturninus and

Glaucia put to death. Birth of Caesar.
99 8 Coss., M. Antonius, A. Postumius Albinus.
98 9 Coss., Q. Caecilius Metellus Nepos, T. Didius.
97 10 Coss., Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, P. Licinius Crassus.
96 11 Coss., C. Cassius Longinus, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus.
95 12 Coss., L. Licinius Crassus, Q. Mucius Scaevola.
94 13 Coss., C. Caecilius Caldus, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus.
93 14 Coss., C. Valerius Flaccus, M. Herennius.
92 15 Coss., C. Claudius Pulcher, M. Perperna.
91 16 Coss., L. Marcius Philippus, Sex. lulius Caesar. Cicero

assumes the toga mrilis. Drusus is killed in a riot.
90 17 Coss., L. lulius Caesar, P. Rutilius Rufus. Social War.
89 18 Coss., Cn. Pompeius Strabo, L. Porcius Cato. Cicero serves

his first and last campaign.
88 19 Coss., L. Cornelius Sulla, Q. Pompeius Rufus. Civil Wi

Marius is driven from Rome by Sulla.
87 20 Coss., Cn. Octavius, L. Cornelius Cinna. The consuls qi

rel. Marius is recalled by Cinna. Reign of Terror.
86 21 Coss., L. Cornelius Cinna II., C. Marius VII. Death of

Marius. Birth of Sallust.

85 22 Coss., L. Cornelius Cinna III., Cn. Papirius Carbo.

84 23 Coss. , Cn. Papirius Carbo II. , L. Cornelius Cinna IV. Cinna,

about to make war upon Sulla in the east, is killed by his

own soldiers.

50

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 51

B. C. Aet. Cic.

83 24 Coss., L. Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, C. lunius Norbanus
Bulbus. Sulla returns and begins the civil war by defeat-
ing Norbanus.

82 25 Coss., C. Marius C. F., Cn. Papirius Carbo III. Sulla
becomes Dictator for life. Proscriptions.

81 26 Coss., M. Tullius Decula, A. Cornelius Dolabella. Sulla's
Reforms. Courts restored to the Senate.

80 27 Coss., L. Cornelius Sulla II., Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius.
Cicero defends Roscius. Int. § 14.

79 28 Coss., P. Servilius Yatia Isauricus, Appius Claudius Pulcher.
Abdication of Sulla. Cicero studies in the east. Int.
§ 15.

78 29 Coss., M. Aemilius Lepidus, Q. Lutatius Catulus. Death of
Sulla. Civil war between the consuls.

77 30 Coss., D. luuius Brutus, Main. Aemilius Lepidus Livianus.
Cicero returns to Rome and marries Terentia. Defeat of
Lepidus. Pompeius takes command against Sertorius.

76 31 Coss., Cn. Octavius, C. Scribonius Curio. Cicero elected to
the quaestorship anno suo. Birth of Tullia. Int. § 16.

75 32 Coss., C. Octavius, C. Aurelius Cotta. Cicero is Quaestor at
Lilybaeum in Sicily. Int. § 16.

74 33 Coss., L. Licinius Lucullus, M. Aurelius Cotta. Cicero re-
turns to Rome. Lucullus appointed to command against
Mithradates in the east. Int. § 17.

73 34 Coss., M. Terentius Varro, C. Cassius Varus. Cicero labors
in the forum. Spartacus heads the Servile War.

72 35 Coss. , L. Gellius Poplicola, Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus.

71 36 Coss., Cn. Aufidius Orestes, P. Cornelius Lentulus Sura.
Defeat of Spartacus. Conclusion of the war in Spain.

70 37 Coss., Cn. Pompeius Magnus, M. Licinius Crassus Dives.
Cicero elected Aedile. Impeachment of Verres. Courts
reformed by the lex Aurelia. Int. §§ 18-20.

69 38 Coss., Q. Hortensius, Q. Caecilius Metellus (Creticus). Cice-
ro is Aedile. Lucullus defeats Tigranes. Int. § 21.

68 39 Coss., L. Caecilius Metellus, Q. Marcius Rex. Mithradates
reconquers Armenia Minor.

67 40 Coss., C. Calpurnius Piso, M' Acilius Glabrio. Cicero is
elected Praetor. Pompeius takes command against the
Pirates. Mithradates resumes his throne.

52 LIFE OF CICERO.

B. C. Aet. Cic.

66 41 Coss., M' Aemilius Lepidus, L. Volcatius Tullus. Cicero is
Praetor. Supports the bill of Manillas, transferring the
command against Mithradates from Lucullus to Pompeius.
Int. §§ 22. 23, 24.

65 42 Coss., L. Aurelius Cotta, L. Man I i us Torquatus. Cicero
begins his canvass for the consulship. Birth of his son
Marcus. Pompeius retakes Pontus and reduces Tigranes
to submission. "First Conspiracy." Int. §§ 30-32.

64 43 Coss., L. lulius Caesar, C. Marcius Figulus. Cicero is
elected Consul anno suo. Marriage of Tullia. Pompeius
makes Syria a Roman Province. Int. §§ 33-37.

63 44 Coss., M. TULLIUS CICERO, C. Antonius Hybrida. Orations
against Catilina and for Murena. Death of Mithradates.
Pompeius enters Jerusalem. Birth of C. Octavius, after-
wards Caesar Augustus. Int. §§ 38-69.

62 45 Coss., D. lunius Silanus, L. Licinius Murena. Oration for
Sulla. Clodius violates mysteries of Bona Dea. Int. § 73.

61 46 Coss., M. Pupius Piso Calpurnianus, M. Valerius Messalla
Niger. Pompeius triumphs. Trial of Clodius. Q. Cicero
propraetor of Asia. Caesar propraetor of Spain. Int. § 74.

60 47 Coss., L. Afranius, Q. Caecilius Metellus Celer. Coalition
between Pompeius, Crassus, and Caesar. Int. §§ 75, 76.

59 48 Coss., C. lulius Caesar, M. Calpurnius Bibulus. Clodius is
adopted into a Plebeian family and becomes Tribune.
Int. §§ 77, 78.

58 49 Coss., L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, A. Gabinius. Cicero
goes into exile. Int. §§ 80, 81.

57 50 Coss., P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, Q. Caecilius Metellus
Nepos. Cicero is recalled. Int. §§82-84.

56 51 Coss., Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus, L. Marcius Philip-
pus. Cicero defends Sestius. Int. §§ 86, 87.

55 52 Coss., Cn. Pompeius Magnus II., M. Licinius Crassus Dives
II. Caesar invades Britain.

54 53 Coss., L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Appius Claudius Pulcher.
Crassus is defeated by the Parthians.

53 54 Coss., Cn. Domitius Calvinus, M. Valerius Messalla. Cicero
is elected Augur in place of Crassus.

52 55 Coss., Cn. Pompeius Magnus III., sole Consul for seven
months, then Cn. Pompeius Magnus III., Q. Metellus
Scipio. Cicero defends Milo. Int. §§ 88-90.

THE ROMAN COMMONWEALTH.

[ABOUT THE TIME OF CICERO'S CONSULSHIP.]

IT is assumed that the student has studied some manual of Roman
history, and will understand in a general way the terms used without
definition in the earlier sections.

THE ROMAN PEOPLE.

I. CITIZENSHIP. — The official designation of the Roman 1
people was POPULUS ROMANUS QUIRITES or QUIRITIUM, or
simply POPULUS ROMANUS. All inhabitants of Italy, ex-
cluding women, children, and slaves, were now citizens
(clues) of Rome, but their rights and privileges differed.

The full rights of citizenship, enjoyed by cives optima 2
iure only, were as follows :

a. Private Rights (privata iura) : 1. lus Commercii,
right of holding property. 2. lus Conubii, right of con-
tracting a legal marriage.

b. Public Rights (publica iura) : 1. lus Suffragii, right
of voting. 2. lus Provocationis, right of appeal to the
whole people on a criminal charge. 3. lus Honorum, right
of holding office.

These iura had belonged at first to the Patricians exclu- 3
sively, and were obtained by the Plebs only after a long
and bitter struggle, the details of which belong to Roman
history. The ius commerdi was the first to be granted
them ; the Servian classification, date uncertain, gave them
the suffragium ; the lex Valeria (509) gave them the ius
provocationis ; the lex Canuleia (445), the ius conubii ; and
the lex Licinia (367) gave them the right to hold the con-

53

54 THE ROMAN COMMONWEALTH.

sulship, and paved the way to unrestricted ius honorum by
the year 300.

4 Below the elves optima iure came a numerous body, who
had either never enjoyed full citizenship, or had lost it in
whole or in part. Of the former the most important class
were the freed slaves (Libertini), who stood to their former
masters much as in earlier times the clients had stood
to the patricians. They were enrolled as cives, held prop-
erty and voted, but were practically denied the ius honorum
until the taint of their origin had been removed by several
generations.

5 There were several ways in which a citizen might lose
some or all of his civitas. Conviction for certain offences
(infamia), or going into exile to avoid condemnation on a
capital charge, involved the loss of certain iura for life ;
while the censure of the Censors (ignominia) took away
certain rights during their term of office. Citizenship was
altogether lost by the citizen's transferring his allegiance
to another state, or by his being taken captive in war and
sold by the enemy into slavery.

6 From the standpoint of a magistrate each citizen was a
caput, a political unit, and the loss of citizenship to a less
or greater extent was called Deminutio Capitis. Hence
such expressions as crimen capitale, indicium capitis, poena
capitis, do not mean a charge, trial, or punishment in which
the life of a citizen was at stake, but such a one as involved
the whole or partial loss of his civitas. It is very impor-
tant to remember this when reading of Roman courts.

7 Citizenship was acquired by birth in lawful wedlock of
parents having the ius conubii, or was conferred by law, or
was (rarely) given by some duly authorized magistrate. A
citizen born was enrolled as such on reaching his 17th
year, taking at once the class his father had, and thence-
forth enjoyed all his rights. These rights were in force
wherever in Roman territory he might take up his abode,

8 except that he must be in the city to vote. There were prac-

THE ROMAN PEOPLE. 55

tically no burdens imposed by citizenship. The citizen was
theoretically liable for military duty from his 17th to his
60th year, and to pay a tax if such was found necessary in
time of war. Since the time of Marius, however, citizens
no longer served in the army against their will, and the rich
revenues from the provinces made taxation unnecessary even
in time of war. *

Entirely outside the pale of citizenship, and forming, of 9
course, no part of the Populus Romanus, were two numerous
elements in the population of the city, foreigners (Pere-
grini) and slaves (Servi). The persons and property of
the former were secured by law, though they might at any
time be removed from the city by vote of the people. Slaves
were looked upon as mere property, and had no rights of
any sort.

II. CLASS DISTINCTIONS. — Although the government of 1O
Koine is called republican, and although the old distinction
between patricians and plebeians had long since ceased to be
of political importance, still there were differences of posi-
tion between even the cives optima hire that are entirely
foreign to our ideas of republican equality. The govern- 11
ment was really aristocratic; and the preservation of its
democratic features was due solely to the fact that there
were two aristocracies, one of office-holders and the other
of capitalists, which struggled most bitterly with each other
during the last years of the Republic.

a. The Nobles. — The Roman nobility was now an 12
hereditary rank, based not upon birth but upon the hold-
ing of office. Any man who held any curule office, i.e.,
any dictator, consul, censor, praetor, or curule aedile, secured
to his descendants to the last generation the right (ius
imaginum) to display in their halls and carry at funerals a
wax mask representing his features. The possession of 13
such a mask, or in other words descent from a curule
magistrate, was the patent of nobility, and all descendants
of curule magistrates were, therefore, nobles (nobiles).

56 THE ROMAN COMMONWEALTH.

The dignity of a noble depended upon the number of such
masks that he could display.

14 Ordo Senatorius. — Sulla had increased the number of
senators from 300 to 600 life-members, and had chosen the
new members from ex-curule magistrates. He also pro-
vided that all holders of curule offices, or even of the
quaestorship, should be ipso facto members of the senate.

15 Such proved to be the influence of the senate over the
elections that it was able virtually to restrict the holding of
office to persons of its own choice. The candidates sup-
ported by the senators were naturally members of their
own families (therefore nobles), and so it came about that
the Senatorial Order and the Nobility were one and the
same thing.

16 Of course there might be exceptions. In the first place
a man not a noble might be elected to office in spite of the
senate. Such men (e.g., Cato the censor, Marius and
Cicero) were contemptuously called Homines Novi, " Men
without Ancestry," and although their descendants would

17 be nobiles, they were not so themselves. In the second
place there were always nobles who had not been elected
to office, and were not therefore of the senatorial order.
But men of these two classes were comparatively so few in
number that for practical purposes we may consider the
Nobilitas and the Ordo Senatorius as identical. The sena-
tors wore as insignia the tunica laticlavia (with a broad
purple stripe), and those who had also held curule magis-
tracies wore the mulleus, a purple shoe.

18 b. The Knights. — There had grown up since the second
Punic war a class of capitalists, bound loosely together
by community of interests. These were men who pre-
ferred trade and speculation to politics, and had amassed
large fortunes by their business ventures. Until the time
of Gracchus their position had been ill defined though

19 their influence had been considerable. He won their sup-
port by securing the passage of a law by the people giving

THE ROMAN PEOPLE. 57

the right of serving on juries, which had formerly belonged
to the senatorial order exclusively, to those persons not
senators who were worth not less than 400,000 sesterces
($20,000). This gave the state a new order ; and the nobles,
prevented by law from engaging in trade, found themselves
confronted by an aristocracy of wealth, which they in
turn excluded from political preferment. To this second 20
order the name Ordo Equestris was given, not that it had
anything to do with military service, but because its"census
(400,000 sesterces) was the same that had in early times
entitled a citizen to serve in the cavalry. The insignia of
the knights were a gold ring and the tunica angusticlavia
(with two narrow purple stripes).

c. The Commons. — Below the Nobles and the Knights 21
came the great mass of the citizens, the Commons. They
did not really form an order, had no insignia, and no dis-
tinctive name. They were called slightingly the Plebs,
and flatteringly the Populus ; but there were powerful
plebeian families among the knights and nobles, and both
these classes were also covered by the name Populus. The 22
condition of the. commons in Cicero's time was pitiable.
The combinations of capital shut them out of commerce
and manufacture, while the competition of slave labor
almost closed agriculture and the trades against them.
Some found employment in the colonies and provinces,
some eked out a scanty living on their farms, some made
war their trade ; but the idle and degraded flocked into the
capital to live on the cheap corn provided by the treasury,
and to sell their votes to the highest bidder.

It must be remembered, however, that no citizen was 23
absolutely excluded from either of the ordines. The
meanest citizen could become a Knight by amassing the
required sum of 400,000 sesterces, and the poorest could
make himself a senator and his descendants noble by beat-
ing the senatorial candidate for a quaestorship, and then
gaining a curule office.

58

THE ROMAN COMMONWEALTH.

24 Nothing certain is known of the number of citizens at
this time. The census of 241 showed 260,000 citizens of
military age (§ 8). That of 70, when the franchise had
been extended over all Italy, showed 450,000, but probably
only those were counted who presented themselves at Home
for the purpose. These figures would give a total free
population of about 780,000 and 1,350,000 respectively for
the area covered by each census. The census of 28 gave
4,063,000 for all Italy ; but it is a matter of dispute
whether this was the sum of the whole population, or of
those only of military age.

THE ASSEMBLIES.

25 For administrative purposes the citizens were divided
into various groups, as are those of all civilized communi-
ties to-day.

During the regal period when the patricians were the
only citizens, they were divided into thirty curiae, "wards."
At a later (republican) period all the people of the city and
adjacent territory were divided according to locality into
tribus, "tribes," which in Cicero's time numbered thirty -five.
At a still later date these tribes were subdivided on a basis
of wealth and age into ten centuriae, " centuries," making
of course three hundred and fifty centuriae for all the people
possessing the minimum of property required.

26 Each citizen on being enrolled as such (§ 7) was assigned
by the censors to his proper tribe and century, and it was
only as a part of such tribe or century that he could exer-
cise that most important of his iura publica (§ 2) the ius
suffragii That is, each ward, or tribe, or century, was
counted as a whole, its vote being determined, as is the
electoral vote of one of our states, by the majority of the
individual votes of the citizens who composed it.

27 In accordance with this triple division of the citizens
there were three great popular assemblies (comitia, from

THE ASSEMBLIES. 59>

cum and eo), known respectively as the Comitia Curiata, Co-
mitia Tributa, and Comitia Centuriata. The word comitia
is plural in Latin, but is used by English writers as a sing-
ular also, equivalent to assembly.

I. THE COMITIA CURIATA. — This ancient assembly of 28
the patricians had lost all political power, and was called
together merely as a matter of form to confer the impe-
rium upon the consuls, to authorize adoptions, etc. Its
authority was so shadowy that the curiae were merely rep-
resented by a single delegate each.

II. THE COMITIA TRIBUTA. — This had once been an 29'
assembly of plebeians only, but had grown in influence
until in Cicero's time it was the most important of the
comitia, and all legislation had practically passed into its
hands. It could be summoned by a consul, praetor, or
tribune. Its meetings were held in the forum. It elected
tribunes, quaestors, aediles, and petty magistrates. Most

of the laws that have come down to us were adopted in
this assembly and were called plebiscite

III. THE COMITIA CENTURIATA. — This was the first 3O
assembly in which the old orders, patricians and plebeians,
were associated together. Originally devised by Servius
Tullius it had been reconstructed at about the time of the
second Punic war. It was composed of the three hundred
and fifty centuriae mentioned in § 25, formed by dividing
each of the thirty-five tribes into five classes, according to
wealth, and each of these classes into two centuriae accord-
ing to age — one of Seniores (above 45), one of Juniores.
To these were added eighteen centuriae of young nobles
who had not been magistrates (§ 17), and five centuriae of
smiths, trumpeters, and citizens (called aerarii) who lacked
the property qualification for the regular classes, making a 31.
total of three hundred and seventy-three centuriae. This
assembly could be summoned by a dictator, consul, or
praetor. It met on the Campus Martins. It elected con-
suls, praetors, and censors. It possessed full rights of

60 THE KOMAN COMMONWEALTH.

legislation, but almost never used them. It possessed
judicial authority in criminal cases, but had delegated it
to the standing courts. It had the power of declaring
war, but had allowed the senate to usurp this function.

32 The same method of voting was used in all assemblies.
In the comitia tributa the people arranged themselves by
tribes in enclosures (saepta) marked off by ropes or other
barriers. Each citizen was supplied with tickets marked
"for" and " against " when a law was proposed, or with the
names of the candidates when an election was in prog-

33 ress. One tribe (tribus praerogativa) was selected by lot
to vote first; and the members of that tribe passed out of
the saepta one by one through a narrow opening (pons),
each depositing his ticket in a box provided for the pur-

34 pose. The vote of this tribe was immediately announced
to the remaining thirty-four, and (as the gods were supposed
to direct the lot) it was usually confirmed by a majority of
the others. The rest of the tribes then voted in the same
manner as the first, but at the same time, and the matter
was decided by a majority (eighteen) of the tribal votes.

35 The comitia centuriata went through similar formalities.
The people were arranged, each century to itself, around
the sides of the Campus Martius, a large space being left
unoccupied in the centre. The seventy centuries of the
first and wealthiest class cast lots to see which should vote
first (centuria praerogativa), and the result of its vote was

36 announced. Then the remaining centuries of the first
class (sixty-nine) and the eighteen centuries of nobles (§ 30)
voted at the same time. The other classes followed in order
of wealth ; but with each of these four classes voted an extra
century made up of citizens who had arrived too late to vote
with their proper centuries, thus making a total of three
hundred and seventy-seven votes, a majority of which
decided the matter.

37 None of these assemblies were in any sense deliberative
bodies. They could assemble only when called together

THE ASSEMBLIES. 61

by the proper magistrate, and then only to vote " Yes " or
"No," without the right to debate or amend, upon the
question which he put before them, or to elect or reject
some candidate whom he nominated to them. They were 38-
dissolved at any moment when it was his pleasure to stop
their proceedings, and if he saw fit he could annul the
election of a successful candidate by simply refusing to
officially proclaim the result.

Nor were the assemblies at the mercy of the presiding 39s
magistrate only. After notice had been given of the
meeting of the comitia, it could be countermanded by any
magistrate equal or superior in authority to the one
appointing it. Even after the voting had begun, it had to
be suspended if lightning was seen, or if a storm arose,
or if any one present had an epileptic fit, or if a tribune of
the people interposed, or if night came on before the busi-
ness was completed. After any such interruption the pro- 40'
ceedings had to be repeated from the very beginning —
they could not be resumed at the point where they were
discontinued. Thus if at an election of the eight praetors
an interruption took place after six had been chosen,
their election was null and void; they had to take their
chances again with the other two whenever the balloting
was renewed. The time required for holding an election
was therefore very uncertain, as, by one pretext or another,
it might be postponed for weeks and months.

As a citizen could vote at the elections only as a mere 41
fraction of a tribe, or ward, or century, and at the cost of a
journey to Rome if he lived elsewhere, and at the risk of loss
of time by interruptions and postponements, the comitia were,
except in times of great excitement, very scantily attended.
Sometimes out of an entire century only five citizens would
be present, and at all times the assembly was at the mercy
of the demoralized rabble of the city (§ 22).

CONTIONES. — In the comitia the people met to elect 42
magistrates and enact laws, but in another class of assem-

62

THE ROMAN COMMONWEALTH.

blies (contiones, from cum and venio) their part was a purely
passive one. Any magistrate had a right to get the people
together at any convenient time and place for the purpose
of informing them about matters in which he or they

43 might be interested. He could address them himself 01
give any one else the right to speak. These assemblies had
no powers of any kind, no resolutions were adopted, no
voting was. done, no debate was allowed; but they were
the one means of acquainting the public, citizens anc
slaves and foreigners, with public events before the days
of Court Journals, Congressional Records, or enterprising
newspapers.

THE MAGISTRATES.

44 The principal magistrates, with the dates on which their
offices were created and thrown open to the plebeians, are
shown in the following table : —

OFFICE. CREATED.

Consul 509

Dictator 509

Censor 443

Praetor 366

Curule Aedile 365

Quaestor 509
Tribune of the Plebs 494 j

Plebeian Aedile 494 I

OPEN TO PLEBEIANS.
367
356
351
337
364
421

Confined to the Plebs.

45 These offices are classified in several ways by writers
•upon Roman history and antiquities.

I. (a) Extraordinary : Dictator, with his Master of

the Horse.
(b) Ordinary : Consul, censor, praetor, tribune,

aedile, quaestor.

II. (a) With imperium (military power) : Dictator, con-
sul, praetor.

(b) Without imperium: Censor, tribune, aedile,
quaestor.

THE MAGISTRATES. 63

III. (a) Major (having the right to take the auspices
(§ 87) anywhere) : Dictator, consul, censor,
praetor.

(b) Minor (having the right to take the auspices
at Koine only) : Tribune, aedile, quaestor.
IV. (a) Curule (having an ivory chair) : Dictator, con-
sul, censor, praetor, curule aedile.
(b) Non-curule : Tribune, plebeian aedile, quaestor.
The duties of these magistrates, none of whom received
salary, are given below in the order of I. (a) and (b) :

(a) The EXTRAORDINARY MAGISTRATES. — In times of 46
danger without or of anarchy within the state, the senate
might call upon one of the consuls to appoint for six
months only an officer called Dictator, who had supreme
and absolute authority in all matters concerning the state.
The dictator appointed an assistant or vice-dictator, who
ranked next to himself in authority and was called magister
equitum. After 202 the only dictators were Sulla and 47
Caesar, who entirely changed the character of the office by
holding it for life (perpetuus), and doing away with the
magister equitum.

The word dictator was also applied in a very different
sense to a very insignificant person, the chief magistrate
of a free town.

(b) The ORDINARY MAGISTRATES. — These (excepting 48
the censor, § 56) were elected for a term of one year, the
consuls, censors, and praetors by the comitia centuriata

(§ 31), the others by the comitia tributa (§ 29). All except
the tribunes and quaestors entered upon office on the first
of January ; the official year of the quaestors began
December 5th, that of the tribunes December 10th. All 49
were elected in "colleges" or "boards" of two or more
— all members of a college having equal authority^ and
each having the right to veto the official acts of his
colleagues. All had civil authority (potestas}, sufficient for
their several duties, conferred upon them by the comitia at

64 THE ROM Aft COMMONWEALTH.

50 their election. This potestas varied in extent with the
different offices, but always included the right to make
rules for the procedure of the office during the year, the
right to punish those who violated these rules, and the
right to hold contiones (§ 42). The consuls and praetors
had, besides the potestas, imperiu?n, " military authority,"
which was conferred upon them subsequent to their inaugu-

51 ration by the comitia curiata (§ 28). The consuls, censors,
and curule aediles wore on ordinary occasions the official
toga praetexta, a white toga with purple border; and at
public festivities a toga wholly of purple ; they also sat
upon an official chair made of ivory arid called the sella-
curulis (representing the ancient throne of the kings,
whose authority had been divided among these magistrates),
and were hence called curule magistrates (magistratus
curules). The tribunes, quaestors, and plebeian aediles

52 had no insignia. Magistrates could not be dismissed dur-
ing their year of office, and were not amenable to the courts
while in office, though they were liable to prosecution for
bribery at their election before their term began, and for
misbehavior in office as soon as their terms expired.
Hence no magistrate could be elected to successive terms
of the same office.

53 (1) The Consules. — The consulship was the goal of every
Roman's ambition, the highest magistracy. The consuls
were two in number, and were elected several months
before their term began, usually in July, but the precise
date was fixed by the senate. They were the ordinary pre-
siding officers of the senate, directed its deliberations, and
executed its orders. They took precedence over all other
magistrates in summoning the senate and comitia centuriata,

54 and presided over the latter body at the election of all curule
magistrates. They usually took turns in acting as head of
the administration, each taking precedence for a month,
beginning with the elder. During his month each consul
was always attended in public by twelve Lictores, who-

THE MAGISTRATES. 65

marched before him in single file, each carrying upon his
shoulder the fasces, a bundle of rods typifying the consul's
right to scourge. Originally an axe had been bound up 55
with the rods, but this was not carried in the city after
the granting of the ius provocations (§ 3). The consuls
retained as ex-consuls (consulares) much of their dignity,
took precedence of other senators in debate, were alone
eligible to certain positions of honor, and gave their names
to their year of office.

(2) The Censores. — The censors were two in number, 56
elected from the consulares (§ 55), originally at the mini-
mum interval of four years, afterwards once in five years
— the period called a lustrum — and holding office for eigh-
teen months. Their duties were of three kinds : (a) they
took the census, which was a register of the citizens with
their families and the amount of their property, fixed, in
accordance with this census, the position of each citizen

in his tribe, class, and century, and filled vacancies in the
senate, (b) They had a general oversight of public morals, 57
and could punish any citizen for scandalous conduct by
removing him, if a senator or knight, from his ordo (§§ 14r
20), or if a commoner, to a lower class in his tribe, or even
into the ranks of the aerarii (§ 30). (c) They had general
oversight of the public finances, collected the revenues 53
by " farming " them to the highest bidders, let out con-
tracts for public works, and superintended their construc-
tion. During the interval between the abdication of one
board of censors and the election of their successors these
last duties were delegated by the senate to the consuls,
praetors, aediles, or other magistrates.

(3) The Praetores. — The praetors were eight in number, 59
and corresponded to our higher judges, being assigned by
lot to the several courts. The one to whom fell jurisdic-
tion in civil cases between Roman citizens was called
praetor urbanus ; the one having civil jurisdiction between
citizens and foreigners (§ 9) was called praetor peregrinus ;

66

THE ROMAN COMMONWEALTH.

the others had jurisdiction in criminal cases, presidi]
over six of the quaestiones perpetuae, " standing courts.'

60 The praetor urbanus was at the head of the Roman ju(
cial system, and while possessing no more real power ti
his colleagues was looked upon as of superior dignity
During the absence of both consuls from the city he pi
sided over the senate. All the praetors had the right
summon the senate and comitia, and each was attended ii
the city by two lictors, without the city by six.

61 (4) The Tribuni. — The tribunes of the plebs were ten
number, elected from the plebeians only (but these noi
practically included the whole populus), by the comitic
tributa presided over by an actual tribune. They were tl
most powerful officers of the state, though their power

of a negative kind, and they had no duties whatevei

Their authority was confined to the city itself, and thei

-persons were sacred, i.e., it was death to offer violence to

62 tribune in the exercise of his authority. They could sum-
mon, preside over, and bring business before the senate,
and in the right to summon the comitia tributa they took
precedence over all other magistrates. But the real
source of the tremendous power of the tribunes lay in
their unrestricted ius intercedendi, "veto power.'7 They
could veto any decree of the senate, any law of the comitia,

63 and in general any public act of any magistrate. They
could thus at any time bring about a " deadlock," com-
pletely stopping the wheels of government. The only con-
stitutional checks upon the power of a tribune were the
veto of his colleagues and the shortness of his term.
They had no insignia, but each was attended in public by
a single Viator (§ 71).

64 (5) The Aediles. — The aediles were four in number, two
curule and two plebeian. Notwithstanding this distinction
they were all elected in the comitia tributa and were prac-
tically of the same rank, differing but little in their duties.
(a) They were the superintendents of the markets, and had

THE MAGISTRATES. 67

tribunals in the forum from which they decided petty dis-
putes between buyers and sellers, (b) They superintended
the distribution of the grain furnished by the state at a
low cost to the needy commons, (c) They had general 65
police duties, including oversight of public order, the
water supply, streets and squares, and precautions against
fire, (d) They had the management of certain public
games. This last function made the office eagerly sought,
for the commons took great delight in the shows, and the
aedile who gratified them with expensive games would
reap his reward when he ran for another office.

(6.) The Quaestores. — The quaestors were twenty in 66
number, and had duties connected more or less closely
with the treasury. On the first day of their term (§ 48)
they determined their respective places by lot. Two,
called quaestores urbani, remained in the city, having
charge of the treasury (aerarium), and of the laws, decrees
of the senate, and other archives which were deposited
there for safe keeping. They kept the state accounts,
received the taxes, and paid out moneys to the proper
officers on order of the senate. Four others were assigned 67
to points in Italy where the public revenues required the
presence of state agents. Others accompanied the generals
in the field as pay- and quarter-masters, and the rest were
sent to the provinces, where their duties resembled those of
the city quaestors to whom they rendered their accounts.

PETTY MAGISTRATES. — Besides these important magis-68
trates there were several boards of inferior magistrates
charged with less extensive duties and elected in the
comitia tributa. There was a Board of Ten, plebeian law-
yers who advised the tribunes ; a Board of Three, who
looked after prisons and executions ; another Board of
Three, who superintended the coinage ; a Board of Four,
who, under the censors and aediles, cared for the streets of
the city ; and a Board of Two, who looked after the roads 69
outside of the city. There were also four Praefecti, " circuit

68

THE ROMAN COMMONWEALTH.

judges," who represented the praetor in Campania. These
petty magistrates are often grouped together under the title
Vigintisexviri, " Board of Twenty-six."

70 The CIVIL SERVICE. — For the discharge of public busi-
ness an army of clerks and other attendants of the magis-
trates was maintained at public expense. Chief among
these were the Scribae, " clerks," whole bureaus of which
were kept employed by the senate and all the higher magis-
trates. They were so numerous and important that they

71 were called collectively the Ordo Scribarum. The Lictores
were the attendants of the dictators, consuls, and praetors,
executed their orders when force was required, cleared a
way for them through the streets, and dispersed disorderly
crowds that impeded public business. The Viatores had
similar duties and were the attendants especially of the
tribunes. Praecones, "criers," were employed on all occa-
sions when it was necessary to make public proclamation
by word of mouth. All these officers received pay for
their services, and held their places during good behavior.

72 RELATIVE BANK OF THE MAGISTRATES. — It has been
said (§49) that a magistrate had the right to veto the
official acts of a colleague. Besides this a superior magis-
trate could thus annul any proceedings which had been
directed by an inferior magistrate. For the exercise of
this veto power the Extraordinary Magistrates were superior
to all others. Of the Ordinary Magistrates the tribunes
were supreme (§ 62) ; the consuls were superior to the cen-
sors and praetors, but the lower stages are uncertain.

73 PROMAGISTRATES. — The consuls and praetors began their
duties with auctoritas only (§ 50), but in case of sudden
danger requiring their services in the field they were at
once invested with the imperium (§ 28). Otherwise they
did not receive it, after Sulla's time, until their year of
civil authority had expired, i.e., on Jan. 1st, the day of the
inauguration of their successors. They were then sent,
under the titles of Pro consule and Pro praetore respect-

THE MAGISTRATES. 69

ively, to govern the various provinces, and thus their term
of office was extended for a year and might be further pro-
longed. As governors of provinces there was no distinction 74
between the proconsuls and propraetors, but the more
lucrative provinces were usually assigned to the former. In
his province the governor was supreme, at once commander
of the army, chief executive, and judge in both civil and
criminal cases. In such a position there was abundant
opportunity for gaining immense wealth. In times of peace 75
there were a thousand methods of extortion, and the average
governor left none untried ; in time of war there were cities
to be plundered and captives to be sold as slaves. A pro-
vincial governorship was looked upon by Roman nobles as
a gold mine from which to pay their debts and buy new
pleasures and honors. It was under these promagistrates
that the provincial quaestors (§ 67) served, and the relations
between them were naturally close and confidential.

Under certain circumstances the senate might have the 76
imperium conferred upon inferior magistrates or even
private citizens, and send them to the provinces as pro-
magistrates, though they had not filled the magistracies
themselves.

No person having the imperium was allowed to enter
Home, and promagistrates were not permitted to return
from their provinces cum imperio until relieved by their
successors.

THE CURSUS HONORUM. — The road to the gold mine of 77
the provinces was not, however, a short and easy one. The
laws fixed the age at which each magistracy could be held,
and provided that they should be taken in regular order.
This fixed order was called the cursus konorum ; the first step
was the quaestorship, legal age thirty ; then the praetorship,
legal age forty ; then the consulship, legal age forty-three. 78
Two years had to elapse after one curule office had been held
before the next higher could be taken, no matter what was
the age of the candidate. A man standing for (or elected

70 THE ROMAN COMMONWEALTH.

to) an office at the earliest date permitted by these rules
was said to have stood (or been elected) suo anno. An
aspirant for political honors liked to hold the aedileship
(see § 65 (d)) or the tribuneship between the quaestorship
and consulship, but was not required to do so.

MINISTERS OF RELIGION.

79 The Koman commonwealth was conceived of as founded
by the gods, and continuously and directly dependent upon
them. The national religion was a stately ceremonial hav-
ing little to do with the lives and morals of the citizens,
but maintained upon a lavish scale for the purpose qf
securing the favor of the gods, and with it the perpetuity
of the state.

80 These ceremonies were directed by various priests, or
colleges of priests, religious guilds and societies. The
priests, however, had none of the characteristics which we
are accustomed to associate with the word. They did not
form an exclusive class or caste, nor did they require pre-
liminary training or education. They were not excluded
from other offices; on the contrary, the more important
priesthoods were filled by the greatest statesmen and
generals — Julius Caesar was Pontifex Maxinius while he
was fighting in Gaul.

81 THE PONTIFICES. — The most important of the priestly
colleges was that of the pontifices, who had the supervision
of the whole state religion, including general oversight of
all the other ministers of religion, thus exerting a vast
political influence. The president of the college was called
Pontifex Maximus, and the position was upon the whole
the first in dignity and importance in Borne. He was

82 originally chosen by his colleagues, who had formed a self-
perpetuating body, but in Cicero's time all were appointed by
the vote of seventeen tribes selected by lot from the thirty-
five. He held office for life, lived in the ancient palace of

MINISTERS OF RELIGION. 71

the kings, the Regia, appointed the fifteen flamines (priests
of particular gods), selected the Vestal Virgins, superin-
tended religious marriages, and other important family
ceremonies, and with the aid of his colleagues regulated
and published the calendar.

THE AUGURES. — Next in dignity came the college of 83
augurs, also fifteen in number, and elected in the same way
as the pontifices. They were charged with the interpreta-
tion of the auspices (auspicia), which played a very
important part in political affairs. The auspices were
entirely distinct from omens (omina), being simply answers
" Yes " or " No " to questions put to the gods in regard to
the propriety of some contemplated act which Nvas dis-
tinctly specified. Custom required that the gods should 84
thus be consulted on all important public occasions. Favor-
able auspices, i. e., the permission of the gods, were
required before the comitia could be held, the senate con-
vened, magistrates inaugurated, battles fought, or any act
affecting the commonwealth performed. These questions
the gods would only answer when put to them by a duly
authorized person, and the answers were given by the
peculiar chirp or flight of birds. The right to put the 85
questions for the state (auspicia publica) was invested in
each of the higher magistrates, who was said habere
auspicia ; the interpretation was a science (ius augurium),
the special study and care of the augurs. Magistrates and
augurs were therefore dependent upon each other, neither
alone could get the information desired.

For taking the auspices an open space was marked out 86
by the augurs called templum, the original sense of the
word not implying at all a sacred building. The proper
templum for auspicia publica was the auguraculum upon
the Capitol, but for convenience other places, e.g., the
Rostra in the forum, the hortus Scipionis in the campus
Martius, and the buildings erected as homes of the gods
(templa, in our sense), were "inaugurated," but only by

72 THE ROMAN COMMONWEALTH.

direct permission of the auspices taken in the auguraculum.

87 Similarly, generals before going on a campaign took the
auspices on the Capitol, and were said to " carry their
auspices " with them ; if they were unsuccessful, they were
thought to have "lost their auspices," and had in early
days to return to Rome for new ones (auspicia repetere).
The inconvenience of this rule led to the invention of a
new method of taking auspices, by watching the feeding
of sacred chickens which the general took along with him
wherever he went. Hence the classification of magistrates
in § 45, III.

88 To both the augur and the magistrate the auspices were
a source of great political power. So minute and intricate
were the rules and regulations of augury, that a zealous
augur could pick a flaw in almost any auspices, and thus
effectually prevent action on the part of magistrate, senate,
and people. And besides, it was a principle of augural
law, confirmed by statute law, that no action could be taken
by a magistrate if he was notified that another was en-
gaged in taking auspices. This was because it was thought

89 that the will of the gods was not yet fully ascertained. If
therefore a magistrate gave notice that on a certain day, or
series of- days, he intended to "watch the heavens " (ser-
vare de caelo), none of the acts requiring auspices (§ 84)
could be performed on that day or that series of days. This
notice was called obnuntiatio, and was frequently employed
against an obstinate tribune by magistrates who had other-

90 wise no power over him (§ 72), as well as by the other
magistrates against each other. From this it will be seen
that a position in the college of augurs was one to be
coveted by men of the greatest dignity and highest rank —
Cicero himself became a member of the college ten years
after his consulship. The insignia of the office were the
toga praetexta, the purple striped tunic (trabea), and a

. curved staff (lituus).

91 OTHER BOARDS. — Below the augurs were numerous

THE SENATE. 73

other boards and guilds. The Quindecemviri Sacris
Faciundis had charge of the prophetic books (libri Sibyllini)
which the Cumaean Sibyl sold to Tarquinius Superbus.
They contained oracles relating to the state, and could be
consulted and interpreted by the board only by direct com-
mand of the senate. The Haruspices were an unofficial 92
guild, though they were sometimes consulted by the senate
when unusual omens or portents were announced. They
foretold the future by lightning and the entrails of victims
slain in sacrifice, and thus claimed to do much more than
the augurs, who could at best only get responses to such
questions as could be answered " Yes" or "No." On the
other hand, the augurs ridiculed the pretensions of the
haruspices, and asserted that they merely worked upon
the superstitious fears of the ignorant.

THE SENATE.

The senate was originally the body of old men (senatus, 93
cf . senex) called upon by the King to advise him when in
doubt. It had never acquired any additional rights by
law, in fact it had no constitutional powers at all, but it
had come to dominate all departments of state, to be in
itself the government with the magistrates as its^servants.

One source of its power was its membership, the ordo 94
senatorius described in § 14. All the higher magistrates
became members of the senate for life as soon as their
term of office ended, and all but the quaestors were sena-
tors before their term began. The senate thus contained
by indirect election all the picked men of the state. Its
leaders were men trained from boyhood in the principles of
government, with all the advantages of experience. All
great generals, all the men who had acquaintance with
foreign countries from having lived in them as governors
or ambassadors, all distinguished jurists and economists, all
the higher priests even were in the senate. The influence 95

74

THE ROMAN COMMONWEALTH.

of such a body was irresistible. It is true that it could
not enforce its recommendations, but we can ea£ily see
that its advice would not be lightly disregarded, or its
good opinion forfeited, by magistrates who for one year
only, and with little previous experience, were charged
with the enormous responsibility of government.

96 The senate took cognizance of all affairs of administra-
tion, but it concerned itself chiefly with foreign affairs,
finance, and religion. In these its second source of influ-
ence was felt, — its permanence. It was the only organized
body in the state that possessed a continuous knowledge

97 of public affairs. To it therefore the foreign nations sent
embassies ; with it they made treaties. Appointing as it
did all promagistrates with imperium (§ 73), it virtually
directed war and concluded peace, although constitutionally

98 this was the right of the comitia centuriata (§ 31). Its
control over the finances was due to the interval between
the abdication of one board of censors (§ 56) and the elec-
tion of their successors. In this period of from two and
one half to three and one half years there was at all times
money to receive and to pay out on orders and contracts,
with which the magistrates for the time had had nothing
to do. To the senate, therefore, as the one continuous
body, fel^the right to direct financial matters during this
period (§ 58) ; and to it the next board would naturally
look for advice in all questions of taxation and expendi-

99ture. In religious matters its influence was due to the
fact that the priests (§ 80), as such, had no magisterial
powers, and had to act through the regular magistrates.
The influence of the senate over them has been explained
100 in § 95. In all these matters, and in the countless others
on which the senate acted, it must be remembered that
it ruled wholly by moral influence. At any time a magis-
trate might become recalcitrant, and carry a question,
in spite of the senate, to the only constitutionally authori-
tative bodies, — the comitia. In such a case the senate

THE SENATE. 75

could only oppose its influence to his, and, if the people
were on his side, either give way, or try to tire out the
opposition by the many means of delay that could be
practised in the comitia (§§ 39, 89).

MEETINGS OP THE SENATE. — The senate came together 101
at the call of any qualified magistrate (consul, praetor,
tribune), who, by virtue of having summoned it, was its
president for the time. It was the only deliberative
assembly in Koine, i.e., the only one in which debate was
allowed. Of course it could discuss only such questions 102
as the president laid before it; but among the twenty
magistrates who possessed the right, it could always find
one who would ask its advice about the business it wished
to discuss. The time and place for meeting were always 103-
named in the call, which was made either through the
praecones (§ 71), or by a written notice posted in the
forum. The senate had no fixed hour or place for meeting,
although the time was usually early in the day, because
sunset put an end to all deliberations, and the place had to
be a templum (§ 86). The auspices were always taken
before the meeting began (§ 84).

The president laid (referre) the matters about which he 104-
desired " advice " (§ 102), before the senate in general
terms, and in such order as he pleased. No one could
make a motion without his permission, and no one could
give an opinion unless called upon by him. He might at
once demand a vote ; but if debate was allowed he called
upon the members to express their views in a regular
order, sanctioned by ancient custom, giving his own opin-
ion at any point he pleased. The first to be called upon 105
was the Princeps Senatus, an honorary title given by the
censors to the senator (generally a patrician) whom they
deemed most worthy. After him came the consulares,
praetorii, and aedilicii, i.e., such members as sat in the
senate by virtue of having held these offices. If, how- 106
ever, the debate occurred between the time of the annual

76 THE ROMAN COMMONWEALTH.

elections and the inauguration of the successful candi-
dates, these magistrates-elect (designati) took precedence
over ex-magistrates of the same rank. It is a matter of
dispute whether or not the pediarii (those who had held
no curule (§ 45, iv. b) office) "had the ius sententiae, " right

107 of debate." The president might, however, vary the regu-
lar order, and thus honor or slight any senator by calling
him out of turn, or by passing him over altogether. As
each senator was called upon he could give his opinion in
full (sententiam dicere), or simply express his agreement
with a previous speaker (verbo assentiri). He might also
include in his remarks any other matters that he pleased,
and this made it easier than now to prevent action by
talking against time (diem dicendo consumers) until sunset

108 (§ 103). The final vote was taken by division (discessio).
If several conflicting sententiae had been expressed, the
magistrate presiding put such as he pleased to the house,
and they were voted upon singly until one received a
majority of the members present. All present, except
actual magistrates, were obliged to vote, but there was no

109 rule as to a quorum. When a sententia had been adopted,
it was written out, after the adjournment of the senate, by
the scribae (§ 70), in the presence of the president and of
its principal supporters, who attested its genuineness by
their signatures. There are frequent complaints of forged
sententiae.

110 DECREES OF THE SENATE. — The senate had no power to
pass laws : it could merely express its opinion in the form
of advice to the magistrate who convoked it. This advice
might be rejected by that magistrate, or, even if he adopted
it, it might be vetoed by any magistrate equal or superior
to him (§ 72). If it successfully ran the gantlet of these
vetoes, it was taken for granted that it would find no suffi-
cient opposition in the comitia (where only laws could be
passed), and was promulgated as a senatus consultum,

111 " ordinance of the senate." If vetoed by a superior magis-

THE SENATE. 77

trate, it was put forth as auctoritas senatus, " the deliberate
utterance of the senate," having all the moral weight attach-
ing to such a body as that described in § 94, but no bind-
ing force with either magistrates or people. If its friends 112
looked upon the opposition to it as capricious or weak,
proceeding, e. g., from the personal feeling of the individual
who vetoed it, they brought to bear upon him every possi-
ble influence and argument to induce him to withdraw his
opposition. If he remained firm they might still get a
superior magistrate, if there was such, to bring it before
the comitia, with the hope of getting it passed by the
people as a regular and authoritative law.

ABBREVIATIONS AND REFERENCES.

ABBREVIATIONS.

THE abbreviations are for the most part those with which the student
has become familiar in his Caesar. The following may require expla-
nation; Caes. — Caesar de Bello Gallico, cited by book, chapter, and
smaller section; Sail. Cat. — Sallusti (86-35) Bellum Catilinae, cited by
chapter and smaller section; P. zz Treble's revision of the grammar of
Andrews and Stoddard; Ep. = epistle, letter; Exc. = excursus; Int. =
introduction or introductory; Sal. = salutation; O. O. = oratio obliqua,
indirect discourse; O. R. = oratio recta, direct discourse.

REFERENCES.

References to the Grammars ask attention to such parts only of the
main article as are followed by a mark of punctuation. E.g., " A. 331,
e;" means — read all of article 331 and section e under it; while "A.
331 e;" means — read section e under article 331, but not article 331
itself.

References to the Introductory Matter give the sections to be read
(marked §) and the page (p.), on which the section begins. References
to the Excursuses give the number of the Excursus and the paragraph
{§) to be read. The page may be found from the Table of Contents.

References to the Orations give the Title of the oration, the smaller
section, and the number of the line of the larger section in which the
word in question is found. The title is always abbreviated, I., II., III.,
IV., meaning the first, second, etc., oration against Catilina, Mur., Sull.,
Sest., Mil., the orations for Murena, Sulla, Sestius, or Milo. E.g., in
the note on page 119, line 1 " I. 16. 38 " means — line 38 in paragraph
16 of the first oration against Catilina. In references to words in other
chapters of the same oration, the Title is omitted and the sign § is put
before the number of the paragraph. E.g., in the note on page 82, line
5 " § 3. 24 " means — the 24th line in paragraph 3 of this oration. In
references to words in the same chapter (not necessarily in the same
paragraph) the Title and paragraph are omitted, and the abbreviation 1.
is placed before the number of the line. E.g., in the note on page 80,
line 6 " see on 1. 4 " means — read the note on line 4 of this chapter.

References to the Letters are made in the same way, except that the
lines of each letter are numbered throughout. The Letters are distin-
guished from the Orations by the abbreviation Ep., and each letter is
denoted by its number in this collection, printed in Roman capitals. The
shorter letters are not divided into paragraphs, and in such cases, instead
of a paragraph number, the abbreviation 1. is placed before the number of
the line.

78

M. TULLI CICERONIS

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PRIMA

IN SENATU HABITA.

I. Quo usque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia no- 1
stra? quam diu etiam furor iste tuus nos eludet?
quern ad finem sese effrenata iactabit audacia ? Nihilne
te iiocturnum praesidium Palati, nihil urbis vigiliae,

TITLE. — M. Tulli Ciceronis.

On the three names cf. A. 80 a;
H. 649; P. 666; on the gen. -i for
-ii. A. 40 b; G. 29 R. 1; H. 515;
P. 97 (4); Cicero is said to be
derived from cicer, ' a small pea.'
Decline the three names side by
side. Oratio : nom., used abso-
lutely in the title of books, etc.
in Catilinam, ' against Catilina.'
prima : there are four orations com-
monly called 'against Catilina.'
in senatu, see p. 31, § 50, and
explain the circumstances under
which this oration was delivered.

§ 1. 1. 1. tandem, ' I pray,' in in-
terrogative and imperative sen-
tences is the sign of intense feeling.
abutere, 'use up,' 'exhaust'
(not 'abuse,' 'misuse'); observe

the quantity of penult and thus
determine tense.

2. etiam, ' still,' in temporal
meaning.

3. Nihilne, an emphatic nonne.
Note the repetition of the same
word at the beginning of succes-
sive clauses instead of a connec-
tive : it is called anaphora.

4. Palati, mons Palatinus.
This hill was the original seat of
Rome, and remained a point of
great strategic importance, always
promptly garrisoned when danger
within the city was apprehended.
On the brow of the hill toward the
Via Sacra stood the temple of Jupi-
ter Stator, wherethe senate was now
assembled . Point out these objects
on Plan A. Cicero had increased
the guards for political effect.

79

80

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PKIMA.

5 nihil timor populi, nihil concursus bonorum omnium,
nihil hie munitissimus habendi senatus locus, nihil
horum ora voltusque moverunt? Patere tua consilia
non sentis, constrictam iam horum omnium scientia
teneri coniurationem tuam non vides ? Quid proxima,

10 quid superiors nocte egeris, ubi fueris, quos convoca-
veris, quid consilii ceperis, quern nostrum ignorare

2 arbitraris ? O tempora, o mores ! Senatus haec in-
tellegit, consul videt ; hie tamen vivit. Vivit ? immo
vero etiam in senatum venit, fit public! consilii parti-

15 ceps, notat et designat oculis ad caedem unum quem-
que nostrum. Nos autem fortes viri satis facere rei

5. bonorum, ' loyal men,' the
political sense of the word, in-
cluding all persons in the speak-
er's party, and excluding all
others ; opposed to it are the words
improbi, perditi.

6. locus, see on 1. 4.. Where
were the meetings of the senate
commonly held ? See Int., p. 75,
§103.

7. ora voltusque, ' expression
on the faces.' The expression of
an idea by two connected nouns
instead of by a single modified
noun is called hendiadys ; quote
an example from Csesar 1. 3, ad fin,
inter . . . dant.

8. 9. constrictam teneri, how
different in meaning from con-
strictam esse ? A. 292 c ; G.
230; H. 388 1 note; P. 547 c.
Habeo is more common than
teneo in this use: quote example
from Caesar 1. 15, quern . . . habe-
bat. scientia; i.e., is powerless,
because every one knows of it.

The strength of a conspiracy lies
in secrecy.

9-11. Read p. 30, § 49, and tell
what places, times, and measures
are meant. Some of the men
called together are named in Sal-
lust's account of the Conspiracy.
Among them were ten senators,
four knights, and many from
places in Italy outside of Rome.

12. arbitraris. In the present
indicative of deponent verbs,Cicero
writes -ris not -re. What does he
write in the future tense ? cf. 1. 1.

§ 2. 13, 14. immo vero is used
to correct a previous statement as
either too weak or too strong:
which here? Trans. " Lives,,
did I say? nay, he even, etc."
publici consilii, * a council
of the state,' here the senate.
The word consilium is used of
any organized body taking com-
mon action.

16. viri fortes, nom. case,
ironical.

CAP. 1, § 1-3.

81

publicae videmur, si istius furorem ac tela vitenms.
Ad mortem te, Catilina, duel iussu consulis iam pridem
oportebat, in te conferri pestem, quam tu in nos 19
machinaris. An vero vir amplissumus, P. Scipio, 3
pontifex maximus, Ti. Gracchum mediocriter labe-
factantem statum rei publicae privatus interfecit;
Catilinam orbem terrae caede atque incendiis vastare
cupientem nos consules perferemus ? Nam ilia nimis
antiqua praetereo, quod C. Servilius Ahala Sp. Mae- 25
lium novis rebus studentem manu sua occidit. Fuit,
fuit ista quondam in hac re publica virtus, ut viri
fortes acrioribus suppliciis civem perniciosum quam

17. istius = Catilinae. This is
the demonstrative used most fre-
quently of one's opponent in court,
debate, etc., and thus it often has
a certain contemptuous force.

§ 3. 20. An really introduces the
second part of a double direct
question, of which in excited
speech the first part is often omit-
ted, as here. In translation the
omitted part may be supplied from
the context: "[Am J wrong], or
did, etc.," or the an may be faintly
represented by 'then.' an vero,
the words go with both interfecit
and perferemus.

21. P. Scipio Nasica was at the
head of the optimates who (133)
killed Ti. Sempronius Gracchus.
Creighton, p. 57; Allen, p. 156;
Myers, p. 80; Pennell, p. 96; pon-
tifex maximus, p. 70, §§ 81, 82.

22. privatus. Nasica held no
office at the time of the death of
Gracchus. Privatus is opposed
in meaning to Magistratus. For
list of magistrates, see p. 62,
§45.

23. orbem terrae, ' the circle of
land,' around the Mediterranean,
'the whole earth.'

24. ilia, 'the following prece-
dents,' explained by the clause
quod . . . occidit. A. 333; G. 525;
H. 540, IV. ; P. 540 (4). The plural
is used either to imply that more
precedents might be given, or with
deliberate exaggeration.

25. Sp. Maelium. Maeliuswas
a rich plebeian who sold corn to the
poor at low rates during the famine
of 439. He was accused of court-
ing the favor of the people, with a
view to making himself king, and
was summoned before the dictator
Cincirmatus to answer to the
charge. On his hesitating to obey,
he was killed by Ahala, the magis-
ter equitum, p. 63, § 46.

27. ista, ' such,' not used of an
opponent here, and so not con-
temptuous. Note the strict use of
the ' demonstrative of the second
person': bravery on the part of
such men as you (senators), in ear-
lier times.

82

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PEIMA.

acerbissimum hostem coercerent. Habemus senatus
30 consultum in te, Catilina, vehemens et grave, noi
deest rei publicae consilium neque auctoritas hull
ordinis ; nos, nos, dico aperte, consules desumm

4 II. Decrevit quondam senatus, ut L. Opimius consi
videret, ne quid res publica detriment! caperet; no:
nulla intercessit ; interfectus est propter quasdan
seditionum suspiciones C. Gracchus, clarissimo patr<

5 avo, maioribus, occisus est cum liberis M. Fulvius
consularis. Simili senatus consulto C. Mario et L.

30. consultum, 'decree.' For
the formalities attending the pas-
sage of a ' consultum,' and the dis-
tinction between a consultum and
auctoritas, see p. 76, §§ 110, 111.
For the decree referred to here,
see p. 29, § 47; for its scope, Sallust
Cat. 29 says: Ea potestas per se-
natum more Romano magistratui
maxima permittitur, exercitum
parare, bellum gerere, coercere
omnibus modis socios atque civis.
domi militiaeque imperium atque
indicium summum habere : aliter
sine populi iussu nullius earum
rerum consulifas est.

31. consilium, ' wisdom,' ' ad-
vice,' ' statesmanship.' In how
many meanings is consilium used
in this chapter ?

Explain the case of patientia 1,
nihil 4, senatus 6, nocte 10, con-
silii, quern 11, tempora 12, con-
silii 14, viri 16, consules 24; and
the mood of ceperis 11.

§ 4. 1-10. Two precedents less
remote than that of Ahala.

1. quondam. In 121, Gaius
Gracchus, tribune 123-122, had

carried a series of measures tend-
ing to overthrow the power of th<
senate. The senate took advai
tage of a riot to pass the consul
turn ultimum, arming L. Opimii
the one consul then at Rome,
against the revolutionists. Gre
elms himself, his chief supporter
M. Fulvius Flaccus, with the lat
ter's young son and three thousam
of their followers were kill(
Creighton, p. 59 f.; Allen, p. 164;
Myers, p. 81 ; Pennell, p. 97.

4. clarissimo patre, abl.
quality. The construction
slightly irregular. Such an abl.,
or equivalent gen., or adj., usually
modifies a generic noun (homo,
vir), in apposition with the propei
name; but the generic noun
often omitted as here. Quote
amples from Caesar I. 10, ad fin
and I. 18, 3, ad init., and tel
whether they illustrate the reguh
or exceptional construction.

5. liberis. Really but one soi
was killed in the riot, and th<
plural is used by rhetorical ex£
geration, as ilia, § 3, 24.

6. 7. C. Mario. What does

CAP. 1-2, § 3-4.

83

Valeric consulibus est permissa res publica; num
unum diem postea L. Saturninum tribunum pi. et C.
Servilium praetorem mors ac rei publicae poena re-
morata est ? At nos vicesimum iam diem patimur 10
hebescere aciem horum auctoritatis. Habemus enim
huiusce modi senatus consultum, verum inclusum
in tabulis tamquam in vagina reconditum, quo ex
senatus consulto confestim te interfectum esse, Cati-
lina, convenit. Vivis, et vivis non ad deponendam, 15
sed ad confirmandam audaciam. Cupio, patres con-

stand for ? Write the full name.
Mario et Valeric. During their
consulship (100) revolutionary
measures were proposed by L.
Saturninus and C. Glaucia. In
fear of violence, the senate passed
the consultum ultimum ; and, in
the conflict that followed, Saturni-
nus and his followers were stoned
to death in the senate house.
Creighton, p. 63; Allen, p. 172;
Pennell, p. 105.

9. mors ac rei p. poena, * the
death penalty fixed by the State.'
Name the grammatical figure, and
quote an illustration from § 1.
rei publicae, subjective gen. ; the
Romans looked upon all punish-
ments (originally fines) as belong-
ing to the injured party, to whom
the fines were in early times given
as recompense or damages.

9, 10. remorata est, 'caused
to wait.' The criminal is repre-
sented as always expecting punish-
ment, and waiting for it to over-
take him. vicesimum in round
numbers. Find the exact num-
ber, reading p. 29, § 47, and re-
membering that the Romans
counted in the starting-point.

12, 13. huiusce modi, A. 215,
a ; G. 364; H. 396, V. ; P. 356. in-
clusum in tabulis. What is the
decree compared to ? tabulae
are here the blocks of stone or
metal on which the laws were in-
scribed. They were hung up in
public for seventeen days, and
then deposited in the aerarium,
the public treasury, in the temple
of Saturnus, in care of the
Quaestors, p. 67, § 66.

14, 15. interfectum esse . . .
convenit. Give the tense and sub-
ject of convenit. What tense might
have been expected for interfectum
esse ? A. 288, a ; G. 246, Rein. i.
(with exs.); H. 537 1; P. 539.
Sometimes with such verbs as con-
venit, oportuit, potui, etc., an ap-
parent perf. passive (not active)
infin. is found. In such cases the
participle is to be regarded as a
predicate adj. (cf. Gallia est oninis
divisa), and not as forming a true
perfect. A. 288 d; G. 275, 1 ad
fin and 2; H. 537 2; P. 539 a.
Quote an example from § 2, and
tell which use it illustrates.

16. patres conscripti. The
original members of the senate

84

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PRIMA.

script!, me esse clementem, cupio in tantis rei publi-
cae periculis me non dlssolutum videri, sed iam me

5 ipse inertiae nequitiaeque condemno. Castra sunt in

20 Italia contra populum Romanum in Etruriae faucibus
conlocata, crescit in dies singulos hostium numerus ;
eorum autem castrorum imperatorem ducemque hostium
intra moenia atque adeo in senatu videmus intestinam
aliquam cotidie perniciem rei publicae molientem. Si

25 te iam, Catilina, comprehendi, si interfici iussero,
credo, erit verendum mihi, ne non potius hoc omnes
boni serins a me quam quisquam crudelius factum
esse dicat. Verum ego hoc, quod iam pridem factum
esse oportuit, certa de causa nondum adducor ut fa-

30 ciam. Turn denique interficiere, cum iam nemo tam

were all patricians, and were called
patres ; but, after the expulsion of
the kings (509), some of the lead-
ing plebeians were admitted to the
republican senate under the title
of ' conscripti,' ' added to the roll.'
The term patres conscripti is
therefore shortened from patres
et conscripti ; but so thoroughly
was the origin of the phrase for-
gotten, that Cicero calls a single
senator pater conscriptus.

18. dissolutum, 'radical.'

19. inertiae, case ? A. 220; G.
377; H. 409,11.; P. 367.

§ 5. 23. atque adeo either cor-
rects a previous statement ' or
rather,' or adds to and intensifies
it 'and actually'. Which here?
What similar phrase in § 2 ?

25. comprehendi, same mood
as interfici. si what other con-
junction might have been used ?
See on § 1, 3, and quote a parallel
from Caes. I. 14, ad fin. iussero,

translate a Latin future perfect
after si, cum, ubi, by an English
present. For the form of the con-
dition, A. 307, 1, a and c ; G. 597,
236 2 H. 508, 2; P. 476 (1).

26-28. erit verendum . .
dicat. credo is parenthetical and
ironical. Cicero might fear two-
opposite criticisms upon his con-
duct:

(a) ne omnes boni serins factum
esse dicant.

(b) ne quisquam crudelius fac-
tum esse dicat. He really fears
(a), so when speaking ironically he
reverses the case and says: "I
shall have to fear, I suppose,
not rather (a) than (6)." Trans,
the whole: "L shall have to fear,
I suppose, not that all loyal men
will call my action tardy, but that
some one will call it excessively
cruel."

29. certa de causa, explained
by the rest of the chapter.

CAP. 2-3, § 4-7.

85

inprobus, tarn perditus, tarn tui similis inveniri pot-
erit, qui id non iure factum esse fateatur. Quamdiu 6
quisquam erit, qui te defendere audeat, vives, et vives
ita, ut vivis, multis meis et firmis praesidiis obsessus,
ne commovere te contra rem publicam possis. Mul- 35
torum te etiam oculi et aures non sentientem, sicut
adhuc fecerunt, speculabuntur atque custodient.

ill. Etenim quid est, Catilina, quod iam amplius
expectes, si neque nox tenebris obscurare coeptus nefa-
rios nee privata domus parietibus continere voces con-
iurationis tuae potest, si illustrantur, si erumpunt
omnia ? Muta iam istam mentem, mihi crede, oblivi- 5
scere caedis atque incendiorum. Teneris undique ;
luce sunt clariora nobis tua consilia omnia ; quae iam
mecum licet recognoscas. Meministine me ante diem 7

31. tui similis. In Cicero simi-
lis nearly always takes the gen.
of nouns and pronouns denoting
persons; and with nouns denoting
things the gen. is rather more
common than the dative.

Explain the case of detriment!
2, Mario 6, diem 10, aciem 11,
rei publicae 24, mihi 26, me 27 ;
mood of fateatur 32, audeat 33,
possis 35. Give princp. parts of
decrevit 1, cupio 16, crescit 21,
audeat 33.

§ 6. 1. Etenim quid est, etc.,
gives the reason for vives, et vives,
etc., 1. 33 above, and prepares the
way for the general theme * Leave
the city!'

2. coeptus, a very rare noun;
the usual word is conatus.

3. parietibus. Synonyms: mu-
rus, wall in general, paries, wall

of a house, moenia (cf. munire),
walls of a city for defence.

5. mihi crede, ' follow my ad-
vice.' A. 227; G. 345; H. 384, 1. ;
P. 375, 376.

8. licet recognoscas. A. 331
i. note 3; H. 501, I. 1, and 502 1;
P. 494, a, and 531 a. What other
mood might have been used for
recognoscas ? Meministine =
nonne meministi; -ne is often used
for nonne, especially in questions
of a rhetorical nature and in col-
loquial language. It is probable
that it had originally a negative
force, ante diem xii. Kal. Nov.
A. 376, a, b, c, d, and 259 e ; G.
p. 387; H. 642, in full, and esp.
III. 3; P. 660 (4); cf also Caesar

I. 6 ad fin and the note, ante diem
is here the idiomatic form for die
(abl. of time) ante; what should
we expect for the same words in

II. 10 and 16 ?

86

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PRIMA.

xii Kalendas Novembris dicere in senatu fore in ar-

10 mis certo die, qui dies futurus esset ante diem vi
Kal. Novembris, C. Manlium, audaciae satellitem atque
administrum tuae? Num me fefellit, Catilina, non
modo res tanta, tarn atrox tamque incredibilis, verum,
id quod multo magis est admirandum, dies ? Dixi

is ego idem in senatu caedem te optumatium contulisse
in ante diem v Kalendas Novembris, turn cum multi
principes civitatis Roma non tarn sui conservandi
quam tuorum consiliorum reprimendorum causa pro-
fugerunt. Num infitiari potes te illo ipso die meis

20 praesidiis, mea diligentia circumclusum commovere te
contra rem publicam non potuisse, cum tu discessu
ceterorum nostra tamen, qui remansissemus, caede te

8 contentum esse dicebas ? Quid ? cum te Praeneste
Kalendis ipsis Novembribus occupaturum nocturno

§ 7. 9. xii. here, vi. 1. 10 and
v. 1. 16, stand for what kind of a
numeral ? Give each in full, di-
cere represents the imperfect in-
dicative in O. R. A. 336 A. note 1 ;
G. 277, R; H. 537, 1; P. 538 a.
What tense should we expect ?

11. C. Manlium, p. 29, §§45, 46.

12. fefellit, from fallo. Its
subjects are res and dies, but the
sentence should be recast in Eng-
lish, * I was not deceived in, etc.'

13 res. Think what 'the thing'
meant really is, and translate ac-
cordingly, never using the vague
'event,' 'fact,' etc., where defi-
niteness is possible.

15. idem, nom. case; for mean-
ing see A. 195 e; G. 296; H. 451 3.

16. in ante diem the prep, in
governs the date as if the latter
were one word.

17. sui conservandi, A. 298 a;
G. 429 Rem. i; H. 542 I note 1;
P. 550 c. Gender, number and
case of sui? Is conservandi

gerund or gerundive ? Quote ex-
amples from Caes. III., 6, 1, and
IV. 13. 5. The sentence is bitterly
ironical, a withering rebuke to the
cowardice of the senate.

22. nostra . . . qui. The posses-
sive pronoun nostra (agreeing
with caede) is equivalent to the
gen. pi. of ego, and from this gen.
pi. as its true antecedent qui
takes its gender and number. A.
99 a, 199 6, note; H. 396, II.,
note; G. 360, R. 1; P. 358 (2) and
348, (3).

§ 8. 23. Quid. This little an-
ticipatory question draws atten-
tion to what follows ; its full mean-
ing is ' What do you think of what

CAP. 3-4, § 7-9.

8T

impetu esse confideres, sensistine illam coloniam meo 25
iussu meis praesidiis, custodiis, vigiliis esse munitam?
Nihil agis, nihil moliris, nihil cogitas, quod non ego
non modo audiam, sed etiam videam planeque sentiam.
iv. Recognosce tandem mecum noctem illam superi-
orem; iam intelleges multo me vigilare acrius ad salu-
tem quam te ad perniciem rei publicae. Dico te priore
nocte venisse inter falcarios (non agam obscure) in
M. Laecae domum ; convenisse eodem complures eius- 5
dem amentiae scelerisque socios. Num. negare audes ?
quid taces? Convincam, si negas. Video enim esse
hie in senatu quosdam, qui tecum una fuerunt. O 9
di inmortales ! ubinam gentium sumus ? in qua urbe
vivimus ? quam rem publicam habemus ? Hie, hie sunt 10
in nostro numero, patres conscripti, in hoc orbis terrae
sanctissimo gravissimoque consilio, qui de nostro om-

I am going to say ? ' Preeneste,
twenty miles south-east of Rome
in the Hernican mountains. It
had been the last stronghold of
the younger Marius in 82, and on
its capitulation Sulla had put most
of its citizens to death. He sub-
sequently established one of his
colonies on its site, and Catilina
hoped to use it as a fortified post.

26. praesidiis. Synonyms:
praesidia a 'garrison,' on the
walls, custodiae the ' sentinels,'
at the gates, vigiliae the 'night
watch.'

Explain case of caedis 6, luce
7, te 19, impetu 25, quod 27;
mood of expectes 2, oblivis-
cere 5, futurus esset 10, re-
mansissemus 22, audiam 28.

1. tandem, see on § 1. 1. supe-

riorem noctem = priore nocte,
1. 3, what night ?

4, 5. inter falcarios, ' into the
street of the scythemakers.' Sev-
eral streets of Rome were called
after the tradesmen who lived
upon them. For the prepositional
phrase as a name cf. the famous
avenue of Berlin ' Unter den Lin-
den.' in M. Laecae domum.
When accompanied by a posses-
sive pronoun or a genitive domum
(whither) may or may not have a
preposition.

§ 9. 9. ubinam gentium,
' where in the world.' Case of
gentium A. 216, a 4; G. 366, 371
4; H. 3974; P. 354, 355 (3).

12. nostro omnium. The ad-
jective agrees with the gen. pi. of
the personal pronoun implied in
the possessive nostro ; see § 7, 22,

88

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PRIMA.

nium interitu, qui de huius urbis atque adeo de orbis
terrarum exitio cogitent ! Hos ego video consul et de

15 re publica sententiam rogo et, quos ferro trucidari
oportebat, eos nondum voce volnero ! Fuisti igitur
apud Laecam ilia nocte, Catilina, distribuisti partes
Italiae, statuisti, quo queinque proficisci placeret, de-
legisti, quos Romae relinqueres, quos tecum educeres,

20 discripsisti urbis partes ad incendia, confirmasti te
ipsum iam esse exiturum, dixisti paulum tibi esse
etiam nunc morae, quod ego viverem. Reperti sunt
duo equites Romani, qui te ista cura liberarent et

24 sese ilia ipsa nocte paulo ante lucem me in meo lectulo

10 interfecturos pollicerentur. Haec ego omnia vixdum
etiam coetu vestro dimisso comperi ; domum nieam
maioribus praesidiis munivi atque firmavi, exclusi eos,
quos tu ad me salutatum mane miseras, cum illi ipsi

and cf. A. 197 e; G. 363 ad fin;
H. 3983; P. 347, (2).
13. atque adeo, see on § 5, 23.

15. trucidari, regular or irreg-
ular tense ? See on § 4, 14.

16. igitur, 'well then.' In this
its so-called ' resumptive ' use igi-
tur is often employed to pick up
the broken thread of a sentence
or train of thought. Here it re-
calls attention to the unanswered
challenge nmn audes § 8, 6, the
thought having been interrupted
by the digression on the senators.

18. quo, interrogative adverb.
Give its correlatives, A. 106; G.
107,1; H. 305 II; P. 187.

23. equites, p. 56 §§ 18-20.
The two men were C. Cornelius
and L. Yargunteius. The latter
is called a senator by Sallust, Cat.
28, but it is supposed that he had

lost his seat by some judicial pro-
ceedings.

24,25. lectulo. For the ter-
mination A. 164, a; G. 785, 7 d ;
H. 321; P. 259 (4), interfecturos
pollicerentur, ' promised to kill.'
For the future inf. with subj. ace.
where the English idiom has a
present complementary see A. 330
/; G. 424 R. 3; H. 535, 1, 2: P. 533
(5). Could the English idiom have
been used? cf. Caesar IV. 21, 5:
qui . . . obtemperare and note.

§ 10. 28. ad me depends on
miseras. salutatum, 'to pay
their respects,' supine; A. 302; H.
546, 1; G. 436, R. 1; P. 554, (2), 6.
It was the custom at Rome for
prominent men to hold levees in
the early morning. Hence the
coming of the assassins at that
time would excite no suspicion.

CAP. 4-5, § 9-11.

89

venissent, quos ego iam multis ac summis viris ad me
id temporis ventures esse praedixeram. 30

V. Quae cum ita sint, Catilina, perge, quo coepisti,
egredere aliquando ex urbe ; patent portae ; profici-
scere. Nimium diu te imperatorem tua ilia Manliana
castra desiderant. Educ tecum etiam omnes tuos, si
minus, quam plurimos; purga urbem. Magno me 5
metu liberabis, dum modo inter me atque te murus
intersit. Nobiscum versari iam diutius non potes ; non
feram, non patiar, non sinam. Magna dis inmortali- 11
bus habenda est atque huic ipsi lovi Statori, anti-
quissimo custodi huius urbis, gratia, quod hanc tarn 10
taetram, tarn horribilem tamque infestam rei publicae
pestem totiens iam effugimus. Non est saepius in

30. id temporis, ' at that hour.'
For case of id cf. nihil § 1, 3; for
that of temporis cf. gentium § 9, 9;
the phrase =eo tempore.

Explain case of multo 2, sen-
tentiam 15, Romae 19, tibi 21,
morae 22, cura 23, coetu 26;
mood of cogitent 14, placeret
18, viverem 22, pollicerentur
25, ventures esse 30. What part
of speech is eodem 5, una 8 ?

1. quo = (ad eum locum) ad
quern. Sc ire. How does this quo
differ from the one in § 9, 18 ?

3. Manliana = Manli, cf. Caes.
I. 13.2: bello Cassiano, and ex-
plain the adj.

4, 5. Educ. What verbs lose the
final -e in this form? si minus,
i.e., si minus (= non) omnes edu-
cere poteris, quam plurimos educ.

7, 8. non feram, patiar, sinam.
This is not an example of climax,

but a device, very common in
Latin, for emphasizing an idea by
an accumulation of synonymous
words. Trans. "I may not, can-
not, will not endure it."

§ 11. 9. dis . . . atque . . . lovi,
' to (all) the gods, but especially
to, etc." huic. Why is the de-
monstrative of the first person
used? See on § 1, 4. Statori
' (flight) stayer.' Tradition said
that a temple was dedicated to
Jupiter under this name by Romu-
lus for having stopped the flight
of the Romans during the decisive
battle in the war with the Sabines.
Hence antiquissimo custodi below.
Decline lovi Statori, A. 60, b;
H. 663; P. Ill (3).

10, 11. hanc tam taetram. The
tam is not to be translated. When
a demonstrative and a positive
adjective' of quality modify a
noun the Latin idiom inserts a
tam: so hie tantus (= tam mag-

90

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PRIM A.

uno homine summa salus periclitanda rei publicae.
Quamdiu mihi consul! designate, Catilina, insidiatus

15 es, non publico me praesidio, sed privata diligentia
defend!. Cum proximis comitiis consularibus me con-
sulem in campo et competitors tuos interficere voluisti,
compressi conatus tuos nefarios amicorum praesidio
et copiis nullo tumultu publioe concitato ; denique,

20 quotienscumque me petisti, per me tibi obstiti, quam-
quam videbam perniciem meam cum magna calamitate

12 rei publicae esse coniunctam. Nunc iam aperte rem
publicam universam petis, templa deorum inmortalium,
tecta urbis, vitam omnium civium, Italiam totam ad

25 exitium et vastitatem vocas. Quare, quoniam id, quod
est primum, et quod huius imperil disciplinaeque
maiorum proprium est, facere nondum andeo, faciam id,
quod est ad severitatem lenius et ad communem salu-

nus) vir, haec tot (= tarn multa)
pericula, etc.

13. uno homine = Catilina.
summa salus rei p., ' the best in-
terests of the nation,' a very com-
mon phrase for which summa res
p. is often used with no difference
in meaning.

14. consuli designate. A
man was consul designatus, * con-
sul elect,' from his election in July
to his inauguration, Jan. 1st; con-
sul during his year of office, and
consularis, ' ex-consul,' during the
rest of his life: when was Cicero
c. designates?

16. proximis comitiis, * at the
last election.' P. 28, §§ 42-44. Who
presided at this election ? Who
were the successful competitors ?
In wha*t comitia were the consuls
elected? P. 64, §§ 53-55.

17. campo, sc. Martio. P. 60,
§ 35. Point it out on Plan A.

19. nullo tumultu publice
concitato, ' without an official
summons to arms.' publice is
never to be translated by 'pub-
licly.'

§ 12. 26. est primum, ' would
be obvious.' The English idiom
would suggest the subjunctive, but
in certain short phrases with ad-
jectives, the indicative is always
used in Latin. A. 264 6; H. 476,
5; G. 246 R. 1. imperii, case?
A. 234, d; G. 356, R. 1; H. 391,
II. 4; imperium here means the
special powers conferred by the
consultum ultimum, see on § 3, 30.

28. ad severitatem, 'if you
look at severity.' There is no
point to the phrase in itself, but it
is inserted to balance ad commu-

CAP. 5-6, § 11-13.

91

tern utilius. Nam si te interfici iussero, residebit in re
publica reliqua coniuratorum manus ; sin tu, quod te 30
iam dudum hortor, exieris, exhaurietur ex urbe tuorum
comitum magna et perniciosa sentina rei publicae. Quid 1$
est, Catilina? num dubitas id me imperante facere,
quod iam tua sponte faciebas? Exire ex urbe iubet
consul hostem. Interrogas me, num in exilium; non 35
iubeo, sed, si me consulis, suadeo. VI. Quid est
enim, Catilina, quod te iam in hae urbe delectare
possit? in qua nemo est extra istam coriiurationem
perditorum hominum, qui te non metuat, nemo, qui
non oderit. Quae nota domesticae turpitudinis non 5

nern salutem which is necessary to
define utilius.

31. iam dudum moves a pres-
ent back in time to a perfect, and
an imperfect to a pluperf. So
also iam diu, iam pridem. A.
276 a ; G. 221; H. 467, III., 1 & 2;
P. 467.

32. aentina rei pub., 'dregs
of the state,' forms a single ex-
pression upon which depends the
explanatory genitive tuorum
comitum, ' consisting of your
companions.' Notice that the
word comitum denotes the same
objects as sentina, but does net
agree in case. This use of the
genitive (yenitivus epexegeticus)
in place of an appositive receives
little attention in our grammars.
A. 214 /; G. 359; H. 396, VI.;
P. 326, 351 note. Good examples
in Caes. III. (8. 2, and) 10,2: in-
iuriae . . . Romanorum.

§ 13. 34. faciebas, force of im-
perfect ? A 277 c; G. 224; H.
469,11. 1; P. 464.

35. num in exilium, sc. te ire

iubeam. For num cf. A. 210 /
R. ad fin. ; G. 462, 1 ; H. 529 II.
1 N. 3; P. 576, 579; how does it
differ from num in 1. 33 ?

36. si me consulis, * if you ask
my ad vice.' suadeo. What must
be supplied to complete the sen-
tence ?

Explain case of metu 6, dis 8,
praesidio 15, comitiis 16, tu-
multu 19, tibi 20, me 33. Give
principal parts of perge 1 , sinam
8, compressi 18, petisti 20, sua-
deo 36.

4, 5. perditorum, for meaning
see on § 1, 5. hominum, when the
word * man ' is accompanied by an
adjective implying reproach homo
must be used, by one implying a
compliment either homo or (more
commonly) vir. Quote an ex-
ample of the latter from § 3.
oderit, though a different tense,
denotes the same time as metuat*
A. 279, e ; G. 190, 5, 228, R. 1; H.
297, I. 2; P. 249, 1. nota, an
expression borrowed from slave-

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PRIMA.

inusta vitae tuae est ? quod privatarum rerum dedeci
non haeret in fama? quae lubido ab oculis, quod faci-
nus a manibus umquam tuis, quod flagitium a toto GOJ
pore afuit? cui tu adulescentulo, quern corruptelarm
10 inlecebris inretisses, non aut ad audaciam ferrum aut

14 lubidinem facem praetulisti ? Quid vero ? nuper c
morte superioris uxoris no vis nuptiis domum vacuefr
cisses, nonne etiam alio incredibili scelere hoc scelu*
cumulasti ? quod ego praetermitto et facile patior sileri.

15 ne in hac civitate tanti facinoris inmanitas aut extitisst
aut non vindicata esse videatur. Praetermitto ruinas
fortunarum tuarum, quas omnis inpendere tibi proxu-
mis Idibus senties ; ad ilia venio, quae non ad privatai

life ; branding was the regular
punishment for heinous offences.
domesticae turp., ' infamy in
your home.'

6. privatarum rerum, ' private
life,' a wider reference than in
domesticae turp. above, as it in-
cludes his relations with persons
outside of his own family.

7. haeret in fama, ' is not at-
tached to your reputation.' For
case of fama, A. 227 e 3, note ; G.
346, R. 2.

9, 10. quern . . . inretisses,
* whom you had ensnared by the
allurements of your corrupting
arts.' Catilina is said to have had
a wonderful influence over all with
whom he came into intimate rela-
tions, and especially over the
young, inretisses, subj. of char-
acteristic. In what does the charac-
teristic lie ?

§ 14. 11, 12. facem, to guide
him to places of dissipation which
would naturally be visited at night.

Quid vero, see on quid, § 8, 23.
morte superioris uxoris, p. 21,

§ 26. The second wife was Ai
lia Orestilla, a woman of great
beauty, but infamous life, morte
is intentionally ambiguous; it
might be ablative of time, but
Cicero means it to be taken as
means (=nece, caede).

13. incredibili scelere, the
murder of his son. Orestilla ob-
jected to marrying a man with
children.

14. praetermitto, etc., a com-
mon rhetorical trick (praeteritio,
occultatio), by which the speaker,
affecting forbearance, carefully
says what he pretends to leave
unsaid. Give example from § 3.

17, 18. prox. Idibus,what day of
the month ? Now that Catilina's
hopes were blighted, his creditors
would not be likely to show fur-
ther forbearance, and the Ides and
Kalends were the regular days for
the settlement of accounts.

CAP. 6, § 13-15.

93

ignominiam vitiorum tuorum, non ad domesticam tuam
difficultatem ac turpitudinem, sed ad summam rem 20
publicam atque ad omnium nostrum vitam salutemque
pertinent. Potestne tibi haec lux, Catilina, aut huius 15
caeli spiritus esse iucundus, cum scias esse horum nemi-
nem, qui nesciat te pridie Kalendas lanuarias Lepido et
Tullo consulibus stetisse in comitio cum telo, manum 25
consulum et principum civitatis internciendorum causa
paravisse, sceleri ac furori tuo non mentem aliquam aut
timorem tuum, sed fortunam populi Romani obstitisse ?
Ac iam ilia omitto (neque enim sunt aut obscura aut
non multa commissa postea) ; quotiens tu me designa- 30>
turn, quotiens consulem interficere conatus es ! quot
ego tuas petitiones ita coniectas, ut vitari posse non
viderentur, parva quadam declinatione et, ut aiunt,
corpore effugi ! Nihil adsequeris neque tamen conari

20, 21. difficultatem, ' embar-
rassment,' i.e., in money matters;
see preceding note, summam
rem. p., what is the fuller ex-
pression? See on §11, 13. nos-
trum, gen. pi. of ego, denoting
possession. What is the regular
construction ? See on § 7, 22.
This use of the genitive is al-
lowable only when the pronoun
is accompanied by omnium, and
even then the regular construction
is as common. See on § 9. 12.

§ 15. 23, 24. cum, causal, but to
be trans. ' when.' pridie Kalen-
das, A. 207 6; G. p. 387; H. 437,
1; P. 660 b note 1. Lepido, etc.,
cf. p. 23, § 31. Cicero puts the
time one day earlier than other
authorities.

25. in comitio. In the singu-
lar the word denotes a part of the

forum where meetings of the
people were held, see Plan B.
cum telo (= telo armatum), a
legal term implying criminal in-
tent, manum, 'a band,' i.e., of
desperate men.

29. omitto. Name the rhetori-
cal figure, § 14, 14. neque enijn
sunt, etc. = nam et nota sunt et
multa (alia) postea a te com-
missa.

32-34. petitiones, the technical
term for the thrusts of a gladiator.
ut . . . viderentur, 'that it did
not seem possible to avoid them.'
The English idiom requires the
impersonal form, though the
Latin prefers the personal. A.
330 & 1; G. 528; H. 534, 1; P. 534.
declinatione et corpore. See
on § 1, 7, and quote two ex-
amples, ut aiunt, frequently used

94

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PRIMA.

16 ac velle desistis. Quotiens tibi iam extorta est ista sic
36 de manibus, quotiens excidit casu aliquo et elapsa est
quae quidem quibus abs te initiata sacris ac devota sit,
nescio, quod earn necesse putas esse in consulis corpore
defigere. vn. Nunc vero quae tua est ista vita ? Sic enim
iam tecum loquar, non ut odio permotus esse videar,
quo debeo, sed ut misericordia, quae tibi nulla debetur.
Venisti paulo ante in senatum. Quis te ex hac tanl
6 frequentia, totque tuis amicis ac necessariis salutavit
Si hoc post hominum memoriam contigit nemini, vocis
expectas contumeliam, cum sis gravissimo iudicio taci-
turnitatis oppressus ? Quid, quod adventu tuo ist

to introduce a proverbial or tech-
nical expression, as corpore bor-
rowed from the prize ring.

§ 16. 35, 36. tibi de manibus,
'from [you, from] your hands.'
A. 229, 6 ; G. 344, 2, 388; H. 385,
II. 2, 413; P380, a, 413.

37. initiata, etc. The weapons
with which some successful deed
had been accomplished were often*
dedicated to some deity or other.

38, 39. quod, there is a slight
ellipsis, as quod gives the reason
n8t for the consecration of the

. weapon, but for Cicero's assertion
that it had been consecrated: '(I
say you have consecrated it) for
you think, etc.' in corpore.
Why not accusative after de-
figere = ' plunge into ' ? A. 260,
a; G. 384, R. 1; H. 380, note;
P. 431, c.

Explain the case of nuptiis 12,
Idibus 18, Lepido 24, consuli-
bus 25, consulum, civitatis 26,
furori 27, casu 36 ; mood of
possit 3, vacuefecisses 12, vi-
deatur 16, viderentur 33, velle

35, devota sit 37, esse 38, defi-
gere 39.

3. quae nulla, besides the adjs.
of quantity, multi, pauci, etc., nul-
lus is put in agreement with
latives and demonstratives whei
the whole and not a part only is
meant. Nullus is then equivalent
to an emphatic non. What other
word may be used for non ? Cf . § 1.

4. hac tanta, ' this great,' not
' so great.' See on § 11. 10.

6, 7. contigit, generally used of
good fortune, unless accompanit
by a negative, as nemini here; for
bad fortune accidit is the usu£
word, cum, see on § 15. 23, and
point out another example in this
chapter. Read p. 31, § 50.

8. Quid, quod, etc., 'what do
you think of this, that, etc. ? ' For
quid, see on § 8. 23; for quod, on
§ 3. 24. Note that in this use quid
is often followed by a second ques-
tion, here quo tandem animo, etc.,
1. 12. ista, see on § 3. 27, and ex-
plain here.

CAP. 6-7, § 15-17.

95

subsellia vacuefacta sunt, quod omnes consulares, qui
tibi persaepe ad caedem constituti fuerunt, simul atque 10
adsedisti, partem istam subselliorum nudam atque in-
3nern reliquerunt, quo tandem animo tibi ferundum
putas ? Servi mehercule mei si me isto pacto metue- 17
rent, ut te metuunt omnes cives tui, domum meam relin-
quendam putarem ; tu tibi urbem non arbitraris ? et, si 15
me meis civibus iniuria suspectum tarn graviter atque
offensum viderem, carere me aspectu civium quam in-
festis omnium oculis conspici mallem ; tu cum consci-
entia scelerum tuorum agnoscas odium omnium iustum
et iam diu tibi debitum, dubitas, quorum mentes sen- 20

9. subsellia, the senators sat
on benches without backs, proba-
bly in the order of their rank,
the consulares together and near
them the praetorii, the class to
which Catilina belonged. What
sort of a seat had the consul ? P.
64, § 51.

10. tibi, agent. What would
be the regular construction ? The
dative of the agent is used by
Cicero with the gerundive regu-
larly and the perfect participle
frequently, but with no other parts
of the verb. A. 232, a; G. 206;
H. 388 1 ; P. 383, 6. Point out ex-
amples of the regular use of this
dative in this chapter, consti-
tuti fuerunt, not a mere vari

for constituti sunt, though the dis-
tinction cannot be concisely ex-
pressed in English: with fuerunt
the meaning is 'have been (but
are no longer) doomed ; ' with sunt
the words in parenthesis would not
necessarily be implied. A. 291 6,
Rem. ; G. 242, Rem. ; H. 471 note
1; P. 229 (3), a.

11. adsedisti, ' had taken your
seat;' for the tense, A. 324; G.
563; H. 471 II. 1 (4); P. 506.

§ 17. 13. mehercule, ' by heav-
ens,' the full form, me Hercules
juvet, meant 'so help me Her-
cules,' but the idea of invocation
shrank with the words to the
meaning and form here used, si,
notice how far it is crowded
from its proper place (where ?)
to make servi emphatic, pacto
= modo. metuerent, what time
and thought does the imperfect
subj. express in conditional sen-
tences? A. 308; G. 599; H. 510,
notel; P. 476(2), 6.

14. ut, with ind. 'as' or ' when;'
atiom) which here ? So in lines 23 and
35 below.

16. iniuria, 'without cause,'
an abl. of manner; cf. Caes. I. 36.
5. tarn graviter, there is often a
slight ellipse with tarn, tot, and
tantus, here, quam tu.

20. dubitas. Where duUtare
means ' to hesitate' (about a course
of action), and the sentence is

96

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PRIMA.

susque volneras, eorum aspectum praesentiamque vi-
tare ? Si te parentes timerent atque odissent tui neque
eos ulla ratione placare posses, ut opinor, ab eorum
oculis aliquo concederes. Nunc te patria, quae com-

25 munis est parens omnium nostrum, odit ac metuit et
iam diu nihil te iudicat nisi de parricidio suo cogitare ;
huius tu neque auctoritatem verebere nee iudicium

18 sequere nee vim pertimesces ? Quae tecum, Catilina,
sic agit et quodam modo tacita loquitur : ' Nullum iam

30 aliquot annis f acinus exstitit nisi per te, nullum flagi-
tium sine te ; tibi uni multorum civium neces. tibi vex-
atio direptioque sociorum inpunita fuit ac libera ; tu
non solum ad neglegendas leges et quaestiones, verum
etiam ad evertendas perfringendasque valuisti. Supe-

35 riora ilia, quamquam ferenda non fuerunt, tamen, ut
potui, tuli ; nunc vero me totam esse in metu propter
unum te, quicquid increpuerit, Catilinam timeri, nullum

negative (or interrogative assum-
ing a negative answer, as here),
an infinitive regularly follows, as
vitare, line 21.

24. aliquo, see on quo § 10. 1.
Nunc, ' now, as it is,' not a mere
temporal idea, but serving to in-
troduce an actual fact in contrast
to the supposition si ... con-
cederes.

25. nostrum, see on § 14. 21.
odit ac metuit, tenses ? See on
§ 13. 5.

26. parricidio, instead of caede,
because the country is our corn-
munis parens.

27. verebere, in the hid. of
dep. verbs how are the endings -ris
and -re used by Cicero ?

§ 18. 29. quodam modo, used
to soften an unusually free or

bold use of language, here tacita
loquitur, tacita loquitur, the
rhetorical figure called oxymoron,
the use of contradictory words in
the same phrase. A. 386; H. 637,
XI., 6; P. 659 (22).

31. vexatio, etc. P. 22. § 28.

32. fuit, for number cf. Caes.
I. 1, 2, aimdit.

37, 38. quicquid increpuerit,
* at the slightest sound,' literally ?
quicquid = si quid, A. 309, d,
310, a; G. 594 1; H. 507 III. 2;
P. 477 e. increpuerit, A. 342;
G. 509 4; H. 529, II.; P. 523.
videri . . . cbnsilium . . . posse
= nullum consilium ('plan,' 'de-
sign ') videri posse iniri (' formed),
contra me. For English idiom,
see on § 15. 32-33.

39. abhorreat, ' is inconsistent

CAP. 7-8, § 17-19.

97

videri contra me consilium iniri posse, quod a tuo sce-
lere abhorreat, non est ferendum. Quam ob rem discede
atque hunc mihi timorem eripe ; si est verus, ne oppri- 40
mar, sin falsus, ut tandem aliquando timere desinam.'
vin. Haec si tecum, ita ut dixi, patria loquatur, 19
nonne impetrare debeat, etiamsi vim adhibere non pos-
sit ? Quid, quod tu te ipse in custodiam dedisti, quod
vitandae suspicionis causa ad M'. Lepidum te habitare
velle dixisti ? A quo non receptus etiam ad me venire 5
ausus es atque, ut domi meae te adservarem, rogasti.
Cum a me quoque id responsum tulisses, me nullo modo
posse isdem parietibus tuto esse tecum, qui magno in

with,' subj. of cbaract. or by at-
traction.

Supply the ellipses with quo
debeo, ut misericordia 3, ur-
bem 15, ne opprimar 40. Ex-
plain the ablatives misericordia
3, paulo 4, amicis 5, iudicio 7,
adventu 8, animo 12, pacto 13,
aspectu 17, conscientia 18,
ratione 23, te 30, annis 30; the
infinitives cogitare 26, esse 36,
videri, posse 38, timere 41.

§ 19. 1, 2. loquatur, what time
and thought does the present subj.
express in conditional sentences ?
A. 307. 2, b ; G. 598; H. 509, note
1 ; P. 476 (2), a. impetrare, ' ob-
tain her wish,' often thus used
absolutely, cf. Caes. I. 35. 4.

3. Quid, quod, sqe on § 16. 8.
tu te ipse, the Latin idiom con-
nects the intensive pronoun with
the subject rather than the ob-
ject, even when the latter seems
to us to. be the emphatic word.
in custodiam. A citizen was
not ordinarily imprisoned pend-

ing his trial. He usually gave
bail for his appearance, though
sometimes he was put under the
charge of some man of reputation
who became responsible for his.
safe keeping; this was called in
custodiam liberam dari. See also
p. 30, § 48.

4. ad M'. Lepidum, 'at the
house of Manius Lepidus,' in this
sense of ad the prep, apud is
more common. Lepidus was con-
sul in 66, cf. § 15. 24. What da
M., M\ and Mam. stand for?

6. domi meae, for case of each
word, A. 258 d and e ; G. 412 R.
1 and 3; H. 426, 2; P. 426 (2) a.
What other common nouns have
a locative case ?

8. parietibus, for meaning, see
on § 6. 3; for case, A. 258 c. 1.
G. 384; H. 425, L; P. 425; for
omission of preposition in, A.
258 f 2; G. 386, 387; H. 425. 2;
P. 426 c. tuto. esse, 'be safe.'
Adverbs are thus used in pred.
with esse, when (a) esse has the
idea of ' living,' ' existing,' ' stay-

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PRIMA.

periculo essem, quod isdem moenibus contineremur, ad

10 Q. Metellum praetorem venisti. A quo repudiatus ad

sodalem tuum, virum optumum, M. Metellum, demi-

grasti ; quern tu videlicet et ad custodiendum diligen-

tissimum et ad suspicandum sagacissimum et ad vindi-

candum fortissimum fore putasti. Sed quam longe

is videtur a carcere atque a vinculis abesse debere, qui

20 se ipse iam dignum custodia iudicarit ! Quae cum ita

sint, Catilina, dubitas, si emori aequo animo non potes,

abire in aliquas terras et vitam istam multis suppliciis

iustis debitisque ereptam fugae solitudinique mandare ?

20 i Refer,' inquis, ' ad senatum ' ; id enim postulas

et, si hie ordo placere decreverit te ire in exilium,

optemperaturum te esse dicis. Non referam, id quod

abhorret a meis moribus, et tamen faciam, ut intel-

legas, quid hi de te sentiant. Egredere ex urbe,

25 Catilina, libera rem publicam metu, in exilium, si

ing,' etc., or (b) when the adverbs
indicate (1) general relations of
space, e.g., prope, procul ; or (2)
general relations of quality, e.g.,
ut, sic, ita, aliter, contra ; or (3) a
certain state of mind or body, e.g.,
bene, male, commode, recte, tuto.

11. virum optumum, how
used? Cf. viri fortes, § 2. 16; M.
Metellum, nothing more is known
of him than can be gathered from
this passage. What ?

12. videlicet, compounded of
videre + licet ' one may see,' ' evi-
dently.' The sentence is ironical.

15. carcere. The Romans did
not use the prison as a place of
penal confinement, but for merely
temporary detention, or as a place
of execution.

§ 20. 16. Quae cum ita sint,

cf. § 10. 1, 'under these circum-
stances,' a favorite formula of
Cicero. Explain the mood of sint
and use of the relative. For ita
cf. tuto, § 19. 8, b. (2).

17, 18. emori, by the hand of an
executioner or a suicide, abire,
for the mood, see on § 17. 20.

21. hie ordo, 'this body,' i. e.,
the senate, placere, ' that its
pleasure is ' the subject is te . . . ire,
decreverit (decerno), what mood
and tense in O. R. ? How is that
tense to be translated ? See on
§ 5. 25.

22. Non referam, his real rea-
son was that the senate, not being
a judicial body, had no power to
impose a sentence upon any one ;

CAP. 8, § 19-21.

99

hanc vocem expectas, proficiscere. Quid est, Catilina?
ecquid attendis, ecquid animadvertis horum silentium ?
Patiuntur, tacent. Quid expectas auctoritatem lo-
quentium, quorum voluntatem tacitorum perspicis? 29
At si hoc idem huic adulescenti optimo, P. Sestio, si 21
fortissimo viro, M. Marcello, dixissem, iam mihi con-
suli hoc ipso in templo iure optimo senatus vim et
manus intulisset. De te autem, Catilina, cum quie-
scunt, probant, cum patiuntur, decernunt, cum tacent,
clamant, neque hi solum, quorum tibi auctoritas est 35
videlicet cara, vita vilissima, sed etiam illi equites
Romani, honestissimi atque optimi viri, ceterique
fortissimi cives, qui circumstant senatum, quorum
tu et frequentiam videre et studia perspicere et
voces paulo ante exaudire potuisti. Quorum ego 40
vix abs te iam diu manus ac tela contineo, eos-

a fact that Cicero ignored to his
cost a little later.

26. hanc vocem, 'this word,'
i. e., exilium. After proficiscere,
Cicero pauses for a moment; as
no one gives any sign of disap-
proval he proceeds Quid est etc.

27. ecquid case ? cf . id. § 10.
30; nihil, § 1. 3.

28. auctoritatem loquenti-
um cf. vocis contumeliam §16. 7.

§ 21. 30. optimo, how different
in sense from optumum, 1. 11 ?
Show the same variation in the
force of an adj. in ch. I. P. Ses-
tio, the friend for whom Cicero a
few years later delivered the ora-
tion pro Sestio, contained in this
book.

31. fortissimo viro: could he
have used homini f See on § 13.
4. M. Marcello, probably the

consul of 51, a bitter foe of Caesar,
but pardoned by him after the
civil war. dixissem : what time
and thought does the p. perf. subj.
express in a conditional sentence ?
A. 308; G. 599; H. 510, note 1;
P. 476 (2) b.

32-34. vim et manus, ' violent
hands,' what figure of speech ?
quiescunt, probant, etc., oxy-
moron. See on § 18. 29.

35. hi, here, equites, in 36 and
cives, in 38, make the three orders
of the Roman state, see p. 55, §§12,
18, 21. auctoritas, see on § 3. 30.

36. videlicet, as in 1. 12. cara,
explained 11. 21, 22. vilissima, ex-
plained by § 16. 10, and p. 23. § 31.

40. exaudire, * have heard : ' the
word means to hear with difficulty,
whether owing to distance, noise,
or the low tones of the speaker.

100

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PRIMA.

dem facile adducam, ut te haec, quae vastare iam pridem
studes, relinquentem usque ad portas prosequantur.

22 IX. Quamquam quid loquor? te ut ulla res frangat,
tu ut umquam te corrigas, tu ut ullam fugam medi-
tere, tu ut ullum exilium cogites? Utinam tibi istam
mentem di inmortales duint! tametsi video, si mea

5 voce perterritus ire in exilium animum induxeris,
quanta tempestas invidiae nobis, si minus in praesens
tempus recenti memoria scelerum tuorum, at in
posteritatem impendeat. Sed est tanti, dum modo

Is the tense regular or irregular ?
See on § 4. 14.

42. haec, ' these things' = ' this
city ' ; it is object of relinquentem.

43. studes, for tense, see on
§ 12. 31. usque ad,' all the way to,'
prosequantur, a distinguished
man leaving the city was often
attended by crowds of citizens to
indicate their esteem for him.
Cicero speaks ironically here, for
Catilina's escort would be of a
different character.

Explain case of causa 4, te 6,
moenibus 9, Metellum 11, cus-
todia 16, animo 17, metu 25,
mihi 31, quorum 38, te 42; mood
of adservarem 6, essem 9, de-
bere 15, iudicarit 16, optempe-
raturum esse 22, faciam, iiitel-
legas 23, sentiant, Egredere 24,
prosequantur 43.

After urging Catilina to leave
the city because his life in it could
not be pleasant (§ 13), and because
the country wished him gone (§ 17 ) ,
Cicero now suggests that by going
Catilina would bring unpopularity
upon him, the consul, and thus
gratify his animosity.

§ 22. 1. Quamquam, and ta-
metsi, 1. 4, at the beginning of a
sentence have a ' corrective ' force
and mean ' and yet.' ut . . . fran-
gat, ' anything break you down ? r
an ' exclamatory question ' (A. 332
c; G. 560; H. 486, II., note) with
the conscious or unconscious
ellipse of fierine potest or some-
thing of the sort.

3, 4. Utinam . . . duint : On
the form of the verb A. 128 e ; G.
191 3; H. 240, 3; P. 241 c; for
the mood A. 267; G. 253; H. 484,
1 ; P. 473, a.

5. animum induxeris ' make
up your mind,' ' determine.'

6. nobis, number? A. 98 1 b;
G. 195 R. 7; H. 446, note 2; P.
443. Note the collocation of the
singular possessive mea, 1. 4, with
this plural personal referring to
the same person; nostra or mihi
would have been better. si
minus, ' if not,' from this use of
minus ( = non) is derived the Eng-
lish mis-, in praesens tempus,
* for the present.'

7. 8. in posteritatem, the
words were prophetic, p. 39, § 69
f. tanti, ' it is worth the cost.' A.

CAP. 8-9, § 21-24.

101

ista sit privata calamitas et a rei publicae periculis
seiungatur. Sed tu ut vitiis tuis commoveare, ut 10
legum poenas pertimescas, ut temporibus rei publicae
cedas, non est postulandum. Neque enim is es, Cati-
lina, ut te aut pudor umquam a turpitudine aut metus
a periculo aut ratio a furore revocarit. Quam ob23
rem, ut saepe iam dixi, proficiscere ac, si mihi ini- 15
mico, ut praedicas, tuo conflare vis invidiam, recta
perge in exilium ; vix feram sermones hominum, si id
feceris, vix molem istius invidiae, si in exilium iussu
consulis ieris, sustinebo. Sin autem servire meae
laudi et gloriae mavis, egredere cum inportuna scele- 20
ratorum manu, confer te ad Manlium, concita perditos
cives, secerne te a bonis, infer patriae bellum, ex-
sulta impio latrocinio, ut a me non eiectus ad alienos,
sed invitatus ad tuos isse videaris. Quamquam quid 24
ego te invitem, a quo iam sciam esse praemissos, qui 25

252 a; G. 380; H. 404; P. 371,
372.

10. commoveare, in the pres.
subj. of deponent and passive
verbs, Cicero usually writes -re,
very rarely -ris ; what in the pres.
and fut. ind ?

11. temporibus, 'necessities,'
* perils,' a very common meaning
in Cicero, in the singular as well
as plural.

12. is = tails l such', when fol-
lowed by ut and subj.

§ 23. 16. ut, see on § 17. 14.
recta, ' straightway ' (recte =
1 correctly '), for the form A. 148,
e ; G. 90, 3; H. 304, II., 2. Point
out another adverb formed in the
same way in § 8 ad fin.

17. perge, cf. § 10. 1. Princi-

pal parts? For this form of a
conditional sentence and espe-
cially for the imperative in the
apodosis (conclusion) see A. 306,
a; G. 597; H. 508, 4; P. 477 /.
sermones, 'reproaches.'

18. istius invidiae, 'that
[caused by you] unpopularity.'
So ista in 1. 9, see on § 3. 27.
iussu found in abl. only.

23. impio latrocinio, ' treason-
able brigandage,' case ? A. 245,
a 2; G. 407; H. 416; P. 404. Im-
pius is applied to any crime against
the gods, the country, or the fam-
ily, non with eiectus.

§ 24. 24. isse, principal parts ?
Quamquam, see on 1. 1.

25. invitem, what kind of a
question? A. 268; G. 468; H.

102

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PRIMA.

tibi ad Forum Aurelium praestolarentur armati, cui
iam sciam pactam et constitutam cum Manlio diem,
a quo etiam aquilam illam argenteam, quam tibi
ac tuis omnibus confido perniciosam ac funestam

30 futuram, cui domi tuae sacrarium constitutum fuit,
sciam esse praemissam? Tu ut ilia carere diu-
tius possis, quam venerari ad caedem proficiscens
solebas, a cuius altaribus saepe istam impiam dex-

25 teram ad necem civium transtulisti ? x. Ibis tandem
aliquando, quo te iam pridem ista tua cupiditas effre-
nata ac furiosa rapiebat ; neque enim tibi haec res
adfert dolorem, sed quandam incredibilem voluptatem.

5 Ad hanc te amentiam natura peperit, voluntas exer-

484, Y. ; P. 475. a quo = cum a
te. A. 320 e, note 1; G. 636; H.
517; P. 500 (2) (6). For case of
quo, A. 246; G. 403; H. 388 2; P.
406. qui = ut ii. A. 317; G.
545 1; H. 497, 1; P. 482, 2.

26. Forum Aurelium, an un-
important village about fifty miles
from Rome on the Aurelian Way.
cui = cum tibi ; for case see on
§ 16. 10; for mood after it, on quo
above.

27. pactam, from paciscor,
what might it come from ?

28. a quo, as in 1. 25, governing
the subj. in 1. 31. aquilam, cf.
Caesar IV. 25. 4. C. Marius in-
troduced the emblem, and Sallust,
Cap. 59, says of the one mentioned
here: quam [aquilam] bello Cim-
brico [104-101] C. Marius in ex-
ercitu habuisse dicebatur.

30. cui, ind. obj. domi tuae,
cases? See on § 19. 6. sacra-
rium, ' a sanctuary.' The eagles of
the legion when in camp were kept

in a sacred place; see introduction
to your Caesar.

31. praemissam agrees with
what ? ut . . . possis, see on § 22.
1. ilia, cf. aspectu, § 17. 17.

33. altaribus, ' altar,' more
common in the plural than in the
singular.

Explain the subjunctives im-
pendeat 8, sit 9, commoveare
10, revocarit 14, videaris 24; the
datives tibi 3, nobis 6, tempori-
bus 11, inimico 15, laudi 20.
Point out four kinds of questions
and explain the use of the mood
in each.

§ 25. 1-3. tandem aliquando,

* sometime at length ' = an impa-
tient ' at last.' So aliquando alone
is sometimes used, cf. § 10. 2.
quo = eo quo, cf. § 9, 18 and
see on § 10. 1. iam pridem . . .
rapiebat, cf. studes, § 21. 43.
haec res, 'civil war,' see on
§ 7. 13.

CAP. 9-10, § 24-26.

103

cuit, fortuna servavit. Numquam tu non modo otium,
sed ne bellum quidem nisi nefarium concupisti. Nac-
tus es ex perditis atque ab omni non modo fortuna,
verum etiam spe derelictis conflatam inproborum 9
manum. Hie tu qua laetitia perfruere, quibus gau-26
diis exultabis, quanta in voluptate bacchabere, cum
in tanto numero tuorum neque audies virum bonum
quemquam neque videbis ! Ad huius vitae studium
meditati illi sunt, qui feruntur, labores tui, iacere humi
non solum ad obsidendum stuprum, verum etiam ad 15
facinus obeundum, vigilare non solum insidiantem
somno maritorum, verum etiam bonis otiosorum. Habes,

6. Numquam . . . non modo,

etc. In Latin as in English two
negatives are usually equivalent
to an affirmative, but a general
negative (here mimquam) is not
destroyed by a following non
modo, ' not only,' or ne . . . qui-
dem, ( not even.' Notice that the
verb concupisti goes with both
otium and bellum. Trans. : ' Not
only have you never desired peace,
but you have not even desired any
war except one which was in-
famous.'

8. ab . . . fortuna. The prep.
ab (a) with a passive verb ordina-
rily distinguishes the agent (a per-
son) from the means or instrument
(a thing). When, as here, the
prep, accompanies a common noun
it shows that the thing is person-
ified, a rhetorical figure which is
sometimes marked in English by a
capital * by Fortune and by Hope.'

§ 26. 10. Explain the ablatives
in this line and the next.

13, 14. huius vitae, i.e., in a
bandit's camp, meditati. How

is the deponent used here ? cf.
depopulates agris, Caes. I. 11.
4. What part of a deponent is
always passive in meaning ? What
part is sometimes (frequently) pas-
sive ? qui feruntur, ' boasted,'
lit. ' which are talked about.' A.
201 6; G. 626; H. 453 7; P. 452.
Catilina's physical powers were
extraordinary, and his followers
boasted of his ability to endure
hunger, cold, fatigue, and loss of
sleep. Cicero, however, insists
that these qualities are virtues only
when used for good purposes.
iacere and vigilare (1. 16) in ap-
position to labores. humi, case ?
See on § 19. 6.

15, 16. obsidendum stu-
prum, ' watch for an intrigue.'
facinus obeundum, 'commit a
crime,' i.e., theft, robbery, etc.
insidiantem agrees with te to be
supplied with iacere and vigilare.

17. somno maritorum bal-
ances and explains stuprum above,
as bonis otiosorum corresponds
to facinus.

104

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PJ

ubi ostentes tuam illam praeclaram patientiam famis,

19 frigoris, inopiae re rum omnium, quibus te brevi tem-

27 pore confectum esse senties. Tantum profeci turn, cum

te a consulatu reppuli, ut exsul potius temptare quam

consul vexare rem publicam posses, atque ut id, quod

esset a te scelerate susceptum, latrocinium potius quam

bellum nominaretur.

xi. Nunc, ut a me, patres conscript!, quandam
prope iustam patriae querimoniam detester ac deprecer,
percipite, quaeso, diligenter, quae dicam, et ea penitus
animis vestris mentibusque mandate. Etenim, si mecum
5 patria, quae mihi vita mea multo est carior, si cuncta
Italia, si omnis res publica loquatur : c M. Tulli, quid
agis ? Tune eum, quern esse hostem comperisti, quem
ducem belli futurum vides, quem expectari impera-
torem in castris hostium sentis, auctorem sceleris, prin-

18. ubi ostentes, ' an opportu- j
nity to display.' ubi is here a
relative ( not interrogative ) adverb,
and ostentes is therefore subjunc-
tive not of indirect question but
of characteristic.

19. quibus, the antecedent is
not rerum.

§27. 20-22. Tantum profeci
. . . ut, etc. 'This much I ac-
complished, viz., that,' etc. turn,
cum . . . reppuli, 'at the time
when I kept you from.' He
means by his influence in the elec-
tion of 63. See P. 28, § 42. temp-
tare, 'annoy.' vexare, 'harm,'
'ruin.'

Point out the correlatives in
this chapter. Give the principal
parts of rapiebat 3, peperit 5,
concupisti, Nactus es (nancis-

cor) 7, perditis 8, confectum
esse 20, reppuli 21.

Read P. 16, § 10, ad fin. It is
probable that Cicero inserted
§§ 27-30, or parts of them, con-
taining an elaborate explanation
of his course, at the time he re-
vised the orations for publication,
when he felt bitterly the conse-
quences of the illegal punishment
of the conspirators.

2. detester ac deprecer,
' avert by entreaty and prayer.'

3-6. quae dicam. quae is a
relative, not interrogative: will
this fact fix the mood of dicam f
ea penitus . . . mandate, 'let
these words sink deep into.' si
. . . loquatur. The apodosis
ought to appear in the present

CAP. 10-11, § 26-28.

105

cipem coniurationis, evocatorem servorum et civium 10
perditorum, exire patiere, ut abs te non emissus ex
urbe, sed immissus in urbem esse videatur? Nonne
hunc in vincla duci, non ad mortem rapi, non summo
supplicio mactari imperabis ? Quid tandem te impedit ? 28
mosne maiorum? At persaepe etiam privati in hac 15
re publica perniciosos cives morte multarunt. An
leges, quae de civium Romanorum supplicio rogatae
sunt? At numquam in hac urbe, qui a re publica
defecerunt, civium iura tenuerunt. An invidiam po-
steritatis times ? Praeclaram vero populo Romano 20

subj., but owing to the long quota-
tion Cicero abandons the logical
form and leaves the condition in-
complete.

10. evocatorem servorum.
P. 29, § 46. After the war with
Spartacus (Creighton, p. 70; Allen,
p. 193; Myers, p. 93; Pennell, p.
117), the Romans feared an insur-
rection of their slaves as they
feared no other danger from with-
in or without. The conspirators
laid great stress upon the aid they
would get from this numerous,
strong, and daring class of men.

11, 12. abs. This form of the
preposition ab is found almost ex-
clusively in the phrase abs te.
non emissus . . . sed immisus,
' not sent out of ... but let loose
against.' Note the play on words,
so in exsul and consul above, 1. 21.

13, 14. hunc . . . duci . . .
imperabis. What is the construc-
tion of phrases following iubeo
and imperof Cicero and Caesar
use only the passive infinitive with
the latter verb. Quote an exam-
ple from Caes. V. 1. 3.

§ 28. 15. mos maiorum, * the
custom of your ancestors,' the un-
written constitution, to which the
Romans paid as much deference as
to the written laws (leges 1. 17).
Supply the ellipses with mos here,
and leges below, persaepe, an
exaggeration ; Cicero gives but the
one instance of Nasica and Grac-
chus, § 3. 20 and 21.

16. multarunt: 1. 'fined'; 2.
'punished.' Trace the connec-
tion, comparing note on § 4. 9.

17. leges, i.e., the laws forbid-
ing magistrates to kill or scourge
a citizen before he had been tried
and condemned by the people
(P. 53, § 2 (b) 2). The earliest
were the leges Valerias (509, 449,
300), then the leges Porciae, then
the lex Sempronia. Owing to the
custom of permitting the accused
to anticipate conviction by going
into exile the infliction of capital
punishment was almost unknown,
rogatae, properly meaning ' pro-
posed,' rarely as here means

20, 21. Praeclaram refers gra-

106

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PRIMA.

refers gratiam, qui te, hominem per te cognitum,
nulla commendatione maiorum tarn mature ad summum
imperium per omnis honorum gradus extulit, si propter
24 invidiam aut alicuius periculi metum salutem civium
29 tuorum neglegis. Sed, si quis est invidiae metus, non
est vehementius severitatis ac fortitudinis invidia quam
inertiae ac nequitiae pertimescenda. An, cum bello
vastabitur Italia, vexabuntur urbes, tecta ardebunt,
turn te non existumas invidiae incendio conflagratu-
rum ? ' xn. His ego sanctissimis rei publicae vocibus et
eorum hominum, qui hoc idem sentiunt, mentibus pauca
respondebo. Ego si hoc optimum factu iudicarem, pa-
tres conscripti, Catilinam morte multari, unius usuram
5 horae gladiatori isti ad vivendum non dedissem. Ete-
nim, si summi viri et clarissimi cives Saturnini et

tiam, ' You make a line return.'
On the adjective cf. fortes, § 2. 16,
and optumum, § 19. 11.

22, 23. tarn mature. See p. 14,
§ 4, ad init. summum imperium
— consulatum. omnis h. gradus,
how many and what? P. 69, §§
77, 78.

§ 29. 26. sev. ac fort, invidia,
' the unpopularity arising from
severity and rigor.' What is un-
derstood after quam ?

27-29. An . . . non existu-
mas. See on § 3. 20.

Explain case of vita, multo 5,
Tulli 6, eum 7, te 11, supplicio
14, iura 19, commendatione 22,
invidiae 25, nequitiae 27; mood
of detester 2, esse 7, videatur
12, vastabitur 28.

1-3. His . . . respondebo
These words ought to be the apodo-

sis to si ... loquatur, §27. 4-6;
but, by a change in construction
(anacoluthon), they are put in the
form of an independent sentence.

2. pauca, 'briefly.' He spares
Catilina's life (1) in order to
furnish to doubters the clearest
proofs of his treasonable designs,
(2) in order to get rid of all his
followers with him.

3-5. hoc optimum factu . . .
multari. Quote a parallel from
Caes. I., 3. 6. iudicarem . . . de-
dissem : for mood, see on § 21. 31 ;
for tense of iudicarem, A. 308 o ;
G. 599 R. 1 ; H. 510 n. 2 P. 476 (b).
What tense should we expect ?
gladiatori, ' bully,' a mere term
of abuse.

6, 7. summi viri et cl. cives.
By viri he means magistratus, by
cives, privati : for the plural, cf.
§§ 28. 15; 4. 5; 3. 24, and quote

CAP. 11-12, § 28-30.

107

Gracchorum et Flacci et superiorum complurium san-
guine non modo se non contaminarunt, sed etiam hon-
estarunt, certe verendum mihi non erat, ne quid hoc
parricida civium interfecto invidiae in posteritatem 10
redundaret. Quodsi ea mihi maxime inpenderet,
tamen hoc animo fui semper, ut invidiam virtute par-
tarn gloriam, non invidiam putarem. Quamquam nori 30
nulli sunt in hoc ordine, qui aut ea, quae inminent,
non videant aut ea, quae vident, dissimulent ; qui spem 15
Catilinae mollibus sententiis aluerunt coniurationemque
nascentem non credendo corroboraverunt ; quorum
auctoritate multi non solum improbi, verum etiam
inperiti, si in hunc animadvertissem, crudeliter et regie
factum esse dicerent. Nunc intellego, si iste, quo in- 20

examples. Sat., Gracch., Flacci,
see on §§ 4. 6; 3. 21; 4. 1. Give
the full names of these men.

9, 10. mihi, agent with veren-
dum erat, must be supplied as ind.
obj. with redundaret 11. quid
governs the part. gen. invidiae, 1.
10. hoc parricida interfecto =
si hunc parricidam interfecissem ;
for parricida, see on § 17. 26.

11. redundaret, metaphor from
the overflowing of a stream, * that
any flood of unpopularity would
for the future overwhelm me.'
Quodsi, in connection with si,
the adverbial accusative quod has
become a mere connective * but.'
maxime * ever so much ' intensi-
fies the si. inpenderet, subj. of
concession, as tamen in the next
line shows, not of condition,
though this does not affect the
mood. A. 313; G. 605; H. 515,
II. ; P. 478. What mood ought the
verb in the principal clause have ?

12. fui. There is really a slight
ellipsis: tamen hoc animo [essem
atque] semper fui, ut, etc. As the
indicative clause expresses a fact
that is true independently of the
concession, it alone is retained,
partam (pario), 'acquired.'

§ 30. 13, 14. Quamquam. What
is this use of the word called ? See
on § 22. 1. non nulli, ' some,' en-
tirely indefinite, perhaps few, per-
haps many.

15. Note that qui in line 14
has the subj., while qui in line 15
has the indie. The former ex-
presses a characteristic (what is
it ?) ; the latter is a mere connec-
tion — ii autem. disaimulent,
sc. se videre.

18, 19. improbi corresponds
to qui dissimulent above; in-
periti, to qui non videant.

20. Nunc, see on § 17. 24. quo
(cf. § 10. 1) = in quae : what is its-
antecedent ? iste, see on § 2. 17.

108

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PRIMA.

tendit, in Manliana castra pervenerit, neminem tarn
stultum fore, qui non videat coniurationem esse factam,
neminem tarn improbum, qui non fateatur. Hoc autem
uno interfecto intellego hanc rei publicae pestem paulis-

25 per reprimi, non in perpetuum comprimi posse. Quodsi
se eiecerit secumque suos eduxerit et eodem ceteros
undique collectos naufragos adgregarit, extinguetur
atque delebitur non modo haee tarn adulta rei publicae
pestis, verum etiam stirps ac semen malorum omnium

31 xin. Etenim iam diu, patres conscripti, in his peri
culis coniurationis insidiisque versamur, sed nescio
quo pacto omnium scelerum ac veteris furoris et
audaciae maturitas in nostri consulatus tempus erupit

5 Quodsi ex tanto latro.cinio iste unus tolletur, vide
bimur fortasse ad breve quoddam tempus cura el
metu esse relevati, periculum autem residebit et erit
inclusum penitus in venis atque in visceribus rei pu
blicae. Ut saepe homines aegri morbo gravi cum

10 aestu febrique iactantur, si aquam gelidam biberunt
primo relevari videntur, deinde multo gravius vehe-

25. Note the repetition of the
letter p in these lines, reprimi . . .
comprimi See on § 27. 11. Cicero
is very fond of playing on words (1)
of the same stem, but compounded
with different prepositions, or (2)
of different stems to which the
same preposition is prefixed.

Explain the case of hominum 2.
morte 4, mihi 11, quae 14, quae
15, neminem 23, peatem 24,
semen 29; mood of multari 4,
putarem 13, animadvertissem
19, pervenerit 21, fateatur 23,
eiecerit 26.

§ 31. 1. iam diu, has what effect

upon a tense ? patres conscrip-
ti: explain the origin of the
phrase.

2, 3. nescio quo pacto, ' some-
how or other.' For pacto, see on
§ 17. 13. Nescio quis is sometimes
a mere indefinite pronoun without
influence upon the rest of the sen-
tence (A. 202 a; G. 469 Rem. 2;
H. 191 note; P. 518 a); some-
times the nescio retains its verbal
force, and is followed by the subj.
of ind. question; which here?
Which in § 16. 37-38 ?

5. Compare this whole sentence
carefully with § 12. 29, /. Quodsi,
see on § 29. 11. latrocinio, ' band

CAP. 12-13, § 30-33.

109

mentiusque adflictantur, sic hie morbus, qui est in re
publica, relevatus istius poena vehementius reliquis
vivis ingravescet. Quare secedant inprobi, secernant32
se a bonis, unum in locum congregentur, muro deni- 15
que, quod saepe iam dixi, secernantur a nobis ;
desinant insidiari domi suae consuli, circumstare tri-
bunal praetoris urbani, obsidere cum gladiis curiam,
malleolos et faces ad inflammandam urbem comparare ;
sit denique inscriptum in fronte unius cuiusque, quid 20
de re publica sentiat. Polliceor hoc vobis, patres
conscripti, tantam in nobis consulibus fore diligentiam,
tantam in vobis auctoritatem, tantam in equitibus
Romanis virtutem, tantam in omnibus bonis consen-
sionem, ut Catilinae profectione omnia patefacta, 25-
inlustrata, oppressa, vindicata esse videatis.

Hisce ominibus, Catilina, cum summa rei publicae 33
salute, cum tua peste ac pernicie cumque eorum
exitio, qui se tecum omni scelere parricidioque iun-

of brigands ; ' the abstract noun is
here used in a collective sense:
find examples in § 6.

§ 32. 17, 18. tribunal praetoris
urbani, see p. 66, § 60. The city
praetor seems to have had a fixed
place for his judgment-seat in the
forum, while the other praetors set
up their tribunals wherever it was
convenient, cum gladiis = ? See
on § 15. 25.' Notice in these lines
the reference to the three depart-
ments of government, — executive,
Judicial, legislative.

19. malleolos, hammers, the
hollow heads of which were filled
with tow and pitch. They were
thrown upon the roofs while the
faces were applied below.

24. bonis, see on § 1. 5. Ob-
serve how the different orders of
the state are mentioned.

25. profectione, case ? Cf .
Caes. II., 7. 2: quorum adventu.
patefacta, etc. The four parti-
ciples are to be taken in two
groups of two each, a very com-
mon arrangement in Cicero. This
may be brought out in English by
inserting ' not only ' before pate-
facta and 'but also' before op-
pressa.

§ 33. 27. Hisce, form ? A. 100
foot note; G. 102 Hem. 1; H. 186
VI. 1; P. 180 c. ominibus, ex-
plained by the three cum clauses
that follow.

29. omni, * every sort of,' a very

110

ORATIO IN CATILINAM PRIMA.

so xerunt, proficiscere ad impium bellum ac nefarium.
Tu, luppiter, qui isdem quibus haec urbs auspiciis a
Romulo es constitutus, quem Statorem huius urbis
atque imperil vere nominamus, hunc et huius socios
a tuis ceterisque templis, a tectis urbis ac moenibus, a

35 vita fortunisque civium arcebis et homines bonorum
inimicos, hostis patriae, latrones Italiae scelerum foe-
dere inter se ac nefaria societate coniunctos aeternis
suppliciis vivos mortuosque mactabis.

common meaning in both singular
and plural.

31. Tu, subject of arcebis, 1. 35,
and mactabis, 1. 38. luppiter.
He turns to the statue near him.
isdem . . . auspiciis, for the aus-
pices, see p. 71, § 84. Things
done * under the same auspices'
must be done at the same time;
and the words, therefore, are
equivalent to eodem tempore. This
is, of course, an exaggeration, as
the temple was not vowed, much

less built, for years after the
founding of the city. See on
§ 11. 9.

32. Statorem, ' stay, support,'
in a slightly different sense from
its original one; see on § 11. 9.

Explain the case of patres 1,
periculis 2, pacto 3, tempus 4,
reliquis 13, domi, consuli 17,
consulibus 22, homines 35, sup-
pliciis 38; mood of secedant 14,
insidiari 17, videatis 26, pro-
ficiscere 30.

M. TULLI CICERONIS
ORATIO IN CATILINAM SECUNDA

AD POPULUM.

I. Tandem aliquando, Quirites, L. Catilinam furen- 1
tern audacia, scelus anhelantem, pestem patriae nefarie
molientem, vobis atque huic urbi ferro flammaque
minitantem ex urbe vel eiecimus vel emisimus vel

TITLE. Read the notes on I.
Title. Ad populum. A speech
delivered ad populum, 'before the
people ' was called a contio ; and a
gathering of the people (see p. 61,
§ 42) to hear the speech was called
by the same name. For the cir-
cumstances under which this con-
tio was delivered, see p. 32, §. 52.

Congratulations over Catilina's
departure (§§ 1, 2). "

§ 1. 1. Tandem aliquando, see
on L 25. 1 : which word might be
be omitted ? Quirites, the formal
title of the Roman people when
assembled in their civil capacity
and addressed by a Roman. The
derivation and meaning of the word
are uncertain. What is the formal
title of the senators as a body ?

3. vobis and urbi are indirect
objects, "ferro and flamma are
ablatives of instrument ; instead of
the ablatives, accusatives might
have been used : we can say mini-
tari alicui aliqua re or minitari
alicui aliquid.

4. vel . . . vel . . . vel, imply
liberty of choice, 'either ... or
. . . or, as you please.' In this
passage each vel substitutes a
milder form of expression for the
preceding, because Cicero does not
yet feel quite sure of the attitude
of the people. He speaks more
boldly in the third oration. The
sentence may be trans. ' We have
driven him out, — let him go if
you will, — at least bidden him
good speed on his voluntary de-
parture.'

Ill

112

ORATIO IN CATILINAM SECUNDA.

5 ipsum egredientem verbis prosecuti sumus. Abiit,.
excessit, evasit, erupit. Nulla iam pernicies a monstro
illo atque prodigio moenibus ipsis intra moenia com-
parabitur. Atque hunc quidem unum huius belli
domestic! ducem sine controversia vicimus. Non enim

10 iam inter latera nostra sica ilia versabitur, non in
campo, non in foro, non in curia, non denique intra
domesticos parietes pertimescemus. Loco ille motus
est, cum est ex urbe depulsus. Palam iam cum hoste
nullo inpediente bellum iustum geremus. Sine dubio

is perdidimus hominem magnificeque vicimus, cum ilium
ex occultis insidiis in apertum latrocinium coniecimus.

2 Quod vero non cruentum mucronem, ut voluit, extulit,
quod vivis nobis egressus est, quod ei ferrum e mani-
bus extorsimus, quod incolumes cives, quod stantem

5, 6. ipsum. r= sua sponte, ultro,
as sometimes in colloquial English.
verbis prosecuti sumus, ironi-
cal; quote a similar ironical ex-
pression from I., 21. 43. What
are the verba he speaks of ?
Abiit, excessit, evasit, erupit,
the four words are to be taken
in two pairs, i.e., with a slight
pause after excessit; see on I.,
10. 8, and quote a parallel from
I., 32. 26. There is no climax.
Nulla iam, ' no longer,' a little
more emphatic than non iam, 1. j
9; cf. I., 16. 3.

9. domestici, 'civil.' Do not
translate the word by ' domestic.'
sine controversia = sine dubio,
'without doubt,' 'undoubtedly,'
'beyond question.'

10, 11. sica ilia, ' that famous,'
a common meaning of ille; for!
sica, cf. L, 16. 35. versabitur, i

' be busy.' in campo, what occa-
sion is meant ? See on I., 11. 16/.
in curia, the Curia Hostilia, the
original senate house; see Plan B.
It was built by Tullus Hostilius.

12. domesticos parietes, ' the
walls of our own houses.' Ex-
plain the difference in meaning
between parietes and moenibus,
1. 7. Loco motus est, ' he was
forced from position (vantage
ground )', a phrase borrowed from
the gladiators' vocabulary ; give
two other words from the same
source, I., 15. 32-34.

14. bellum iustum, 'regular
war,' i.e., against an open and de-
clared enemy, opposed to ' tumul-
tus ' and ' latrocinium.' Sine
dubio = what phrase above ?

§ 2. 18. nobis, abl. abs. ei . . .
e manibus, cases ? See on I., 16.
35.

CAP 1-2, § 1-3.

113

iirbem reliquit, quanto tandem ilium maerore esse 20
adflictum et proftigaturn putatis ? lacet ille nunc
prostratus, Quirites, et se perculsum atque abiectum
esse sentit et retorquet oculos profecto saepe ad hanc
urbem, quam e suis faucibus ereptam esse luget ; quae
quidem mihi laetari videtur, quod tantam pestem evo- 25
muerit forasque proiecerit.

n. Ac si quis est talis, quales esse omnes oportebat, 3
qui in hoc ipso, in quo exultat et triumphat oratio
mea, me vehementer accuset, quod tarn capitalem
hostem non comprehenderim potius quam emiserim,
non est ista mea culpa, Quirites, sed temporum. Inter- 5

20. quanto tandem, for posi-
tion of interrogative clause cf. I.,
16. 8/., for tandem I., 1. 1.

23. retorquet oculos, as a

wild beast driven from its prey.
The metaphor is continued in the
next line.

24-26. quam — et earn, quae
quidem, ' but it, on the con-
trary;' quidem is used in its so-
called ' adversative ' sense, quod
. . . proiecerit, cf. quod . . .
extulit, 1. 17. Notice that the
two clauses are precisely parallel,
each depending upon a word of
emotion' or 'feeling' (laetari, 1.
25, and maerore, 1. 20), and ex-
plain the difference in the moods.
A. 321 ; G. 540, 541; H. 516, I.
and II ; P. 519. foras. This
so-called adverb and the related
form foris, are really plural
cases of the obsolete forae,
-arum, meaning probably ' open- 1
ings;' foras (ace.), therefore an-
swers the question ' whither ? '
and foris (loc.) the question
' where ? '

Explain case of Catilinam 1,
verbis 5, monstro 6, moenibus
7, nullo 14, maerore 20, quam
24, mihi 25. Give the principal
parts of erupit 6, vicimus 9,
pertimescemus, motus est 12,
depulsus est 13, geremus 14,
perdidimus 15, extulit 17, ex-
torsimus 19, perculsum 22.

First Part: Explanation of his
conduct in permitting Catilina to
escape, §§ 3-16.

§ 3. 2. in hoc ipso, ' in this very
point.' Explained by the clause
quod . . . comprehenderim 1. 3, 4.

4. comprehenderim. What
mood should we expect ? See on
L, 3. 24; why the subj ? See on
§ 2. 25. potius quam emiserim ;
the subj. is due not to the quod
but to potius quam, which in
Cicero is always followed by the
subj. of the act to be avoided,
with or (usually) without ut ; see
A. 332, b; G. 647, R. 4; H. 502
2 ; P. 498.

5, 6. non est ista, slightly ellip-

114

ORATIO IN CATILINAM SECUNDA.

fectum esse L. Catilinam et gravissimo supplicio ad-

fectum iam pridem oportebat, idque a me et mos

maiorum et huius imperil severitas et res publica

postulabat. Sed quam multos fuisse putatis, qui, quae

10 ego deferrem, non crederent, quam multos, qui etiam

defenderent ! Ac, si illo sublato depelli a vobis omne

periculum iudicarem, iam pridem ego L. Catilinam

non modo invidiae meae, verum etiam vitae periculo

4 sustulissem. Sed cum viderem, ne vobis quidem om-

15 nibus re etiam turn probata si ilium, ut erat meritus,

morte multassem, fore ut eius socios invidia oppressus

persequi non possem, rem hue deduxi, ut turn palam

pugnare possetis, cum hostem aperte videretis. Quern

tical ; the real apodosis should be ' I
reply that;' for a similar ellipsis
see on I., 16. 38. Interfectum
esse, regular or irregular tense ?
See on L, 4. 14. et, ' that is,'
the so-called ' explanatory ' use of
et to define a word or phrase by
a more exact term. Here we
would otherwise have an extreme
instance of hysteron proteron, a
reversal of the natural order of
ideas.

7-9. mos maiorum, see on L,
28. 15. huius imperil : for case
see on L, 12. 26. res publica,
'the public interests.' This
phrase, as all containing res, must
always be translated according to
the context. It seldom means
'republic,' usually 'nation,' 'con-
stitution,' ' politics,' ' public life,'
etc. postulabat, why singular ?

10. quae deferrem, ' the facts
•which I laid before them ; ' defer-
rem is subj. by attraction; what
attracts it ?

11. defenderent, ' tried to jus-

tify,' sc. ea quae deferrem, not
Catilinam.

12. iudicarem . . . sustulis-
sem (1. 14) : for tenses, see on L,
29.3.

13. invidiae . . . vitae peri-
culo, ' at the risk of unpopularity
. . . at the peril of my life.' There
is a slight change of standpoint;
what should we expect for vitae f

§ 4. 14. vobis is contrasted
with multos, 1. 9 and 10, and is
dat. of ind. obj.

15-17. re ... probata ' as
his guilt was not even then proved
to you either.' si ... multassem
fore ut . . . non possem: the
sentence is thrown into the indirect
form by cum viderem, the direct'
form being .si multavero, non
potero. The change of the prota-
sis is perfectly regular and that of
the apodosis is due to the lack of
a supine stem in posse. A. 288 /;
G. 240, 1. 2; H. 537 3, note 1; P.
5386. hue (= ad hoc) is explained
by the clause ut . . . possetis.

CAP. 2-3, § 3-5.

115

quidem ego hostem, Quirites, quam vehementer foris
esse timendum putem, licet hinc intellegatis, quod 20
etiam illud moleste fero, quod ex urbe parum comi-
tatus exierit. Utinam ille omnis secum suas copias
eduxisset! Tongilium mihi eduxit, quern amare in
praetexta coeperat, Publicium et Minucium, quorum
aes alienum contractum in popina nullum rei publi- 25
cae motum adferre poterat ; reliquit quos viros,
quanto aere alieno, quam valentis, quam nobilis !
in. Itaque ego ilium exercitum prae Gallicanis legi- 5
onibus et hoc dilectu, quern in agro Piceno et Gallico
Q. Metellus habuit, et his copiis, quae a nobis cotidie
comparantur, magno opere contemno collectum ex sen-

19. quam vehementer, ironi-
cal, foris : why not foras as in
§ 2. 26 ?

20. licet hinc intellegatis:

what mood might have been used ?
See on I., 6. 8. hinc (= ex hoc),
explained by the clause quod . . .
fero ; cf. in hoc, 1. 2.

21. 22. parum comitatus.
Sail. Cat. 32, says of Catilina's
departure: node inteuipesta cum
panels in Manliana castra pro-
fectus est. comitatus, voice ?
see on I., 26. 14. exierit, mood ?
see on § 2. 25. omnis, ace. pi.
Note the other ending in 1. 1.

23,24. eduxisset: what kind of
a wish is expressed by the phi. per-
fect subj. ? See on I., 22. 3. mihi,
not to be translated. A. 236; G.
351 ; H. 389; P. 382. in praetexta,
' in boyhood.' The praetexta, or
toga praetexta, had a purple bor-
der, and was worn by boys until the
sixteenth or seventeenth year, and
by magistrates; the toga of the

private citizen of full age was not
dyed. Nothing more is known of
the three men named here.

25. aes alienum, 'debt,' liter-
ally, ' other people's money.'

Explain the subj., accuset 3,
crederent 10, sustulissem, vi-
derem 14, possem 17, possetis,
videretis 18, putem 20.

§ 5. 1, 2. Gallicanis legionibus.

A small standing army was kept in
Gallia Cisalpina in view of possi-
ble danger from the Gauls, and
to these troops Quintus Metel-
lus (as Praetor, p. 68, § 73)
was adding reinforcements by a
fresh levy; cf. Caesar I., 10. 3.
agro Piceno et Gallico: point
out upon Map II. The ager Gal-
licus is the district lying along
the coast north of Picenum, and
once held by the Galli Senones.

4, 5. collectum agrees with ex-
ercitum in 1. 1. senibus despera-
tis, the veterans of Sulla (Creigh-

116

ORATIO IN CATILINAM SECUNDA.

5 ibus desperatis, ex agresti luxuria, ex rusticis decocto-
ribus, ex iis, qui vadimonia deserere quam ilium ex-
ercitum maluerunt; quibus ego non modo si aciem
exercitus nostri, verum etiam si edictum praetoris osten-
dero, concident. Hos, quos video volitare in foro, quos

10 stare ad curiam, quos etiam in senatum venire, qui
nitent unguentis, qui fulgent purpura, mallem secum
suos milites eduxisset ; qui si hie permanent, mementote
non tarn exercitum ilium esse nobis quam hos, qui
exercitum deseruerunt, pertimescendos. Atque hoc

15 etiam sunt timendi magis, quod, quid cogitent, me scire

6 sentiunt neque tamen permoventur. Video, cui sit
Apulia adtributa, quis habeat Etruriam, quis agrum
Picenum, quis Gallicum, quis sibi has urbanas insidias

ton, p. 69), of whom Sail. Cat. 28 j
says: quibus lubido atque luxu-\
ria ex magnis rapinis nihil reliqui \
fecerat. ex agresti luxuria, ' of j
boorish high-livers ; ' for this use j
of the abstract noun, see on I., 31. |
5, and give two examples.

6. vadimonia deserere, etc.,
'to desert their bonds [men] |
rather than, etc.' vadimonium
was a promise, secured by bail, to
appear in court on a fixed day,
and vadimonium deserere = ' to
forfeit bail.' The plural is here
accommodated to that of malue-
runt.

7. quibus ego si = qui, si ego
eis ; the Latin idiom prefers to
put the relative in the subordi-
nate clause, non modo . . . ve-
rum etiam: with these correlatives
a weaker expression may be fol-
lowed by a stronger (a + B), ' not
only . . . but also . . . ', or a
stronger by a weaker ( A + b ) , 'I

do not say . . . but . . . .' Which
here?

9. video volitare: translate
the infinitive by a present partici-
ple which might have been used.
A. 292 e; G. 527 R. 1; H. 535, I.,
4; P. 543, 6. volitare in these
orations has always a contemptu-
ous force.

11, 12. The use of perfumes
and the wearing of colors in pub-
lic excited the contempt of the
sober-minded Romans, mallem,
often used in wishes instead of a
particle ; the tense retains its
proper force. A. 267, c ; G. 254,
Rem. 2; H. 483. P. 473, c. edux-
isset: A. 331 f Rem.; G. 546,
Rem. 3; H. 499. 2; P. 491. suos
milites, 'as his own corps,' in ap-
position to hos, 1. 9.

§6. 17-19. Sail. Cat. 27:?V7i«wr
C. Manlium Faesulas atque in
earn partem Etruriae, Septimium
quendam Carnertem [= ' of Cam-

CAP. 3-4, § 5-6.

nr

caedis atque incendiorum depoposcerit. Omnia supe-
rioris noctis consilia ad me perlata esse sentiunt ; pate- 20
feci in senatu hesterno die ; Catilina ipse pertimuit,
profugit ; hi quid expectant ? Ne illi vehementer
errant, si illam meam pristinam lenitatem perpetuam
sperant futuram.

iv. Quod expectavi, iam sum adsecutus, ut vos omnes
factam esse aperte coniurationem contra rem publicam
videretis ; nisi vero si quis est, qui Catilinae similis
cum Catilina sentire non putet. Non est iam lenitati
locus ; severitatem res ipsa flagitat. Unum etiam nunc 5
concedam : exeant, proficiscantur, ne patiantur desi-

erinum'J in agrum Picenum, C.
lulium in Apuliam dimisit. In
43 he gives the names of Lentulus,
Bestia, Statilius, Gabinius, and
Cethegus, as Catilina's agents in
the city. See p. 32, § 54.

20. superioris noctis, ' of that
former night,' i.e., the night of the
meeting at Laeca's. See P. 30, §
49. The report of Cicero's first ora-
tion had spread so widely through
the city that his hearers would
readily understand the allusion,
and not take the words in their
literal sense, 'night before last.'

22. Ne vehementer errant,
etc., ' truly they make a great mis-
take if, etc.' ne, interjection (not
adv. or conj. ), in class, prose
always at the beginning of the sen-
tence, and always followed by a per-
sonal or demonstrative pronoun.

Explain case of exercitum 1,
agro 2, copiis, nobis 3, exerci-
tum 6, quibus 7, hos 9, quos
10, se 11, nobis 13, hoc 14, sibi
18, die 21.

1, 2. Quod, explained by ut . . .
videretis : give example from § 4.
expectavi, 'have been waiting
for,' not 'have expected;' the
three perfects in these lines are
'definite.' aperte modifies vide-
retis, in spite of its position; cf.
§ 4. 18.

3. videretis, ' can now see,' A.
287, i: 'when a clause depends
upon one already dependent, the
sequence becomes secondary as
soon as the time is thrown back
into the past by any form that
represents past time.' nisi vero,
the regular phrase to introduce an
ironical exception ( here to omnes,
1. 1), always*takes the indicative,
nisi si, cf. Caesar I., 31. 14: the
addition of si to nisi gives the
latter an adverbial force, ' unless,'
' except.' Catilinae, gen. or dat. ?
See on I. , 5. 31. similis : for case
cf. orams, § 4. 22.

6. Exeant, mood? A. 266; G.
256, 3; H. 483, 484, 1 ; P. 472, 2. So
proficiscantur and patiantur.

118

ORATIO IN CATILINAM SECUNDA.

derio sui Catilinam miserum tabescere. Demonstrabo
iter : Aurelia via profectus est ; si accelerare volent,

7 ad vesperam consequentur. O fortunatam rem pub-
10 licam, si quidem hanc sentinam urbis eiecerit ! Uno

mehercule Catilina exhausto levata mihi et recreata
res publica videtur. Quid enim mali aut sceleris fingi
aut cogitari potest, quod non ille conceperit? quis
tota Italia veneficus, quis gladiator, quis latro, quis

15 sicarius, quis parricida, quis testamentorum subiector,
quis circumscriptor, quis ganeo, quis nepos, quis
adulter, quae mulier infamis, quis corruptor iuventutis,
quis corruptus, quis perditus inveniri potest, qui se
cum Catilina non familiarissime vixisse fateatur? quae

20 caedes per hosce annos sine illo facta est, quod nefa-

8 rium stuprum non per ilium ? lam vero quae tanta
umquam in ullo iuventutis inlecebra fuit, quanta in
illo? qui alios ipse amabat turpissime, aliorum amori
flagitiosissime serviebat, aliis f rue turn lubidinum, aliis

25 mortem parentum non modo inpellendo, verum etiam

7. sui, object, gen. : number ?
miserum, ' in misery,' to be taken
in the predicate with tabescere.

3. Aurelia via, the road along
the west coast leading from Rome
to Pisa, the direct route to Etruria,
the land route to Massilia.

§ 7. 9. ad vesperdtm, ' by even-
ing,' in this phrase vesperum (ves-
per) is more common: which is
used in Caes. I. ,26.2? rem pub-
licam: case ? A. 240 d; G. 340;
H. 381; P. 400. Give examples
from I., § 2.

10, 11. si quidem, ' at least if,'
the ' restrictive ' use of quidem.
eiecerit, for tense see on I., 5.

25. sentinam . . . exhausto:
cf. I., 12. 30-32.
20. per hosce annos, ' in all

these years : ' for the use of per and
ace. where we should expect to
find the abl. of 'time within
which,' see A. 256, a; G. 337,
Rem.; H. 379, 1. hosce: for the
form, see on I., 33. 27.

§ 8. 21. per ilium, ' by his
agency.' lam vero, ' now, again,'
marks the transition to a new
point, so nunc vero, 1. 26. quae
tanta, etc. : see on I., 13. 9-10.

23, 24. alios, aliorum : silently
note the gender, fructum, 'en-
joyment,' 'gratification.'

CAP. 4-5, § 6-9.

119

adiuvando pollicebatur. Nunc vero quam subito non
solum ex urbe, verum etiam ex agris ingentem numerum
perditorum hominum collegerat ! Nemo non modo Ro-
mae, sed ullo in angulo totius Italiae oppressus aere alieno
f uit, quern non ad hoc incredibile sceleris f oedus asciverit. so
v. Atque ut eius diversa studia in dissimili ratione per- 9
spicere possitis, nemo est in ludo gladiatorio paulo ad
facinus audacior, qui se non intimum Catilinae esse fa-
teatur, nemo in scaena levior et nequior, qui se non eius-
dem prope sodalem fuisse commemoret. Atque idem 5
tamen stuprorum et scelerum exercitatione adsuefactus

25, 26. non modo . . . verum
etiam : see on § 5. 7, and give the
formula for this passage. Notice
the accumulation of these correla-
tives in the next few lines. Nunc
vero : see above, 1. 21.

28, 29. Nemo non modo
Romae, sed, etc., 'there was not
only no one at Rome but no one
in, etc. ; ' or, ' there was no one, I
don't say at Rome, but in, etc.'
Nemo goes with both clauses. See
on I., 25. 6. The formula for
these correlatives is either a + B
or A + b; which here ?

Explain the subjunctives vi-
deretis 3, putet 4, exeant, pati-
antur 6, conceperit 13, fateatur
19, asciverit 30; the case of de-
siderio 6, via 8, Catilina 11,
mail 12, Italia 14, iuventutis
22, Romae 28.

§ 9. 1, 2. ut ... possitis, the
sentence is elliptical, and the verb
upon which this clause depends
must be supplied, ' I tell you this; '
such final clauses are said to denote
'the purpose, not of the action,

but of the mention of the action.'
Cf. the similar ellipses with si,
§ 3. 5, and quod I., 16. 38. dis-
simili ratione, ' in different direc-
tions, lines.' ludo gladiatorio:
there were regular training schools
for gladiators, some of the most
famous at Capua. Gladiators and
actors were usually slaves, and held
in about as high estimation as
prize-fighters and variety dancers
now.

3. audacior, 'more reckless'
than his fellows: standard of com-
parison omitted. A. 93, a ; G.
312; H. 444, 1; P. 164, a. So
levior and nequior.

5. sodalem, ' brother,' a
stronger word than intimum, as it
signified a fellow member of an
(originally religious) order or fra-
ternity. It gradually lost this
meaning, and sank (as here) to
'pal,' 'crony.' commemoret,
'assert,' always in Cicero a word
of ' saying,' never of ' reminding/
or 'remembering."

6-8. exercitatione adsuefac-
tus, etc.,' trained by his practice of

120

ORATIO IN CATILINAM SECUNDA.

frigore et fame et siti et vigiliis perferundis fortis ab
istis praedicabatur, cum industriae subsidia atque in-

9 strumenta virtutis in lubidine audaciaque consumeret.

10 Hunc vero si secuti erunt sui comites, si ex urbe
exierint desperatorum hominum flagitiosi greges, o nos
beatos, o rem publicam fortunatam, o praeclaram lau-
dem consulatus mei ! Non enim iam sunt mediocres
hominum lubidines, non humanae ac tolerandae auda-

15 ciae ; nihil cogitant nisi caedem, nisi incendia, nisi
rapinas. Patrimonia sua profuderunt, fortunas suas
obligaverunt ; res eos iam pridem deseruit, fides nuper
deficere coepit; eadem tamen ilia, quae erat in abun-
dantia, lubido permanet. Quodsi in vino et alea comis-

20 sationes solum et scorta quaererent, essent illi quidem
desperandi, sed tamen essent ferendi; hoc vero quis
ferre possit, inertes homines fortissimis viris insidiari,
stultissimos prudentissimis, ebriosos sobriis, dormientis

debauchery and crime to bear cold,
etc., the ablatives are all of means,
but exercitatione is the general one
modifying the whole phrase adsue-
factus . . . perferundis, while the
others are the special ones that ac-
company adsuefactus. Cf. Caesar
IV., 1. 9, nullo officio aut disci-
plina assuefacti. G. 403, Rem.
2; P. 421. cum is concessive.

11. o nos, etc. ; for this form of
the apodosis, see on I., 23. 17.
Give example from § 7.

§ 10. 14, 15. audaciae, ' acts of
recklessness;' the word in good
writers has almost always a bad
sense. The plural of abstract
nouns may be rendered 'acts of,'
' instances of,' or the Eng. singu-
lar may be used, nihil nisi,

4 nothing but;' nisi, as a mere
connective, takes the same con-
struction after as before it, but cf.
L, 17. 26.

17. res, * cash,' is contrasted
with fides ' credit,' as iam pridem
' long ago,' with nuper, ' recently.'
nuper, since — ? See on I., 14. 17.

18, 19. in abundantia, ' in the
days of their plenty; ' in this sense
abundantia is usually accompa-
nied by rerum. Quodsi: see on
L, 29. 11.

20, 21. quidem desperandi,
etc., ' beyond redemption, 1 admit,
but still, etc.,' a good instance of
the 'concessive' use of quidem.
What other use in § 7 ?

23, 24. Notice the absence of
connectives between the pairs of

CAP. 5, § 19-11.

121

vigilantibus ? qui mihi accubantes in conviviis con-
plexi mulieres inpudicas vino languidi, conferti cibo, 25
sertis redimiti, unguentis obliti, debilitati stupris eruc-
tant sermonibus suis caedem bonorum atque urbis
incendia. Quibus ego confido impendere fatum ali- 11
quod, et poenam iam diu improbitati, nequitiae, sceleri,
libidini debitam aut instare iam plane aut certe 30
adpropinquare. Quos si meus consulatus, quoniam
sanare non potest, sustulerit, non breve nescio quod
tempus, sed multa saecula propagarit rei publicae.
Nulla est enim natio, quam pertimescamus, nullus
rex, qui bellum populo Romano facere possit. Oninia 35
sunt externa unius virtute terra marique pacata;
domesticum bellum manet, intus insidiae sunt, intus
inclusum periculum est, intus est hostis. Cum lux-
uria nobis, cum amentia, cum scelere certandum est.
Huic ego me bello ducem profiteer, Quirites ; sus- 40
cipio inimicitias hominum perditorum ; quae sanari
poterunt, quacumque ratione sanabo, quae resecanda
erunt, non patiar ad perniciem civitatis manere. Proinde
aut exeant aut quiescant aut, si et in urbe- et in eadem
mente permanent, ea, quae merentur, expectent. 45

words: this is called asyndeton.
Give an example from Caes. I.,
20. ad fin. mihi : see on § 4. 23.

26. obliti, from oblino : what
does obliti come from ?

§11. 30. aut instare, etc.,
' is either now actually pressing
upon them, or at least nearing
them.' See on I., 4. 9.

32, 33. nescio quod : how
many uses ? See on I., 31. 2.
Which here ? propagarit, * will
have added.' rei publicae, dative.

36. unius. Pompeius, who had
swept the sea of pirates, and con-

quered the east (Creighton, pp. 71-
72; Allen, pp. 195-196; Myers, pp.
96-97; Pennell, pp. 120-122).

38-40. luxuria, amentia, sce-
lere : see on luxuria, § 5. 5. Qui-
rites: see on § 1. 1.

42. Metaphors from surgery.
quacumque ratione, sc. potero,
' by any possible means.'

44. in urbe et in, etc., 'in the
city, and of the same mind.' No-
tice the literal and metaphorical
uses of in so closely connected!

Explain mood of fateatur 3,
deficere 18, quaererent 20, ferre

122

ORATIO IN CATILINAM SECUNDA.

12 vi. At etiam sunt, qui dicant, Quirites, a me eiectum
in exilium esse Catilinam. Quod ego si verbo adse-
qui possem, istos ipsos eicerem, qui haec locuntur.
Homo enim videlicet timidus aut etiam permodestus

5 vocem consulis ferre non potuit ; simul atque ire in
exilium iussus est, paruit, ivit. Hesterno die, Quirites,
cum domi meae paene interfectus essem, senatum in
aedem lovis Statoris convocavi, rem omnem ad patres
conscriptos detuli. Quo cum Catilina venisset, quis
10 earn senator appellavit, quis salutavit, quis denique ita
aspexit ut perditum civem ac non potius ut importu-
nissimum hostem ? Quin etiam principes eius ordinis
partem illam subselliorum, ad quam ille accesserat,

13 nudam atque inanem reliquerunt. Hie ego vehemens
15 ille consul, qui verbo civis in exilium eicio, quaesivi

22, insidiari 22, impendere 28,
propagarit 33, pertimescamus
34, expectant 45; case of scaena
4, istis 8, nos 11, consulatus 13,
viris 22, sermonibus 27.

Having answered the boni, who
might think his measures not
strong enough (§§ 3-11), Cicero
now turns his attention to the
improbi, who might think them
too strong (§§ 12-16).

§ 12. 2. Quod ego si: quod is
object of consequi, 'effect;' cf.
§ 6. 1. How does this differ from
the use of quod (also with si), in
I., 31.5?

4. Homo, slightly contemptu-
ous: cf. § 1. 15.

6. iussus est: tense? See on
I., 16.11. Hesterno die really
modifies convocavi only, but by its
position is ambiguous ; his hearers
might connect it with interfectus

essem. For a similar (intentional ?)
ambiguity, see on I., 14. 12.
paruit, ivit: figure of speech?
See on § 10. 23-24.

9. Compare with the whole
passage, L, § 16. quo: part of
speech? cf. I., 30. 20. Point out
another example in this chapter.

12, 13. Quin etiam, 'Why!
even.' In this use of quin (= qui
ne ' why not ') developed from the
interrogative, it is always followed
by a startling statement and is
exclamatory in nature; cf. the
English ' why ? ' and ' why ! '
principes eius ordinis = omnes
consulares, I., 16. 9. subsellio-
rum: describe them. See on L,
16.9.

§ 13. 14, 15. Hie, * hereupon : '
this adverb is used (a) of place,
(b) of time, (c) of circumstances;
which here ? Give an example of
(a) from I., § 9. vehemens . . .

CAP. 6, § 12-14.

123

a Catilina, in nocturno conventu apud M. Laecam
fuisset necne. Cam ille homo audacissimus conscientia
convictus primo reticuisset, patefeci cetera; quid ea
nocte egisset, quid in proximam constituisset, quern ad
modum esset ei ratio totius belli descripta, edocui. 20
Cum haesitaret, cum teneretur, quaesivi, quid dubitaret
proficisci eo, quo iam pridem pararet, cum arma, cum
secures, cum fasces, cum tubas, cum signa militaria,
cum aquilam illam argenteam, cui ille etiam sacrarium 24
domi suae fecerat, scirem esse praemissam. In exilium 14
eiciebam, quern iam ingressum esse in bellum videbam ?
Etenim, credo, Manlius iste centurio, qui in agro
Faesulano castra posuit, bellum populo Romano suo
nomine indixit, et ilia castra nu'nc non Catilinam ducem
expectant, et ille eiectus in exilium se Massiliam, ut 30
aiunt, non in haec castra conferet.

eicio. Cicero quotes ironically
the charge of the improbi. vehe-
mens ille consul. The Latin
idiom does not ordinarily connect
adjectives of praise and blame
directly with names and titles of
persons. Instead, the adjective is
usually separated from the noun by
(a) an appositive (see on I., 4. 4),
or (b) ille. civis: case? cf. simi-
Hs, § 6. 3. verbo, ' a mere word : '
what is referred to ?

16, 17. a Catilina, < asked Cat-
ilina.' Do not translate a. A.
239 c, note 1; G. 333, Rem. 2; H.
374, note 4; P. 394 (2) a. fuisset
necne, ' whether or not.' A. 211,
a; G. 461, 460; H. 353, note 3; P.
581. homo : could vir. have been
used ? See on I., 13. 4.

18-20. ea nocte, in proxi-
mam : see p. 30, § 49. quern ad

modum, 'how.' ei: case? See
on I., 16. 10. ratio totius belli,

'the whole campaign.'

22, 23. proficisci : mood ? See
on I., 17. 21. cum, causal, with
— ? cum arma, cum secures,
cum, etc. What figure of speech ?
See on I., 1. 3. arma, secures,
etc., indicating his usurpation of
the consular power, secures,
fasces : see p. 64, §§ 54. 55.

24. aquilam: see on I., 24. 28.
illam: meaning? See on § 1. 10.
sacrarium: see on I., 24. 30.

§ 14. 27. credo, parenthetical
and ironical as often (not always) :
give an example from I., 5. 26.
iste : meaning here ? See on L,
2. 17.

30. Massiliam : case ? A city
(originally a Greek colony) in the
south of Gallia, of considerable

124

ORATIO IN CATILINAM SECUNDA.

VTI. O condicionem miseram non modo administran-
dae, verum etiam conservandae rei publicae ! Nunc si
L. Catilina consiliis, laboribus, periculis meis circum-
clusus ac debilitatus subito pertimuerit, sententiam

5 mutaverit, deseruerit suos, consilium belli faciendi ab-
iecerit et ex hoc cursu sceleris ac belli iter ad fugam
atque in exilium converterit, non ille a me spoliatus
armis audaciae, non obstupefactus ac perterritus mea
diligentia, non de spe conatuque depulsus, sed indem-

10 natus innocens in exilium eiectus a consule vi et
minis esse dicetur ; et erunt, qui ilium, si hoc fecerit,
non improbum, sed miserum, me non diligentissimum
consulem, sed crudelissimum tyrannum existimari velint !

15 Est mihi tanti, Quirites, huius invidiae falsae atque

15 iniquae tempestatem subire, dum modo a vobis huius

size, wealth, and culture, and a
favorite refuge for Romans avoid-
ing punishment by going into
exile, ut aiunt: p. 31, § 51
ad fin.

Explain mood of dicant 1, pos-
sem, eicere/n 3, interfectus
essem 7, fuisset 17, egisset 19,
scirem 25, aiunt 31. Define the
following ' figures of speech,' and
give an example of each from
these orations: anaphora, asynde-
ton, hendiadys, ellipsis.

1-3. condicionem, ' terms,'
' task: ' case ? See on § 7. 9. con-
siliis, laboribus, periculis : fig-
ure of speech ? Point out other
examples in this chapter.

4-7. pertimuerit . . . et con-
verterit. Note the series of five
future perfects, of which the last

two only are connected by et. In
such enumerations, when the sev-
eral units are regarded as of equal
importance, either (a) the connec-
tive is written between each two,
or (6) is omitted altogether, or (c)
-que is attached to the last. When,
as here, et (or atque) is placed be-
tween the last two, the units are
not of equal importance, but those
before the et are to be taken collec-
tively (a 4- b + c + d) + e. This
should be carefully indicated by the
translation: 'Now, if Catilina . . .
not only becomes suddenly fright-
ened, changes his mind, deserts his
friends, and gives up his plan of
making war, but also turns, etc.'

§ 15. 14. Est tanti : subject of
est? Case of tanti? See on L,
22. 8. huius invidiae, i.e., arising
from excessive rigor, cf. L, 29. 26.

CAP. 7, § 14-16.

125

horribilis belli ac nefarii periculum depellatur. Dicatur
sane eiectus esse a me, dum modo eat in exilium.
Sed, mini credite, non est iturus. Numquam ego ab dis
inmortalibus optabo, Quirites, invidiae meae levandae
causa, ut L. Catilinam ducere exercitum hostium atque 20
in armis volitare audiatis, sed triduo tamen audietis ;
multoque magis illud timeo, ne mihi sit invidiosum
aliquando, quod ilium emiserim potius quam quod
eiecerim. Sed cum sint homines, qui ilium, cum pro-
fectus sit, eiectum esse dicant, idem, si interfectus 25
esset, quid dicerent ? Quamquam isti, qui Catilinam 16
Massiliam ire dictitant, non tarn hoc queruntur quam
verentur. Nemo est istorum tarn misericors, qui ilium
non ad Manlium quam ad Massilienses ire malit. Ille
autem, si mehercule hoc, quod agit, numquam antea 30
cogitasset, tamen latrocinantem se interfici mallet
quam exulem vivere. Nunc vero, cum ei nihil adhuc
praeter ipsius voluntatem cogitationemque accident,
nisi quod vivis nobis Roma profectus est, optemus
potius, ut eat in exilium, quam queramur. 35

16. depellatur: for mood, A.
314; G. 575; H. 513. I. ; P. 504.

17-19. sane, 'for all I care,'
concessive, mihi credite, ' take
my word for it ; ' in a different
sense, L, 6. 5. ab dis optabo,
same construction as with some
verbs of asking. See on § 13.
16.

20, 21. ducere, volitare: for
translation, see on § 5. 10.' triduo,
' within three days ; ' * in two days,'
by our reckoning.

22-24. illud, explained by ne
. . . sit. quod emiserim . . .
eiecerim : mood ? See on § 2. 25.

25. idem, nom. plural, quid,

crowded out of its place before
idem; cf. si. L, 17. 13.

26, 27. Quamquam : what is
this use called? see on L, 30. 13.
isti : cf . § 14. 27. dictitant : for
form, A. 167 b ; G. 787, 1. b ; H.
336. II. ; P. 288 (2).

28-31. It would be better for
him to go into exile at Massilia
than to meet the fate that will
surely be his in war, but his accom-
plices prefer the latter course for
him. mehercule: full form?
See on I., 17. 13. si ... tamen:
cf. L, 29. 11-12.

35. queramur : mood? See on
emiserim, § 3. 4.

126

ORATIO IN CATILINAM SECUNDA.

17 vni. Sed cur tarn din de uno hoste loquimur, et de
eo hoste, qui iam fatetur se esse hostem, et quern, quia,
quod semper volui, murus interest, rion timeo ; de his,
qui dissimulant, qui Romae remanent, qui nobiscum

5 sunt, nihil dicimus ? Quos quidem ego, si ullo modo
fieri possit, non tarn ulcisci studeo quam sanare sibi
ipsos, placare rei publicae, neque, id quare fieri non
possit, si me audire volent, intellego. Exponam enim
vobis, Quirites, ex quibus generibus hominum istae

10 copiae comparentur ; deinde singulis medicinam con-
silii atque orationis meae, si quam potero, adferam.

Explain case of rei publicae 2,
faciendi 5, me 7, armis 8, dili-
gentia, ape 9, me 12, mihi 14,
causa 20, triduo 21, multo 22,
nobis 34; mood of converterit 7,
fecerit 11, velint 13, depella-
tur 16, sit 22, acciderit 33, opte-
mus 34.

Second part: Cicero now(§§ 17-
23) turns his attention from Cati-
lina to his followers in the city.

§ 17. 2-3. quern, quia, quod,

etc. : an excellent example of the
important principle of ' suspension
of clauses.' Any clause, principal
or subordinate, is suspended when
any subordinate connective ap-
pears between the first and last
words of that clause; and the rest
of the clause does not appear until
the whole of the subordinate clause
is finished. Here we have three
clauses: quern non timeo, quia
murus interest, quod semper volni,
and the suspension may be indi-
cated best by different types:
QUEM, QUIA, quod semper volui,

MURUS INTEKEST, NON TIMEO.

Almost any complex sentence will
furnish illustrations, his : the
choice of the demonstrative of the
first person is explained by the
clause qui nobiscum sunt.

4. dissimulant : sc. a clause
from line 2.

5, 6. si ... studeo : note the sub-
junctive in protasis and the in-
dicative in apodosis, the idea of
contingency being sufficiently in-
dicated by the meaning (not mood)
of studeo. So in I., 2. 17: vide-
mur, si vitemus. sibi, ' for their
own good,' dat. of reference (dat.
commodi). Really of no special
point in itself, but inserted for the
sake of symmetry to balance rei
publicae, 1. 7. Point out another
instance in I., 12. 28.

9-11. ex quibus generibus.
Cicero divides the followers of
Catilina into six classes, and then
describes the circumstances and
needs of each, singulis,' one by
one,' sc. generibus. si quam : sc.
adferre.

§ 18. The first class : Rich land-
holders, but greatly in debt — they

CAP. 8, § 17-18.

127

Unum genus est eorum, qui magno in aere alieno 18
maiores etiam possessiones habent, quarum amore
adducti dissolvi nullo modo possunt. Horum hominuni
species est honestissima (sunt enim locupletes), volun- 15
tas vero et causa inpudentissima. Tu agris, tu aedi-
ficiis, tu argento, tu. familia, tu rebus omnibus ornatus
et copiosus sis et dubites de possessione detrahere,
adquirere ad fidem ? Quid enim expectas ? bellum ?
Quid ergo ? in vastatione omnium tuas possessiones 20
sacrosanctas futuras putas ? An tabulas novas ? Errant,
qui istas a Catilina expectant ; meo beneficio tabulae
novae proferentur, verum auctionariae ; neque enim
isti, qui possessiones habent, alia ratione ulla salvi
esse possunt. Quod si maturius facere voluissent 25

must pay their debts by selling all
or part of their land.

12. Unum, 'the first.' In
enumerations unus and alter
(alius) are generally used before
tertius, quartus, etc., instead of
the ordinals primus and secundus.
Give an example from Caesar I.,
1. 1. est eorum, 'consists of
those : » case ? A. 214, c ; G. 365 ;
H. 401 ; P. 357. in aere alieno :
See on § 4. 25, the clause has a
concessive force ' although in — .'

13-15. possessiones, always of
' landed property.' species, ' out-
ward appearance.' voluntas, etc.,
'intentions and principles.'

16-18. Tu . . . sis et dubites,
' would you be ... and hesitate ?
mood? See on L, 24. 25. He
imagines one of this class before
him. argento, 'silver-plate.'
familia, ' slaves,' never ' family '
in the English sense.

20. omnium, neut. gen., 'all

things,' a very rare use of the adj.
as a substantive for omnium rerum.
A. 188, 6 ; G. 195 Rem. 4; P. 439
(4), a.

21. tabulas novas, 'new ac-
count books,' the watchword of
Catilina' s needy followers. This
expression in a political sense
always denotes an alteration of
debts in favor of the debtor,
whether the creditors were com-
pelled by law to sacrifice a part
only of their claims or the whole,
as the conspiracy promised.

22, 23. meo beneficio, etc.,
thanks to me ' (lit. ' by my kind-
ness'), ' new account books shall be
introduced, but (they shall be) those
of the auctioneers.' He means
that he will propose a law compel-
ling these debtors to sell and pay.

25, 26, Quod si: case of quod 9
See on § 12. 2. id quod : A. 200,
e; G. 616, Rem. 2; H. 445. 7. id
is in apposition with the clause to

128

ORATIO IN CATIL1NAM SECUNDA.

neque, id quod stultissimum est, certare cum usuris
fructibus praediorum, et locupletioribus his et melio-
ribus civibus uteremur. Sed hosce homines minime
puto pertimescendos, quod aut deduci de sententia

so possunt aut, si permanebunt, magis mihi videntur
vota facturi contra rem publicam quam arma laturi.

19 ix. Alterum genus est eorum, qui quamquam pre-
muntur aere alieno, dominationem tamen expectant,
rerum potiri volunt, honores, quos quieta re publica des-
perant, perturbata se consequi posse arbitrantur. Quibus

5 hoc praecipiendum videtur, unum scilicet et idem quod
reliquis omnibus, ut desperent se id, quod conantur,

which the relative refers; when, as
here, the antecedent clause is not a
substantive clause and has no case,
we may consider id an adverbial
accusative, certare depends upon
maluissent to be supplied from
voluissent. cum usuris, 'against
the payment of interest:' use of
cum? A. 248 6; H. 419 III.
1. 2. Give example from § 11. 39.

27, 28. fructibus praedio-
rum, 'the income from their
farms.' locupletioribus . . . ute-
remur: 'we should find in these
men richer and better citizens.'
minime, ' the least ' (not, ' by no
means,' 'very little'), i.e., of the
six classes this is least formida-
ble.

Compare the adjectives magno
12, honestissima 15, inpuden-
tissima 16, copiosus 18, stul-
tissimum 26, locupletioribus,
melioribus 27.

§ 19. Second Class : Men whose
ambition has been disappointed —

they must give, up their hopes of
power. Sail. Cat. 17: Erantprae-
terea complures paulo occultius
consili huiusce participes nobiles,
quos magis dominationis spes hor-
tabatur quam inopia aut alia
necessitudo.

1. Alterum est eorum: see
on § 18. 12. qui, quamquam, sus-
pension: see on § 17. 2.

2, 4. dominationem, ' a des-
potism,' always the rule of one
person, rerumque potiri, ' to
get control of the supreme power.'
potior always governs the genitive
of res in this sense; sometimes
too of other words. Give an ex-
ample from Caesar I., 3, ad fin.
What is the regular construction ?
perturbata, sc. re publica, op-
posed to quieta above.

5. hoc praecipiendum, ' this
warning should be given; ' hoc is
explained by ut desperent : give
an example from § 6. 1. scilicet
(— scire licet), 'any one may
know,' ' self-evidently : ' point out

CAP. 8-9, § 18-19.

129

consequi posse ; primum omnium me ipsum vigilare,
adesse, providere rei publicae ; deinde magnos animos
esse in bonis viris, magnam concordiam, magnas prae-

10 terea militum copias; deos denique inmortalis huic
iiivicto populo, clarissimo imperio, pulcherrimae urbi
contra tantam vim sceleris praesentis auxilium esse
laturos. Quodsi iam sint id, quod summo furore cupi-
unt, adepti, num illi in cinere urbis et in sanguine

15 civium, quae mente conscelerata ac nefaria concupi-
verunt, consules se aut dictatores aut etiam reges
sperant futuros ? Non vident id se cupere, quod si
adepti sint, fugitivo alicui aut gladiatori concedi sit

a similar compound in I. § 19.
quod : case ?
7, 8. primum omnium : see on

§ 18. 20. In this phrase the geni-
tive plur. neuter is common as a
substantive, the gender being sug-
gested by primum. vigilare,
adesse, providere, depend upon
a verb of saying to be supplied
from the general idea of praecipi-
endum, 'I warn them that.'

9-11. magnas copias, sc.
adesse, l are at hand,' from esse,
1. 10, as maluissent from voluissent
§ 18. 25. This use of a verb (esse)
with several words (animos, con-
cordiam, copias), to one of which
it does not strictly apply, is called
zeugma. invicto, ' invincible,'
lit. ' unconquered : ' the first mean-
ing is an inference only from the
second.

12, 13. tantam vim, sc.
quanta est : this slight ellipsis
after tantus is found in English
after 'such' ('such an eloquent
address!') and need not be in-

dicated in the translation. What
other words are used in the same
way? See on I., 17. 16. prae-
sentis, ' in person,' with deos*
Quodsi : how does the quod differ
in construction from the quod in
quod si, § 18. 25 ? summo furore,,
abl. of manner. Why may the
preposition be here omitted ?

14, 15. num : be sure to indicate
in the translation the answer
that is expected, quae, 'things
which; ' note that the antecedents
cinere (cinls), and sanguine are
masculine, while the relative is
neuter; both antecedents, how-
ever, denote things without life,
and in such cases a relative (or
predicate adj.) may be neuter.

17, 18. non for nonne is used in
questions of indignant surprise
only, quod si adepti . . . con-
cedi sit necesse, ' which, if for
the moment gained, must be sur-
rendered, etc.:' quod is really ob-
ject of adepti sint, see note on
5. 8, though the English idiom

130

ORATIO IN CATILINAM SECUNDA.

20 necesse ? Tertium genus est aetate iam adfectum, sed

20 tamen exercitatione robustum ; quo ex genere iste est
Manlius, cui mine Catilina succedit. Hi sunt homines
ex iis coloniis, quas Sulla constituit ; quas ego univer-
sas civium esse optimorum et fortissimorum virorum
sentio, sed tamen ii sunt coloni, qui se in insperatis ac

25 repentinis pecuniis sumptuosius insolentiusque iacta-
runt. Hi dum aedificant tainquam beati, dum praediis
lectis, familiis magnis, conviviis apparatis delectantur,
in tantum aes alienum inciderunt, ut, si salvi esse velint,
Sulla sit iis ab inferis excitandus; qui etiam non nullos

30 agrestis homines tenues atque egentes in eandem illam
spem rapinarum veterum impulerunt. Quos ego utros-
que in eodem genere praedatorum direptorumque pono,
sed eos hoc moneo, desinant furere ac proscriptiones

connects it with concedi, etc.
fugitive, ' runaway slave' always;
give example from Caes I., 23. 2.
Cicero means that if this class
should succeed in establishing a
new order of things, it would have
in turn to yield to a still lower
class, — that of mere brute force.

§ 20. Third Class: Veterans of
Sulla — they must not hope for
a repetition of his reign of terror
(Creighton, pp. 68, 69; Allen, pp.
180, 181; Myers, p. 91; Pennell,
p. 114).

19-21. aetate adfectum, 'ad-
vanced in years.' Manlius is said
to have been a centurion in Sulla's
army.

22, 23. coloniis: note the dif-
ference between this word and co-
lonus, i., 1. 24. quas Sulla con-
stituit. Sulla had assigned land
in Italy, especially in Etruria, to

120,000 of his soldiers, universas,
'as a whole.' esse: meaning?
cf. § 19. 1.

25, 26. sumptuosius insolen-
tius : standard omitted, see on § 9.
3. se . . . iactarunt, ' have plumed
themselves : ' for formation of verb,
see on § 16. 27. beati, ' rich,' a
common meaning in Cicero.

27, 28. familiis magnis, ' great
numbers of — ' : see on § 18. 17.
conviviis apparatus, ' splendid
banquets,' with reference both to
the choice of dishes, and the style
of serving them, salvi, ' sol-
vent:' cf. § 18, 24.

29-32. iis : case ? cf . nobis, § 11.
39. ab inferis, ' from the dead,'
abl. of separation, veterum, ' of
former times,' properly 'of long
standing.' eodem genere, in the
same category : ' case ? See on cor-
pore L, 16.38.

CAP. 9-10 § 19-21.

131

et dictaturas cogitare. Tantus enim illorum temporum
dolor inustus est civitati, ut iam ista non modo homines, 35
sed ne pecudes quidem mihi passurae esse videantur.
x. Quartum genus est sane varium et mixtum et 21
turbulentum ; qui iam pridem premuntur, qui num-
quam emergunt, qui partim inertia, partim male gerendo
negotio, partim etiam sumptibus in vetere aere alieno
vacillant, qui vadiraoniis, iudiciis, proscriptione bonorum 5
defetigati permulti et ex urbe et ex agris se in ilia
castra conferre dicuntur. Hosce ego non tarn milites
acris quam infitiatores lentos esse arbitror. Qui ho-

33, 34. eos hoc moneo, ' I give
them this advice : ' for case of hoc,
A. 238 6, note; G. 331, Kern. 2;
H. 375. desinant : mood ? See
on § 6. 6. What other construc-
tion might have been used ? Cf.
hoc, etc., § 19, 5-6. tantus, trans.
by adverb ' so deeply is, etc.'

35, 36. inustus est: for the
metaphor, see on I., 13. 5. non
modo homines, sed ne . . . qui-
dem : a second non must be sup-
plied with the first clause, * not
only men do not seem, etc., but
not even beasts (seem, etc.).'
Cicero sometimes writes the full
form, non modo non ; but when the
predicate is common to both
clauses he more frequently omits
the second non, as here. It makes
a neater translation, however, to
connect the negative in ne . . .
quidem with the predicate : ' Not
only men, but beasts as well, seem
to me wnlikely to, etc.' Notice the
difference between this use of the
correlatives and that explained on
I., 25. 6. pecudes, typical of pa-
tient suffering; cf. Isaiah, LIII. 7.

§ 21. Fourth Class: Bankrupts
of both town and country — their
condition is hopeless and will not
be improved by a revolution.

1, 2. sane, two meanings (a)
intensive, 'wholly,' 'utterly;' (6)
concessive, 'for all I care: ' which
here? in § 15. 17? turbulen-
tum, ' heterogeneous : ' the three
adj. are synonyms. See on I.,
10.8.

4, 5. vetere, in its proper sense,
see on § 20. 31. vadimoniis . . .
bonorum, ' securities, judgments,
execution ' : the three steps in
legal proceedings against debt-
ors: (1) They had to furnish se-
curity for their appearance on the
day of trial. (2) Judgment was
then pronounced against them in
due form. (3) By warrant of the
court their property was sold.
bonorum, substant. neut. pi.,
causing no difficulty as the two
words were a formal legal phrase.
See on § 18. 20.

6, 8. permulti, ' in large num-
bers:' force of per-f infitia-
tores lentos, ' shirking default-

132

ORATIO IN CATILINAM SECUNDA.

mines quam primum, si stare non possunt, corruant,

10 sed ita, ut non modo civitas, sed ne vicini quidem

proximi sentiant. Nam illud non intellego, quam ob

rem, si vivere honeste non possunt, perire turpiter

velint, aut cur minore dolore perituros se cum multis,

22 quam si soli pereant, arbitrentur. Quintum genus est

15 parricidarum, sicariorum, denique omnium facinero-

sorum. Quos ego a Catilina non revoco ; nam neque

ab eo divelli possunt et pereant sane in latrocinio,

quoniam sunt ita multi, ut eos career capere non

possit. Postremum autem genus est non solum numero,

20 verum etiam genere ipso atque vita, quod proprium

Catilinae est, de eius dilectu, irnmo vero de complexu

eius ac sinu ; quos pexo capillo nitidos aut inberbis

ers;' i.e., persons who make all
sorts of excuses for not fulfilling
promptly their engagements.
Cicero thinks they will shirk their
military duties in the same way.

10. non in o do . . . sed ne
. . . quidem : see on § 20. 35-36.
What must be supplied ? In trans-
lating connect the neg. with sen-
tiant = 'be ignorant of.'

11. illud, explained by the
clauses quam ob rem . . . velint
and cur . . . arbitrentur ; what
kind of clauses are these ? Point
out in §§ 3 and 6 two appositive
clauses of different kinds, and ex-
plain each.

§ 22. Fifth Class: Common
criminals. Sixth Class: Dissi-
pated young men — good riddance
to both !

17. et pereant, 'and (I say
this) let them, etc. : ' the et is cor-
relative to neque (= et ?io?i); and
as unlike constructions cannot be

connected by co-ordinate conjunc-
tions, we must assume a slight
ellipsis. See on §§ 3. 5; 9. 1, and
I. , 16. 38. sane : force here ? See
on § 21. 1.

18. career, ' the prison,' not ' a
prison.' There was at this time
but one prison at Rome, a part of
which, called Tttllianum, served
for the execution of sentences of
death, the rest for temporary de-
tention until sentence was pro-
nounced. The imprisonment of
free men as a punishment was ab-
solutely unknown at Rome. See
on I., 19. 15.

19, 20. Postremum, etc. ' The
last class is last, etc.' genere, ' in
kind,' ' rank: ' give examples from
§§ 20, 21, and 22 of genus in three
meanings. quod, conjunction.
proprium Catilinae, * Catilina's
own: ' case ? See on I., 12. 26.

21, 22. immo vero : how used ?
See on .1., 2. 13. What other

CAP. 10, § 21-23.

133

aut bene barbatos videtis, manicatis et talaribus tunicis,
veils amictos, iion togis ; quorum omnis industria vitae
et vigilandi labor in antelucanis cenis expromitur. In 23
his gregibus omnes aleatores, omnes adulteri, omnes 26
inpuri inpudicique versantur. Mi pueri tarn lepidi ac
delicati non solum amare et amari neque saltare et
cantare, sed etiam sicas vibrare et spargere venena
didicerunt. Qui nisi exeunt, nisi pereunt, etiamsi 30
Catilina perierit, scitote hoc in re publica seminarium
Catilinarum futurum. Verum tamen quid sibi isti
miseri volunt? num suas secum mulierculas sunt in
castra ducturi ? Quern ad modum autem illis carere
poterunt, his praesertim iam noctibus ? Quo autem 36
pacto illi Appenninum atque illas pruirias ac nives

phrase might have been used ?
See on I., 5. 23. pexo (pecto).
capillo, abl. of quality (so tunicis,
23), equivalent to an adjective and
so parallel with nitidos, etc. All
these adjectives denote foppish
peculiarities unbecoming the Ro-
inan character.

22, 23. inberbis aut bene bar-
batos, ' without (a sign of) beard,
or heavily bearded.' The former
was due to their effeminacy, in
consequence of which they are
described as hermaphrodites. The
heavy beard was a mark of affec-
tation in Cicero's time, as the
Romans were accustomed to shave
the beard first on their twenty-
first birthday, and to let it grow
afterwards only as a sign of mourn-
ing, manicatis ac talaribus:
the correct tunic was short and
sleeveless.

24. velis, etc., 'wrapped in
sails, not togas;' i.e., these fops

affected togas of unusual widthr
which gave them the appearance
of ships under full sail.

27, 28. tarn lepidi : sc. what ?
See on I., 17. 16, and cf. § 19. 12.
amari: see on § 8. 23. saltare
e t cantare, accomplishments
which were considered very dis-
graceful for Roman citizens.

31, 32. scitote : for this apodo-.
sis, see on I., 23. 17; for tense, A.
269 e ; G. 260, Rem. ; H. 487, foot-
note 1; P. 527 6. Give example
of same tense in § 5. hoc, for hos,
'these men,' for gender and num-
ber, see A. 195 d; G. 202 Rem.
5; H. 445 4. sibi . . . volunt,
' mean.'

35. his iam noctibus: at the
time when this speech was deliv-
ered, the Roman calendar was in
great confusion, and it is only by
hints such as that in this line that
we can even approximately deter-
mine the time of year in which this

134

ORATIO IX CATILINAM SECUNDA.

perferent? nisi idcirco se facilius hiemem toleraturos
putant, quod nudi in conviviis saltare didicerunt.

24 xi. O bellum magno opere pertimescendum, cum hanc
sit habiturus Catilina scortorum cohortem praetoriam !
Instruite nunc, Quirifes, contra has tarn praeelaras
Catilinae copias vestra praesidia vestrosque exereitus.

5 Et primum gladiatori illi confecto et saucio consules
imperatoresque vestros opponite; deinde contra illam
naufragorum eiectam ac debilitatam manum florem
totius Italiae ac robur educite. lam vero urbes colo-
niarum ac municipiorum respondebunt Catilinae tumulis

10 silvestribus. Neque ego ceteras copias, ornamenta,
praesidia vestra cum illius latronis inopia atque ege-

25 state conferre debeo. Sed si omissis his rebus, quibus

particular November came. What
season does Cicero seem to mean ?

38. saltare : the complementary
infinitive frequently follows verbs
of knowing in the sense of ' know
how,' 'have learned to.' Cf. 1. 29.

Explain case of negotio, aere
4, vadimoniis 5, parricidarum
15, eo, latrocinio 17, numero
19, tunicis 23, illis 34; mood of
corruant 9, sentiant 11, pereant
14 and 17, possit 19, cantare 29.

Third Part, §§ 24-26 : A compari-
son of the resources of the two
parties shows that in open warfare
Catilina is not to be feared.

§ 24. 2, 3. cohortem praeto-
riam, the picked force of veterans
and personal friends which, since
the time of the younger Scipio, had
formed the general's body guard:
cf. Napoleon's " Old Guard." has
tam praeelaras: use of tain?
See on I., 11. 10.

4, 5. praesidia, as opposed to
exercitus, means ' garrisons,' fixed
at certain definite places, gladia-
tori confecto, Catilina; cf. § 2.
22, and see on I., 29. 5.

7-9. florem ac robur, * the
strength and might,' a favorite
metaphor, urbes coloniarum
ac municipiorum, ' cities of the
colonies and municipalities.' Ori-
ginally coloniae were communities
of persons who had, and always
had had, the Roman or Latin
franchise; municipia were com-
munities formed by Italians, who
had afterwards been given the
franchise. In Cicero's time the
distinction was historical only.
respondebunt, * will answer/
metaphorical in English as in
Latin.

§ 25. 12. conferre, ' compare/
so contenders, 1. 16. omissis
his rebus, 'saying nothing of.'
Rhetorical figure ? See on I., 14.

CAP. 10-11, § 23-25.

135

nos suppeditamur, eget ille, senatu, equitibus Romanis,
urbe, aerario, vectigalibus, cuncta Italia, provinciis
omnibus, exteris nationibus, si his rebus omissis causas 15
ipsas, quae inter se confligunt, contendere velimus,
ex eo ipso, quam valde illi iaceant, intellegere possu-
mus. Ex hac enim parte pudor pugnat, illinc petu-
lantia ; hinc pudicitia, illinc stuprum ; hinc fides, illinc
f raudatio ; hinc pietas, illinc scelus ; hinc constantia, 20
illinc furor ; hinc honestas, illinc turpitudo ; hinc con-
tinentia, illinc lubido; denique aequitas, temperantia,
fortitude, prudentia, virtutes omnes certant cum ini-
quitate, luxuria, ignavia, temeritate, cum vitiis omnibus ;
postremo copia cum egestate, bona ratio cum perdita, 26
mens sana cum amentia, bona denique spes cum om-
nium rerum desperatione confligit. In eius modi cer-
tamine ac proelio nonne, si hominum studia deficiant,

14. quibus: used in different
constructions with suppeditamur,
' with which,' and eget ' of which.'
Note the absence of a connective
between the verbs: what is it
called ? Cf. § 12. 6.

15-17. si ... omissis, 'omit-
ting, I say, etc.,' the words are re-
peated on account of the long list
of ablatives, causas: for mean-
ing, cf. § 18. 16. inter se con-
fligunt, ' grapple with each other.'
What case should we expect for se ?
See on usuris, § 18. 26. For the
accusative, see A. 196 /; G. 212;
H. 448 note; P. 449, 1. veli-
mus . . . possumus : for change
in mood, see on § 17. 6.

18-27. In this long and highly
artificial antithesis, the meaning
of each word is more accurately

defined by the corresponding word
in the contrasting clause, and a
close attention to this fact will
assist in the translation. The first
series of qualities, pudor, 1. 18,
. . . lubido, 1. 22, is summed up
(denique), in the four so-called
cardinal virtues, aequitas . . .
prudentia; the second series of
more material qualities; copia,
1. 25, ... amentia, 1. 26, is likewise
summed up (denique again), in
spes . . . desperatione. Notice
then that postremo, 1. 25, is the
connecting link between two
groups only, and that denique,
1. 22, and denique, 1. 26, are in no
way correlative with postremo or
each other.

28. nonne : note position in
sentence. What words are simi-

136

ORATIO IN CATILINAM SECUNDA.

di ipsi inmortales cogant ab his praeclarissimis virtutibus
so tot et tanta vitia superari?

26 xu. Quae cum ita sint, Quirites, YDS, quern ad
modum iam antea dixi, vestra tecta vigiliis custodiisque
defendite ; mihi, ut urbi sine vestro motu ac sine ullo
tumultu satis esset praesidii, consultum atque provisum

5 est. Coloni omnes municipesque vestri certiores a me
facti de hac nocturna excursione Catilinae facile urbes
suas finesque defendent ; gladiatores, quam sibi ille
manum certissimam fore putavit, quamquam ammo
meliore sunt quam pars patriciorum, potestate tamen

10 nostra continebuntur. Q. Metellus, quern ego hoc
prospiciens in agrum Gallicum Picenumque praemisi,
aut opprimet hominem aut eius omnis motus conatus-
que prohibebit. Reliquis autern de rebus constituendis,
maturandis, agendis iam ad senatum referemus, quern

15 vocari videtis.

27 Nunc illos, qui in urbe remanserunt, atque adeo qui

larly postponed in § 15. 26, and in
I., 17. 13? What is your answer
to Cicero's question here ?

29. ab . . . virtutibus : why
the preposition ? See on I., 25. 8.

Explain case of bellum 1,
gladiatori 5, tumulis 9, inopia
11, rebus, quibus 12, senatu 13,
desperatione, modi 27.

§ 26. 1, 2. Quae . . . sint : see
on I., 20. 16. dixi, a slip of the
memory; he has said nothing of
the sort. vigiliis custodiis :
distinction ? See on I., B. 26.

3,4. mihi: case? Cf. ei, § 13.
20. consultum, etc., 'care has
been taken and provision made:'
what is the subject ?

5. Coloni . . . vestri, 'your
fellow-citizens in the colonies, etc.'

7, 8. quam putavit, ' although
he, etc. : ' the context gives the
concessive force, quamquam, as
in § 16. 26: the clause is paren-
thetical, and quamquam is not
correlative with tamen, 1. 9.

11. Gallicum, Picenum: see
on § 5. 3, and point out on Map II.

14, 15. quern vocari : the sen-
ators were summoned to important
meetings by praecones, ' heralds '
(p. 75, § 103, cf. our sergeants-at-
arms), and the people cquld see
these heralds hurrying to and fro.

§ 27. Threats and warnings for
the conspirators.

16, 17. illos, subject of monitos

CAP. 11-12, § 25-27.

137

contra urbis salutem omniumque vestrum in urbe a
Catilina relicti sunt, quamquam sunt hostes, tamen,
quia sunt cives, monitos etiam atque etiam volo. Mea
lenitas adhuc si cui solutior visa est, hoc expectavit, ut 20
id, quod latebat, erumperet. Quod reliquum est, iam
iion' possum oblivisci meam haric esse patriam, me
horum esse consulem, mihi aut cum his vivendum aut
pro his esse moriendum. Nullus est portis custos,
millus insidiator viae ; si qui exire volunt, conivere 25
possum; qui vero se in urbe commoverit, cuius ego
non modo factum, sed inceptum ullum conatumve
contra patriam deprehendero, sentiet in hac urbe esse
consules vigilantis, esse egregios magistratus, esse
fortem senatum, esse arina, esse carcerem, quern vin- 30
dicem nefariorum ac manifestorum scelerum maiores
nostri esse voluerunt.

(esse), 1. 19. Its emphatic position
may be indicated by translating ' as
to those.' atque adeo : mean-
ing here? See on I., 5. 23. ves-
trum: what should we expect?
Cf. I., 9. 12. When can the form
here found be used ? See on I.,
14. 21.

19, 20. monitos volo: for
tense, cf. interfectum esse, § 3. 5.
adhuc modifies mea lenitas, < my
forbearance up to this point,' a
rare use of the adverb as an attrib-
utive adjective. For its use as
a predicate adj., see on I., 19. 8.
hoc, explained by ut . . . erum-
peret, cf. § 6. 1 ; for the ellipsis
see on § 3. 5.

21. Quod reliquum est, < as to
the rest ; ' for this clause, see A. 333,
a ; G. 525, Rem. 2; H. 516 2 note.

23. horum, his, the loyal citi-
zens whom he is addressing: in
strong contrast to illos, 1. 16.
mihi: how does this use of the
dative differ from that in § 26. 3?

26, 27. qui = siquis : see on
quicquid, I., 18. 37. What kind
of a pronoun is qui here, and in
1. 25? non modo . . . sed: see
on § 8. 28, and give the formula.

30. carcerem: what function
of the prison is meant ? See on
§ 22. 18. In whose charge was the
prison ? P. 67, § 68.

32. voluerunt, ' meant,' ' in-
tended.'

Explain case of vigiliis 2, urbi
3, praesidii 4, me 5, animo 8,
motus 12, scelerum 31; point
out three expressions for the agent
of a passive verb.

138

ORATIO IN CATILINAM SECUNDA.

28 xni. Atque haec omnia sic agentur, Quirites, ut maxu-
mae res minimo motu, pericula summa nullo tumultu,
bellum intestinum ac domesticum post hominum me-
moriam crudelissimum et maximum me uno togato

5 duce et imperatore sedetur. Quod ego sic administrate,
Quirites, ut, si ullo modo fieri poterit, ne inprobus
quidem quisquam in bac urbe poenam sui sceleris
sufferat. Sed si vis manifestae audaciae, si inpendens
patriae periculum me necessario de hac animi lenitate

10 deduxerit, illud profecto perficiam, quod in tan to et
tarn insidioso bello vix optandum videtur, ut neque
bonus quisquam intereat paucorumque poena vos

29 omnes salvi esse possitis. Quae quidem ego neque
mea prudentia neque humanis consiliis fretus polliceor

15 vobis, Quirites, sed multis et non dubiis deorum in-
mortalium significationibus, quibus ego ducibus in hanc
spem sententiamque sum ingressus; qui iam non pro-
cul, ut quondam solebant, ab externo hoste atque
longinquo, sed hie praesentes suo numine atque auxilio

§ 28. Comfort and encourage-
ment for the loyal (§§ 28. 29).

4. me togato. As the toga was
the cjvil dress worn by citizens
and magistrates in the city op-
posed to the sagum and paluda-
mentum worn by the soldier and
the general in the field, we may
trans. : ' with me, a civil magis-
trate, as your only leader and gen-
eral.' Cicero prided himself espe-
cially upon having thwarted the
designs of the conspirators without
the aid of an armed force.

11, 12. vix optandum, ' almost
beyond hope:' the gerundive ap-
proaches dangerously near to the

idea of * possibility;' cf. § 10.2 1.
neque . . . paucorumque —
neque . . . neque multorum, a
rare variation for neque . . . et
paucorum. Trans, -que by 'but.'
Madvig, 433. 2: If a negative prop-
osition is followed by an affirmative
in which the same thought is ex-
pressed or continued, -que, ac, or
et is employed in Latin, where in
English we use but.

§ 29. 16. significationibus,
'signs,' * tokens,' such as earth-
quakes, unusual thunder and light-
ning, etc., instances of which,
occurring at this time, are given
in the third oration.

CAP. 13, § 28-29.

139

sua templa atque urbis tecta defendunt. Quos vos, 20
Quirites, precari, venerari, implorare debetis, ut, quam
urbem pulcherrimam florentissimamque esse voluerunt,
hanc omnibus hostium copiis terra marique superatis
a perditissimorum civium nefario scelere defendant.

23, 24. The emphatic words are
hostium and civium. terra
marique, loc. ablatives : the regu-
ar prepositions may be omitted
with these words only when the
two words are found together, as
here.

Explain the ablatives motu 2,

me 4, duce 5, modo 6, urbe 7,
lenitate 9, poena 12, prudentia
14, hoste 18, auxilio 19, copiis

23. Write out an outline of the
speech, showing the several parts
into which it is divided, and giving
a summary of the arguments em-
ployed in each.

EXCURSUS I.

THE AFFAIR OF THE ALLOBROGES.

[Sallust, Cap. 39. 6-41 ; 44-47. Text of Schmalz.]

39.

6 Eisdein tempori-

bus Romae Lentulus, sicuti Cati-
lina praeceperat, quoscumque
moribus aut fortuna novis rebus
idoneos credebat, aut per se aut
per alios sollicitabat, neque solum
civis, sed cuiusque modi genus
hominum, quodmodo bello usui
foret.

40. Igitur P. Umbreno cuidam
negotium dat, uti legatos Allobro-
gum requirat, eosque, si possit,
impellat ad societatem belli, ex-
istumans publice privatimque aere
alieno oppresses, praeterea quod
natura gens Gallica bellicosa esset,
facile eos ad tale consilium ad-

duci posse. Umbrenus, quod in 2
Gall i a negotiatus erat, plerisque
principibus civitatiuin notus erat
atque eos noverat. Itaque sine
mora, ubi priinum legatos in foro
conspexit, percontatus pauca de
statu civitatis et quasi dolens eius
casum requirere coepit, quern ex-
ituin tantis malis sperarent. Post- 3
quam illos videt queri de avaritia
magistratuum, accusare senatum
quod in eo auxili nihil esset, mise-
riis suis remedium mortem ex-
spectare, " at ego " inquit " vobis,
si modo viri esse voltis, rationem
ostendam, qua tanta ista mala effu-
gialis." Haec ubi dixit, Allo- 4
broges in maxumam spem adducti

140

ORATIO IN CATILINAM SECUNDA.

Umbrenum orare, ut sui miserere-
tur: nihil tam asperum neque tarn
difficile esse, quod non cupidis-
sume facturi essent, dum ea res
civitatem aere alien o liberaret.

5 Ille eos in doinum D. Bruti per-
ducit, quod foro propinqua erat
neque aliena consili propter Sem-
proniam: nam turn Brutus ab

6 Roma aberat. Praeterea Ga-
binium arcessit, quo maior auc-
toritas sermoni inesset. Eo
praesente coniurationem aperit,
nominat socios, praeterea multos
cuiusque generis innoxios, quo
legatis animus amplior esset.
Deinde eos pollicitos operam suam
domuin dimittit.

41. Sed Allobroges diu in in-
certo habuere, quidnam consili

2 caperent: in altera parte erat aes
alienum, studium belli, inagna
merces in spe victoriae, at in al-
tera maiores opes, tuta consilia,
pro incerta spe certa praemia.

3 Haec illis volventibus, tandem vicit
fortuna rei publicae. Itaque Q.

4 Fabio Sangae, cuius patrocinio
civitas plurumum utebatur, rem
omnem, uti cognoverant, aperiunt.

•5 Cicero, per Sangam consilio cog-
nito, legatis praecepit, ut studium
coniurationis vehementer simu-
lent, ceteros adeant, bene polli-
ceantur, dentque operam uti eos
qtrnm maxume manufestos hab-
eant.

44. Sed Allobroges ex praecepto
Ciceronis per Gabinium ceteros
conveniunt; ab Lentulo Cethego
Statilio, item Cassio postulant ius
iurandum, quod signatum ad civis
perferant: aliter baud facile eos
ad tantum negotium impelli posse.

Ceteri nihil suspicantes dant, Cas- 2
sius semet eo brevi venturum pol-
licetur ac paulo ante legates ex
urbe proficiscitur. Lentulus cum 3
eis T. Volturcium quendam Cro-
toniensem mittit, ut Allobroges,
prius quam domum pergerent, cum
Catilina data atque accepta fide
societatem confirmarent. IpseVol- 4
turcio litteras ad Catilinara dat,
quarum exemplum infra scriptum
est: "Qui sim, ex eo quern ad te
misi cognosces. Fac cogites, in 5
quanta calamitate sis, et memi-
neris te virum esse: consideres
quid tuae ration es postulent: aux-
iliuin petas ab omnibus, etiam ab
inn'mis." Ad hoc mandata ver- 6
bis dat: cum ab senatu hostis iu-
dicatus sit, quo consilio servitia
repudiet? In urbe parata esse
quae iusserit: ne cunctetur ipse
propius accedere.

45. His rebus ita actis, consti-
tuta nocte qua proficiscerentur,
Cicero per legates cuncta edoctus
L. Yalerio Flacco et C. Pomp-
tino praetoribus imperat, ut in
ponte Mulvio per insidias Allo-
broguin comitatus deprehendant;
rem omnem aperit, cuius gratia
mittebantur; cetera, uti facto opus
sit, ita agant, permittit. Illi, homi- 2
nes militares, sine tumultu prae-
sidiis conlocatis, sicuti praeceptum
erat, occulte pontem obsidunt.
Postquam ad id loci legati cum 3
Volturcio venerunt et simul utrim-
que clamor exortus est, Galli
cito cognito consilio sine mora
praetoribus se tradunt. Voltur- 4
cius primo cohortatus ceteros
gladio se a multidine defendit,
deinde ubi a legatis desertus est,
multa prius de salute sua Pomp-

EXCUKSUS I.

141

tinum obtestatus, quod ei notus
erat, postremo timidus ac vitae
diffidens velut hostibus sese prae-
toribus dedit.

46. Quibus rebus confectis om-
nia propere per nuntios consul! de-

2 clarantur. At ilium ingens cura
atque laetitia simul occupavere:
nam laetabatur intellegens coniu-
ratione patefacta civitatem pericu-
lis ereptam esse, porro autem
anxius erat dubitans, in maxurao
scelere tantis civibus deprehensis
quid facto opus esset : poenam
illorum sibi oneri, impunitatem
perdundae rei publicae fore crede-

3 bat. Igitur confirmato animo vo-
cari ad sese iubet Lentulum
Cethegum Statilium Gabinium,
itemque Caeparium Terracinen-
sem, qui in Apuliam ad con-
citanda servitia proficisci parabat.

4 Ceteri sine mora veniunt, Caepa-
rius, paulo ante domo egressus,
cognito indicio ex urbe profugerat.
Consul Lentulum, quod praetor
erat, ipse manu tenens perducit,
reliquos cum custodibus in aedem

5 Concordiae venire iubet. Eo sena-
tum advocat magnaque frequen-
tia eius ordinis Volturcium cum
legatis introducit, Flaccum prae-
torem scrinium cum litteris, quas
a legatis acceperat, eodem adferre
ubet.

47. Yolturcius interrogatus de

itinere, de litter^, postremo quid
ant qua de causa consili habuisset,
primo fingere alia, dissimulare de
coniuratione : post, ubi fide publica
dicere iussus est, omnia uti gesta
erant aperit, docetque se paucis
ante diebus a Gabinio et Caepario
sociuui adscitum nibil amplius
scire quam legates; tantum modo
audire solitum ex Gabinio P. Au-
tronium Ser. Sullam L. Var-
gunteium, multos praeterea in ea
coniuratione esse. Eadem Galli
fatentur ac Lentulum dissimulan-
teni coarguunt praeter litteras ser-
monibus, quos ille habere solitus
erat: ex libris Sibyllinis regnum
Romae tribus Corneliis portendi;
Cinnain atque Sullam antea, se
tertium esse, cui fatum foret urbis
potiri ; praeterea ab incenso Capi-
tolio ilium esse vigesumum annum
quern saepe ex prodigiis harus-
pices respondissent bello civili
cruentum fore. Igitur perlectis
litteris, cum prius omnes sigiH sua
cognovissent, senatus decernit, uti,
abdicate magistratu, Lentulus
itemque ceteri in liberis custodiis
habeantur. Itaque Lentulus P.
Lentulo Spintheri, qui turn aedilis
erat, Cethegus Q. Cornificio,
Statilius C. Caesari, Gabinius M.
Crasso, Caeparius (nam is paulo
ante ex fuga retractus erat) Cn,
Terentio senatori traduntur.

M. TULLI CICERONIS
PRO L. MURENA ORATIO.

1 I. Quod precatus a dis immortalibus sum, iudices,
more institutoque maiorum illo die, quo auspicato

TITLE : M. Tulli Ciceronis : see
on I. Title. Pro, ' in behalf of.'
L. Murena. The plebeian family
of which L. Licinius Murena was
a member came from Lanuvium,
and belonged to the new nobility.
It had never boasted a consulship;

In 65 he gained the praetorship,
having Sulpicius again for a col-
league, and was so fortunate as to
get by lot the juris dictio urbana,
while to Sulpicius fell the irksome
task of conducting the inquiries
de peculatu. As praetor urbanus

in fact, Murena' s great-grand- | Murena celebrated with great pomp
father was the first of his line to I the ludi Apollinares, — his first

gain the praetorship, and Murena' s
father, who had been Sulla's lega-
tus in Greece and Asia, was the
most distinguished of the family.
Murena's claims for the consul-
ship rested upon his honorable
services in the field. On the staff
of his father, whom Sulla had left
in Asia as propraetor with two
legions in 84, he served against
Mithradates. At the close of the
campaign he returned to Rome,
and was elected quaestor along
with Servius Sulpicius, his present
accuser. Without having distin-
guished himself in his office, he
returned to Asia, and, in 74, took
part as legatus of L. Lucullus in
the third war with Mithradates.

opportunity, as he had not been
aedile, to thus gain the favor of
the people (p. 20, § 21). As pro-
praetor he went, in 64, to further
Gaul, where, by his justice and
integrity, he became very popular.
In 63 he returned to Rome to can-
vass for the consulship, having
for the third time Sulpicius as one
of his competitors. For the result,
see p. 28, §§ 42-44. Oratio : see
p. 33, § 56.

Exordium, § 1-10. § 1, 1 — § 2.
23: The prayer I uttered at the
consular elections is still in my
thoughts; do you, gentlemen, as
representing the gods, protect
Murena!

142

CAP. 1, § 1.

148

comitiis centuriatis L. Murenam consulem renuntiavi,
ut ea res mihi, fidei magistratuique meo, populo ple-
bique Romanae bene atque feliciter eveniret, idem 5
precor ab isdem dis immortalibus ob eiusdem homiriis
consulatum una cum salute obtinendum, et ut vestrae
mentes atque sententiae cum populi Roman! volun-
tatibus suffragiisque consentiant eaque res vobis po-
puloque Romano pacem, tranquillitatem, otium con- 10
cordiamque adferat. Quodsi ilia sollemnis comitiorum
praecatio consularibus auspiciis consecrata tantam habet
in se vim et religionem, quantam rei publicae dignitas
postulat, idem ego sum precatus, ut eis quoque homi-

§ 1. 1. Quod precatus sum.

One of the consuls, determined by
lot or by mutual agreement, pre-
sided over the election of the suc-
ceeding consuls, and opened it
formally with a solemn sacrifice
and ]arayer. iudices, ' gentle-
men.' The jurors were selected
from citizens of senatorial and
equestrian rank, one-third from
the former, two-thirds from the
latter; of the equestrians, however,
one-half had to be tribuni aerarii,
the presiding officers of the thirty-
five tribes into which the people
were divided.

2. die : the precise day is un-
known, but the consular election
was regularly held in July (p. 64,
§ 53), and there is no reason to be-
lieve that it was long postponed on
this occasion, p. 28, § 44. aus-
picato, ' after taking the auspices,'
an impers. abl. abs. A. 255, c :
G. 438, R. 2; H. 431, n 2. On the
importance of the auspices, see
p. 71, § 84.

3. renuntiavi, 'returned' (cf.
our * returning board '). After the
herald had announced the votes
of the single centuries (p. 60,
§§ 35, 36), and the final vote of
all, the presiding consul formally
named the successful candidates.

4. mihi, fidei, magistratuique,
an old formula, in which fidei
seems to mean ' honor,' ' trust-
worthiness.' populo plebique-
This phrase, .dating from the time
when patricians only were full
citizens, is found only in prayers,
oracles, and legal formulas.

7. ob . . . obtinendum, ' for the
purpose of making good.' salute,
' security,' when used of a defend-
ant almost means ' acquittal.' et
ut connects the following clause
with idem.

14, 15. idem, nom. sing, me
rogante: sc. populum, = me co-
mitia habente. The presiding con-
sul was supposed to ask the people
whom they would have to succeed
him.

144

PRO L. MURENA ORATIO.

15 nibus, quibus hie consulatus me rogante datus esset,

2 ea res fauste, feliciter prospereque eveniret. Quae
cum ita sint, iudices, et cum omnis deorum immor-
talium potestas aut translata sit ad vos aut certe
communicata vobiscum, idem consulem vestrae fidei

20 commendat, qui antea dis immortalibus commendavit,
ut eiusdem hominis voce et declaratus consul et de-
fensus beneficium populi Roman! cum vestra atque
omnium civium salute tueatur.

Et quoniam in hoc officio studium meae defen-

25 sionis ab accusatoribus atque etiam ipsa susceptio
causae reprehensa est, antequam pro L. Murena dicere
instituo, pro me ipso pauca dicam, non quo mihi
potior hoc quidem in tempore sit officii mei quam
huiusce salutis defensio, sed ut meo facto vobis pro-

30 bato maiore auctoritate ab huius honore, fama
fortunisque omnibus inimicorum impetus propulsare
possim.

3 II. Et primurn M. Catoni vitam ad certam rationis

§ 2. 18, 19. translata sit. The

verdict of the jurors will voice the
will of heaven, fidei, * protection. '

22. beneficium, ' favor,' often
used as here of a mark of favor,
hence ' distinction conferred by,'
' office bestowed by.'

Justification of his conduct,
1. 24-§ 10, in defending Murena
when his two friends, Cato and
Sulpicius, were prosecuting him.

24-27. hoc officio, 'this ser-
vice' to Murena. studium,
'zeal,9 'energy.' non quo . . .
sit, 'not that, etc.' A. 321, R. ;
G. 541, R. 1; H. 516, II., 2; P.
521.

§ 3. 1. M. Catoni. M. Porcius
Cato, great-grandson of the famous
censor of the same name, was born
in 95. He was noted for a rugged
firmness of character, acquired in
early life, but intensified by his
strict adherence to the stern prin-
ciples of the Stoic school. A man
whose name stood for uprightness
itself, for a narrow but unflinching
devotion to duty as he saw it, for
morality of life and frugal sim-
plicity, he was feared rather than
loved by men of his own party,
and hated by his foes. Cicero
seems to have valued his worth
highly, but to have looked upon

In Catinum.

(Pensa in Latin um Sermonem Vertenda,}
J. D. S. RIGGS, PH.D.

Based on the first four books of Ccesar.

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