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CALIFOIWf(A 


T-C 


SELECT 
ENGLISH  HISTORICAL  DOCUMENTS 

OF   THE 

NINTH    AND   TENTH    CENTURIES 


CAMBRIDGE   UNIVERSITY   PRESS 

C.   F.  CLAY,   MANAGER 

Hoirtron:  FETTER  LANE,  E.G. 

etrtntwrgf):  100  PRINCES  STREET 


$rto  gorfc :    G.  P,   PUTNAM'S  SONS 
Bombag  anto  ttalmtta:   MACMILLAN  AND  CO.,  LTD. 

Cotonto:    J.   M.  DENT  AND  SONS,  LTD. 
JCokgo:   THE  MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA 


All  rights  reserved 


SELECT 


ENGLISH  HISTORICAL  DOCUMENTS 

OF  THE 
NINTH    AND    TENTH    CENTURIES 


EDITED    EY 

F/  E.    HARMER,    B.A.  (LOND.) 

SOMETIME    SCHOLAR    OF    GIRTON    COLLEGE,    CAMBRIDGE 


Cambridge : 

at  the  University  Press 

1914 


H3 


Cambridge : 

PRINTED   BY  JOHN   CLAY,    M.A. 
AT    THE   UNIVERSITY   PRESS 


PREFACE 

MORE  than  ten  years  ago  Maitland  called  attention  to  the 
need  of  a  satisfactory  edition  of  Anglo-Saxon  charters, 
"  those  numerous  '  land-books '  which  must  be  re-edited  if  the 
first  period  of  English  history  is  ever  to  be  well  understood." 
Unfortunately,  however,  his  appeal  has  not  as  yet  met  with 
any  response. 

Until  facilities  for  a  work  of  this  magnitude  are  forth- 
coming something  may  be  done  by  editions  of  selected  texts. 
Hitherto  very  few  of  these  documents  have  been  published 
in  a  conveniently  accessible  form  and  with  explanatory  notes 
sufficient  to  make  their  contents  intelligible;  and  it  is  no 
doubt  largely  due  to  this  fact  that  their  manifold  interest  is 
so  little  known.  At  the  same  time  it  has  been  shewn  by  The 
Crawford  Charters  (ed.  Napier  and  Stevenson,  Oxford,  1895) 
that  a  scholarly  edition  of  even  a  small  number  of  such  texts 
is  capable  of  rendering  valuable  assistance  to  the  general  study 
of  the  subject. 

The  twenty-three  documents  contained  in  this  volume — 
most  of  which  may  be  described  as  charters — cover  a  period 
of  rather  more  than  a  century  and  a  half,  beginning  from  the 
early  years  of  the  ninth  century.  They  are  among  the  earliest 
English  texts  of  their  kind ;  for,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the 
written  covenant  was  of  foreign  (ecclesiastical)  origin,  the 
earliest  charters — unlike  the  laws — appear  to  have  been 
regularly  composed  in  Latin.  Indeed  we  have  very  few,  if 
any,  genuine  English  charters  of  the  seventh  or  eighth  cen- 
turies— certainly  none  preserved  in  contemporary  MSS. — and 
even  in  later  times  Latin  charters  are  far  more  numerous. 
This  remark  however  applies  properly  only  to  grants  of  land 
or  privileges.  Wills  are  usually  in  English,  though  we  have 
no  genuine  specimens  earlier  than  the  ninth  century. 


vi  Preface 

Classified  according  to  their  character  seven  of  these 
documents  (i,  I n- vi,  xvi,  xxm)  are  grants  of  estates  or 
privileges  (rents,  etc.)  made  by  kings  or  landowners.  One 
(xvn)  is  a  lease,  another  (vui)  a  deed  of  exchange.  Six 
(vn,  xu-xv,  xvni)  may  perhaps  best  be  described  as  records 
of  negotiations,  the  last  being  in  the  form  of  a  letter.  Five 
(n,  x,  xi,  xx,  xxi)  are  wills,  including  those  of  two  kings, 
Alfred  arid  Eadred.  One  (xix)  is  a  deed  of  manumission. 
The  two  remaining  (ix,  xxn)  are  dedicatory  inscriptions  in 
MSS.  of  the  Gospels,  relating  to  their  origin  or  history. 

Apart  from  their  historical  importance  these  documents 
possess  also  considerable  linguistic  interest.  Seven  of  them 
(i,  II,  IV,  V,  VII,  IX,  x)  are  written  in  the  Kentish  dialect,  of 
which  they  are  probably  the  earliest  specimens;  one  (ill)  is 
in  Mercian  and  one  (xxn)  in  Northumbrian.  The  language 
of  the  rest  is  West  Saxon,  a  dialect  which  seems  eventually  to 
have  come  into  literary  use  in  many  parts  of  England.  In 
-certain  cases  however  the  texts  which  have  come  down  to  us 
are  clearly  derived  from  older  ones  with  different  linguistic 
characteristics.  Thus  vi  and  vui  shew  evident  traces  of  Kentish 
dialect,  while  Mercian  features  may  be  detected  in  Xll-xv. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that,  with  one  possible  exception 
(xvi),  all  these  documents  are  genuine  records.  In  twelve 
cases  (i-v,  vn,  ix,  x,  xvni,  xix,  xxn,  xxm)  either  the  original 
MSS.  or  contemporary  copies  have  been  preserved;  the  rest 
are  known  only  from  later,  but  fairly  good,  copies.  It  may  be 
added  that  the  Editor  has  spared  no  pains  to  obtain  as  accurate 
a  text  as  possible.  Except  in  two  cases  (ix  and  xxi)  the 
MSS.  have  everywhere  been  submitted  to  careful  and  repeated 
examination,  which  has  led  to  the  correction  of  a  number  of 
erroneous  readings  found  in  previous  editions. 

H.  MUNRO   CHADWICK. 

October,  1914. 


EDITOK'S   NOTE 

fTlHE  abbreviations  found  in  the  MSS  have  for  the  most 
-*-  part  been  reproduced  in  these  texts.  The  symbol  j)  is, 
however,  expanded  to  Jjcet  (except  in  x),  and  u-  is  written 
-um.  The  sign  7  has  been  retained  wherever  it  occurs  in  the 
MSS.  The  punctuation  has  been  modernised  and  capital  letters 
have  been  introduced  in  accordance  with  modern  usage.  Letters 
which  have  been  omitted  in  the  MS,  or  which  are  no  longer 
legible,  are  enclosed  in  [  ] ;  letters  written  above  or  below  the 
line  are  enclosed  in  x  '.  In  passages  where  the  text  has  been 
emended,  the  letters  which  have  been  supplied  by  the  editor 
are  printed  in  italics. 

The  editor  desires  to  express  her  thanks  to  the  staff  of 
the  University  Library,  Cambridge,  to  the  staff  of  the  British 
Museum,  to  the  Librarian  of  Lambeth  Palace,  and  to  Mr  C.  W. 
Moule,  late  Librarian  of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge,  for 
the  kindness  and  courtesy  shewn  to  her  during  the  progress  of 
her  work.  She  would  like  to  take  this  opportunity  of  thanking 
the  Council  of  Girton  College  for  the  Research  Studentship 
which  made  this  work  possible.  Her  thanks  are  also  due 
to  the  staff  of  Girton  College  for  their  kindly  interest,  and 
especially  to  Miss  B.  S.  Phillpotts,  Fellow  of  Somerville  College, 
formerly  Librarian  of  Girton  College,  for  valuable  suggestions 
and  advice.  She  is  also  indebted  to  Mr  M.  D.  Forbes,  Fellow  of 
Clare  College,  for  collating  the  texts  (in  and  xvm)  preserved 


viii  Editor's  Note 

in  the  Library  of  Canterbury  Cathedral ;  and  to  her  father, 
Mr  H.  A.  Harmer,  for  help  in  preparing  the  manuscript 
for  press. 

Above  all,  she  wishes  to  express  her  indebtedness  to 
Prof.  Chadwick,  to  whose  suggestion  this  work  owes  its  in- 
ception and  without  whose  help  and  guidance  it  could  never 
have  been  completed.  She  has  especially  to  thank  Prof. 
Chadwick  for  help  with  translations,  for  much  information 
embodied  in  the  notes,  and  for  extensive  criticism  and  sug- 
gestions ;  also  for  reading  the  manuscript  and  the  proofs,  and 
for  supplying  the  Preface. 

Her  thanks  are  also  due  to  the  Syndics  of  the  University 
Press  for  undertaking  the  publication  of  this  book  and  to  their 
staff  for  their  great  care  and  skill. 

F.  E.  H. 

September,  1914. 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

I.         Grant  of  Land  by  Earl  Oswulf  to  Canterbury  Cathedral        .          1 

II.  Will  of  the  Keeve  Abba 3 

III.  Grant  of  Land  by  Berhtwulf,   King  of  the   Mercians,  to 

Forthred 5 

IV.  Grant  by  Lufu  to  Canterbury  Cathedral         ....          7 

V.  Grants  by  Ealhburg  and  Eadweald  and  Ealhhere  to  Canter- 

bury Cathedral 8 

VI.  Grant  by  Ealhburg  to  St  Augustine's,  Canterbury ...  9 
VII.       Agreement  between  Eadweald  and  Cynethryth  with  refer- 
ence to  an  Estate  at  Chart        ......  10 

VIII.      Exchange  of  Lands  between  Earl  Aelfred  and  Aethelred, 

Archbishop  of  Canterbury         .        .        .        .        .        .         11 

IX.  Record  of  the  Presentation  by  Earl  Aelfred  of  a  copy  of  the 

Gospels  to  Canterbury  Cathedral 12 

X.  Earl  Aelfred's  Will .        .        .  * 13 

XI.  King  Alfred's  Will 15 

XII.  Record   of    Negotiations    between    Aethelred,    Earl   of    the 

Mercians,  and  Berkeley  Abbey 20 

XIII.  Record  of  Negotiations  between  Earl  Aethelred  and  Aethel- 

fled,  and  Werferth,  Bishop  of  Worcester  ....         22 

XIV.  Record  of  Negotiations  between  Werferth,  Bishop  of  Wor- 

cester, and  the  Priest  Aethelwald  ;  with  confirmation  by 

Earl  Aethelred  and  the  Mercian  Council  ....         24 

XV.  Record    of    Negotiations    between    Bishop    Werferth    and 

Eadnoth,  with  regard  to  Land  at  Sodbury        ...        25 

XVI.  Foundation  of  New  Minster  at  Winchester  by  Edward  the 

Elder 27 

XVII.  Lease  of  Land  by  Denewulf,  Bishop  of  Winchester         .        .        29 

XVIII.  Letter  recording  Negotiations  with  reference  to  the  owner- 

ship of  Land  at  Fonthill 30 

XIX.  Manumission  of  a  slave  by  King  Aethelstan  ....  32 

XX.  Earl  Aethelwold's  Will 33 

XXI.  King  Eadred's  Will 34 


x  Contents 

PAGE 

XXII.  Entries  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 36 

XXIII.  Grant  of  an  Estate  by  Queen  Eadgifu  to  Canterbury  Cathe- 

dral, with  an  account  of  its  Previous  History  ...        37 

TRANSLATIONS 39 

NOTES 69 

APPENDIX  :  Kentish,  Mercian  and  Northumbrian  Dialects  .        .  .128 

ADDENDA 133 

INDEX  NOMINUM 134 

INDEX  LOCORUM 137 

INDEX  RERUM 141 


ABBREVIATIONS 

O.E.T.  =  Sweet,  Oldest  English  Texts. 
D.B.  =  Domesday  Book,  ed.  Sir  H.  Ellis.     Published  by  the 

Record  Commission,  London,  1816. 
Kemble= Codex  Diplomaticus  Mvi  Saxonici,  ed.  J.  M.  Kemble, 

London,  1839—1848. 
Birch  =  Cartularium  Saxonicum,   ed.   Walter  de  Gray  Birch, 

1885-93. 

Earle=  Handbook  to  the  Landcharters,  ed.  Earle,  1888. 
Thorpe = Diploma tarium  Anglicum  Mvi  Saxonici,  ed.  B.  Thorpe, 

London,  1865. 
Crawf.  Ch.  =  Crawford  Charters,  ed.  Napier  &  Stevenson :  Anecdota 

Oxoniensia,  Medieval  &  Modern  Series,  Pt  7,  1895. 
Dugdale  =  Monasticon  Anglicanum,  ed.  Sir  William  Dugdale.   The 
references  are  to  the  revised  edition  published  in  1846 
by  J.  Caley,  H.  Ellis  &  B.  Bandinel. 

Wanley=H.  Wanlei  Librorum  Vett.  Septentrionalium  Catalogus 
Historico-Criticus,   1705   (Hickes,   Linguarum  Vett. 
Sept.  Thesaurus,  vol.  li.). 
Liebermann  =  F.  Liebermann,  Die  Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen,  Halle, 

1898—1912. 
Brit.  Mus.  Facs.  =  Facsimiles  of  Ancient  Charters  in  the  British  Museum, 

ed  E.  A.  Bond,  1873—1878. 
Ordn.  Sur.  Facs.  =  Ordnance  Survey,  Facsimiles  of  Anglo-Saxon  MSS.,  ed. 

W.  B.  Sanders,  1878-84. 
Ducange  =  Glossarium  mediae  et  infimae  Latinitatis,  ed.  Ducange. 


i 


GRANT  OF  LAND  BY  EARL  OSWULF  TO 
CANTERBURY  CATHEDRAL 

>R  Ic  Osuulf  aldonnonn  mid  Godes  gaefe  ond  BeornoryS  min 
gemecca  sellaS  to  Cantuarabyrg  to  Cristes  cirican  Saet  lond  aet  5 
Stanhamstede,  xx  swuluncga,  Gode  allmehtgum  7  Sere  halgon 
gesomnuncgae,  fore  hyhte  7  fore  aedleane  daes  aecan  7  daes 
towardon  lifes  7  fore  uncerra  saula  hela  7  uncerra  bearna.  Ond 
mid  micelre  eadmodnisse  biddaS  daet  wit  moten  bion  on  dem 
gemanon  de  daer  Godes  diowas  siondan  7  da  menn  da  Saer  10 
hlafordas  wseron  7  dara  monna  de  hiora  lond  to  daere  cirican 
saldon ;  ond  daettae  mon  unce  tide  ymb  tuaelf  monad  mon 
geuueordiae  on  godcundum  godum  7  sec  on  aelmessan  suae  mon 
hiora  doed. 

Ic  donne  Ltulfred  mid  Godes  gaefe  arc.  epis.  das  forecuae-  15 
denan  uuord  fulliae,  7  bebeode  daet  mon  ymb  tuself  monad  hiora 
tid  boega  dus  geuueordiae  to  anes  daeges  to  Osuulfes  tide  ge 
mid  godcundum  godum  ge  mid  aelmessan  ge  aec  mid  higna 
suesendum.     Donne  bebeode  ic  daet  mon  das  ding  selle  ymb 
tuself  monad  of  Liminum,  de  dis  forecuaedevne'  lond  to  limped,  20 
of  daem  ilcan  londe  set  Stanhamstede :   cxx  huaetenra  hlafa 
7  XXX  clenra  7  an  hrider  dugunde  7  nil  scgp  7  tua  flicca 
7  v  goes  7  x  hennfuglas  7  x  pund  caeses,  gif  hit  fuguldaeg 

I.  The  original  MS.  is  preserved  in  the  British  Museum  (MS.  Cott. 
Aug.  n.  79).  A  late  transcript  in  MS.  Lambeth,  1212,  f.  406. 

Facsimiles :  Facsimiles  of  Ancient  Charters  in  the  British  Museum,  ed. 
E.  A.  Bond,  1873,  I.  pi.  15;  W.  Keller,  Angelsachsische  Palaeographie. 
Palaestra,  XLIII.  1906,  pi.  1. 

Editions:  Kemble  (no.  226),  Thorpe  (p.  .459),  Earle  (p.  79),  Sweet 
(no.  37),  Zupitza  (Alt-  und  Mittelenglisches  Ubungsbuch,  1912,  no.  XII.), 
Birch  (no.  330),  Kluge  (Angelsdchsisches  Lesebuch,  1902,  p.  16),  MacLean 
(Old  and  Middle  English  Reader,  1908,  no.  VIL). 

H.  1 


2  English  Historical  Documents 

sie — gif  hit  donne  festendaeg  sie,  selle  mon  uugge  csesa,  7  fisces 
7  butran  7  aegera  daet  mon  begeotan  maege — 7  xxx  ombra 
godes  uuelesces  alod,  det  limped;  to  xv  mittum,  7  mittan  fume 
huniges  odda  tuggen  uuines,  sug  hwaeder  suae  mon  donne 
5  begeotan  maege.  Ond  of  higna  gemgnum  godum  daer  aet 
ham,  mon  geselle  cxx  gesuflra  hlafa  to  aelmessan  for  hiora 
saula  suae  mon  aet  hlaforda  tidum  doed.  Ond  das  forecugdenan 
sugsenda  all  agefe  mon  dgm  reogolwarde  7  he  brytnig  swae 
higum  maest  red  sie  7  daem  sawlum  soelest.  Aec  mon  daet 

10  weax  agaefe  to  cirican1  7  hiora  sawlum  nytt  gedoe  de  hit  man 
fore  doed.  Aec  ic  bebeode  minum  aefterfylgendum  de  daet 
lond  hgbben  aet  Burnan  daet  hiae  simle  ymb  XII  monad  foran 
to  deere  tide  gegeorwien  ten  hund  hlafa  j  swae  feola  sufla ;  7 
dgt  mon  gedele  to  aelmessan  aet  dere  tide  fore  mine  sawle  7 

15  Osuulfes  7  Beorndryde  vaet  Cristes  cirican';  7  him  se  reogol- 
weord  on  byrg  gebeode  foran  to  hwonne  sio  tid  sie. 

Aec  ic  bidde  higon  dette  hie  das  godcundan  god  gedon  aet 
dere  tide  fore  hiora  sawlum  :  daet  gghwilc  messepriost  gesinge 
fore  Osuulfes  sawle  twa  messan,  twa  fore  Beorndryde  sawle ; 

-20  7  aeghwilc  diacon  arede  twa  passione  fore  his  sawle,  twa  for 
hire  ;  ond  gghwilc  Godes  diow  gesinge  twa  fiftig  fore  his  sawle, 
twa  fore  hire ;  daette  ge  fore  uueorolde  sien  geblitsade  mid  dem 
weoroldcundum  godum  7  hiora  saula  mid  dem  godcundum 
godum.  Aec  ic  biddo  higon  daet  ge  me  gemynen  aet  dere 

25  tide  mid  suilce  godcunde  gode  suilce  iow  cynlic  dynce — ic  de 
das  gesettnesse  sette  gehueder  for  higna  lufon  ge  deara  saula 
de  haer  beforan  hiora  namon  auuritene  siondon.  Valete  in 
Domino. 

Endorsed  in  a  nearly  contemporary  hand : 

3°        pis  is  gesetnes  [O]sulf[es  7]  Biarndryde 

In  a  hand  of  the  l%th  century,  the  date  having  been  added 
later : 

Anno  DCCCVI  Osulfus  alderman  dedit  Stanhamstede  ecclesie 
Christi  tempore  Wlfredi  archiepiscopi.  Anglice. 

1  MS.  ciricican. 


Will  of  Abba  3 

II 

WILL   OF   THE   REEVE   ABBA 

%4  Ic  Abba  geroefa  cySe  7  writan  hate  hu  min  willa  is  j?aet 
mon  ymb  min  serfe  gedoe  asfter  minum  daege. 

^Erest  ymb  min  lond  J?e  ic  hsebbe,  7  me  God  lah,  7  ic  set  5 
minum    hlafordum  begset,  is  min  willa  gif  me  God  bearnes 
unnan  wille,  Sset  hit  foe  to  londe  aefter  me  7  his  bruce  mid 
minum  gemeccan ;   7  sioSSan  swae  forS  min  cynn  Sa  hwile  ]>e 
God  wille   Saet  Seara  senig   sie   ]>e  londes  weorSe  sie  7  land 
gehaldan  cunne.     Gif  me  Sonne  gifeSe  sie,  Saet  ic  beam  begeot-  10 
an  ne  mege,  )>onne  is  min  willa  baet  hit  hsebbe  min  wiif  Sa 
hwile  Se  hia  hit  mid  clennisse  gehaldan  wile.     7  min  broSar 
Alchhere  hire  fultume  7  ]?set  lond  hire  nytt  gedoe  ;  7  him  man 
s§lle  an  half  swulung  an  Ciollandene  to  habbanne  7  to  brucanne, 
wiS  San  Se  he  Sy  geornliocar  hire  Searfa  bega  7  bewiotige ;   715 
mon  selle  him  to  Sem  londe  nil  oxan  7  II  cy  7  L  scgpa  7  aenne 
horn.     Gif  min  wiif  Sonne  hia  nylle  mid  clennisse  swae  gehal- 
dan, 7  hire  liofre  sie  oSer  hemed  to  niomanne,  Sonne  foen  mine 
megas  to  5em  londe  7  hire  agefen  hire  agen.     Gif  hire  Sonne 
liofre  sie  (an)1  mynster  to  ganganne  o<55a  su5  to  faranne,  Sonne  10 
agefen  hie  twaegen  mine  mggas  Alchhere  7  AeSelw(old)2  hire 
twa  Susenda  7  fon  him  to  Sem  londe ;  7  dgefe  mon  to  Liminge 
L  eawa  7  v  cy  fore  hie.     7  mon  selle  to  Folcanstane  in  mid 
minum  lice  x  oxan  7  x  cy  7  c  eawa  7  c  swina  7  higum  an- 
sundran  D  pend',  wiS  San  Se  min  wiif  J>aer  benuge  innganges  25 
swse  mid  minum  lice  swae  sioSSan  yferran  dogre  swae  hwseder 
swae  hire  liofre  sie.     Gif  higan  Sonne  oSSe  hlaford  J>aet  nylle 
hire  mynsterlifes  geunnan,  oSSa  hia  siolf  nylle,  7  hire  oSer  Sing 
liofre  sie,  )>onne  agefe  mon  ten  hund  pend'  inn  mid  minum  lice 

II.     Original  MS.  in  the  British  Museum  (MS.  Cott.  Aug.  n.  64). 
Facsimile  in  Brit.  Mus.  Foes.  n.  23. 

Editions  by  Kemble  (no.  235),  Thorpe  (p.  469),  Earle  (p.  108),  Sweet 
(no.  41),  Birch  (no.  412),  Kluge  (p.  18). 


1  Sic  transcript  in  B.  M.  Facs. ;  no  longer  visible  in  MS. 

2  Last  three  letters  from  B.  M.  transcript. 


1—2 


4  English  Historical  Documents 

me  wiS  legerstowe,  7  higum  an  sundran  fif  hund  pend'  fore 

mine  sawle. 

7  ic  bidde  7  bebeode  swselc  moun  se  Saet  min  lond  hebbe 

Saet  he  selce  gere  agefe  Sein  higum  set  Folcanstane  L  ambra 
5  maltes  7  VI  ambra  gruta  7  III  wega  spices  7  ceses  7  CCCC  hlafa 

7  an  hriSr  7  VI  seep.     7  swaelc  monn  se  Se  to  minum  serfe  foe, 

Sonne   gedele   he   selcum    messepreoste   binnan  Cent  mancus 

goldes  7  selcum  Godes  Siowe  pend'  7  to  See  Petre  min  wsergeld 

twa  Susenda.     7  FreoSomund  foe  to  minum  sweorde  7  agefe 
10  Serset  feower  Susenda,  7  him  mon  forgefe  Seran  Sreotene  hund 

pending1. 

7  gif  mine  broSar  serfeweard  gestrionen  Se  londes  weorSe  sie, 

)>onne  ann  ic  Sem  londes.    Gif  hie  ne  gestrionen  oSSa  him  sylfum 

aelles  hwaet  sgle,  sefter  hiora  dege  ann  ic  his  FreoSomunde  gif 
15  he  Sonne  lifes  biS.     Gif  him  elles  hwaet  saeleS,  Sonne  ann  ic  his 

minra  swsestarsuna  swaelcum  se  hit  geSian  wile  7  him  gifeSe 

biS.    7  gif  ]>aet  gesele  )>aet  min  cynn  to  San  clane  gewite  Saet  Ser 

Seara  nan  ne  sie  Se  londes  weorSe  sie,  J?onne  foe  se  hlaford  to  7  Sa 

higan  set  Kristes  cirican  7  hit  minum  gaste  nytt  gedoen.     An 
20  Sas  redenne  ic  hit  Sider  selle,  Se  se  monn  se  Se  Kristes  cirican 

hlaford  sie,  vse'  min  7  minra  erfewearda  forespreoca  7  mund- 

bora,  7  an  his  hlaforddome  Ve'  bian  moten. 

)jl  Ic  CiolnoS  mid  Godes  gefe  aercebiscop  Sis  write  7  Seafie  7 

mid  Cristes  rode  tacne  hit  festniae. 
25  ^(  Ic  Beagmund  pr  Sis  Seafie  7  write. 

^  Ic  Wserhard  pr  ab  Sis  Seafie  7  write. 

^  Ic  Abba  geroefa  Sis  write  7  festnie  mid  Kristes  rode  tacne. 

^  Ic  AeSelhun  pr  Sis  Seafie  7  write. 

^  Ic  Abba  pr  Sis  Seafie  7  write. 
30  ^(  Ic  Wigmund  pr  Sis  write  7  Seafie. 

>J4  Ic  lof  pr  Sis  Seafie  7  write. 

^  Ic  Osmund  pr  Sis  Seafie  7  write. 

)J<  Ic  Wealhhere  diac  Sis  write  7  Seafie. 

^1  Ic  BadanoS  diac  Sis  write  7  Seafie. 
35  ^  Ic  Heaberht  diac  Sis  write  7  Seafie. 

^  Ic  NoSwulf  subdiac  Sis  write  7  Seafie. 

|J(  Ic  Wealhhere  subdiac  Sis  write  7  Seafie. 

1  Sic  MS. 


Grant  by  Berhtwulf  5 

<%  Ic  Giohvulf  subdiac  Sis  write  7  Seafie. 

%<t  HeregyS1  hafaS  Sas  wisan  binemned  ofer  hire  deg  7  ofer 
Abban  Ssem  higum  et  Cristes  cirican  of  Ssem  londe  et  Cealflocan  : 
Saet  is  Sonne  Sritig  ombra  alafl  7  Sreo  hund  hlafa,  Seara  biS  fiftig 
hwitehlafa,  an  weg  spices  7  ceses,  an  aid  hriSer,  feower  weSras,  5 
an  suin,  oStSe  sex  weSras,  sex  gosfuglas,  ten  hennfuglas,  Sritig 
teapera,  gif  hit  wintres  deg  sie,  sester  fulne  huniges,  sester 
fulne  butran,  sester  fulne  saltes.  7  HeregyS  bibeadeS  Sem 
mannum  Se  efter  hire  to  londe  foen,  on  Godes  noman,  Saet  hie 
fulgere  witen  Sset  hie  tJiss  gelgsten  Se  on  Sissem  ge write  binem-  10 
ned  is  Sem  higum  to  Cristes  cirican,  '7  <5set  sie  simle  to  higna 
blodlese  ymb  twelf  monaS  agefenx.  7  se  mann  se  to  londe  foe, 
agefe  hire  erfehonda  XIII  pund  pendinga ;  7  hio  forgifeS  fiftene 
pund  for  Sy  Se  mon  Sas  feorme  Sy  soel  gelaeste. 

Endorsed  in  a  contemporary  hand :  r5 

Abban   geroefan    (a)rf(e)ged(a)l :    his    ge5inga    to    Kristes 
cirica(n). 

In  a  hand  of  the  12th  century : 

Testamentum  Abbe  cuius  uxor  Henhith  dedit  Cheafloke 
conventui  tempore  Chelnothi.     Anglice.  2° 

In  a  hand  of  the  14^  century : 

Anno  DCCCOXXX°V°. 

Ill 

GRANT   OF   LAND    BY   BERHTWULF,    KING   OF   THE 

MERCIANS,    TO    FORTHRED  25 

^2  IN  nomine  Domini.  Ego  Berchtwulf  cyning  sile  ForSrede 
minum  Segne  nigen  higida  lond  in  Wudotune  in  ece  erfe  him  to 
hiobbanne,  7  to  siollanne  Saem  Se  hit  wille  mis  eaSmodre  her- 
nisse  him  to  geeornigan  ofer  his  daeg ;  CisseSebeorg,  Feower- 

III.  MS.  preserved  in  Canterbury  Cathedral  Library  (Chart.  Antiq. 
Cantuar.  C.  1280). 

Facsimiles  :  (1)  Ordnance  Survey,  Facsimiles  of  Anglo-Saxon  MSS.,  ed. 
W.  B.  Sanders  (1878-84),  I.  pi.  8.  (2)  Palaeographical  Society,  Facsimiles 
ofMSS.  and  Inscriptions,  ed.  E.  A.  Bond  and  E.  M.  Thompson  (1873-83), 
vol.  II.  pi.  24  (omitting  p.  6,  11.  24-30), 

Editions  by  Kemble  (no.  243),  Earle  (p.  122),  Sweet  (no.  48),  Birch 
(no.  452). 

1  On  the  other  side.  2  Four  times  on  left-hand  margin  of  text. 


6  English  Historical  Documents 

treowehyl,  7  Eanburgemere,  Tihhanhyl,  7  ut  bi  Geht1  tu* 
higida  lond  in  erfe  ece.  7  he  salde  to  londceape  XXX  man- 
cessan  7  nigen  hund  scill'  wiS  Saem  londe  him  in  ece  erfe. 

Ic  Berhtwulf  rex  Sas  mine  gesaldnisse  trymme  7  faestna  in 
5  Cristes  rode  tacne  7  in  his  Saere  haligran  •'•'  a3  7  in  his  wotona 
gewitnisse. 

Aerist  SaeSryS  regina  Hunstan  dux 

CyneferS  episc  Eadwnlf 

Alchhun  epis  BeornoS 

10        Berchtred  epis  Wulfred 

Deorlaf  epis  Mucel 

Ceored  epis  Aldred 

Wichred  ab  Wicga 

Aldred  ab  Eadgar 

15        Mucel  dux  Baldred 

Hunbercht  dux  Werenberht 

Burgred  dux  Eadred 

Aesstan4  AeSelwulf  prs 

Cyneberht  dux  Heaberht  prs 

20        Sigred  dux  Ecghun 

Alberht  dux  Ecgheard 

Aldred  dux  BeornhaeS 

Mucel  dux  Aldred. 

7s  we  aec  alle  bibeodaS  Se  aet  Sisse  gewitnisse  werun,  on 

25  Cristes  noman  7  on  his  Saere  haligran6,  gif  aenig  monn  Sas  ure 

gewitnisse  incerre  on  owihte,  Saet  he  aebbe  5aes  aelmaehtgan7 

Gode(s  unhlisse(?)  7)*  his  Saere  haligran  up  in  (heo)fnum  Saes 

we  him  (ge)beod.n  maege. 

Endorsed  in  a  hand  of  the  12th  century: 
3°        Inutile. 

1  MS.  ut  bigeht ;  Sweet,  utbigeht.  2  tu  faint. 

1  Sic  MS.  and  B.  ;  Sweet,  haligran  a.    The  final  a  has  a  long  shaft.     There 
seems  to  be  a  dot  between  the  second  hieroglyphic  and  the  -a. 

4  The  MS.  apparently  has  Aesstan  ;  B.,  E.,  and  Sweet,  Aefstan. 
8  Continued  on  the  other  side. 

6  Final  -n  covered  by  the  gum  which  sticks  the  MS.  on  to  the  page,  but  can 
still  be  detected. 

7  In  MS.  the  letters  between  -e-  and  -g-  are  run  together ;  B.  aelmaehtigan  ; 
transcript  of  both  Facs.  aelmaehtgan. 

8  The  words  and  letters  enclosed  in  brackets  are  taken  from  the  transcript 
in  the  Pal.  Soc.  Foes.    They  are  no  longer  legible  in  MS. 


Grant  by  Lufu 


IV 


GRANT  BY  LUFU  TO  CANTERBURY  CATHEDRAL 

^   Ic   Lufa    mid    Godes    gefe    ancilla    Dei   wes    soecende    7 

smeagende  ymb  mine  saulSearfe  mid  CeolnoSes  sercebiscopes 

geSeahte  7  Sara  hiona  et  Cristes  cirican.     Willa  ic  gesellan  of  5 

Sem  aerfe  Se  me  God  forgef  7  mine  friond  to  gefultemedan  glee 

gere  LX  ambra  maltes  7  CL  hlafa,  L  hwitehlafa,  cxx  elmeshlafes1, 

an  hriSer,  an  suin,  nil  weSras,  II  wgga  spices  7  ceses,  Sein  higum 

to  Cristes  circcan  for  mine  saule  7  minra  frionda  7  mega  Se  me 

to  gode  gefultumedan ;  7  Sgt  sie  simle  to  adsumsio  Scae*  Marie  10 

ymb  xn  monaS.     End  sue  eihwelc  mon  swe  Sis  lond  hebbe 

minra  serbenumena  Sis  agefe  7  mittan  fulne  huniges,  X  goes, 

xx  henfuglas. 

^  Ic  CeolnoS  mid  Godes  gefe  ercebisc  mid  Cristes  rode  tacne 

Sis  festnie  7  write.  15 

^  Beagmund  pf  geSafie  7  mid  write. 

^  BeornfriS  pr  geSafie  7  mid  write. 

%4  Wealhhere  pr  %4  SwiSberht  diac 

(^  Osmund  pr  ^(  Beornheah  diac 

%4  Deimund  pr  ^(  ^ESelmund  diac  20 

»J(  ^ESelwald  diac  >J(  Wighelm  diac 

^  Werbald  diac  ^  Lubo 

^  SifreS  diac  % 

%4  Ic  Luba  eaSmod  Godes  Siwen  Sas  forecwedenan  god  7  Sas 

elmessan  gesette  7  gefestnie  ob  minem  erfelande  et  Mundling-  25 

ham  Sem  hiium  to  Cristes  cirican.     7  ic  bidde,  7  an   Godes 

IV.  The  original  MS.  is  preserved  in  the  British  Museum  (MS.  Cott. 
Aug.  IL  92). 

Facsimiles  :  Brit.  Mus.  Foes.  n.  22  ;  Keller,  Angelsachsische  Palaeo- 
graphie,  pi.  2. 

Editions  :  Kemble  (no.  231),  Thorpe  (p.  474),  Earle  (p.  105),  Sweet 
(no.  40),  Birch  (no.  405),  Kluge  (p.  17). 

1  The  words  czz  elmeshlafes  are  written  in  the  eleventh  line  of  the  charter 
after  the  second  signature,  with  the  reference  mark  ft.,  corresponding  with  if  in 
the  margin  at  the  place  where  they  are  to  be  inserted. 

2  No  mark  of  contraction. 


8  English  Historical  Documents 

libgendes  naman  bebiade  Saem  men  Se  tfis  land  7  Sis  erbe  hebbe 

et  Mundlingham,  Set  he  Sas  god  forSleste  o5  wiaralde  ende. 

Se  man  se  Sis  healdan  wille  7  lesten  Set  ic  beboden  hebbe  an 

Sisem  gewrite,  se  him  seal'd'  7  gehealden  sia  hiabenlice  bTed- 
5  sung.     Se  his  ferwerne  oSSe  hit  agele,  se  him  seald  7  gehealden 

helle  wite,  bute  he  to  fulre  bote  gecerran  wille  Gode  7  mannum. 

Uene  ualete. 

Endorsed  in  a  contemporary  hand  : 

^  Lufe  Jnncggewrit. 
10        In  hands  of  the  12th  century : 

(1)  Luue  mulier  quedam  dedit  ecclesie  Christi  Munling- 
ham  tempore  CelnoS  archiepiscopi. 

(2)  IX  anno  DCCC°xxxn°  Luue  mulier  dedit  familie  ecciesie 
Christi  Cantuariensi   Munlingham    tempore   Chelnothi   archi- 

15  episcopi. 


GRANTS   (1)   BY  EALHBURG   AND   BAD  WEALD,    (2)   BY 
EALHHERE,    TO    CANTERBURY   CATHEDRAL 

>J(  Dis  sindan  geSinga  Ealhburge  7  Eadwealdes  et  Sem  lande 
20  et  Burnan,  hwet  man  elce  gere  ob  Sem  lande  to  Cristes  cirican 
Sem  hiwum  agiaban  seel,  for  Ealhburge  7  for  Ealdred  7  fore 
Eadweald  7  Ealawynne :  XL  ambra  mealtes,  7  XL  7  cc  hlaba,  I 
wege  cesa,  I  wege  speces,  I  eald  hriSer,  mi  weSras,  X  goes,  XX 
henfugla,  nil  foSra  weada.  7  ic  Ealhburg  bebiade  Eadwealde 
25  minem  mege  an  Godes  naman  7  an  ealra  his  haligra  Cet  he  Sis 
wel  healde  his  dei  7  siSSan  forS  bebeode  his  erbum  to  healdenne 
Sa  hwile  Se  hit  cristen  se.  ^(  7  suelc  mon  se  Set  lond  hebbe 
eghwylce  sunnandege  xx1  gesuflra  hlafa  to  Sare2  cirican  for 

Ealdredes  saule  7  for  Ealhburge. 

• 

V.     Original  MS.  in  the  British  Museum  (MS.  Cott.  Aug.  n.  52). 

Facsimile  in  Brit.  Mus.  Foes.  n.  21. 

Editions :    Kemble  (no.  229),  Thorpe  (p.  468),  Earle  (p.  104),  Birch 
(no.  403),  Sweet  (no.  39),  Kluge  (p.  17). 

1  Nearly  illegible  through  rubbing ;  8.,  x. 
4  Second  letter  indistinct,  may  be  «. 


Grant  by  Ealhburg  9 

^(  Dis  is  sia  elmesse  Se  Ealhhere  behead  Ealawynne  his  doehter 
et  Denglesham,  et  III  sulungum :  elce  gere  C  pen  to  Cristes 
cirican  Sem  higum.  7  suelc  mVn  se  Sisses  landes  brace,  agebe 
Sis  fiah  an  Godes  gewitnesse  7  an  ealra  his  haligra,  7  suilc 
man  sue  hit  awege,  Sonne  se  hit  on  his  sawale,  nas  on  Ses  Se  5 
hit  don  het. 

Endorsed  in  a  hand  of  the  12th  century : 

Donum  Ealhbrege  quod  instituit  donari  de  Burne  familie 
ecclesie  Christi.  Item  donum  Ealhbere  ad  opus  familie  ecclesie 
Christi  de  terra  de  Denglesham.  Anglice.  I0 


VI 

GRANT  BY  EALHBURG  TO  ST  AUGUSTINE'S,  CANTERBURY 

IN  nomine  Domini.     Ealhburh  hafa)?1  geset  myd  hyre  freonda2 
j?eahtunga   J>set   man   selce   gere    agyfe   )?am   hywum   to   Scae 
Agustine8  of  ham  lande  set  Bradanburnan  XL  ambura  mealtes  15 
7  eald  hrySer  7  mi  weberas  7  XL  7  cc  hlafes  7  ane  waege  spices 
7  cyses  7  mi  fo)>ro  wudes  7  XX  henfugla ;  swylc  man  se  J?set 
laud  haebbe,  ha  Singe  agyfe  for  Ealdredes  saule  7  for  Ealhburge. 
7  )?a  hiwan  asingan  aelce  daege  aefter  hyra  ferse  baene4  sealm 
for  hia,  "  Exaudiat  te   Dominus."     Swae   hwylc  man  swa  bis  20 
abrece,  si  he  asceaden  fram  Gode  7  fram  eallum  hallgum  7  fram 
ban  halgan  were  on  bysum  life  7  on  ecnesse. 

ponne  synt   her   aefter  )?ara   manna  naman  to  gewitnesse 
]?isse  gesetednesse,  }>set  is  )>onne, 

Drihtno]?  a"r3B  pr  Beahmund  Oada  *5 

7  Osmund  prb'  Cenheard  Bearnfer)? 

^J>elred  pr  Hyse  Bearnhelm 

Wynhere  diacon  Adda  Ealdred 

VI.  This  is  an  entry  in  a  tenth  (?)  century  hand  on  f.  74  b  of  a  MS.  of 
the  Gospels  (sixth  century)  preserved  in  the  Library  of  Corp.  Chr.  Coll. 
Cambridge  (C.C.C.C.  286). 

Editions  by  Thorpe  (p.  479),  Birch  (no.  501). 

1  The  second  a  has  a  form  approximating  to  se.     T.,  and  B.,  hafmfi. 

2  a  with  form  approximating  to  se.     T.,  and  B.,  freonde. 

3  Sic  MS.     B.,  Augustine.  *  Sic  MS.     B.,  fxint. 


10  English  Historical  Documents 

Ealhburh  Wealdhelm  Wighelm 

Ealhwaru  Dudde  Wullaf 

Hoshere  Ofa  Eadweald 

Leofe  Ofe 

5  Gif  hit  Jxmne  swa  gegae)?,  swa  we1  na  ne  wyscaS,  )?set  hvvylc  broc 
on  becume  Jmrh  hae}>en  folc  o]?]?e  hwylce  oSre  earfojmesse,  j?8et 
hit  man  ne  maege  ]>ses  geres  gelsestan,  agife  on  oj>rum  geare  be 
tweofealdum.  Gif  )>onne  git  ne  maege,  sylle  on  Sriddum  geare 
be2  Sryfealdum.  Gyf  he  ]?onne  git  ne  maege  ne  nelle,  agife 
10  land  7  bee  )>am  hiwum  to  Scse  Agustine. 


YII 


AGREEMENT   BETWEEN   EADWEALD   AND    CYNETHRYTH 
WITH    REFERENCE   TO    AN   ESTATE   AT   CHART 

f%4  £)is  is  geSinge  Eadwaldes  Osheringes  7  CyneSrySe,  ESel- 
1 5  modes  lafe  aldormonnes,  y mbe  Set  lond  et  Cert  5e  hire  ESelmod 
hire  hlabard  salde.  Wes  hit  becueden  Osbearte  his  broSar 
suna,  gif  he  CyneSrySe  oferlifde,  7  siSSan  neniggra  meihanda 
ma  Ses  cynnes ;  ac  hia  hit  atuge  yfter  hira  dege  swe  hit  him 
boem  rehtlicast  7  elmestlicast  were. 

20  Donne  hebfaS  Eadwald  7  Cyne3  Sas  wisan  5us  fundene  mid 
hira  friandum.  Gib  Eadweald  leng  lifige  Sonne  CyneSryS, 
geselle  et  Sem  londe  et  Cert  x  Susenda.  Gif  he  gewite  er 
Sonne  hia,  his  barna  sue  hwelc  sue  lifes  sie  agefe  Set  feoh  ond4 
atee  sue  hit  soelest  sie  for  Sa  hit  begetan.  Nis  ESelmode  enig 
25  meghond  neor  Ses  cynnes  Sanne  Eadwald,  his  modar  his  broSar 
dohtar ;  mest  cyn  Set  he  Set  lond  hebbe  7  his  beorn  yfter  him, 
7  sue  ateon  sue  him  nytlicas[t]  Synce  for  Sa  Se  hit  mid  reohte 
begetan. 

VII.     Original  MS.  in  the  British  Museum  (Cott.  Aug.  n.  19). 
Facsimile  in  Brit.  Mus.  foes.  n.  19. 

Editions  by  Kemble  (no.  228),  Thorpe  (p.  465),  Earle  (p.  102),  Birch 
(no.  404),  Sweet  (no.  38),  Kluge  (p.  16). 

i  Sic  MS.     B.,/e.  2  Sic  MS.     B.,  he. 

3  No  mark  of  contraction.  4  The  d  very  small. 


Earl  Ad/red  and  Aethelred  11 

%4  Ego  CeolnoS  mid  Codes  gefe  ercebisc  }>is  mid  Xps  rode  tacne 

festnie  7  write. 

^  Ego  Selwald  episc  os 

%4  Ego  Whelm  episc  os  ^  Ego  BiarnnoS1  ardc  os 

f%  Ego  Osmund  pr  os  ^(                                                5 

lj(  Ego  ESelwald  pf  os  ijl 

^  Ego  Biarnhelm  pr  os  ^1 

%4  Ego  Biarnheah  pr  os  <%4 

^(  Ego  Eardulf  pf  os  ^  Ego  Cialbarht  sbdc  os 

%4  Ego  ESelmund  pf  abb  os  ijl  Ego  Wealdhelm  sbdc  os     I0 

^  Ego  SefreS  pr  os  ^  Ego  Tirwald  sbdc  os 

%4  Ego  Biarnhelm  pr  os  )J(  Ego  Oba  mi  os 

^(  Ego  Eadgar  pr  aBb  os  ijl  Ego  Biarnhelm  pr  ab  os 

^(  Ego  Elfstan  pf  os  ^  Ego  Sigemund  pf  os 

^(  Ego  Sigefre?5  pf  os  ^(  Ego  HerefreS  pf  os             15 

($(  Ego  SigefreS  ardc  os  ^  Ego  Wynhelm  arcct  os 

|J(  ^(  Ego  Wunbeald  os 

%4  Ego  Ealhstan  ardc  os  ^(  Ego  Wermund  os. 

VIII 

EXCHANGE    OF   LANDS    BETWEEN    EARL   AELFRED    AND     to 
AETHELRED,    ARCHBISHOP   OF   CANTERBURY 

|J|  IN  nomine  Domini.     Ic  ^Elfred  dux  7  ^E?5ered  arc.  episc.  7 
Sa  higan  set  Cristes  cirican  habbaS  Sas  wisan  areded  ymb  Set 
land  an  Certham :  Set  is  Sonne  Set  Elfred  efter  his  daege  hasfS 
becweden  Set  land  an  Certham  inn2  Sam  higum  to  agenre  sehte.  25 
7  gif  Set  sio  Set  higan  Sses  landes  senigem  msenn  unnan  willen 
buton  him  sevlfum8,  Sonne  sellen  hio  hit  ^llfredes  bearne,  oSSa 
his  msega  swelcum  swa  his  willie4,  an  Sa  gerad  Se  he  wiS  higan 
araede  swoe  an  feoh  swae  an  feorme  swaeiSer  he  abiddan  maege. 
7  se  arcepiscop  selS  ^Elfrede  Saat  land  set  Crogdene  his  dagas  to  30 
brucenne.     7  tJonne  ^Elfrede  forSsio"5  gebyrge  7  his  beam  Sses 

VIII.     MS.  Lambeth  1212,  p.  407  (late  copy). 
Edition  by  Birch  (no.  529). 

1  Indistinct.  2  MS.  jnn.  »  MS.  Jevlfum. 

4  Sio  MS.    B.,  willie.  5  MS.forffrid. 


12  English  Historical  Documents 

landes  beSirfe,  Sonne  begete  hio  land,  gif  hio  maege,  aet  swelcum 
hlafarde  swae  Sser  Sonne  sio  7  set  higum.  7  gif  aeniman  aht  eft 
sacie1  ymb  Saet  land  an  Certham,  Sonne  haefS  ^Elfred  ge'h'aldene 
Herewinne  an2  aeghwelcre  wihte  Saes  Se  hio  an  geworden  waes 
5  Saes  Se  hio  sevlf  geSafigan  wolde.  7  Saet  waes  an  byrg  gereht 
beforan  Saem3  weotum  Se  hevro  noman  here  benevSan  awritene 
sindon. 

^Edred  arcepisc  Earduulf  ab 

^Edelwald  dux  Ciolmund 

'o          Alfred  dux  Siguulf 

Bihornhelm  ab  Eadmund  7  call'  higan. 


IX 

RECORD  OF  THE  PRESENTATION  BY  EARL  AELFRED  OF 
A  COPY  OF  THE  GOSPELS  TO  CANTERBURY  CATHEDRAL 

15  ffc  ORATE  pro  Ceolheard  pr,  Niclas  7  Ealhhun  7  Wulfhelm 
aurifex4. 

)J(  In  nomine  Domini  nostri  Jhesu  Christi.  Ic  Aelfred  aldor- 
mon  7  Werburg8  min  gefera  begetan  Sas6  bee  aet  haeSnum 
herge  mid  uncre  claene  feo,  Saet  Sonne  waes  mid  claene  golde. 

20  7  5aet  wit  deodan  for  Godes  lufan  7  for  uncre  saule  Searf  [e] 7, 
ond  for  Son  Se  wit  nolSan  Saet  Sas  halgan  beoc  lencg  in  Saere 
haeSenesse  wunaden.  7  nu  willaS  heo  gesellan  inn  to  Cristes 
circan  Gode  to  lofe  7  to  wuldre  7  to  weorSunga,  7  his  Srowunga 
to  Soncunga,  7  Saem  godcundan  geferscipe  to  brucen[ne]7  Se  in 

25  Cristes  circan  daeghwaemlice  Godes  lof  raeraS,  to  Saam  gerade 
Saet  heo  mon  4rede  egliwelce  monaSe  for  Aelfred  7  for  Wer- 
burge  7  for  AlhSrySe,  heora  saulum  t6  ecum  lecedome,  Sa 

IX.  The  original  text  is  inscribed  on  f.  10  r.  of  a  MS.  of  the  Gospels 
(Codex  Aureus)  now  preserved  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Stockholm. 

Facsimile  :  J.  0.  Westwood,  Facsimiles  of  the  Miniatures  and  Orna- 
ments of  Anglo-Saxon  Manuscripts,  1868,  pi.  II.  (W.). 

Editions  :  Birch  (no.  634),  Sweet  (p.  174),  Ordn.  Sur.  Foes.  ill.  p.  viii. 
(text  only). 

1  MS.  efsadie.  2  Sic  MS.     B.,  on.  3  MS.  ifse. 

*  Invocation  at  the  top  of  the  page,  in  a  different  hand  from  what  follows. 
8  Sic  W.     Webburg  B.  6  Sic  W.     das  B.  7  End  of  line. 


Earl  AdJ red's  Will  13 

hwile  <5e  God  gesegen  haebbe  5set  fulwiht  aet  Seosse  stowe  beon 
mote.  EC  swelce  ic  Aelfred  dux  7  Werburg  biddaS  7  halsiao" 
on  Godes  almaehtiges  noman  7  on  allra  his  haligra,  oset  nsenig 
mon  seo  to  Son  gedyrstig  Ssette  5as  halgan  beoc  dselle  oSSe 
dSeode  from  Cristes  circan,  5a  hwile  5e  fulwiht  stondan  mote1.  5 
Aelfre[d]  Werbur[g]  AlhSryS  eorum  [filia]2. 


EARL   AELFRED  S    WILL 

Xs~  Ic  IjSlfred  dux  hatu  writan  7  cytSan  an  Sissum  gewrite 

regi   7   allum    his  weotum  7  geweotan,  7   ec  swylce  10 
minum  megum  7  minum  gefeorum,  )>a  m§n  ]>e  ic  mines  grfes 
7  mines  boclondes  seolest  onn,  5gt  is  j?onne  Werburg  min  wif  7 
uncer  gemene3  beam4.     ^5  is  )?onne  et  grestan  an  Sondenstede 
7  on  Selesdune  xxxil  hida  7  on  Westarham  XX  hida  7  on 
Cloppaham  XXX  hida  7  on  Leangafelda  vi  hida  7  on  Horsalgge  15 
X   hida   7  on   Netelam'styde'  VI   hida.     Ic    5^re(i    dux   se^° 
Werburge  7  AlhdrySe  uncum  gemenum  bearne,  aefter  minum 
dege,  J?as  lond  mid  cwice  §rfe  7  mid  earSe  7  mid  allum  Singum 
5e  to  londum  belimpaS  ;    7  twa  Jmsendu  swina  ic  heom  sello 
mid  ]>em  londum,  gif  hio6  hio  gehaldeS  mid  ]?are  clgnnisse  ]>e  20 
uncer  wordgecweodu  seondan.     7  hio  gebrenge  gt  Sancte  Petre 
min  twa  wergeld,  gif  iSet  Godes  willa  seo  )?gt  heo  ^  figreld  age. 
Ond  gfter  Werburge  dgge  seo  AlhtJrytJe  )?a  lond  unbefliten  on 
Sondemstyde  7  on  Selesdune  7  on  Leangafelda.     Ond  gif  heo 
beam  hgbbe,  feo  Sgt  beam  to  5§m  londum  gfter  hire ;  gif  heo  25 
beam  ngbbe,  feo  Sonne  an  hire  rehtfgderen  sio  neste  hond  to 

X.     Original  MS.  in  the  British  Museum  (Stowe  Charter  20). 
Facsimile  in  Ordn.  Sur.  Foes.  in.  20. 

Editions  by  Kemble  (no.  317),  Thorpe  (p.  480),  Earle  (p.  149),  Sweet 
(no.  45),  Birch  (no.  558). 

1  Lower  part  of  last  four  words  cut  off  by  edge  of  page. 

2  These  names  in  right  hand  margin. 

3  ge-  is  sometimes  represented  by  f  in  this  text.  *  MS.  fi. 

5  I  have  kept  ^  in  this  text,  since  there  is  here  a  variation  between  J>Kt  and 
pet,  when  the  word  is  written  in  full. 

9  Last  letter  indistinct ;  may  be  t.     S.  hio,  B.  hit. 


14  English  Historical  Documents 

)>em  londe  ond  to  Sena  grfe.  7  swa  hwylc  minra  fgdrenmega 
swa  Sgt  sio  ^  hine  to  San  gehagige  ^  he  j?a  oSoro  lond  begeotan 
mgge  7  wille,  )?onne  gebygcge  he  J?a  lond  gt  hire  mid  halfe 
weorSe.  Ond  swe  hwylc  mon  swa  Sgt  sio  )?gt  Ses  londes  bruce 
5  ofer  minne  dgg  on  Cloppaham,"  Jjanne  geselle  he  CO  peninga 
gghwylce  gere  to  Ceortesege  for  Ijjllfredes  sawle  to  feorm- 
fultume1. 

Ond  ic  sello  l^Selwalde  minum  sunu  in  hida  boclondes :  n 
hida  on  Hwgtedune,   [ane]s  hides  an  Gatatune,  7  him  sello 

ro  |?erto  c  swina ;  7  gif  se  cyning  him  geunnan  wille  )>gs  folclondes 
to  Sgm  boclonde,  ]x>nne  hgbbe  he  7  bruce ;  gif  hit  )?gt  ne  sio, 
)?onne  selle  hio  him  swa  hwaSer  swa  hio  wille,  swa  Sgt  lond  an 
Horsalege,  swe  Sgt  an  Leangafelda.  Onvd'  ic  sello  Berhtsige 
minum  mege  £n  hide  boclondes  on  Lgncanfelda  7  )>erto  C 

15  swina.  7  geselle  hio  C  swina  to  Cristes  cirican  for  me  7  fer 
mine  sawle,  7  c  to  Ceortesege ;  7  }?one  ofergcan  mon  gedgle 
gind  mynsterhamas  to  Godes  ciricum  in  SuJ?regum  7  in  Cgnt 
|?a  hwile  }>e  hio  lestan  willgn.  Ond  ic  sello  Sigewulfe  minum 
mege  ofer  Werburge  dgg  ]?gt  lond  an  Netelhasmstyde ;  ond 

20  Sigulf  geselle  of  Sem  londe  C  pgninga  to  Cristes  cirican ;  ond 
eghwylc  ]?ara  grfewearda  Ipe  gfter  him  to  Sgm  londe  foe,  J?onne 
ageofen  hio  )?a  ilcan  elmessan  to  Cristes  cirican  for  5^redes 
sawle,  )>a  hwile  )?e  fulwiht  sio,  7  hit  man  on  Sgm  londe  begeotan 
mege.  Ond  ic  sello  Eadrede  minum  mege  }?et  lond  on  Fearn- 

25  lege  gfter  ESelredes  dgge,  gif  he  hit  to  him  geearnian  wile ;  7 
he  geselle  of  Sem  londe  xxx  omb[ras]2  comes  gghwelce  gere  to 
Hrofescestre ;  ond  sio  Sis  lond  gewriten  7  unbefliten  gfter 
Eadredes  dege  in  Aelfredes  rehtmeodrencynn  Sa  hwile  ]>e 
fulwihte3  sio  on  Angelcynnes  ealonde. 

30  Deos  foresprec  7  J?as  gewriotu  J>e  herbeufan  awreotene 
stondaS,  ic  ^Elfred  willio  7  wille  ^  hio  sion  soSfgstlice  forSweard 
getrymed  me  7  minum  grfeweardum.  Gif  Sgt  Sonne  God 
sellmghtig  geteod  habbe  ond  me  J?e,t  on  lene  geliS  J?§t  me 
gesibbra  grfeweard  forScymeS  wepnedhades  7  acgnned  weorSeS, 

35  Sanne  ann  ic  Sgm  ofer  minne  dgg  alles  mines  grfes  to  brucenne 
swa  him  leofust  sio.  And  swa  hwylc  mon  swa  Sas  god  7  ]?as 

1  Accent  over  first  m. 

2  The  first  three  letters  indistinct ;  then  hole  in  MS.  3  Accent  over  w. 


King  Alfred's  Will  15 

geofe  7  has  gewrioto  7  J?as  word  mid  rehte  haldan  wille  ond 

gelestan,  gehalde  hine  heofones  cyning  in  Jnssum  life  ondwar- 

dum  7   eac  swa  in  ]?gra  towardan  life ;    ond  swa  hwylc  mon 

swa  hio  wonie  7  breoce,  gewonie  him  God  almahtig  his  weorld- 

are1  ond  eaV  swa  his  sawle  are  in  eona  eonum.  5 

%4  Her  sindon  Saera  manna  naman  awritene  Se  Seosse  wisan 

geweotan  sindon. 

^(  Ic  vESered  ar.  bisc.  mid  Saere  halgan  Cristes  rode  tacne  Sas 

word  7  Sas  wisan  fgstnie  7  write. 

lj(  ^Elfred  dux  ro 

Ijl  Beorhtwulf  dux  |J|  Earduulfpf 

%4  Beornhelm  ab  ^  BeornoS  diac 

|J|  Earduulf  ab  ^  Wealdhelm  diac 

ffc  Wserburg  ffc  Wine  sb  diac 

Ijl  SigfreS  pr  gg  SaafreS  15 

i%  Beonheah  pr  >J(  Ceolmund  m 

f%  Beagstan  pr  ^(  Eadmund  in 

£l  Wulfheah  ^  Eadwald  in 

^  ^ESelwulf  pr  ^l  Siguulf  m. 

Endorsed  in  a  contemporary  hand :  20 

pis  is  jglfredes  grfegewrib. 

In  a  hand  of  the  I2th  century : 

Testatnentum  Elfredi  ducis.     Anglice. 


XI 

KING  ALFRED'S  WILL  15 


Ic  ^Elfred  cingc  mid  Godes  gife  7  mid  ge);eahtunge 
redes  ercebisceopes   7  ealra  Westseaxena  witena  gewitnesse, 
smeade  ymbe  minre  sawle  ]?earfe  7  ymbe  min  yrfe  )?ast  me  God 

XL  MSS.  (a)  Liber  Vitae  :  Register  and  Martyrology  of  New  Minster 
and  Hyde  Abbey,  Winchester  (Brit.  Mus.  Stowe  MS.  944)  f.  29  6  ;  in 
Birch's  edition  of  this  MS.  (Hyde  Register,  Hants  Record  Society,  1892, 
pp.  xvi.,  xvni.)  the  date  is  given  as  c.  1016-1020. 

Facsimile  in  Ordn.  Sur.  Foes.  in.  22. 

Printed  by  O.  Manning,  The  Will  of  King  Alfred,  Oxford,  1788  ;  and 
by  Kemble  (no.  314),  Thorpe  (p.  484),  and  Earle  (p.  144)  from  his  text. 

1  7  eac  swa  his  weorldare,  repeated,  and  a  Hue  drawn  through  for  omission. 


16  English  Historical  Documents 

7  mine  yldran  forgeafon  7  ymbe  "pset  yrfe  )>aet  ASulf  cingc  min 
feeder  us  )?rim  gebroSrum  becwaeS,  A)>elbolde  7  ^ESerede  7  me ; 
7  swylc  ure  swylce  lengest  waere,  J?aet  se  fenge  to  eallum.  Ac 
bit  gelamp  )?aet  ^EJ>elbold  gefdr;  7  wyt  Jtyered,  mid  ealra1 
5  Westseaxena  witena  gewitnesse,  uncerne  dael  oSfsestan  ^E)?el- 
byrhte  cingce  uncrum  maege  on  )?a  geraedene  ]?e  he  hit  eft 
gedyde  unc  swa  gewylde  swa  hit  ]>&  waes  J?a  wit  hit  him 
oSfaestan ;  7  he  )?a  swa  dyde,  ge  j?aet  yrfe,  ge  J>aet  he  mid  uncre 
gemanan  begeat,  7  J?aet  he  sylf  gestrynde. 

10  pa  hit  swa  gelamp  J?set  ^E)?ered  to  feng,  )?a  basd  ic  hine 
beforan  urum  witum  eallum  ]>3st  wyt  )?aet  yrfe  gedaeldon  7  he 
me  ageafe  minne  dael.  pa  saede  he  me  J>set  he  naht  eaSe  ne 
mihte  todselan  for]?on  he  hsefde  ful  oft  asr  ongefangen;  7  he 
cwasS  ]?aes  J?e  he  on  uncrum  gemanan  gebruce  7  gestrynde  aefter 

15  his  dsege  he  nanum  menn  sel  ne  uSe  }>onne  me.  7  ic  J?aes  ]?a 
W83S  wel  ge]?afa.  Ac  hit  gelamp  ]?aet  we  ealle  on  haeSenum 
folce  gebrocude  waeron ;  J>a  spraece  wyt  ymbe  uncre  beam,  J?set 
hy  sumre  are  bej^orftan,  saalde  unc  on  )?am  brocum  swa  unc 
sselde.  pa  waeron  we  on  gemote  aet  Swinbeorgum,  )?a  gecwaedon 

20  wit  on  Westseaxena  witena  gewitnesse  J?aet  swaSer  uncer  leng 
waere,  )?aet  he  geuSe  oSres  bearnum  }>ara  landa  )?e  wyt  sylfe 
begeaton  7  )>ara  land[a]  ]>e  unc  ASulf  cingc  forgeaf  be  ASelbolde 
lifiendum  butan  ]?am  J?e  he  us  J?rim  gebroSrum  gecwaeS.  7  ]?aes 
uncer  segSer  o]?rum  his  wedd  sealde,  swaSer  uncer  leng  lifede, 

25  )>aet  se  fenge  aeg^er  ge  to  lande  ge  to  madmum  7  to  eallum  his 
aehtum  butan  )>am  dasle  ]>e  uncer  gehwaeSer  his  bearnum 
becwasS. 

Ac  hit  gelamp  )>aet  ^ESered  cingc  gefor.  pa  ne  cydde  me 
nan  mann  nan  yrfegewrit  ne  nane  gewitnesse  J>aet  hit  aenig  oSer 

30  waere  butan  swa  wit2  on  gewitnesse  aer  gecwaedon.  pa  gehyrde 
we  nu  manegu  yrfegeflitu,  nu  )>a  lasdde  ic  A)mlfes  cinges  yrfe- 
gewrit on  ure  gem6t  aet  Langandene  7  hit  man  araedde  beforan 
eallum  Westseaxena  witum.  pa  hit  araed  waes,  J?a  baed  ic  hy 

Also  printed  by  Birch  in  Cart.  Sax.  (no.  553),  and  in  the  Hyde  Register^ 
p.  74. 

(b)  Liber  Monasterii  de  Hyda  (R.  S.),  ed.  E.  Edwards,  1866,  pp.  52,  62. 
See  note  on  p.  91. 

The  text  here  is  taken  from  (a). 

1  MS.  ealre ;  K.,  T.,  and  E.,  ealra.  2  Sic  K.,  T.,  E. ;  hit  MS. 


King  Alfred's  Will  17 

ealle  for  minre  lufan — 7  him  min  wedd  bead  J>set  ic  hyra  nsefre 
menne  ue  oncuSe  forjron  J?e  hy  on  riht  sprsecon — 7  J>aet  hyra 
nan  ne  wandode  ne  for  minan  lufan  ne  for  minum  ege  J?aet  hy  ]?aet 
folcriht  arehton,  ]>y  laes  aenig  man  cweSe  J>set  ic  mine  msegcild 
oSSe  yldran  oSCe  gingran  mid  wo  fordemde.  7  hy  J>a  ealle  to  rihte  5 
gerehton  7  cwsedon  Jjaet  hy  nan  rihtre  riht  ge)?encan  ne  mihtan 
ne  on  }>am  yrfegewrite  gehyran.  "Nu  hit  eall  agan  is  Jjseron1 
08  ]?ine  hand,  )>onne  j?u  hit  becweSe  7  sylle  swa  gesibre  handa 
swa  fremdre  swaSer  )?e  leoire  sy."  7  hi  ealle  me  ]?a;s  hyra  wedd 
&ealdon  7  hyra  handsetene  )?set  be  hyra  life  hit  nsenig  mann  10 
nsefre  ne  onwende  on  nane  oSre  wisan  butan  swa  swa  ic  hit  sylf 
gecweSe  ajt  )?am  nyhstan  d*ge. 

Ic  ^Elfred  Westseaxena  cinge  mid  Godes  gyfe  7  mid  )>isse 
gewitnesse,  gecwet5e  hu  ic  ymbe  min  yrfe  wille  aefter  minum 
dyege.  ^Erest  ic  an  Eadwearde  minum  yldran  suna  )?aes  landes  83t  15 
Straetneat  on  Triconscire  7  Heortigtunes  7  )?a  bocland  ealle  ]?e 
Leofheah  hylt  7  )?set  land  aet  Carumtune  7  set  Cylfantune  7  set 
BurVhamrne  7  set  Wedmor — 7  ic  eom  fyrmdig  to  J?am  hiwum 
83t  Ceodre  J^aet  hy  hine  ceosan  on  "|?a  gerad  ]?e  we  asr  gecweden 
haefdon — mid  }?am  lande  set  Ciwtune  7  )?am  J>e  )?39rto  hyrat5.  20 
7  ic  him  an  j?aes2  landes  set  Cantuctuue  7  83t  Bedewiadan  7  set 
Pefesigge  7  Hysseburnan  7  set  Suttune  7  set  Leodridan  7  set 
Aweltune. 

7  ealle  ]?a  bocland  ]?e  ic  on  Cent  hsebbe  7  aet  |>am  nySeran 
Hysseburuan  7  88t  Cyseldene,  agyfe  man  in  to  Wintanceastre  on  25 
)>a  gerad  ]?e  hit  min  fseder  ser  gecwaeS,  7  J7aet  min  sundorfeoh 
]?aet  ic  Ecgulfe  oSfaste  on  ]?am  neoSeran  Hysseburnan. 

7  )?am  gingran  minan  suna  }>aet  land  aet  Eaderingtune  7  |?aet 
set  Dene  7  )?set  aet  Meone  7  set  Ambresbyrig  7  aet  Deone  7  set 
Sturemynster3  7  aet  Gifle  7  aet  Crucern  7  aet  Hwitancyrican  7  30 
set  AxanmuSaa  7  aet  Branecescumbe  7  aet  Columtune  7  aet 
Twyfyrde  7  set  Mylenburnan  7  aet  Exanmynster  7  set  SuSes- 
wyrt5e  7  set  Liwtune  7  )?a  land  }?e  J?serto  hyran,  J>aet  synd  ealle 
]?e  ic  ou  Wealcynne  hsebbe  butan  Triconscire. 

7   minre  yldstan   dehter  ]?aene    ham   set   Welewe ;    7   J?aere  35 
medemestan  set  Clearan  7  set  Cendefer ;  7  )>aere  gingestan  }>one 

1  Sic  MS.,  is  onjiaron  K.,  T.,  B.  a  Sic  MS. ;  B. 

3  Sic  MS.,  B.  Stureminster. 


18  English  Historical  Documents 

ham  aet  Welig  7  set  ^Esctune  7  set  Cippanhamrae.  7  ^Et5elme 
mines  broSer  suoa  J>one  ham  set  Ealdingburnan  7  set  Cumtune 
7  set  Crundellan  7  set  Beadingum  7  set  Beadingahamme  7  set 
Burnham  7  set  punresfelda  7  set  ^Escengum.  7  Aj?elwolde 
5  mines  broftor  suna  J>one  ham  set  Godelmingum  7  set  Gyldeforda 
7  set  Stseningum.  7  OsferSe  minum  msege  j?one  ham  set 
Beccanlea  7  aet  HrySeranfelda  7  aet  Diccelingum  7  set  SuStune 
7  aet  Lullingmynster1  7  set  Angemseringum  7  aet  Felhhamme 
7  )?a  land  J?e  )?aerto  hyran.  7  EalhswiSe  )>one  ham  aet  Lamb- 

10  burnan  7  aet  Waneting  7  aet  ESandune. 

7  minum  twam  sunum  an  Jmsend  punda,  segSrum  fif  hund 
punda.  7  minre  yldstan  dehter  7  )?sere  medemestan  7  j?aere 
gingstan2  7  EalhswiSe,  him  feowrum  feower  hund  punda,  selcum 
an  hund  punda.  7  minra  ealdormanna  selcum  an  hund  mang- 

i5cusa;  7  ^E]?elme  7  ASelwolde3  7  OsferSe  eac  swa;  7  ^E)?erede 
ealdormenn  an  sweord  on  hundteontigum  mancusum.  7  J?am 
mannum  J?e  me  folgiaS,  }>e  ic  nu  on  Eastertidum  feoh  sealde, 
twa  hund  punda  agyfe  man  him  7  dsele  man  him  betweoh, 
selcum  swa  him  to  gebyrian  wille  sefter  j?sere  wisan  ]?e  ic  him 

10  nu  dselde.  7  }>ain  ercebisceope  C  mancusa  7  Esne  bisceope  7 
WaerferSe  bisceope  7  )?am  aet  Scireburnan.  Eac  swa  gedsele  for 
me  7  for  minne  faeder  7  for  J>a  frynd  )>e  he  fore]?ingode  7  ic 
fore)?ingie,  twa  hund  punda,  fiftig  maessepreostum  ofer  call  min 
rice,  fiftig  earmurn  Godes  J^eowum,  fiftig  earmum  ]?earfum, 

25  fiftig  to  Jjsere  cyrican  J?e  ic  set  reste.  7  ic  nat  naht  gewislice 
hwseSer  J>aes  feos  swa  micel  is,  ne  ic  nat  )>eah  his  mare  sy,  butan 
swa  ic  wene.  Gyf4  hit  mare  sy,  beo  hit  him  eallum  gemsene 
J?e  ic  feoh  becweden  haebbe ;  7  ic  wille  J^aet  mine  ealdormenn  7 
mine  j?enigmenn  J?ser  ealle  mid  syndan  7  J>is  )?us  gedselan. 

30  fonne  haefde  ic  aer  on  oSre  wisan  awriten  ymbe  mm  yrfe  ]?a 
ic  haefde  mare  feoh  7  ma  maga  7  haefde  monegum  mannum  )?a 
gewritu  ot5faest  7  on  |?as  ylcan  gewitnesse  hy  waeron  awritene. 
fonne  haebbe  ic  nu  forbaerxn'ed  J?a  ealdan  ]?e  ic  geahsian  mihte. 
Gif  hyra  hwylc  funden  biS,  ne  forstent  )?set  nabt,  for]?am  ic  wille 

35  J?aet  hit  nu  )?us  sy  mid  Godes  fultume. 

7  ic  wille  ]>&  menn  J?e  )?a  land  habbaS,  J?a  word  gelaestan  J?e 

1  Sic  MS.,  B.  Lullyngmynster.  2  Sic  MS.,  gingstran  K.,  T.,  E.,  B. 

4  Sic  MS.,  K.,  E.,  B.  MSelwoUe.  4  Sic  MS.,  B.  gif. 


King  Alfred's  Will  19 

on  mines  faeder  yrfegewrite  standaS  swa  swa  hy  fyrmest  magon. 
7  ic  wylle  gif  ic  senigum  menn  aenig  feoh  unleanod  haebbe,  )?8et 
mine  magas  }>set  huru  geleanian.  7  ic  wylle1  J?a  menn  }>e  ic 
mine  bocland  becweden  hsebbe,  Tpset  hy  hit  ne  asyllan  of  minum 
cynne  ofer  heora  daeg,  ac  ic  wille  [ofer]  hyra  daeg  J?aet  hit  gange  5 
on  J?a  nyhstan  hand  me  butan  hyra  hwylc  beam  haebbe ;  )>onne 
is  me  leofast  J?83t  hit  gange  on  J?aet  stryned  on  ]?a  waepnedhealfe 
)?a  hwile  J?e  aenig  )raes  wyrtSe  sy.  Min  yldra  faeder  haefde 
gecweden  his  land  on  )?a  sperehealfe  nses  on  J>a  spinlhealfe. 
ponne  gif  ic  gesealde  aenigre  wifhanda  J?aet  he  gestrynde,  J?onne  10 
forgyldan  mine  magas,  7  gif  hy  hit  be  )?an  libbendan  habban 
wyllan.  Gif  hit  elles  sy,  gange  hit  ofer  hyra  daeg  swa  swa  we 
aer  gecweden  ha?fdon.  For)?on  ic  cweSe  J?aet  hi  hit  gyldan, 
forj?on  hy  foS  to  minum,  J?e  ic  syllan  mot  swa  wifhanda  swa 
waapnedhanda  swaSer  ic  wylle.  15 

7  ic  bidde  on  Godes  naman  7  on  his  haligra  )>aet  rninra 
maga  nan  ne  yrfewearda  ne  geswence  nan  naenig  cyrelif  J?ara 
}>e  ic  foregeald.  7  me  Westseaxena  witan  to  rihte  gerehton 
)?aet  ic  hi  mot  laetan  swa  freo  swa  ]?eowe,  swatSer  ic  wille.  Ac  ic 
for  Godes  lufan  7  for  minre  sawle  )?earfe  wylle  )>aet  hy  syn  20 
heora  freolses  wyrSe  7  hyra  eyres.  7  ic  on  Godes  lifiendes 
naman  beode  j?aet  hy  nan  man  ne  brocie  ne  mid  feos  manunge 
ne  mid  nsenigum  Jnngum  Jjaet  hy  ne  motan  ceosan  swylcne 
mann  swylce  hy  wyllan.  7  ic  wylle  J?set  man  agyfe  J?am  hiwum 
aet  Domrahamme  hyra  landbec2  7  hyra  freols  swylce  hand  to  25 
ceosenne  swylce  him  leofast  sy,  for  me  7  for  yElflaede  7  for  J?a 
frynd  ]>e  heo  forejringode  7  ic  fore)?ingie.  7  sec  man  eac  on 
cwicum  ceape  ymbe  minre  sawle  }>earfe  swa  hit  beon  maege  7 
swa  hit  eac  gerysne  sy  7  swa  ge  me  forgyfan  wyllan. 

1  Sic  MS.,  B.  wille.  a  hyra  landbec  repeated  in  MS. 


2—2 


20  English  Historical  Documents 


XII 


f^1  SAECULI  namque  labentis  tempera,  sicut  umbrae  fugientes, 
5  sic  velociter  tranant,  varigque  eventuum  status  in  cogitationes 
hominum  conscendunt.  Ideo  omnes  firmas  statutiones  nostras 
litterarum  ser'i'e  confirmamus,  ne  posteris  cadant  ex  memoria 
prgcedentium  decreta  patrum.  Grecorum  talibus  exemplis 
statuta  sunt,  qui  quod  scire  volunt  litteris  tradunt,  ne  ex 

10  memoria   labetur ;    estque   nobis    necesse    prsemeditandum    in 

fugabundis  temporibus  saeculi  quomodo  ad  aeternam  felicita- 

tem  pervenire  vaJeamus  ;  quia  cuncta  qug  videntur  fugitiva  sunt 

et  caduca,  que,  autem  non  videntur  perhenniter  sunt  manentia. 

For    Ipsere    wisan,   ic    ^ESelraed    ealdorman,   inbryrden'd're 

15  Godes  gefe  gewelegod  7  gewlenced  mid  sume  dajle  Mercna 
rices,  for  Godes  lufan  7  for  alesnessa  minra  gylta  7  synna  7  for 
beuum  abbodes  7  ]?a3re  heorsedene  set  Berclea,  7  eac  for  ealre 
Merce — ic  heo  gefrVoge  ecelice  J?ses  gafoles  }>e  hio  nu  get  to 
cyninges  handa  ageofan  sceolan  of  Sam  daele  ]?e  ]>ser  ungefreod 

20  to  lafe  waes  J>sere  cyningfeorme,  ge  on  hlutrum  alatS,  ge  on  beore, 
ge  on  hunige,  ge  hrySrum,  ge  on  swynum,  ge  on  sceapum.  And 
}>8dt  ic  dyde  for  hiora  godcundre  gebedredenne  7  for)?an  eac  ]?e 
hio  me  hiora  landes  sumne  dael  in  ece  serfewerdnesse  to  forle- 
ortan,  )?set  is  set  Stoce1  tvvelf  hida;  7  Sritig  mancusa  goldes  hio 

25  sealdan  e&c  me.  7  )?a3t  ic  ]?a3t  mynster  fram  aeghwelcum  gafo- 
lum  gefreoge  ]?e  to  J?iode  hlafarde  belimpeS,  litles  oSt5e  micles, 
cuSes  ge  imcuSes,  butan  angilde  wiS  oSrum  7  fsestengewerce  7 

XII.  MSS.  (a)  Heming's  Chartulary  f.  50  (late  llth  century  copy) 
preserved  in  the  British  Museum  (Cott.  Tib.  A.  xin.). 

Editions  by  Hearne  (Hemingi  Chartularium  Ecclesice  Wigornensis,  I. 
p.  103),  Kemble  (no.  313,  boundaries  in.  p.  401),  Thorpe  (p.  129),  Birch 
(no.  551). 

(6)  Also  in  Brit.  Mus.  MS.  Cott.  Vespas.  A.  v.  f.  174  (16th  century 
copy).  Latin  preamble  and  some  of  the  signatures  omitted. 

The  present  text  is  taken  from  (a). 

1  In  margin,  Stoc. 


Earl  Aethelred  and  Berkeley  Abbey  21 

fyrdsocue  7  brycggeweorce.  7  j?aet  ic  do  mid  ^Elfredes  cyninges 
leafe  7  gewituesse  7  mid  ealra  Myrcna  witena,  godcundra  hada 
7  woroldcundra. 

And  nu  aeft  J>aet  ilce  land  aet  Stoce  }>set  is  twelf  hida,  ic 
sylle1    Cynulfe,   Ceoluhtes   suna,   in    Sreora   manna    daeg,    for  5 
syxtigum  mancesa  claenes  goldes,  seghwelces  Binges  to  freon,  ge 
wiS  cyning,  ge  wi3  ealdorman,  ge  wiS  gerefan,  seghwelces  ]>eo- 
domes,  lytles    7   micles,  butau    fyrdsocne    7    faestengeworce  7 
brycggeweorce  7  angylde  wit5  oSrum,  7  noht  ut  to  wite.    Ond  we 
beodaS  ]>set  naenig  mon  on  Ceoluhte2  gesib  oSSe  fremde  hit  10 
gereafige  in  amigum  Singum,  J?a  hwyle  ]?e  he  lyfie,  forj?on  ]?e  he 
hit  geearnode  set  Mercna  hlafordum  mid  rihtre  eadmodnysse. 

Ond  nu   we  beodaS  in  Godes  ahnihtiges  naman,  }>aet  Ses 
bufancwedena  freodom  J?3es  mynstres  set  Berclea  7  eac  sio  geofu 
j?03s  landes  J?e  we  Cynulfe  syllaS  in  Sreora  manna  [dseg],  un-  15 
bereafod  )?orhwunige  on  ecnesse,  on  )?as  gerad,  }>zet  aefter  Cyne- 
wulfes  7  his  erfewerda  twega,  }>set  twelf  hida  land  set  Stoce 
butan    aelcum    wiSercwide   sio   agefen   to   Wigornacestre   ]?am 
bisceopstole  for  JESelred  ealdormon  7  for  ealle  Merce  him  to 
ecre  aelmessan.     Eac  we  biddaS  7  alsiaS  in  naman  J?aere  halgan  20 
]?rinesse  ]>eet  gif  hwelc  mon  sio,  J?aet  he  mid  yfle  wyllan  oht  J>83s 
abrecan  wylle  ]>e  6n  }?isse  cartan  awriten  is,  wite  he  ]?onne  Ipset 
he  hit  de  ofer  Godes  est,  7  ofer  ealra  his  haligra,  7  eac  ofer 
monna  godcundra  hada  7  woroldcundra  elces  J?aera  )?e  senig  riht 
ge)>encean  cunne  oS5e  wylle ;    7   he   hit   gebete   beforan  J?am  25 
heahsetle  J?ses  ecean  deman  butan  he  hit  ser  mid  rihtre  bote 
gebetan  wille  Gode  7  monnum. 

Acta  est  autem  hujus  donationis  munificentia  anno  dominice 
incarnationis   DCCCLXXXin,  Indictione   autem    1,  his  testibus 
consentientibus  et  subscribentibus  quorum  hie  infra  nomina  30 
notescunt. 

>J(  Ego  Alfred  rex  hujus  traditionis  munificentiam  signo  sancte 
crucis  adfirmo. 

>J(  Ego  ^ESelred  dux  hanc  meam  donat.ionem  signo  sancte  crucis 
inpono.  35 

>J(  Ego  Wulfred  eps  consensi. 
^  Ego  WerferS  eps  consensi. 

1  Altered  from  selle.  '*  Sic  MS. 


22  English  Historical  Documents 

%4  Ego  Deorlaf  eps  consensi. 

^  Ego  ^ESelferS  dux  consensi. 

^  Ego  Eardwulf  consensi  et  subscripsi. 

f%  Ego  ^ESelwold  dux  consensi. 
5  ^  Ego  EadnoS  consensi  et  subscripsi. 

%4  Ego  Alfred  consensi  et  subscripsi. 

^  Ego  ^ESelhun  abb  consensi  et  subscripsi. 

%t  Wigheard  pr  ijl  WilferS 

%4  Wighelrn  >R  Ecghun 

10  ^  Luda  )J(  Acha. 

Terra  autem  ista  hiis  circumcingitur  terminibus.     ^Erest  of 

Haeslwellan  in  Hsesldene,  )xmne  of  Haesldene  on  Waldeswellan, 

of  Waldeswellan  on  Sweordesstan,of  Sweordesstane  in  Eowcumb, 

of  Eowcumbe  in  Afene  stream,  of  Afene  stream  eft  lip  J?aet  in 
15  HrYcgleage,  )>onne  of  Hrycgleage  j?aet  on  Penpau,  of  Penpau  ]>set 

in  Saeferne  stream.    Of  Hseslwellan  eft  J?set  in  leadgedelf,  of  lead- 

gedelfe  on  mylepul,  of  mylenpulle  in  Afene  stream. 


XIII 

RECORD  OF  NEGOTIATIONS  BETWEEN  EARL  AETHELRED 
AND  AETHELFLED,  AND  WERFERTH,  BISHOP  OF 
WORCESTER 


aBlmihtigan  Gode,  J>sere  soSan  annesse  7  Caere  halgan 
Srynesse  on  heofonum,  sie  16f  7  wuldor  7  daada  ]?oncung  ealra 
)?83ra  goda  ]>e  he  us  forgifen  hafaS.  For  Sses  lufan  set  aarestan 
25  ^ESeldred  ealdorman  7  jESelfla3d,  7  for  See  Petres  7  Saere  cyricean 
aet  Weogemaceastre  7  eac  for  WaerferSes  bpes  bene  heora 
freondas,  hehtan  bewyrcean  ]>&  burh  ast  Weogemaceastre  eallum 
folce1  to  gebeorge  7  eac  j?aeron  Godes  16f  to  araerenne.  7 


XIII.  MSS.  (a)  Brit.  Mus.  MS.  Cott.  Tib.  A.  XTII.  f.  1  b  (H.).  Cf. 
p.  20,  note.  MS.  now  illegible  in  parts  and  the  edges  of  the  pages  worn 
away. 

Printed  by  Hearne  (i.  p.  3),  Thorpe  (p.  136). 

(b)  Brit.  Mus.  MS.  Cott.  Vesp.  A.  v.  f.  1486. 

Editions  :  Kemble  (no.  1075),  Birch  (no.  579). 

The  present  text  is  taken  from  (b). 

1  MS./ote,  H.  folce. 


Aethelred,  AetJielfled,  and  Werferth  23 

heo  nu  cytSaS  on  Godes  gewitnesse,  on  )>isse  be'c.  )>aet  heo  willaS 
on  aelcum  )?aera  gerihta  J>e  to  heora  hlaforddome  gebyraS,  o55e 
on  ceapstowe  o<55e  on  straete,  ge  binnan  byrg  ge  butan,  geunnan 
healfes  Gode  7  S.  Petre  7  }>sere  cyrcean  hlaforde,  )%et  ]>y  arlicor 
on  J?aere  stowe  beon  maege,  7  eac  }>y  eaSr  be  suramum  daele  J?aes  5 
heoredes  helpon,  7  J>aet  heora  gemynde  on  ecnesse  Sy  faestlicor 
on  Saere  stowe  seo  5a  hwile  5e  Godes  hearsumnes  on  t5am 
mynstre  beo. 

On[d]  WaerferS  fc.  7  se  heored  habbaS  gesetted  J?aes  godcund- 
nesse  beforan  Saere  }>e  him  mon  daeghwamlice  deS,  ge  be  heora  life  10 
ge  aefter  heora  life :  ]?aet  Sonne  aet  eolcum  uhtsonge  7  aet  aelcum1 
aefensonge  7  aet2  eolcum  undernsonge3   "De   profundis"  Sone 
sealme,  5a  hwile  ]>e  heo  lifgeon,  7   aefter  heora  life  "Laudate 
Dominuin  " ;  7  aelce  Saaternesdaege  on  S.  Petres  cyrcean  Srittig 
sealma  7   heora  maessan,   aegSer  ge   for   heo   lifgende   ge   eac  15 
forSgeleorde. 

Ond  )>onne4  cySeS  Jtyelraed5  7  ^EJ^elflaed  )?aet  he  willaS  mid 
estfullan  mode  Sisses  unnan  Gode  7  See  Petre  on  ^Elfredes 
cyninges  gewitnesse  7  ealra  Saera  witena  ?5e  on  Myrcna  land 
syndon  ;  butan  )?aet  se  waegnscilling  7  se  seampending  gonge  to  20 
Saes6  cyninges  handa  swa  he  ealning  dyde  aet  Saltwic.  Ah 
elles,  ge  landfeoh,  ge  fihtewite,  ge  stale,  ge  wohceapung,  ge 
burhwealles  sceatinge,  ge  a?lc  ]?aera  wonessa  Se  to  aenigre  bote 
gebyrie,  }>aet  hit  age  healf  Saere  cyrcean  hlaford,  Godes  J>ances  7 
See  Petres,  swa  swa  hit  mon  to  ceapstowe  gesette  7  on  strsetum.  25 
Ond  wiSutan  Sa  ceapstowe,  seo  se  b.  his  landes  7  ealra  his 
gerihta  wyrSe,  swa  hit  s6r  ure  foregengan  gesetton  7  gefreodan. 

7  ^ESelraad  7  ^ESelflasd  ?5is  dydon  on  JSlfredes  cyninges 
gewitnesse  7  on  Myrcna  witena  Saera  naman  her  be  aeftan 
awritene  standaS.  7  on  Godes  ealmihtiges  naman  halsiaS  ealle  30 
heora  sefterfylgendan  )?aet  naenig  mon  Saes  aelmaessan  ne  wanige 
]>e  heo  for  Godes  lufan  7  See  Petres  to  Saere  cyricean  geseald 
habbatS. 

1  Sic  MS.,  H.  eolcum.  2  Sic  MS.,  B.  me. 

3  MS.  -song,  H.  -songe.  4  MS.  /one,  B.  pone. 

6  Sic  MS.,  B.  &f>elred.  6  Sic  MS.,  B.  d«s. 


24  English  Historical  Documents 

XIV 

RECORD  OF  NEGOTIATIONS  BETWEEN  WERFERTH,  BISHOP 
OF    WORCESTER,    AND     THE     PRIEST     AETHELWALD  ; 
WITH     CONFIRMATION     BY     EARL    AETHELRED    AND 
5  THE   MERCIAN    COUNCIL 

^  RIXIENDUM  ussum  Dryhtene  J?em  Helendan  Criste,  gfter  Son 
]>e  agan  was  ehta  hund  wintra  7  syx  7  hundnigontig  gfter  his 
acennednesse,  7  J?y  feowerteojmi  gebormgere,  )?a  <5y  gere  gebeon 
^E)>elred  alderman  alle  Mercna  weotan  tosomne  to  Gleaweceastre, 

10  biscopas  7  aldermen  7  alle  his  duguSe  ;  7  5set  dyde  be  ^Elfredes 
cyninges  gewitnesse  7  leafe.  7  heo  )?a  )?ser  smeadan  hu  heo 
ryhtlicast  heora  )?eodscipe  aeg)?er  ge  for  Gode  ge  for  weorlde 
gehealdan  mehton,  7  ec  monige  men  ryhtan  ge  godcundra  hada 
ge  weorldcundra,  ge  on  londum  ge  on  m£  J?ara  )?inga  ]>e  heo  on 

15  forhaldne  weran. 

Da  cydde  Werfero"  biscop  )?am  weotum,  )?8et  him  waere  forneh 
call  )>aet  wudulond  ongereafad  }>e  to  Wuduceastre  belomp,  ]>set 
^E|?elbald  cyning  gesalde  to  Weogernaceastre,  him  to  ecre 
aelmessan,  Wilferfte  biscope  to  maestlonde  7  to  wudulonde.  7 

10  )>8et  saede  )?get  hit  waere  sum  genumen  to  Bislege,  sum  to 
^Efeningum,  sum  to  Scorranstane,  sum  to  pornbyrig,  ]?es  ]>e  he 
wende.  pa  cwaedan  alle  ]?a  weotan  J?aet  mon  u6e  )?aere  circan 
ryhtes  swa  wel  swa  oj^erre. 

7  5a  sona  was  ESelwald  ]>ses  wordes  j^aet  he  no  J?es  rihtes 

25  wiSsacan  wolde,  7  ssede  jwet  Aldberht  7  Alhhun  biscop  weeron 
aer  ymb  ]>3st  ilce ;  7  cwe5  )?aet  he  aelcre  circan  da  his  daela 
ryhtes  uSe,  7  hit  swa  swi)?e  mildelice  ageaf  )>am  biscope.  7 
heht  his  geneat,  Ecglaf  hatte,  ridan  mid  Ceastersetna  preVste 
Wulfhun  hatte  ;  7  he  hine  J?a  gelsedde  all  Sa  gemaaru  swa  he 

30  him  of  ]?am  aldan  bocum  raedde,  hu  hit  ser  ^E)>elbald  cjming 
gemaerude  7  gesalde. 

Da  wilnede  ^J?elwald  swa  }?eh  to  ]?am  biscope  7  to  ]?am 
higen,  )?83t  heo  him  mildemode  alefdan  ]>set  he  his  moste  brucan 

XIV.     MSS.  (a)  Brit.  Mus.  MS.  Cott.  Tib.  A.  xin.  f.  43.   Cf.  p.  20,  note. 

Editions :  Hearne  (i.  p.  93),  Thorpe  (p.  139). 

(6)  Brit.  Mus.  MS.  Cott.  Vesp.  A.  v.  f.  170  (N.). 

Editions :  Kemble  (no.  1073),  Earle  (p.  154),  Birch  (no.  574). 

The  present  text  is  taken  from  (a). 


Bishop  Werferth  and  Eadnoth  25 

6a  hw[ile]  5e  he  waere,  7  heo  Alhmund  his  sunu  ;  7  heo  hit 
woldcm  habban  on  his  laene  7  hina;  7  he  naefre  ne  heora 
nowSer  hiue  bereafian  wolde  ]?8ere  msestreddene  ]>e  he  him  alefed 
hsefde  on  Longanhrycge  }>am  tidum  )?e  hine  God  him  salde. 
Ond  he  J?a  ^belwald  J>aet  word  gecwseS  }>set  hit  aa  haefde  ofer  ? 
Godes  est,  ]?e  hit  hsefde  butan  J>aere  circan  hlaforde  ]>e  he  hit  to 
ageaf  butan  Alhmunde  ;  7  j^set  J?onne  on  Sam  geran1  be  he  heolde 
ba  ilcan  freondreddene  be  he  heold  wi5  5one  biscop.  Gif  hit 
bonne  geberie  baet  Alhmund  swa  5a  freondreddene  haldan  nolde, 
o55e  hine  mon  oferricte  baet  he  ne  moste  londes  wyrSe  beon,  obSe  10 
Sridda  weud,  gif  him  ser  his  ende  geselde,  )>aet  |?onne  )?aere  circan 
hlafard  fenge  to  his  londe,  swa  hit  Mercna  weotan  on  )?am 
gemote  gerahtan,  7  him  5a  bee  wisedon  )>ses  londes. 

pis  wses  gedon  on  ^E|?elredes  gewitnesse  aldermonnes  7  on 
JEJ>elflsede  7  ^E]?ulfes  aldermonnes  7  ^E|>elfer?5es  aldermonnes  7  15 
Alhhelmes  aldermonnes  7  EadnoSes  7  ^Elfredes  7  WerfertJes  7 
^E)?elwaldes  msessepreostes  7  his  agenra  maga  JE)?elstanes  7 
^E|?elhunes  7  ec  Alhmundes  his  agenes  suna. 

7  ]?us  se  Ceastersetna  preost  hit  gerad  7  se  JEtyelwaldes 
geneat  mid  hine.  ^Erost  on  GemySlege2  7  )?anon  on  Roddan-  20 
beorg  silfne,  )?anon  on  Smececumb,  ]?anon  on  Sengetlege,  ]>anon 
on  Heardanlege,  ]>sere  is  oSer  noma  Dryganleg,  J?set  swa  on  )?a 
lasssan  Naegleslege,  7  swa  to  ^E]?elfer5es  londe.  pus  him  ge- 
wisede  se  ^EJ>elwaldes  mo[n]  )?a  gemaeru  swa  him  J>a  aldan  bee 
ryhtan  7  wisedon.  *5 

XV 

RECORD  OF  NEGOTIATIONS   BETWEEN   BISHOP   WERFERTH 
AND    EADNOTH,   WITH  REGARD   TO  LAND   AT  SODBURY 

>J|3  IN  usses  Dryhtnes  naman  Haslendes  Cristes.     Ic  WerferS 
bisceop  cySe — swa  me  Alchun  bisceop  saegde  7  eac  mine  ge-  30 

XV.     MSS.  (a)  Brit.  Mus.  MS.  Cott  Tib.  A.  MIL  f.  56.    Cf.  p.  20,  note. 

Editions  by  Hearne  (i.  119),  Kemble  (no.  327),  Thorpe  (p.  166),  Birch 
(no.  582)  ;  and  in  Essays  in  Anglo-Saxon  Law,  p.  335  ff. 

(b)  Brit.  Mus.  MS.  Cott.  Vesp.  A.  v.  f.  176  b  (N.) ;  p.  27, 1L  5-12,  and 
some  of  the  signatures  omitted. 

The  present  text  is  taken  from  (a). 

1  MS.  onffageran.     N.  onfragearan.  2  N.  Ginnefflege. 

3  In  margin,  Soppanbyrig. 


26  English  Historical  Documents 

wrytu  wisodon — )>aet  Mired  bisceop  gesealde  Eanbalde  )>9et  land 
set  Soppanbyrg  mid  )ns  bebode — 7  seoSSan  Eanbald  hit  sealde 
Eastmunde — 7  him  bebead  Mired  bisceop  bebod  on  Godes 
ealmihtiges  noman  7  on  ]>ssre  halgan  )>rinesse,  j?aet  Sa  hwile  }>e 
5  aenig  man  wsere  on  hira  maegSe  )?e  godcundes  hades  beon  walde 
7  ]>ses  wyrSe  wsere,  )>aet  he  )?onne  fenge  to  )?am  lande  at  Soppan- 
byrg  ;  gif  h^  Sonne  hwset  elles  geselde,  )?set  hit  nsefre  on  laedu 
hand  ne  wende,  ac  hit  seoSSan  code  to  )>am  bisceopstole  to 
Weogornaceastre  for  heora  ealra  saule. 

10  Ond  he  J?a  Eastmund  aar  his  ende  bebead  on  Ipses  lifgendan 
Godes  noman  ]?am  men  J?e  to  ]?am  lande  fenge,  )?aet  he  )?onne  on 
)>a  ilcan  wisan  to  fenge  )?e  Mired  bisceop  bebead ;  gif  he  )?onne 
to  j?an  gedyrstig  waBre  ]>aet  he  J^aet  abrs6ce,  )?8et  he  wiste  hine 
sVyldigne  beforan  Godes  heahsetle  ast  ]>am  miclan  dome,  pa 

15  aefter  Eastmundes  forSsiSe  bereafode  seo  masgS  J?aes  ilcan  londes 
ge  ]?a  gastas  )?ara  forSgewitenra  manna  ge  j?one  bisceop  7  ]?a 
cirecean  set  Weogornaceastre.  7  Heaberht  bisceop  oft  )?83S 
myngode  oS5e  ]>SBS  landes  basd,  7  seot53an  Alchun  bisceop  foroft 
)?a  hwile  ]?e  he  woes,  7  eac  ic  WerferS  bisceop  oft  his  bsed ;  7  we 

20  ne  mihton  to  nanum  rihte  becuman  8§r  ^ESelred  wa3s  Myrcna 
hlaford. 

pa  gesamnode  he  Mercna  weotan  to  Saltwic  ymbe  maanig- 
fealde  )>earfe  ge  Godes  dasles  ge  worolde  dseles,  J?a  spraac  ic  on  ]>a 
magas  mid  J?y  erfegewrite  7  wilnade  me  rihtes.  pa  beweddode 

25  me  EadnoS  me. 7  ^Elfred  7  ^Elfstan  j?8et  hio  oSer  J>ara  dydon, 
o53e  hit  me  ageafon  oSSe  on  hira  maegSe  )?one  man  funden  ]>e  to 
)?am  hade  fenge  7  to  lande,  7  me  weere  gehearsum  for  Gode  7 
for  worolde.  pa  EadnoS,  )>e  ]?aat  land  haefde,  gebead  hit  ealre1 
|?33re  maegSe,  hwaaSer  hit  aanig  swa  gegan  wolde,  J>a  waes  aslc 

30  J?a3s  wordes  )>aet  him  leofre  waare  J?33t  he  ]>ast  land  foreode,  )?onne 
he  ]>3eue  had  underfenge.  pa  gesohte  he  ^EtSelred  7  ^ESelflaade  7 
eac  ^ESelnoS  urne  ealra  freond  ;  7  heo  ealle  to  me  wilnodon  J?33t  ic 
hine  laate  a3t  me  }>set  land  begeotan  him  to  agenre  sehte,  swelcum 
erfeweardum  to  syllenne  swelce  he  wolde.  7  ic  ]?a  swa  dyde, 

35  ealles  swySost  for  hiora  bene ;  7  he  eac  me  gesealde  feowertig 
mancesa.     7  ic  }>a.  mid  mira2  higna  leafe  aet  Weogornaceastre 
him  sealde  )?83t  lond  on  ece  erfe  7  ]>&  bee  7  J?a3t  Eastmundes 
1  Sic  MS.,  B.  ealra.  2  Sic  MS.,  B.  minra. 


Foundation  of  New  Minster  27 

erfegewrit  7  eac  ure  agen  raedengewrit  ]>set  wsere  him  to  )ram 
gerade  )net  land  to  laeten  ]?e  mon  aelce  gere  gesylle  fiftene 
scillingas  claenes  feos  to  Tettanbyrg  )>am  bisceope  7  him  eac 
J?one  scrift  healde1. 

Ond  ic  EadnotS  eac  beode  minum  erfeweardum  on  Godes  5 
selmihtiges  naman  )>aet  heo  naefre  Jns  feoh  gelitliaen,  ah  sien  A 
]>sem  bisceope  mid  rihte  holde  7  J>aere  heoraedene  set  Weogorna- 
ceastre. 

God  33lmihtig  )>a  gehealde  for  baem  lifum  ]?e  unne  j?set  J?eos 
geraednis  stondon  mote  in  ecnesse.     7  )NS  syndon  )>ara  manna  I0 
naman  J?e  set  ]>sere  rednisse2  waeron  7  set  gewitnysse  ]>e  her 
beneoSan  awritene  syndon. 
^  Ic   WaerferS   bisceop  mid  minre  agenre  handa  ]?as  sylene 

getrimme  7  gefaestnie. 

Ijl  BeornferS  pr  ^  Wigheard  1S 

^  WerfriS  pr  %  Wulfred 

<%4  Berhthun  pr  ^  Cynehelm 

^  Tidbald  pr  ^  Wulfhun 

^  Oslac  pr  ^(  Eardwulf 

^  Berhthelm  (  BeornferS.  20 


XVI 

FOUNDATION    OF   NEW    MINSTER   AT   WINCHESTER 
BY   EDWARD    THE   ELDER 

^  IN  nomine3  Domini.     Ic  Eadwerd  cynig4  begeat  set  Denulfe 
biscepe  7  set  5sen  hiwun  on  Winteceastre  )?a  Windcirican  7  t5aet  75 

XVI.  MSS.  (a)  Codex  Wintoniensis  (Brit.  Mus.  Addit.  MS.  15,350),  f.  8. 
According  to  Birch  (Hyde  Register ;  p.  155)  this  charter  was  added  later  than 
the  original  writing  of  the  body  of  the  MS.,  which  is  assigned  by  Earle 
(p.  348)  to  the  latter  part  of  the  twelfth  century. 

Editions  by  Kemble  (no.  1087),  Thorpe  (p.  156),  Birch  (no.  605).  Also 
in  the  Hyde  Register,  ed.  Birch,  p.  155  ff. 

(6)  A  fragment  of  another  copy  beginning  at  p.  28,  1.  16,  in  the  Hyde 
Register  (Brit.  Mus.  Stowe  MS.  944),  f.  103.  See  note  on  p.  1 11  f. 

Printed  by  Birch  in  his  edition  of  this  text  (p.  155  f.)  and  in  the  Cart. 
Sax.  (no.  1338). 

1  MS.  pone  ne  scrift ;  Jxme.  at  end  of  line.     N.  pone  scrift. 

2  MS.  pKrednisse.  3  An  acute  accent  over  every  t  in  this  text. 
4  MS.  crinig,  K.  cinig,  T.  kinig. 


28  English  Historical  Documents 

st^nne1  slapern  7  Saerto  Sses  landes  be  suSan  Saere  cirican  7  Saen 
slepern  xxini  gerda  on  lange,  7  on  braede  Sar  hit  bradest  is  fif 
geurda,  7  Saer  hit  unbradost  is  anne  geurde,  to  Saen  Saet  ic  Sa?r 
mynster  on  gestaSolode,  for  mine  saule  haelo  7  mines  Saes  arwyr- 
5  #an2  fader  ^Elfredes  cyninges3.  7  ic  let  be  ealra  Westsexna 
witena  geSeahte  7  leafe  to  biscepe  7  to  J?an  hiwun  See  Andreas 
cirican  7  Sone  worSig  Se  Saerto  gewnnen4  wes,  in  to  Saere  stowe  on 
ece  erfe,  Saet  hit  nage  nan  man  fram  Saere  stowe  to  daelanne8. 

Donne  is  Sis  se  eaca  Se  eallra  Westseaxna  witan  Saertoeacan 
ED  me  gebocodon  on  ece  erfe : 

^Erest  suSrichte  fron  San  beocfern6  to  See  Gregories  cirican, 
Sonne  from  Ssere  suSwesthyrnan7  See  Gregories  cirican  xn  geurda 
westrichte  to  Saere  strete,  Sonne  richte  nortS  xni  geurde  to  Saere 
norSstraete,  Sonne  eastrichte  XLIII  geurde  7  VI  fet  to  Saere  east- 
is  strete,  Sonne  suS richte  xx  geurde  7  vi  fet  to  Saere  suSstrete, 
Sonne  westrichte  be  Saere  suSstrete  to  Saen  lictune8  VII  geurde 
7  VI  fet,  Sonne  richt  norS  v  geurde.  Donne  is  Saes  ymbganges9 
ealles  frrio10  furlanges  7  Sreo  metgeurda. 

^  EaSwearS  rex  j%  WitbrorS         min 

20  ^  EaldereS  ff  regis  %4  DeormoS         min 

>J(  PlemunS  archiepc  %4  Beorths[i]ge  min 

>J(  Denewulf          epc  ^  Ocea  min 

%t  Wilfserd  epc  ^(  Adelstan         min 

%4  Wulfrige  epc  ^  Wulfhelm       mm 

75          ^  Asser  epc  ^  Alia  min 

^  Wighen  epc  %t  Heorstan         min 

%t  Eodmund          epc  ^   Wulfhelm       min 

^  Eadgar  epc  ^  Beorstan          prb 

>J(  Wimund  epc  ^  Tata  prb 

30          ^  Brinhelm      abbod  ^(  Brichtulf         prb. 

1  Accent  between  the  fourth  and  fifth  letter ;  K.  stsennene,  T.  stainene. 

2  MS.  arwyrdan.  3  MS.  ci^ninges. 

*  The  word  looks  like  gmnnan  in  MS. ;  gaunnan  K.,  T.,  B. 

6  Sic  K.  ;  MS.  twodsRlanne.  6  MS.  beoffeern. 

7  hyrnan  underlined.  8  Underlined. 

9  Underlined;  MS.  simbganges;  K.,  T.  imbganges. 

10  MS.  driu,  the  last  letter  in  slightly  darker  ink. 


Lease  of  Lcmd  by  Bishop  Denewulf  29 


XVII 

LEASE   OF    LAND   BY   DENEWULF,    BISHOP   OF 
WINCHESTER 

IN  nomine  Domini.     Denewulf  bisceop  7  J?a  hiwan  in  Wintan- 
ceastre  leton  to"  Beornulfa  hiora  landes  xv  hida  aet  Eblesburnan  5 
wiS  )?am  gafole  Se  he  wiS  bisceop  7  wits  hiwan  ared1:  Saet  is  XLV 
scitt.  to  haerfestes  emnihte  sie  simZe  agyfen2  on  Sa  gerad  Saet  hine 
nage  nan  man  of  to  aceapienne  ne  his  beam  aefter  his  dege  )?a 
[hjwile  ]>e  hi  Sa  gerihta  forSbringan  a  magen;  7  eac  aelce  geare 
fultumien  to  J>aere  cyriean  bote  }>e  Set  land  to  hyrS3  be  5em  daele  10 
be  Set  oSer  fol[c]  do,  aelc  be  his  landes  meSe  ;  7  ]>&  cyricsceattes 
mid  rihte  agyfe,  7  fyrrfe4  7  brycge  7  festewgeweorc5  hewe  swa 
mon  ofer  eall  folc  do.     7  Sis  wes  ged6n  on  Sara  witena  gewitnesse 
7  Safun^re6  Se  hiora  naman  her  benioSau  standafr7  awritene,  Se 
geare  Se  wes  agan  fram  Cristes  acennesse  twa  winter  7  nigan  15 
hund.     7  Set  wes  ge'do'n  on  J>aere  maeran  stowe  on  Wintanceastre. 
Bisceop  lyfde  Beornulfe  his  mege  ]?aet  he  moste  ]?a  inberSan 
menn  hamettan  to  Eblesburnan.     Nu  hebbe  ic  hi  hamet — Lufe 
7  hire  Sreo  beam  7  Luhan  7  his  seax  beam.    Donne  geasrendoddn 
me  Sa  hiwan  on  Wintauceastre  Set  J?a  men  mostan  on  J?an  londe  20 
wunien,  haefde  swa  ic  swa  minra  freonda   swelce   hit   haefde. 
ponne  wer<5n  J>aer  Sreo  witeSeowe  men  burbaerde  7  Sreo  Seowberde ; 
Sa  me  salde  bisceop  7  ]>&  hiwan  to  ryhtre  aehta  7  hire  team. 
Dis  wes  gedon  Sa  man  )?a  cyricean  balgode  aet  Hysseburnan,  on 
Sara  manna  gewitnessa  j?e  hira  naman  her  beneoSan  standao"8 :    25 
^Erest  Denewulf  bisceop9  And  Wigea  diac 

And  Tata  prb  And  ^E)?elstan  prb 

And  Beornstan  prb  And  Eadwulf  pr 

XVII.     Codex  Wintoniensis  (Brit   Mus.   Add.  MS.    15,350),   f.  61  b 
(12th  century  copy). 

Editions  by  Kemble  (no.  1079),  Thorpe  (p.  151),  Birch  (no.  599). 

1  Sic  MS.,  K.  aned.  2  MS.  simne  agyfeff. 

3  hyrS  K.,  T.,  hynff  MS.  *  MS./yrde. 

6  MS.  festergeweorc.  "  MS.  SafurSe,  K.  qusere  friife. 

'  MS.  -ad.  8  MS.  -at. 

9  The  first  thirteen  names  in  this  list  occupy  three  lines. 


30  English  Historical  Documents 

And  Dyrewine  pf  And  ^Edelstan  pb 

And  Wulfhere  Cidding  And  ^Elfstan  pb 

And  Wulfstan  pr  And  Wulfstan  pb 

And  Eadulf  cempa  And  Wigea  pb 

5  And  Beorhtsige  pr  And  Wulfric  pb 

And  Windsige  pr  And  Eahtan  pb 

And  ^Elfsige  pr  And  Winsige  min 

And  Denewulf  Bisceop1  And  Wulfred  min 

And  Tata  pbr  And  Beorsige  min 

10  And  Byrnstan  pb  And  ^Elfsige  min 

And  Eadstan  Diac  And  Eadulf  min 

And  ^EJ?elstan  pb  And  Wulfhelm  min 

And  Eadulf  pb  And  Wulsige  min. 


XVIII 

15      LETTER   RECORDING   NEGOTIATIONS    WITH   REFERENCE 
TO   THE    OWNERSHIP   OF   LAND   AT    FONTHILL 

f%  LEOF,  ic  Se  cy5e  hu  hit  waes  ymb  Sset  lond  set  Funtial  ?Ja  fif 
hida  6e  -^EtSelm  Higa  ymb  spycS.  Da  Helmstan  Sa  undaede 
gedyde  5aet  he  JEtSeredes  belt  for'stael',  Sa  ongon  Higa  him 

20  specan  sona  on  mid  oSran  onspecendan  j  wolde  him  oSflitan 
Saet  lond.  Da  sohte  he  me  7  baed  me  Saet  ic  him  waere  forespeca, 
forSon  ic  his  haefde  aer  onfongen  aet  biscopes  honda  ser  he  Sa 
undsede  ^gedyde7.  Da  spaac  ic  him  fore  j  Singade  him  to  ^Elfrede 
cinge.  Da,  God  forgelde  his  saule,  5a  lyfde  he  Sset  he  moste 

25  beon  ryhtes  wyrSe  for  mire  forspaece  7  ryhtrace  wiS  ^ESelm  ymb 
Saet  lond.  Da  het  he  hie  seman,  Sa  waes  ic  Sara  monna  sum  Se 
Saerto  genemned  waeran,  7  Wihtbord  7  .lElfric2 — waes  5a  hraelSen — 
7  Byrhthelm  7  Wulfhun  5es  blaca  aet  Sumortune  7  Strica 
7  Ubba  7  ma  monna  Sonne  ic  nu  genemnan  maege.  Da  reahte 

XVIII.  The  original  MS.  is  preserved  in  Canterbury  Cathedral  Library 
(Chart.  Antiq.  Cantuar.  C.  1282). 

Facsimile  in  Ordn.  Sur.  Facs.  I.  pi.  xm. 

Editions  by  Kemble  (no.  328),  Thorpe  (p.  169),  Birch  (no.  591),  Earle 
(p.  162) ;  and  in  Essays  in  Anglo-Saxon  Law,  p.  338  ff'. 

1  A  second  set  of  signatures,  arranged  in  two  columns,  begins  here. 

2  Written  over  another  word,  parts  of  the  letters  of  which  are  faintly  visible. 


Letter  concerning  Land  at  Fonthill  31 

heora  aesSer  his  spell,  Sa  Suhte  us  eallan  Sset  Helmstan  moste 

O  J.  ' 

gan  forS  mid  Son  bocon  7  geagnigean  him  Sset  lond,  Saet  he  hit 
haefde  swa  yESeldryS  hit  Osulfe  on  seht  gesealde  wiS  gemedan  feo, 
7  heo  cwaeS  to  Osulfe  Saet  heo  hit  ahte  him  wel  to  syllanne 
forSon  hit  waes  hire  morgengif'u  Sa  heo  a3[re]st  to  ASulfe  com.  5 
7  Helmstan  Sis  eal  on  Son  aSe  befeng.  7  Alfred  cing  Sa  Osulfe 
his  hondsetene  sealde,  Sa  he  Saet  lond  set  yESeldrySe  bohte,  Saet 
hit  swa  stondan  moste,  7  Eadweard  his  7  ^ESelnaS  his  7  Deormod 
his  7  selces  Sara  monna  Se  mon  Sa  habban  wolde.  Da  we  hie 
set  Weardoran  nu  semdan,  Sa  bser  mon  Sa  boc  forS  7  raedde  hie ;  10 
Sa  stod  seo  hondseten  eal  Saeron.  Da  Suhte  us  eallan  Se  a3t 
Saere  some  waeran,  Sset  Helmstan1  wsere  aSe  Sses  Se  near. 

Da  naes  ^ESelm  na  full  ice  geSafa  aer  we  eodan  in  to  cinge 
7  saedan  call  hu  we  hit  reahtan  7  be  hwy  we  hit  reahtan;  7 
^ESelm  stod  self  Sserinne  mid.    7  cing  stod — Swoh  'his'  honda — aet  15 
Weardoran  innan  Son  bure.     Da  he  Saet  gedon  haefde,  Sa  ascade 
he  ^ESelm  hwy  hit  him  ryht  ne  Suhte  Saet  we  him  gereaht  haefdan, 
cwaeS  Saet  he  nan  ryhtre  geSencan  ne  meahte  Sonne  he  Sone  aS 
agifan  moste  gif  he  meahte.     Da  cwaeS  ic  Saet  he  wolde  cunnigan 
7  baed  Sone  cing  Saet  he  hit  audagade;  7  he  Sa  swa  dyde.     7  he  20 
gelsedde  Sa  to  Son  andagan  Sone  aS  be  fulla[n.  j]2  baed  me  Saet  ic 
him  fultemade  7  cwaeS  Saet  him  waere  leofre  Saet  he  [Saet  land 

me  se]2alde  Sonne  se  aS  forburste  oSSe  hit  aefr aede3.     Da 

cwaeS  ic  Sset  ic  him  wolde  fylstan  to  ryhte,  7  naefre  to  nanan  wo, 
on  ]?a  gerada  Se  he  his  me  uSe;  7  he  me  Saet  on  wedde  gesealde.  25 

7  we  ridan  Sa  to  Son  andagan;  ic  7  Wihtbord  rad  mid  me 
7  Byrhthelm  rad  Sider  mid  ^ESelme.  7  we  gehyrdan  ealle  Saet 
he  Sone  aS  be  fulan  ageaf.  Da  we  cwsedan4  ealle  Saet  hit  waere 
geendodu  spsec  Sa  se  dom  waes  gefylled.  7  leof,  hwonne  Ids 
engu  spaec  geendedu  gif  mon  ne  maeg  nowSer  ne  mid  feo  ne  mid  30 
aSa  geendigan  ?  OSSe  gif  mon  selcne  dom  wile  onwendan  Se  ^Elfred 
cing  gesette,  hwonne  habbe  we  Sonne  gemotad  ?  7  he  me  Sa  boc 
Sa  ageaf  swa  he  me  on  Son  wedde  aer  geseald  haefde,  sona  swa  se 
aS  agifen  was.  7  ic  him  gehet  Saet  he  moste  Ses  londes  brucan  Sa 
hwile  Se  he  lifde,  gif  he  hine  wolde  butan  bysmore  gehealdan.  35 

1  Over  erasure.  2  Hole  in  MS. 

3  Hole  in  MS.     There  is  room  for  about  twelve  letters  between  r  and  ». 

4  Sic  MS.,  B.  cw&don. 


32  English  Historical  Documents 

Da  onufan  Saet  ymban  oSer  healf  gear  nat  ic  hweSer  Se  ymb 
tua,  Sa  forstael  he  Sa  unlaedan  oxan  set  Funtial,  Se  he  mid  ealle 
fore  forwearS,  7  draf  to  Cytlid;  7  hine  mon  Sserset  aparade.  7 
his  speremon  ahredde  Sa  sporwreclas.  Da  he  fleah,  Sa  torypte 
5  hine  an  breber  ofer  Saet  uebb ;  5a  he  aetsacan  wolde,  Sa  ssede  him 
mon  Saet  to  tacne.  Da  swaf  Eanulf  Penearding  on — waes  gerefa — 
Sa  genom  eal  Sset  yrfe  him  on  Saet  he  ahte  to  Tyssebyrig.  vDa' 
ascade  ic  hine  hwy  he  svva  dyde,  Sa  cwaeS  he  Sset  he  wsere  Seof. 
7  mon  gerehte  Sset  yrfe  cinge  forSon  he  vvses  einges  mon.  7 

10  Ordlaf  feng  to  his  londe;  forSon  hit  wses  his  Isen  Sset  he  on  sset, 
he  ne  meahte  na  his  forwyrcan.  7  tu  hine  hete  Sa  flyman. 

Da  gesohte1  vhe'  Sines  fseder  lie  7  brohte  insigle  to  me,  7  ic 
waes  set  Cippanhomme  mit  te.  Da  ageaf  ic  Saet  insigle  Se.  7  Su 
him  forgeafe  his  eard  7  Sa  are  Se  he  get  on  gebogen  haefS.  7  ic 

15  feng  to  minan  londe  7  sealde  hit  Son  biscope  Sa  on  Sine  gewit- 
nesse  7  SiVra  weotena  Sa  fif  hida  wiS  Son  londe  set  Lidgeard 
wiS  fif  hidan.  7  biscop  7  eal  hi  wan  forgeafan  me  Sa  feower;  7  an 
was  teoSinglond.  Donne,  leof,  is  me  micel  neodSearf  Saet  hit 
mote  stondan  swa  hit  nu  gedon  is  7  gefyrn  wses.  Gif  hit  elles- 

20  hwset  biS,  Sonne  sceal  ic  7  wylle  beon  gebealden  on  Son  Se  Se 
to  aslmessan  ryht  SincS. 

Endorsed : 

%4  7  JESelm  Higa  code  of  Sam  geflite  Sa  cing  waes  aet  Worge- 
mynster  on  Ordlafes  gewitnesse  7  on  OsferSes  7  on  Oddan  7  on 

25  Wihtbordes  7  on  ^Elfstanes  Sys  blerian  7  on  ^ESelnoSes. 


cyng  gefreode  Eadelm  forraSe  )>ses  Se  he  seraest2  cyng 
waes;  Sses  waes  on  gewitnesse  ^Elt'heah  maessepreost  7  se  hired 

XIX.  The  original  text  is  inscribed  on  p.  15  b  of  a  MS.  of  the  Gospels 
(Reg.  I.  B.  vii.)  in  the  British  Museum. 

Facsimile  in  the  Catalogue,  of  Ancient  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum,  LL. 
pi.  16. 

Editions  by  Wanley  (p.  181),  followed  by  Thorpe  (p.  622) ;  Birch 
(no.  639). 

1  MS.  gesahte.  a  Sic  MS.,  serett  W.,  T.,  B. 


Earl  Aethelwold's  Will  33 

7  ^Elfric  se  gerefa  7  WufnoS  Hwita  7  Eanstan  prafost  7  Byrnstan 
msessepreost.  Se  }>e  Sset  onwende,  hsebbe  he  Godes1  unmiltse 
7  ealles  Saes  haligdpmes  Se  ic  on  Angelcyn  begeat  mid  Godes 
miltse.  7  ic  an  San  bearnan  )?ses  ilcan  Sses  ic  )>an  faeder  an. 


XX  5 

EARL  AETHELWOLD'S  WILL 

HER  geswutelad  )?set  Eadred  cing  geuj?e  J?aet  land  set  Wilig  ]?a 
twelf  hida  to  scrudfultume  ]?am  hirede  into  Ealdan  Mynstre2. 

Leof,  ^E]?elwold  ealdarman  cy)?  his  Ie6fan  cynehlaforde 
Eadred  cynge  hu  ic  wille  ymbe  J?a  landare  }>e  ic  aet  mine  10 
hlaforde  geearnode.  JErest  Gode  7  J>aere  halgan  stowe  set  )>am 
bisceopstole  set  Wintanceastre,  )?am  bisceope  7  )?am  hiwum, 
)>aet  land  aet  Wilig  )?a  twelf  hida  to  scrudfultume,  Jjset  hi  me 
on  heora  gebeddredenne  hsebben,  swa  swa  ic  him  to  gelyfe. 
7  )?am  cinge  minne  hseregeatwa:  feower  sweord  7  feower  spaera  15 
7  feower  scyldas  7  feower  beagas,  twegen  on  hundtwelftigum 
mancosun  7  twegen  on  hundeahtatigum,  7  feower8  hors  7  twa 
sylfrene  fata.  7  minum  breSer  Eadrice  ]?8et  land  set  Oceburnan 
7  aet  jEscesdune  7  set  Cegham  7  set  Wessingatune.  7  ^E]?elstane 
minse  breSer  )?et  land  set  Bradanwsetere  7  )?et  aat  Niwautiine.  20 
7  ^Elfsige  mine  broSorsuna4  )?et  land  set  Carcel.  7  ^Elfstanes 
suna  mines  broj?or  j?set  land  set  Cleran.  7  eall  )?aet  yrfe  )?se  ic 
hsebbe  on  Isenelandum8,  )?onne  wylle6  ic  j?set  ]?a3t  sie  gedeled  for 
mine  sawle  swa  swa  ic  nu  J?am  freondum  saede  )?ae  ic  to  sprsec. 

XX.  Codex  Wintoniensis  (Brit.  Mus.  Add.  MS.  15,350),  f.  87  (12th  cen- 
tury copy). 

Editions:  Kemble  (no.  1173),  Thorpe  (p.  499),  Earle  (p.  360),  Birch 
(no.  819). 

1  Sic  MS.,  B.  godcs.  2  This  sentence  in  red  ink. 

3  Sic  K.,  T.SE.  ;  feorwer  MS. 
4  MS.  breSer  suna.  6  MS.  Isenelendum.  6  Sic  MS.,  B.  wille. 


H. 


34  English  Historical  Documents 


XXI 


KING   EADREDS    WILL 

IN  nomine  Domini.  Dis  is  Eadredes  cinges  cwide :  baet  is  J?senne 
aerest  J>aet  he  [an]  in  to  J>sere  stowe  J?aer  he  wile  J>aet  his  lie  reste, 
5  twegra  gyldenra  roda,  and  twegra  gyldenhiltra  sweorda,  and 
feower  hund  punda.  psenne  an  he  in  to  Winteceastre  to  Ealden 
Mynstre  breora  Aama1,  baet  is  J?senne  Duntune  and  Domerham2 
and  Calne.  paenne  an  he  in  to  Niwan  Mynstre  )>reora  hama, 
]?aet  is  haenne  Hwerwyl  and  Andeferas  and  Clearas;  and  to 

10  Nunnanmynstre3,  Scealdeburnan  and  paecham4  and  Bradanford. 
paenne  an  he  to  Nunnanmynstre  to  Ceastre  Jmtiga  punda,  and 
Jmtiga  to  Wiltune,  and  Jmtiga  to  Sceaftesbirig5. 

paenne  an  he  his  sawla  to  anliesnesse  and  his  deodscipe6  to 
J>earfe,  sixtyne  hund  punda,  to  J?an  Saet  hi  rnege  magan  hunger7 

'5  and  haej?enne  here  him  fram  aceapian  gif  hie  bejmrfen8.  psenne 
fo  se  ercebiscop  set  Cristes  cirican  to  feower  hund  pundun, 
Cantwarum  and  Sujmguin  and  Suthseaxum  and  Bearrucscire 
to  fultume9;  and  gif  J>an  biscop  hwaet  tide,  bgenne  beo  baet  feoh 
on  J?an  mynstre,  on  bara  witena  gewitnesse  Se  on  ]?8ere  scire  beon. 

20  And  fo  ^Elfsige,  biscop  to  )?am  biscopstole  to  Winteceastre,  to 
feower  hund  pundun,  twa  hund  to  Hamtunscire,  and  to  Wiltun- 
scire  an  hund,  and  ojjer  to  Dorsaeton;  and  gif  him  hwaet  tide, 
beo  hit — swa  hit  hser  bufan  cwiS — on  )?ara  witena  gewitenesse  Se 
on  Ipsere  scire  beon.  paenne  fo  Dunstan  abbod  to  twam  hund 

25  pundun,  and  healde  aet  Glaestingabirig  Surnorsaeton  and  Defenun; 
and  gif  him  hwaet  tide,  beo  hit  swa  hit  her  bufan  cwiS.  paenne 
fo  jiElfsige  biscop  to  twam  hund  pundum  )>e  J?aer  ofer  is,  and 

XXI.  This  text  is  preserved  in  the  Liber  Monasterii  de  Hyda,  a  MS. 
in  the  Library  of  the  Earl  of  Macclesfield,  at  Shirburn  Castle,  Oxfordshire. 

Edition  by  Edwards  (Liber  Monasterii  de  Jfyda,  p.  153ff.) ;  followed  by 
Birch  (no.  912). 

1  Sic  E.  for  MS.  }>ama. 

2  Here  the  scribe  had  first  written  7  Andeferas,  bat  this  name  is  crossed 
with  a  red  line,  and  Dromerham  substituted,  E.  3  E.  Nunanmynstre. 

4  E./>tBt/iam.  6  E.  Sceafnesbirig.  6  E.  deodscipe. 

7  Sic  E.  for  MS.  hugor.    8  Sic  E.  for  MS.  bej>unfen.    9  Sic  E.  for  MS.  fultune. 


King  Eadretfs  Will  35 

healde  aet  Jjaem  biscopstole  on  Winteceastre,  swilcre  scire  swilcre 
)?earf  sie.  paenne  fo  Oscytel  biscop  to  feower  hund  pundun,  and 
healde  hit  [set]  5aem  biscopstole  aet  Dorceastre  Myrcum1,  swa  hit 
her  bufan  cwiS*.  paenne  hsef]?3  Wulfhelm  biscop  Sset  feower 
hund  punda.  panne  wime4  man  tweritig  hund  mancusa  goldes  5 
and  gemynetige  to  mancusan;  and  fo  se  ercebiscop  to  anum 
dsele,  to  o]?rum  ^Elfsige  biscop,  to  Jmddan  Oscytel  biscop,  and 
gedselen  geond  ]?a  biscopricea,  Gode  to  willan  and  minre  sawle 
to  anliesnesse. 

psenne  an  ic  minre  meder  J?aes  landes  set  Ambresbyrig  and  i° 
set  Waneting  and  set  Basingum,  and  ealra  minra  boclanda  )>e  ic 
[on]  SuSeseaxum  hsebbe  and  on  SuSrigum  and  on  Cent,  and 
ealra  J>aera  }>e  hio  ser  haefde.     paenne  an  ic  5am  ercebiscop  twa 
hund  mancusa  goldes,  beo  hundtwelftigum.     And  selcan  minra 
leodbiscopa  hundtwelftiga  mancusa  goldes.     And  aelcan  minra  J5 
ealdormanna  hundtwentig  mancusa  goldes.     And  selcan  gesettan 
discSegne  and  gesettan  hraeglSene  and  gesettan  biriele,  hund- 
eahtatig  mancusa  goldis.     And  selcan  minra  msessepreosta  ]?e 
ic  gesette  haebbe  in  to  minum  reliquium,  fiftyg  mancusa  goldes, 
and  fif  pund  penenga.     And  selcan  J?sera  o)?erra  preosta  fif  pund.  2° 
And  selcan  gesettan5  stigweard  )?ritig  mancusa  goldes  and  ealcan 
men  preostAades6  }>e  ge)?eodad  wses  si^an  ic  to  anwalde  feng, 
and  selcan  J?aera  }>e7  is  on  minnum  hirede,  si  swilcre  note  nyt 
swilc  he  sy,  buton  he  sy  lit  in  bynde8  to  )>am  cynestolum.      ?  j^— -  . 

ponne  wille  ic  Saet  man  nime  to  aslcan  J>issa  hama  twelf'S 
aalmesmen,  and  gif  hwset  hera  aenigan  getide,  sette  man  J?ser 
o]?erne  to;  and  stande  )>is  eal  ]?a  hwile  ]>e  Cristendom  beo,  Gode 
to  lofe,  and  minra  sawle  aeleisnesse;  and  gif  J?is  hwa  don9  nelle, 
]?onne  gange  ]>aet  land  in  )?aer  min  lie  rest. 

1  E.  Myrcumme.  2  E.  cwife.      3  MS.  inserts  w  before  Wulfhelm. 

4  Sic  E.  for  MS.  minre.  6  MS.  repeats  settan,  E. 

e  Sic  E.  for  MS.  preostes.  7  MS.  pa. 

8  Sic  E.  9  E.  done. 


3—2 


36  English  Historical  Documents 


XXII 

ENTRIES    IN   THE   LINDISFARNE    GOSPELS 

(I)  Prayer  for  the  authors  of  the  work. 

DE1  lifigende  God  gemyne  Su  EadfriS  7  IjJSilwald  7  BillfriS  7 
5  Aldred  pecca?:  Sas  feowero  miS  Gode  ymbweson2  Sas  b<5c. 

(II)  Dedication  of  the  work. 

ffc s  EadfriS  biscop4  Lindisfearnensis  secclesise,  he  Sis  boc  avr&t 
aet  frvma  Gode  7  See  CvSberhte  7  allvm  Ssem  halgvm  'gimaenelice' 
Sa  Se  in  eolonde  sint.  7  ESilvald  Lindisfearneolondinga  vbisc' 

10  hit  vta  giSryde  7  gibelde,  sva  he  vel  cuSg.  7  BillfriS  se  oncrg, 
he  gismioSade  Sa  gihrino  Sa  Se  vtan  6n  sint,  7  hit  gihrinade  miS 
golde  7  in iS  gimmvm,  £c  miS  svlfre5  ofgylded  faconleas  feh.  7* 
Aldred  pVbr  indignus  7  misserrimus7  m'i'S  Godes  fvltvmg  7  Sci 
CvSberhtes  hit  ofg!6esade  6n  englisc  7  hine  gihamadi  miS  Ssem 

15  Sriim  dselv,  Mathevs  dse"!  Gode  7  See  CvSberhti,  Marc  dse"!  Saem 
bisc,  7  Lvcas  dael  Saem  hiorode,  7  aeht"  ora  seolfres9  miS  to  inldde. 
7  Sci10  Joh.  dsel  f.  hine  seolfne,  \i.  fe  his  savle',  7  feover  dra 
seolfres9  miS,  Gode  7  Sci  CvSberti;  ]?8ette  he  haBbbe  ondfong 
Serb  Godes  railsae  on  heofnv,  seel  7  sibb  on  eorSo,  forSgeong  7 

20  giSyngo,  visdom  7  snyttro  Serh  Sci  CvSberhtes  earnvnga. 

^  EadfriS,  OeSilvald,  BillfriS,  Aldred  hoc  evange  Do  7 
CvSberhto  constrvxert  t  ornavervnt. 

XXII.  These  entries  are  inscribed  on  f.  88  and  f.  208  respectively  of 
the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  (MS.  Cott.  Nero  D.  iv.)  preserved  in  the  British 
Museum.  For  date  see  note  on  p.  123. 

Facsimile  (u.  only)  in  Catal.  of  Ancient  MSS.  in  the  Brit.  Mus.  n.  pi.  9. 

Editions  by  Bouterwek  (Die  vier  Evangelien  in  Alt-Nordhumbrischer 
Sprache,  1857,  pp.  260,  265),  Waring  (Lindisfarne  and  Rushworth  Gospels, 
Surtees  Society,  1865,  vol.  iv.  p.  174),  Skeat  ( The  Gospel  according  to  St  John> 
in  Anglo-Saxon  and  Northumbrian  versions,  1878,  p.  188),  Birch  (no.  631). 

1  This  invocation  is  written  in  black  ink.    u  is  written  over  the  line  above  e. 

2  o  written  above  the  line,  between  w  and  e. 

3  This  entry  in  red  ink.  4  b  above  p.  5  u  above  v. 

6  Followed  by  ic,  partially  erased  and  still  legible. 

7  In  margin,  Alfredi  natvs  Aldredvs  uocor  bonse  mvlieris  filivs  eximivs  loquor^ 
Above  mvlieris;  .i.  Tilw. 

3  v  above  line  after  t.  9  v  above  o.  10  No  sign  of  contraction. 


Grant  by  Queen  Eadgifu  37 


XXIII 

GRANT  OF  AN  ESTATE  BY  QUEEN  EADGIFU  TO  CANTER- 
BURY CATHEDRAL,  WITH  ACCOUNT  OF  ITS  PREVIOUS 
HISTORY 

^  EADGIFU  cyj>  )?am  arc.  bisc.  7  Cristes  cyrcean  hyrede  hu  hire  5 
land  com  set  Culingon.     pset  is  }>set  hire  laefde  hire  faeder  land 
7  bo"c,  swa  he  mid  rihte  beget  7  him  his  yldran  laefdon.     Hit 
gelamp  ]?aet  hire  faeder  aborgude  xxx  punda  aet  Godan  7  betaehte 
him  baet  land  baes  feos  to  anwedde;  7  he  hit  haefde  VII  winter, 
pa  gelamp,  einb  ba  tid,  baet  man  beonn  ealle  Cantware  to  wigge  ro 
to  Holme,    pa  nolde  Sigelm  hire  feeder  to  wigge  faron  mid  nanes 
mannes  scette  unagifnum;  7  agef  ba  Godan  xxx  punda  7  becwaeb 
Eadgife  his  dehter  land,  7  boc  sealde. 

pa  he  on  wigge  afeallen  waes,  ba  setsoc  Goda  baes  feos  aegiftes 
7   baes  landes  wyrnde  o3  baes  on  syxtan  geare.     pa  spraec  hit  15 
faestlice  Byrhsige  Dyrincg  swa  lange  o5  ba  witan  be  ba  wseron 
gerehton  Eadgife  J^aet  heo  sceolde  hire  feeder  hand  geclaensian 
be  swa  myclan  feo;  7  heo  ]?a3s  a)?  laedde  on  ealre  J>eode  gewitnesse 
to  ^Eglesforda,  7  J^aer  gecla3nsude  hire  faeder  ]?83S  asgifbes  be  XXX 
punda  a)>e.     pa  gyt  heo  ne  moste  landes  brucan  asr  hire  frynd  20 
fundon  aet  Eadwearde  cyncge  ]>set  he  him  ]?8et  land  forbead,  swa 
he  aeniges  brucan  wolde;  7  he  hit  swa  alet. 

pa  gelamp  on  fyrste  J?33t  se  cynincg  Godan  oncuj^e  swa  swy|>e 
swa  him  man  aetrehte  bee  7  land,  ealle  |?a  ]>e  he  ahte;  7  se 
cynincg  hine  J?a  7  ealle  his  are,  mid  bocum  7  landum,  forgeaf  25 
Eadgife  to  ateonne  swa  swa  heo  wolde.  pa  cwaeS  heo  J?aet  heo 
ne  dorste  for  Gode  him  swa  leanian  swa  he  hire  to  geearnud 
haefde,  7  agef  him  ealle  his  land,  buton  twam  sulungum  aet 
Osterlande;  7  nolde  ]?a  bee  agifan  ser  heo  wyste  hu  getriwlice 
he  hi  aet  landum  healdan  wolde.  30 

XXIII.     Original  MS.  in  British  Museum  (Stowe  Charter  28). 

Facsimile  in  Ordn.  Sur.  Facs.  in.  pi.  xxix. 

Editions  by  Kemble  (no.  499),  Thorpe  (p.  201),  Birch  (no.  1064),  Sweet 
(Anglo-Saxon  Reader,  1908,  p.  54);  and  in  Essays  in  Anglo-Saxon  Law, 
p.  342  ff. 


38  English  Historical  Documents 

pa  gewat  Eadweard  cyncg  7  fencg  ^E]?elstan  to  rice,  pa 
Godan  sael  )mhte,  )>a  gesohte  he  )>one  kynincg  ^E^elstan1,  7  baed 
}>aet  he  him  ge)nngude  wi)?  Eadgife  his  boca  edgift.  7  se  cyncg 
)>a  swa  dyde.  7  heo  him  ealle  agef  buton  Osterlandes  bee;  7  he 
5  )>a  boc  unnendre  handa  hire  to  let  7  ]?ara  o]?erra  mid  eaSmettum 
ge)>ancude;  7  ufenan  )?aet,  twelfa  sum,  hire  a]?  sealde,  for  geborenne 
7  ungeborenne,  )?8et  ]?is  aefre  gesett  spsec  wsere.  7  )?is  waes  gedon 
on  -*EJ?elstanes  kynincges  gewitnesse  7  his  wytena  set  Hamme 
wij?  Laewe.  7  Eadgifu  haefde  land  mid  bocum  )>ara  twegea 

10  cyninga  dagas  hire  suna. 

pa  Eadrgd  geendude  7  man  Eadgife  berypte  selcere  are,  J>a 
namon  Godan  twegen  suna,  Leofstan  7  Leofric,  on  Eadgife  )?as 
twa  forespecenen  land  aet  Culingon  7  aet  Osterlande,  7  ssedon 
|?am  cilde  Eadwige,  ]>e  )>a  gecoren  wses,  ]>sst  hy  rihtur  hiora 

15  waeren  )>onne  hire,  paet  ]?a  swa  waas  o|?  Eadgar  astijmde.  7  he 
'7'  his  wytan  gerehton  J>aet  hy  manfull  reaflac  gedon  haefden, 
7  hi  hire  hire  are  gerehton  7  agefon.  pa  nam  Eadgifu,  be  J>aes 
cynincges  leafe  7  gewitnesse  7  ealra  his  bisceopa,  ]?a  bee,  7 
land  betsehte  in  to  Cristes  cyrcean,  mid  hire  agenum  handum 

20  upon  ]?one  altare  lede,  )>an  hyrede  on  ecnesse  to  are  7  hire  sawle 
to  reste ;  7  cwae)?  ]?83t  Crist  sylf  mid  eallum  heofonlicum  masgne 
)>ane  awyrgde  on  ecnesse  ]>e  ]?as  gife  aefre  awende  6\>}>e  gewanude. 
pus  com  J>eos  ar  in  to  Cristes  cyrcean  hyrede. 
Endorsed : 

25  (1)  Quomodo  Ediua  Regina  recuperavit  Culinge  quam 
postea  dedit  conventui  ecclesie  Christi  Cantuarie. 

(2)     Eadgyua  Regina.     (3)    Anno  ML.     (4)    Anglice. 

1  Sic  MS.,  B.  &J>selstan. 


I  OSWULF,  earl  by  God's  grace,  and  Beornthryth  my  wife, 
give  to  Almighty  God  and  to  the  holy  congregation  at  Christ 
Church,  Canterbury,  the  estate  at  Stanstead,  amounting  to 
twenty  ploughlands,  in  the  hope,  and  for  the  reward,  of  the 
eternal  and  future  life,  and  for  the  salvation  of  our  own  souls 
and  those  of  our  children.  And  with  great  humility  we  pray 
that  we  may  be  in  the  fellowship  of  those  who  are  God's 
servants  there,  and  of  those  who  have  been  lords  there,  and  of 
those  who  have  given  their  lands  to  the  church ;  and  that  our 
anniversary  may  be  celebrated  every  year  with  religious  offices, 
and  also  with  the  distribution  of  alms,  as  theirs  are. 

Now  I  Wulfred,  by  God's  grace  archbishop,  confirm  these 
aforesaid  words,  and  enjoin  that  the  anniversary  of  them  both  be 
thus  celebrated  every  year  on  one  day,  on  Oswulf's  anniversary, 
both  with  religious  offices  and  with  almsgiving  and  also  with 
a  banquet  of  the  community.  Moreover  I  command  that  the 
following  things  be  paid  annually  from  Lympne,  to  which  the 
aforesaid  estate  belongs,  [on  behalf]  of  that  same  land  at 
Stanstead :  one  hundred  and  twenty  wheaten  loaves,  and  thirty 
fine(?)  loaves,  one  fullgrown  bullock,  four  sheep,  two  flitches, 
five  geese,  ten  hens,  and  ten  pounds  of  cheese,  if  it  be  a  "  flesh- 
day  " — if,  however,  it  be  a  fast-day,  they  are  to  give  a  wey  of 
cheese,  and  of  fish,  butter  and  eggs,  as  much  as  they  can 
procure — and  thirty  "ambers"  of  good  Welsh  ale,  which  amounts 
to  fifteen  mittan,  and  a  mitta  full  of  honey,  or  two  of  wine, 
whichever  they  can  get  at  the  time.  And  from  the  common 
provisions  of  the  community  at  the  monastery  itself,  one 
hundred  and  twenty  gesufl  loaves  are  to  be  given  as  charity 
for  the  good  of  their  souls,  as  is  done  at  the  anniversaries  of 
lords.  And  all  the  above-mentioned  provisions  are  to  be  given 
to  the  provost,  and  he  is  to  distribute  them  as  may  be  most 


40  Etiglish  Historical  Documents 

advantageous  to  the  brethren  and  most  efficacious  for  the  souls 
of  Oswulf  and  Beornthryth.  Furthermore,  the  wax  is  to  be 
given  for  use  in  the  church,  in  order  that  the  souls  of  those 
for  whose  sake  this  is  done  may  be  benefited.  Moreover, 
I  enjoin  on  my  successors  who  have  the  estate  at  Bourn, 
that  they  annually  prepare  beforehand,  for  the  anniversary, 
one  thousand  loaves  and  as  many  sufla ;  and  let  these  be  dis- 
tributed as  doles  at  Christ  Church  on  the  anniversary,  on 
behalf  of  my  soul,  and  those  of  Oswulf  and  Beornthryth ;  and 
for  the  benefit  of  those  [for  whom  this  charity  is  intended], 
the  provost  is  to  proclaim  in  the  city  when  the  anniversary  is 
to  take  place. 

Also,  I  pray  the  community  that  they  perform  the  following 
religious  offices  at  that  time  on  behalf  of  their  souls :  that 
every  priest  sing  two  masses  for  Oswulf's  soul  and  two  for 
Beornthryth's ;  and  every  deacon  read  two  "  passions "  for  his 
soul  and  two  for  hers ;  and  every  servant  of  God  sing  two 
"fifties"  for  his  soul  and  two  for  hers;  that  ye  may  be  blessed 
with  worldly  benefits  in  the  sight  of  the  world,  just  as  their 
souls  are  blessed  with  the  religious  benefits.  Also  I  pray  the 
community  that  ye  remember  me  on  this  anniversary  with 
such  divine  service  as  rnay  seem  to  you  becoming — I  who  have 
confirmed  this  agreement,  both  for  love  of  the  community  and 
of  the  souls  of  those  whose  names  are  written  above.  Valete 
in  Domino. 

Endorsed : 

This  is  the  arrangement  made  by  Oswulf  and  Beornthryth. 


II 

I,  REEVE  ABBA,  declare  and  command  to  be  written  what 
are  my  wishes  as  to  the  disposal  of  my  property  after  my  time. 

In  the  first  place,  with  regard  to  the  land  which  I  have,  and 
God  gave  me,  and  I  received  from  my  lords,  it  is  my  desire  that 
if  God  will  give  me  a  child,  he  shall  have  the  land  after  me, 
and  enjoy  it  with  my  wife ;  and  similarly,  that  after  him  my 
descendants  [shall  continue  to  hold  it],  as  long  as  it  is  God's 


Will  of  Abba  41 

will  that  there  be  any  of  them  able  and  qualified  to  hold  land. 
If,  however,  it  is  my  lot  not  to  have  a  child,  then  I  desire  that 
my  wife  shall  have  it  as  long  as  she  is  willing  to  keep  it  with- 
out marrying  again.  And  my  brother  Alchhere  is  to  give  her 
his  support  and  to  see  that  she  has  the  profits  from  the  land ; 
and  he  is  to  be  given  half  a  ploughland  at  Chillenden  for  his 
possession  and  use,  in  order  that  he  may  the  more  zealously 
attend  to  and  look  after  her  needs ;  and  with  the  land  are  to 
be  given  him  four  oxen,  two  cows,  fifty  sheep,  and  a  horn.  If, 
however,  my  wife  is  not  willing  to  remain  unwedded,  and 
prefers  to  contract  another  marriage,  then  my  kinsmen  are 
to  take  the  land  and  to  give  her  own  property  to  her.  Again, 
if  she  prefers  to  enter  a  convent  or  to  journey  south,  then 
my  two  kinsmen  Alchhere  and  Aethelwold  are  to  give  her 
two  thousand,  and  to  take  possession  of  the  land;  and  fifty  ewes 
and  five  cows  are  to  be  given  to  Lyminge  on  her  behalf.  And 
at  my  funeral,  ten  oxen,  ten  cows,  one  hundred  ewes,  and 
one  hundred  swine  are  to  be  given  to  Folkestone,  and  to  the 
community  severally,  five  hundred  pence,  in  order  that  my 
wife  may  have  the  privilege  of  entering  there,  either  at  my 
funeral,  or  at  a  later  day,  whichever  she  may  prefer.  If, 
however,  the  community  or  their  head  will  not  grant  her 
admittance  into  the  convent,  or  if  she  herself  does  not  desire 
it,  but  prefers  some  other  course,  then  one  thousand  pence  are 
to  be  given  at  my  funeral  for  my  resting-place,  and  to  the 
community  severally,  five  hundred  pence  on  behalf  of  my  soul. 

And  whosoever  may  have  this  land  of  mine,  I  pray  and 
command  him  to  give  annually  to  the  community  at  Folke- 
stone fifty  "ambers"  of  malt,  six  "ambers"  of  meal,  three  weys  of 
lard  and  cheese,  four  hundred  loaves,  one  bullock  and  six  sheep. 
And  whosoever  may  succeed  to  my  property  is  to  distribute 
to  every  priest  in  Kent  a  mancus  of  gold,  and  to  every  servant 
of  God  a  penny,  and  to  St  Peter  my  wergeld  of  two  thousand. 
And  Freothomund  is  to  have  my  sword,  and  he  is  to  give 
four  thousand  for  it,  and  of  this  sum,  thirteen  hundred  pence 
are  to  be  given  back  to  him. 

And  if  my  brothers  have  an  heir  capable  of  holding  land, 
then  I  give  the  land  to  him.  If  they  have  no  heir,  or  if  any- 


42  English  Historical  Documents 

thing  happens  to  him  (or  them),  after  their  death  I  give  it  to 
Freothomund,  if  he  be  alive  at  the  time.  If  anything  happens  to 
him,  then  I  give  it  to  whichever  of  my  sisters'  sons  is  willing 
to  receive  it  and  succeeds  in  getting  it.  And  if  it  come  to  pass 
that  my  family  dies  out  so  utterly  that  there  be  none  of  them 
able  to  hold  land,  then  let  the  community  at  Christ  Church  and 
their  lord  take  it,  and  procure  by  means  of  it  benefits  for  my  soul. 
On  this  condition  I  give  it  to  them,  that  whoever  is  head  of 
Christ  Church  shall  be  the  advocate  and  patron  of  myself  and 
my  heirs,  and  that  we  may  be  under  his  protection. 

I  Ceolnoth,  archbishop  by  God's  grace,  consent  to  this  in 
writing  and  confirm  it  with  Christ's  cross 

Heregyth  has  specified  the  following  terms  for  the  com- 
munity at  Christ  Church  [with  regard  to  payments]  from  the 
estate  at  Challock,  after  her  death  and  Abba's :  namely,  thirty 
"ambers"  of  ale,  three  hundred  loaves,  fifty  of  which  shall  be 
white  loaves,  a  wey  of  lard  and  cheese,  a  fullgrown  bullock,  four 
sheep  and  a  pig,  or  six  sheep,  six  geese,  ten  hens,  thirty  tapers 
if  it  is  in  winter,  a  "sester"  full  of  honey,  a  "sester"  full  of  butter 
and  a  "sester"  full  of  salt.  And  Heregyth  enjoins,  in  the  name 
of  God,  upon  those  persons  who  succeed  to  the  estate  after  her, 
that  they  be  very  careful  to  carry  out  what  is  stipulated  in 
this  document  for  the  community  at  Christ  Church,  and  that 
payment  always  be  made  annually,  when  the  community  are  bled. 
And  whosoever  succeeds  to  the  estate  is  to  give  to  her  adminis- 
trator (?)  thirteen  pounds  in  silver ;  and  she  remits  fifteen  pounds 
in  order  that  this  food-rent  may  be  the  better  provided. 

Endorsed : 

The  distribution  of  the  Reeve  Abba's  property  and  his 
covenant  [with  the  community]  at  Christ  Church. 


Ill 

IN  nomine  Domini.  I  King  Berhtwulf  give  to  my  thegn 
Forthred  an  estate  of  nine  hides  at  Wootton  for  him  to  have 
as  a  perpetual  heritage,  and  to  give  after  his  time  to  whoever 
is  willing  to  earn  it  from  him  by  humble  obedience:  Cissefte- 


Grant  by  Lufu  43 

beorg,  Feowertreowehyl,  Eanburgemere,  Tihhanhyl,  and  out  along 

the  Geht(?)  an  estate  of. hides  as  a  perpetual  heritage.  And 

he  gave  as  the  price  of  the  land,  thirty  mancuses  and  nine 
hundred  shillings,  in  consideration  of  the  fact  that  he  was  to 
hold  the  land  as  a  perpetual  heritage. 

I  King  Berhtwulf  confirm  and  ratify  this  my  gift  with  the 
sign  of  Christ's  cross  and  in  the... of  His  saints  (?)  and  in  the 
presence  of  his  council 

And  likewise  all  we  who  have  been  witnesses  of  this,  enjoin 
in  the  name  of  Christ  and  of  His  saints  (?),  that  if  any  man 
change  in  any  point  this  our  witness,  that  he  have  the... of 
Almighty  God  and  of  His  saints  (?)  in  heaven 


IV 

I  LUFU,  by  God's  grace  ancilla  Dei,  have  been  enquiring 
and  deliberating  about  the  good  of  my  soul,  with  the  advice  of 
Archbishop  Ceolnoth  and  the  community  at  Christ  Church. 
I  desire  to  give  annually  to  the  community  at  Christ  Church, 
from  the  inheritance  which  God  has  given  me,  and  my  friends 
have  helped  me  [to secure],  sixty  "ambers"  of  malt,  one  hundred 
and  fifty  loaves,  fifty  white  loaves,  one  hundred  and  twenty 
"  alms-loaves,"  a  bullock,  a  pig,  four  sheep,  and  two  weys  of  lard 
and  cheese,  on  behalf  of  my  soul  and  of  the  souls  of  my  friends 
and  relatives  who  generously  helped  me  [to  secure  my  property]  ; 
and  let  this  always  be  given  annually  on  the  Feast  of  the 
Assumption.  And  in  like  manner,  whosoever  of  my  heirs  shall 
hold  this  estate  is  to  give  these  things,  together  with  a  mitta 
full  of  honey,  ten  geese  and  twenty  hens. 

I  Ceolnoth,  archbishop  by  God's  grace,  confirm  this  in 
writing  with  the  sign  of  Christ's  cross 

I  Lufu,  the  humble  handmaid  of  God,  appoint  and  confirm 
the  above-mentioned  benefactions  and  offerings  from  my 
inheritance  at  Mongeham  in  favour  of  the  community  at 
Christ  Church.  And  I  pray,  and  in  the  name  of  the  living 
God  enjoin  upon  the  man  who  has  this  land  and  property  at 
Mongeham,  to  continue  these  benefactions  until  the  end  of  the 


44  English  Historical  Documents 

world.  He  who  is  willing  to  observe  and  perform  what  I  have 
commanded  in  this  document,  to  him  be  given  and  continued 
the  blessing  of  heaven.  He  who  refuses  or  neglects  this,  to 
him  be  given  and  continued  the  torment  of  hell,  unless  he  be 
willing  to  have  recourse  to  full  compensation  to  God  and  to 
men.  Uene  ualete. 

Endorsed : 

Lufu's  deed. 


THIS  is  the  agreement  between  Ealhburg  and  Eadweald 
with  regard  to  the  land  at  Bourn,  as  to  what  is  to  be  given 
annually  from  the  estate  to  the  community  at  Christ  Church, 
on  behalf  of  Ealhburg  and  Ealdred  and  Eadweald  and  Ealawyn : 
[namely]  forty  "ambers"  of  malt,  two  hundred  and  forty  loaves,  a 
wey  of  cheese,  a  wey  of  lard,  a  fullgrown  bullock,  four  sheep,  ten 
geese,  twenty  hens  and  four  "  fothers  "  of  wood.  And  I  Ealhburg 
enjoin  upon  my  kinsman  Eadweald  in  the  name  of  God  and 
of  all  His  saints,  that  he  observe  this  duly  during  his  lifetime, 
and  command  his  heirs  to  observe  it  afterwards,  so  long  as 
Christianity  endures.  And  whoever  has  the  land  [is  to  give] 
twenty  gesufl  loaves  to  the  church,  every  Sunday,  for  the  souls 
of  Ealdred  and  Ealhburg. 

This  is  the  pious  charge  which  Ealhhere  has  enjoined  upon 
his  daughter  Ealawyn,  with  regard  to  three  ploughlands  at 
Finglesham :  one  hundred  pence  [are  to  be  given]  annually  to 
the  community  at  Christ  Church.  And  whosoever  has  posses- 
sion of  this  land  is  to  give  this  money  in  the  sight  of  God  and 
of  all  His  saints,  and  whosoever  fails  to  perform  this,  be  it  on 
his  soul,  and  not  on  the  soul  of  him  who  has  commanded  it 
to  be  done. 

VI 

IN  nomine  Domini.  Ealhburg  has  arranged,  with  the  advice 
of  her  friends,  that  there  shall  be  given  annually  to  the  com- 
munity at  St  Augustine's  from  the  estate  at  Brabourne  forty 
"ambers"  of  malt,  a  fullgrown  bullock,  four  sheep,  two  hundred 


Eadweald  and  Cynethryih  45 

and  forty  loaves,  a  wey  of  lard  and  cheese,  four  "fathers"  of  wood 
and  twenty  hens ;  whosoever  has  the  estate  is  to  give  these 
things  for  the  souls  of  Ealdred  and  Ealhburg.  And  the 
community  are  to  sing  daily  after  their  "verse"  the  psalm 
"Exaudiat  te  Dominus"  on  her  behalf.  Whosoever  shall  violate 
this,  may  he  be  cut  off  from  God  and  from  all  the  saints  and 
from  the  company  of  the  holy(?)  in  this  life  and  in  eternity. 

Here  follow  the  names  of  the  persons  who  witnessed  this 
agreement,  namely  Drihtnoth 

If,  however,  it  should  come  to  pass,  as  we  hope  it  will 
not,  that  any  panic  should  arise  through  a  heathen  invasion 
or  any  other  calamity,  so  that  this  cannot  be  provided  that 
year,  then  twice  the  amount  must  be  given  in  the  following 
year.  Then  if  it  still  cannot  be  paid,  three  times  the  amount 
must  be  given  in  the  third  year.  Then  if  he  still  cannot  or 
will  not  [pay  it],  land  and  title-deeds  are  to  be  given  to  the 
community  at  St  Augustine's. 

VII 

THIS  is  the  agreement  between  Eadweald  Oshering  and 
Cynethryth,  widow  of  Earl  Aethelmod,  with  regard  to  the 
land  at  Chart  which  Aethelmod  her  lord  gave  her.  It  was 
bequeathed  to  Osberht,  his  brother's  son,  if  he  survived 
Cynethryth,  but  afterwards  to  no  other  member  of  the  family ; 
but  she  should  arrange  for  its  disposal  after  their  time,  as 
might  be  for  them  both  most  just  and  most  charitable. 

Now  Eadweald  and  Cynethryth  have  devised  the  following 
arrangements  with  the  help  of  their  friends.  If  Eadweald  live 
longer  than  Cynethryth,  he  is  to  give  for  the  estate  at  Chart 
ten  thousand.  If  he  die  before  her,  whichever  of  his  children 
is  alive  is  to  pay  the  money  and  dispose  of  the  estate  in  what- 
ever way  is  best  for  those  who  have  acquired  it.  There  is  no 
one  nearer  of  kin  to  Aethelmod  than  Eadweald,  whose  mother 
[was]  his  brother's  daughter ;  it  is  most  natural  that  he  should 
have  the  land,  and  his  children  after  him,  and  [that  they] 
should  dispose  of  it  in  whatever  way  may  seem  to  them  most 
beneficial  to  those  who  lawfully  acquired  it. 


46  English  Historical  Documents 


VIII 

IN  nomine  Domini.  I,  Earl  Aelfred,  and  Archbishop 
Aethelred,  and  the  community  at  Christ  Church,  have  de- 
cided upon  the  following  arrangements  as  to  the  estate  at 
Chartham :  that  is,  Aelfred  has  bequeathed  the  estate  at 
Chartham  after  his  time  to  the  community,  as  their  own 
property.  And  if  it  come  to  pass  that  the  community  desire 
to  grant  the  estate  to  any  other  person  than  themselves,  they 
are  to  give  it  to  Aelfred's  child,  or  to  whichever  of  his  kinsmen 
may  desire  it,  on  condition  that  he  makes  terms  with  the 
community  either  for  a  rent  in  money  or  a  food-rent,  which- 
ever he  may  succeed  in  gaining  their  consent  to.  And  the 
archbishop  gives  to  Aelfred  the  estate  at  Croydon,  for  his  use 
during  his  lifetime.  And  when  Aelfred  dies  and  his  child 
needs  the  land,  then  she  is  to  acquire  the  land,  if  she  can, 
from  the  community  and  whoever  may  at  that  time  be  their 
lord.  And  if  anyone  in  the  future  raise  any  dispute  about  the 
estate  at  Chartham,  [it  is  to  be  made  clear  that]  Aelfred  has 
upheld  Herewyn  in  every  particular  of  their  agreement  in  so 
far  as  she  herself  would  consent  thereto.  And  this  declaration 
was  made  in  the  city,  before  the  councillors  whose  names  are 
written  below. 

IX 

IN  nomine  Domini  nostri  Jhesu  Christi.  I,  Earl  Aelfred, 
and  Werburg  my  wife,  have  acquired  these  books  from  a 
heathen  army  with  our  true  money,  that  is,  with  pure  gold. 
And  this  we  have  done  for  the  love  of  God  and  for  the  good  of 
our  souls,  and  because  we  were  not  willing  that  these  holy 
books  should  remain  any  longer  in  heathen  hands.  And  we 
now  desire  to  give  them  to  Christ  Church,  for  the  praise  and 
glory  and  worship  of  God,  and  as  a  tbankoffering  for  His 
Passion,  and  for  the  use  of  the  religious  community  who  daily 
celebrate  God's  praise  in  Christ  Church,  on  condition  that  they 
are  read  every  month  for  Aelfred  and  for  Werburg  and  for 


Earl  Aelfred's  Witt  47 

Alhthryth,  to  the  eternal  salvation  of  their  souls,  as  long  as 
God  shall  provide  for  the  continuance  of  Christianity  in  this 
place.  Likewise  I,  Earl  Aelfred,  and  Werburg,  pray  and 
entreat  in  the  name  of  God  Almighty  and  of  all  His  saints, 
that  no  one  be  so  presumptuous  as  to  give  away  these  holy 
books,  or  to  remove  them  from  Christ  Church,  so  long  as 
Christianity  shall  endure. 


IN  this  document  I,  Earl  Aelfred,  give  instructions  that  [the 
names  of]  those  persons  to  whom  I  am  most  anxious  to  grant  my 
property  and  bookland,  namely  my  wife  Werburg  and  the  child 
of  us  both,  be  made  known  in  writing  to  King  Aelfred  and  to 
all  his  councillors  and  advisers,  and  likewise  to  my  kinsmen 
and  intimate  friends.  Now  this  comprises,  in  the  first  place, 
thirty-two  hides  at  Sanderstead  and  Selsdon,  twenty  hides  at 
Westerham,  thirty  hides  at  Clapham,  six  hides  at  Longfield  (?), 
ten  hides  at  Horsley,  and  six  hides  at  Nettlestead.  I,  Earl 
Aelfred,  give  these  estates,  after  my  time,  to  Werburg  and  to 
Alhthryth,  the  child  of  us  both,  with  live  stock  and  with 
produce  and  with  everything  pertaining  thereto ;  and  I  give 
them  two  thousand  swine  with  the  estates,  if  she  remains 
unmarried  in  accordance  with  our  verbal  agreements.  And 
she  is  to  take  to  St  Peter's  my  two  wergelds,  if  it  be  God's 
will  that  she  be  able  to  make  the  journey.  And  after 
Werburg's  time,  the  estates  at  Sanderstead  and  Selsdon  and 
Longfield  (?)  are  to  go,  without  dispute,  to  Alhthryth.  And 
if  she  have  a  child,  the  child  is  to  succeed  to  these  estates  after 
her ;  if  she  have  no  child,  then  the  next  of  kin  descended  from 
her  direct  paternal  ancestry  is  to  have  the  land  and  the  stock. 
And  whosoever  among  my  kinsmen  on  my  father's  side  shall 
chance  (?)  to  have  the  power  and  the  inclination  to  acquire  the 
other  estates,  he  is  to  buy  these  estates  from  her  at  half  their 
value.  And  whosoever  shall  have  the  use  of  the  land  at 
Clapham  after  my  time,  is  to  give  annually  two  hundred 
pence  as  rent  to  Chertsey  on  behalf  of  Aelfred's  soul. 

And  I  give  to  my  son  Aethelwald  three  hides  of  bookland  : 


48  English  Historical  Documents 

two  hides  at  Waddon  and  one  hide  at  Gatton,  and  with  it  one 
hundred  swine ;  and  if  the  king  will  grant  hirn  the  folkland 
as  well  as  the  bookland,  then  let  him  have  it  and  enjoy  it;  if 
that  may  not  be,  then  she  is  to  give  him  whichever  she  pleases, 
either  the  estate  at  Horsley  or  that  at  Longfield(?).  And  I 
give  to  my  kinsman  Berhtsige  a  hide  of  bookland  at  Lingfield, 
and  with  it  one  hundred  swine.  And.she  is  to  give  one  hundred 
swine  to  Christ  Church  for  me  and  for  my  soul,  and  one  hundred 
to  Chertsey ;  and  the  rest  are  to  be  distributed  among  religious 
houses  attached  to  God's  churches  in  Surrey  and  in  Kent  as 
long  as  they  shall  last(?).  And  I  give  to  my  kinsman  Sigewulf 
the  estate  at  Nettlestead  after  Werburg's  time ;  and  Sigewulf 
is  to  give  one  hundred  pence  to  Christ  Church  from  the  estate ; 
and  each  of  his  successors  who  has  the  land  after  hirn  is  to 
make  the  same  pious  gift  to  Christ  Church  on  behalf  of 
Aelfred's  soul,  so  long  as  Christianity  exists,  and  the  money 
can  be  got  out  of  the  estate.  And  I  give  to  my  kinsman 
Eadred  the  land  at  Farley  after  Aethelred's  time,  if  he  is 
willing  to  earn  it  from  him ;  and  he  is  to  give  annually  from 
the  estate  thirty  "  ambers "  of  corn  to  Rochester ;  and  after 
Eadred's  lifetime,  this  land  is  to  be  assigned  without  dispute 
to  Aelfred's  direct  maternal  relatives,  so  long  as  Christianity 
exists  in  England. 

I,  Aelfred,  desire  and  wish  that  this  declaration  with  the 
various  articles  specified  above  in  writing  be  forthwith  faithfully 
confirmed  on  behalf  of  (?)  me  and  my  heirs.  If,  however,  Almighty 
God  has  ordained,  and  shall  grant  me  as  a  gift,  that  a  nearer  heir 
shall  be  born  to  me  on  the  male  side,  then  to  him  I  give  all  my 
property  after  my  lifetime,  to  use  as  may  be  most  agreeable 
to  him.  And  whosoever  will  duly  observe  and  perform  the 
benefactions  and  gifts  that  I  have  spoken  and  written  about, 
may  the  King  of  Heaven  preserve  him  in  this  present  life  and 
also  in  the  life  to  come ;  and  whosoever  shall  impair  or  violate 
them,  may  Almighty  God  impair  his  worldly  welfare  and  also 
the  welfare  of  his  soul  for  ever  and  ever. 

Here  follow  the  names  of  the  persons  who  have  witnessed 
these  arrangements. 

I,  Archbishop  Aethelred,  confirm   these  words  and   these 


King  Alfreds  Will  49 

arrangements    in    writing    with    the    sign    of    Christ's    holy 
cross 

Endorsed: 

This  is  Aelfred's  will. 


XI 

I  KING  ALFRED  by  the  grace  of  God,  and  with  the  advice 
of  Archbishop  Aethelred,  and  the  cognisance  of  all  the  West 
Saxon  council,  have  been  deliberating  about  the  good  of  my 
soul,  and  about  the  inheritance  which  God  and  my  ancestors 
granted  to  me,  and  about  the  inheritance  which  my  father, 
King  Aethelwulf,  bequeathed  to  us  three  brothers,  to  Aethel- 
bald,  Aethelred  and  myself;  [with  the  proviso  that]  whichever 
of  us  lived  longest  was  to  succeed  to  everything.  But  it  came 
to  pass  that  Aethelbald  died;  and  Aethelred  and  I,  with  the 
cognisance  of  all  the  West  Saxon  council,  gave  our  share  in 
trust  to  our  kinsman,  King  Aethelberht,  on  condition  that  he 
restored  it  to  us  in  the  state  in  which  it  was  when  we  entrusted 
it  to  him ;  and  he  did  so,  [leaving  to  us]  the  inheritance  [be- 
longing to  us  jointly],  and  what  he  had  acquired  by  the  use  of 
our  share,  and  what  he  had  himself  acquired. 

When  it  came  to  pass  that  Aethelred  became  king,  I  prayed 
him,  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  of  our  council,  that  the  pro- 
perty should  be  divided  between  us,  and  that  he  would  give 
me  my  share.  Then  he  told  me  that  he  could  not  easily  divide 
it,  for  he  had  many  times  already  attempted  to  do  so  (?) ;  and 
he  added  that  there  was  no  one  to  whom  he  would  rather  give 
it  after  his  time  than  to  me — both  the  property  of  which  he  was 
in  possession,  but  which  by  right  belonged  to  both  of  us,  and 
also  the  property  which  he  had  himself  acquired.  And  with 
this  I  was  at  that  time  well  content.  But  it  came  to  pass  that  we 
were  all  harassed  with  the  heathen  invasion ;  then  we  discussed 
our  children's  future — how  they  would  need  some  maintenance, 
whatever  might  happen  to  us  through  these  disasters.  When 
we  were  assembled  at  Swanborough  (?),  we  agreed,  with 
the  cognisance  of  the  West  Saxon  council,  that  whichever  of 
us  survived  the  other,  was  to  give  to  the  other's  children  the 
H.  4 


60  English  Historical  Documents 

lands  which  we  had  ourselves  acquired,  and  the  lands  which 
King  Aethelwulf  gave  us  in  the  lifetime  of  Aethelbald,  except- 
ing those  which  he  had  settled  on  us  three  brothers  jointly. 
And  we  both  gave  each  other  security,  that  whichever  of  us 
lived  the  longer,  should  succeed  both  to  lands  and  to  valuables 
and  to  all  his  estate,  with  the  exception  of  that  portion  which 
either  had  bequeathed  to  his  children. 

But  it  came  to  pass  that  King  Aethelred  died.  Then  no 
one  informed  me  that  any  testament  had  been  made  or  wit- 
nessed, beside  the  one  to  which  we  had  formerly,  before 
witnesses,  agreed.  When  now  we  heard  of  many  suits  about 
the  inheritance,  I  produced  King  Aethelwulf's  will  in  our 
assembly  at  Langandene,  and  it  was  read  before  all  the  West 
Saxon  council.  When  it  was  read,  I  prayed  them  all  for  love  of 
me — offering  them  surety  that  I  would  never  bear  a  grudge 
against  any  of  them  on  account  of  any  conscientious  expression 
of  opinion — that  none  of  them  for  love  or  fear  of  me  should 
hesitate  to  declare  what  was  the  national  law  in  such  a  case,  lest 
any  man  should  say  that  I  had  wronged  my  kinsfolk,  whether  of 
the  older  or  younger  generation.  Then  they  all  duly  declared 
and  stated  that  they  could  not  devise  a  more  just  title,  nor  find 
one  in  the  will.  "  Now  everything  therein  has  passed  into  thy 
possession,  do  thou  bequeath  and  give  it  to  kinsman  or  to 
stranger,  whichever  is  most  agreeable  to  thee."  And  they  all 
gave  me  their  surety  and  their  sign-manual,  that  no  man,  so 
long  as  they  lived,  should  ever  make  any  change  in  the 
arrangements  which  I  should  decide  upon  at  my  last  day. 

I  Alfred,  King  of  the  West  Saxons,  by  the  grace  of  God,  and 
with  the  cognisance  of  the  persons  mentioned  above,  declare  what 
are  my  wishes  concerning  the  disposal  of  my  property  after  my 
lifetime.  In  the  first  place,  I  give  to  Edward  my  elder  son,  the 
estate  at  Strcetneat  in  Triconscir,  and  Hartland  (?),  and  all  the 
booklands  held  by  Leofheah,  and  the  estates  at  Carhampton, 
Kilton  (?/,  Burnham  and  Wedmore — and  I  request  of  the  com- 
munity at  Cheddar  that  they  choose  him,  on  the  terms  which  we 
have  already  agreed  upon — with  the  estate  at  Chewton  and  those 
belonging  thereto.  And  I  give  him  the  estates  at  Cantuctun, 
Bed  win,  Pewsey,  Hurstbourne,  Sutton,  Leatherhead,  and  Alton. 


King  Alfreds  Witt  51 

And  all  the  booklands  which  I  have  in  Kent,  and  at  the 
lower  Hurstbourne,  and  at  Chiseldon,  are  to  be  given  to  Win- 
chester on  the  conditions  laid  down  by  my  father,  together 
with  my  private  property  at  the  lower  Hurstbourne  which  I 
have  entrusted  to  Ecgulf. 

And  to  my  younger  son  the  estates  at  Arreton(?),  Dean, 
Meon,   Amesbury,  Dean(?),    Sturminster,   Yeovil,   Crewkerne, 
^^.^  Whitchurch,    Axmouth,    Branscombe,    Cullompton,    Twyford,    /J  *f&\ 
Milborne,  Exminster,  Sutheswyrth  and  Luton,  and  the  lands    l^Qfa 
belonging  thereto,  namely  all  that  I  have  among  the  Welsh 
except  Triconscir. 

And  to  my  eldest  daughter  the  residence  at  Wellow ;  and 
to  the  second,  those  at  Clere  and  Candover;  and  to  the 
youngest  the  residences  at  Wellow  (?),  Ashton  and  Chippen- 
ham.  And  to  Aethelm,  my  brother's  son,  the  residences  at 
Aldingbourne,  Compton,  Crondall,  Seeding,  Beddingham,  Burn- 
ham,  Thunderfield  and  Eashing.  And  to  Aethelwold,  my 
brother's  son,  the  residences  at  Godalming,  Guildford  and 
Steyning.  And  to  my  kinsman  Osferth  those  at  Beckley, 
Rotherfield,  Ditchling,  Sutton,  Lyminster(?),  Augmering  and 
Felpham,  and  the  lands  belonging  thereto.  And  to  Ealhswith 
the  residences  at  Lambourn,  Wantage  and  Edington. 

And  to  my  two  sons  one  thousand  pounds,  five  hundred 
pounds  to  each.  And  to  my  eldest  daughter  and  to  the  second 
and  to  the  youngest  and  to  Ealhswith,  four  hundred  pounds  to 
the  four  of  them,  one  hundred  pounds  to  each.  And  to  each 
of  my  earls  one  hundred  mancuses;  and  the  same  also  to 
Aethelhelm,  Aethelwold  and  Osferth ;  and  to  Earl  Aethelred 
a  sword  worth  one  hundred  mancuses.  And  to  the  men 
who  serve  me,  to  whom  I  have  made  gifts  this  Easter,  two 
hundred  pounds  are  to  be  given  and  divided  between  them, 
to  each  as  much  as  will  fall  to  him  according  to  the  proportion 
in  which  I  have  just  made  my  distribution.  And  one  hundred 
mancuses  to  the  archbishop  and  to  Bishop  Esne  and  to  Bishop 
Werferth  and  to  the  Bishop  of  Sherborne.  Likewise,  two  hundred 
pounds  are  to  be  distributed  for  me  and  for  my  father  and  for  the 
friends  for  whom  he  interceded  and  I  intercede — fifty  to  priests 
throughout  my  realm,  fifty  to  poor  servants  of  God,  fifty  to  the 

4—2 


52  English  Historical  Documents 

distressed  poor,  fifty  to  the  church  in  which  I  shall  rest.  I  do 
not  know  for  certain  whether  there  is  as  much  money  as  this, 
nor  do  I  know  whether  there  is  more,  but  I  think  that  there  is. 
If  there  is  more,  it  is  to  be  shared  between  all  those  to  whom 
I  have  bequeathed  money;  and  I  desire  that  my  earls  and 
officials  should  all  be  present  at  the  time  (?),  and  divide  it 
between  them  in  the  manner  aforesaid. 

Now  I  had  made  other  arrangements  in  writing  concerning 
my  inheritance,  when  I  had  more  money  and  more  kinsmen, 
and  had  committed  the  documents  to  many  men,  with  whose 
cognisance  they  had  been  drawn  up.  I  have  now  burnt  the  old 
ones  which  I  could  hear  of.  If  any  of  these  is  found,  it  shall  be 
of  no  value,  since  these  are  the  arrangements  which  I  now 
desire  should  stand,  with  God's  help. 

And  I  desire  that  those  persons  who  have  the  estates,  should 
follow  the  directions  contained  in  my  father's  will,  to  the  best 
of  their  ability.  And  if  I  have  money  owing  to  any  man,  I  wish 
my  kinsmen  to  pay  it  in  any  case.  And  I  desire  that  those 
persons  to  whom  I  have  bequeathed  my  bookland,  should  not 
alienate  it  from  my  family  after  their  death,  but  that  after 
their  time  it  should  pass  to  my  nearest  of  kin,  unless  any  of 
them  have  children ;  then  I  should  prefer  that  it  should  pass 
to  the  child  born  on  the  male  side  so  long  as  there  be  any 
capable  of  holding  it.  My  grandfather  bequeathed  his  land 
in  the  male  line  and  not  in  the  female  line.  If,  then,  I  have 
given  to  any  woman  what  he  acquired,  and  my  kinsmen  wish  to 
have  it  in  the  lifetime  [of  the  holders],  they  are  to  buy  it  back. 
If  not,  let  it  be  dealt  with  after  their  time  as  we  have  already 
arranged.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  I  say  that  they  must  pay 
for  it,  because  they  are  succeeding  to  property  of  mine  which 
I  may  give  to  male  or  female,  whichever  I  please. 

And  I  pray  in  the  name  of  God  and  of  His  saints  that  none 
of  my  kinsmen  or  legatees  oppress  any  of  the  dependents  for 
whom  I  have  paid.  Now  the  West  Saxon  council  have  duly 
declared  to  me  that  I  may  leave  them  bond  or  free,  whichever 
I  will.  But  I  desire,  for  the  love  of  God  and  for  the  good  of  my 
soul,  that  they  be  entitled  to  their  freedom  and  their  choice. 
And  I  enjoin  in  the  name  of  the  living  God,  that  no  man 


Earl  Aethelred  and  Berkeley  Abbey  53 

put  pressure  upon  them  either  by  pecuniary  exactions,  or  by  any 
other  means,  so  as  to  prevent  them  from  choosing  whatsoever 
man  they  will.  And  I  desire  that  the  community  at  Damerbam 
be  given  their  charters,  and  liberty  to  choose  whatever  lord  they 
think  best,  for  my  sake  and  for  Aelflaed,  and  for  the  friends  for 
whom  she  interceded  and  I  intercede.  And  for  the  good  of  my 
soul  let  such  provision  be  made  in  live  stock,  as  is  feasible,  and 
also  becoming,  and  as  ye  are  willing  to  grant  me. 

XII 

. .  .FOR  this  cause,  I  Earl  Aethelred,  by  the  inspiration  of  God's 
grace  endowed  and  enriched  with  a  portion  of  the  realm  of  the 
Mercians,  for  the  love  of  God  and  for  the  remission  of  my  sins  and 
otfences,  and  because  of  the  entreaties  of  the  abbot  and  com- 
munity at  Berkeley,  and  also  on  behalf  of  the  whole  of  Mercia 
— I  grant  them  remission  for  ever  of  the  tribute  which  they  are 
still  obliged  to  pay  to  the  king,  namely  from  that  portion  of 
the  king's  feorm  which  was  still  left  unexempted,  in  clear  ale,  and 
in  beer,  in  honey,  bullocks,  swine  and  sheep.  And  I  have  done 
this  in  return  for  their  religious  intercession  and  also  because 
they  have  relinquished  to  me,  as  a  perpetual  inheritance,  a 
portion  of  their  land,  namely  twelve  hides  at  Stoke ;  and  they 
have  also  given  me  thirty  mancuses  of  gold.  And  I  free  (?)  the 
monastery  from  every  due  pertaining  to  the  lord  of  the  nation, 
small  or  great,  known  or  unknown,  except  simple  compensation 
to  others,  and  the  construction  of  fortresses,  and  military  service, 
and  the  construction  of  bridges.  And  I  do  this  with  the  leave  and 
cognisance  of  King  Alfred,  and  of  the  whole  of  the  Mercian 
council,  both  ecclesiastical  and  lay. 

And  further,  I  now  give  this  estate  of  twelve  hides  at  Stoke, 
to  Cynulf,  son  of  Ceoluht,  for  three  lives,  in  return  for  sixty 
maucuses  of  pure  gold — to  be  free  from  every  due  both  to  king 
and  earl  and  reeve,  from  every  service  small  or  great,  except 
military  service  and  the  construction  of  fortresses  and  bridges 
and  simple  compensation  to  others,  and  nothing  is  to  go  out  by 
way  of  wite.  And  we  enjoin  that  no  man,  whether  kinsman 
or  stranger,  in  any  way  rob  Ceoluht  of  it,  as  long  as  he  lives, 


54  English  Historical  Documents 

because  he  has  earned  it  from  the  lords  of  the  Mercians  by  due 
humility. 

And  we  now  command  in  the  name  of  Almighty  God,  that 
the  above-mentioned  immunities  of  the  monastery  at  Berkeley 
and  also  the  gift  of  the  land  which  we  give  to  Cynulf  for  three 
lives,  remain  inviolate  for  ever,  on  this  condition,  that  after  the 
death  of  Cynulf  and  the  two  successors  to  his  property,  the 
estate  of  twelve  hides  at  Stoke  be  given  without  dispute  to 
the  bishopric  at  Worcester,  as  a  perpetual  gift  on  behalf  of 
Earl  Aethelred  and  of  all  the  Mercians.  Moreover,  we  pray 
and  entreat  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  Trinity  that  if  there  be 
any  man  who,  with  evil  purpose,  desires  to  violate  anything 
which  is  written  in  this  charter,  he  is  to  know  that  he  is  acting 
contrary  to  the  will  of  God  and  of  all  His  saints  and  also  of 
every  man,  whether  of  ecclesiastical  or  lay  rank,  who  is  able  or 
willing  to  recognise  any  just  claim  (?) ;  and  that  he  shall  make 
amends  for  it  before  the  throne  of  the  eternal  Judge,  unless  he 
is  willing  to  make  due  reparation  beforehand  to  God  and  to 
men.... 

Terra  autem  ista  hiis  circumcingitur  terminibus.  First  from 
Hceslwelle  to  Hcesldene,  then  from  Hcesldene  to  Waldeswelle, 
from  Waldeswelle  to  Sweordesstan,  from  Sweordesstan  to 
Eowcumb,  from  Eowcumb  to  the  river  Avon,  again  from  the 
river  Avon  up  to  Hricgleag,  then  from  Hricgleag  to  Penpole, 
then  from  Penpole  to  the  river  Severn.  Again  from  Hceslwelle 
to  the  lead-mine,  from  the  lead-mine  to  the  mill-pool,  from  the 
mill-pool  to  the  river  Avon. 

XIII 

To  Almighty  God,  the  True  Unity  and  Holy  Trinity  in 
Heaven,  be  praise  and  glory  and  thanksgiving  for  all  the 
benefits  that  He  has  bestowed  upon  us.  For  Whose  love  in  the 
first  place,  and  for  love  of  St  Peter  and  of  the  church  at 
Worcester,  and  also  through  the  entreaty  of  Bishop  Werferth 
their  friend,  Earl  Aethelred  and  Aethelfled  have  ordered  the 
fortifications  at  Worcester  to  be  constructed  for  the  protection 
of  all  the  inhabitants,  and  also  that  the  worship  of  God  may  be 


Aethelred,  Aethelfled  and  Werferth  55 

celebrated  therein  [with  security].  And  they  now  declare  in 
the  sight  of  God,  in  this  charter,  that  of  all  the  rights  pertaining 
to  their  sovereignty,  both  in  market  and  in  street)  within  the 
fortifications  and  without,  they  desire  to  give  half  to  God  and 
to  St  Peter  and  to  the  lord  of  the  church,  that  the  foundation 
may  be  more  honourably  maintained,  and  that  the  community 
may,  in  some  measure,  the  more  easily  be  helped,  and  that 
their  memory  may  be,  for  ever,  more  steadfastly  [preserved] 
in  that  place,  for  as  long  as  obedience  to  God  shall  be  found 
in  the  monastery. 

And  Bishop  Werferth  and  the  community  have  appointed 
the  following  divine  offices  before  the  one  which  is  performed 
daily,  both  during  their  lifetime  and  after  their  death:  that 
at  nocturns  and  at  vespers  and  at  tierce,  the  psalm  "  De  pro- 
fundis"  [is  always  to  be  sung]  as  long  as  they  shall  live, 
and  after  their  death  "Laudate  Dominum";  and  every  Saturday 
in  St  Peter's  church,  thirty  psalms  and  a  mass  on  their  behalf 
[are  to  be  sung]  both  during  their  lifetime  and  also  after  their 
death. 

And  now  Aethelred  and  Aethelfled  declare  that  they  desire 
with  willing  heart  to  give  these  dues  to  God  and  St  Peter,  with 
the  cognisance  of  King  Alfred  and  of  all  the  councillors  in  the 
realm  of  the  Mercians;  but  the  wcegnscilling  and  the  seampending 
are  to  go  to  the  king  as  they  always  have  done  at  Droitwich. 
But  the  rest,  both  the  landfeoh,  and  fines  for  fighting  and  for 
theft,  and  wohceapung,  and  burhweallessceating,  and  all  those 
crimes  which  involve  the  payment  of  compensation, — the  lord 
of  the  church  is  to  have  half,  for  the  sake  of  God  and  of  St  Peter, 
in  the  same  way  as  we  have  laid  down  in  the  case  of  the  market- 
place and  the  streets.  And  outside  the  market,  the  bishop  is  to 
be  entitled  to  his  land  and  to  all  his  dues,  as  was  established  in 
times  past  by  the  exemptions  of  our  predecessors. 

And  Aethelred  and  Aethelfled  have  done  this  with  the 
cognisance  of  King  Alfred  and  of  the  Mercian  councillors  whose 
names  are  written  hereafter.  And  they  entreat  of  all  their  suc- 
cessors, in  the  name  of  Almighty  God,  that  no  man  impair  this 
pious  gift,  which  they,  for  the  love  of  God  and  St  Peter,  have 
given  to  the  church. 


56  English  Historical  Documents 

XIV 

IN  the  reign  of  our  Lord  Christ  the  Saviour,  when  eight 
hundred  and  ninety-six  years  had  passed  since  His  birth,  and 
in  the  fourteenth  Indiction, — in  that  year  Earl  Aethelred 
summoned  together  at  Gloucester  all  the  Mercian  council,  the 
bishops  and  the  earls  and  all  his  nobility ;  and  this  he  did  with 
the  cognisance  and  leave  of  King  Alfred.  And  then  they 
deliberated  there  how  they  could  most  justly  govern  their 
people,  both  in  spiritual  and  temporal  matters,  and  also  do 
justice  to  many  men,  both  clerical  and  lay,  with  regard  to  lands 
and  other  things  in  which  they  had  been  wronged. 

Then  Bishop  Werferth  informed  the  council  that  he  had 
been  robbed  of  nearly  all  the  woodland  belonging  to  Wood- 
chester,  which  King  Aethelbald  had  given  to  Worcester, 
[handing  it  over]  to  Bishop  Wilferth  for  mastland  and  wood- 
land, and  as  a  perpetual  gift  for  the  good  of  his  own  soul.  And 
Werferth  said  that  part  of  it  had  been  abstracted  at  Bisley, 
part  at  Avening,  part  at  Scorranstan  and  part  at  Thornbury, 
as  far  as  he  knew.  Then  all  the  council  declared  that  justice 
should  be  done  to  that  church  as  well  as  to  [any]  other. 

Thereupon,  Aethelwald  said  that  he  would  not  dispute  the 
claim,  and  stated  that  Aldberht  and  Bishop  Alhhun  had  formerly 
been  occupied  with  this  very  matter;  and  he  added  that  he  was 
always  ready  to  accede  to  the  claims  of  every  church  to  the 
best  of  his  ability  (?),  and  so  very  generously  restored  it  to  the 
bishop.  And  he  ordered  his  geneat,  whose  name  was  Ecglaf,  to 
ride  with  a  priest  from  Worcester,  Wulfhun  by  name;  and 
Ecglaf  led  Wulfhun  along  all  the  boundaries,  as  Wulfhun 
read  out  from  the  old  charters,  how  they  had  been  determined 
of  old  by  the  grant  of  King  Aethelbald. 

Then,  however,  Aethelwald  requested  of  the  bishop  and 
the  community,  that  they  would  graciously  allow  him  to  have 
the  use  of  the  land  as  long  as  he  lived,  and  also  Alhmund  his 
son;  and  they  would  hold  it  on  lease  of  the  bishop  and  the 
community ;  and  neither  he  nor  his  son  would  ever  deprive 
the  bishop  of  the  swine-pasture  at  Longridge,  which  he 
had  granted  him  for  as  long  as  God  should  give  it  to  him. 


Bishop  Werferth  and  Eadnoth  57 

And  Aethelwald  then  declared  that  whosoever  held  this  land 
would  hold  it  under  God's  displeasure,  except  it  be  the  lord  of 
the  church,  to  whom  he  had  given  it,  with  a  reservation  in 
favour  of  Alhmund ;  and  this  reservation,  moreover,  was  to 
stand  only  for  as  long  as  Alhmund  maintained  the  friendship 
which  his  father  had  had  with  the  bishop.  If,  however,  it 
should  come  to  pass  that  Alhmund  would  not  maintain  this 
friendship,  or  if  there  should  be  proved  against  him  a  charge 
which  disqualified  him  from  holding  land,  or  thirdly,  if  he  died 
before  [his  father],  then  the  lord  of  the  church  should  take 
possession  of  his  estate,  as  the  Mercian  council  declared  in  this 
assembly,  and  as  the  charters  of  the  estate  directed  him  (or 
them). 

This  was  done  with  the  cognisance  of  Earl  Aethelred  and 
of  Aethelfled,  and  of  Earl  Aethelwulf,  Earl  Aethelferth,  Earl 
Alhhelm,  Eadnoth,  Alfred  and  Werferth,  and  of  the  priest 
Aethelwald,  and  his  own  kinsmen  Aethelstan  and  Aethelhun, 
and  also  of  Alhmund  his  own  son. 

And  the  following  are  the  boundaries  that  the  priest  from 
Worcester  rode  over,  and  Aethelwald's  geneat  with  him.  First 
to  Gemythleg,  and  then  to  Rodborough  itself,  then  to  SmececurnJb, 
then  to  Sengetleg,  then  to  Heardanleg,  otherwise  called  Dry- 
ganleg,  and  so  to  the  lesser  Nceglesleg  and  then  to  Aethelferth's 
land.  In  this  manner,  Aethelwald's  man  shewed  him  the 
boundaries,  as  the  old  charters  directed  and  indicated  to  him. 

XV 

IN  the  name  of  our  Lord  the  Saviour  Christ.  I  Bishop 
Werferth  declare — as  I  learnt  from  Bishop  Alhhun  and  also 
as  my  charters  informed  me, — that  Bishop  Milred  gave  the 
estate  at  Sodbury  to  Eanbald  with  this  injunction, — and  Eanbald 
subsequently  gave  the  estate  to  Eastinund — that  is  to  say, 
Bishop  Milred  laid  this  injunction  upon  him,  in  the  name  of 
Almighty  God  and  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  that  so  long  as  there 
was  any  man  in  their  family  who  was  willing  to  take  holy 
orders,  and  qualified  to  do  so,  he  should  succeed  to  the  estate 
at  Sodbury;  but  that  if  it  turned  out  otherwise,  the  estate 
should  never  pass  to  a  layman,  but  should  subsequently  revert 


58  English  Historical  Documents 

to  the  bishop's  see  at  Worcester,  on  behalf  of  the  souls  of  all  of 
them. 

Now  Eastmund  before  he  died  gave  command  in  the  name 
of  the  living  God,  that  the  man  who  succeeded  to  the 
estate  should  succeed  thereto  on  the  condition  laid  down  by 
Bishop  Milred;  but  if  he  were  so  presumptuous  as  to  violate 
it,  he  should  know  that  he  would  be  found  guilty  before  God's 
throne  at  the  Great  Judgment.  Then  after  Eastmund's  death, 
his  family  robbed  of,  this  very  estate  both  the  spirits  of  the 
departed,  and  also  the  bishop  and  the  church  of  Worcester. 
And  Bishop  Heaberht  often  brought  this  to  remembrance  and 
even  asked  for  the  estate,  and  so  afterwards  did  Bishop  Alhhun, 
very  often,  as  long  as  he  lived,  and  I  too,  Bishop  Werferth,  have 
often  demanded  its  restoration ;  but  we  could  not  obtain  any 
justice  until  Aethelred  became  lord  of  the  Mercians. 

When  he  summoned  the  Mercian  council  to  Droitwich  to 
deal  with  many  necessary  matters,  both  spiritual  and  temporal, 
I  made  a  claim  against  that  family,  adducing  the  testament  and 
demanding  justice.  Then  Eadnoth  and  Aelfred  and  Aelfstan 
gave  me  security  that  they  would  either  give  me  back  the 
estate  or  find  within  their  family  a  man  who  would  take  orders 
with  the  estate,  and  be  obedient  to  me  in  both  ecclesiastical 
and  secular  concerns.  When  Eadnoth,  who  had  the  estate, 
said  he  would  give  it  to  any  member  of  the  family  who  might 
be  willing  to  acquire  it  on  this  condition,  each  replied  that  he 
would  rather  forego  the  property  than  take  orders.  Then 
Eadnoth  went  to  Aethelred  and  Aethelfled  and  also  to 
Aethelnoth,  the  friend  of  us  all ;  and  they  all  entreated  me 
to  allow  him  to  acquire  the  estate  from  me  for  his  own  pro- 
perty, to  give  to  whatsoever  heir  he  pleased.  And  I  did  so, 
chiefly  because  of  their  entreaty ;  and  he  also  gave  me  forty 
mancuses.  Then,  with  the  leave  of  my  community  at  Worcester, 
I  gave  him  the  estate  as  a  perpetual  heritage,  together  with  the 
charters,  and  Eastmund's  testament,  and  also  our  own  written 
agreement  that  the  estate  should  be  made  over  to  him  on 
condition  that  fifteen  shillings  of  good  money  should  be  given 
every  year  to  the  bishop  at  Tetbury,  and  also  that  the  penance 
should  be  carried  out(?). 


Foundation  of  New  Minster  59 

And  I  Eadnoth,  for  my  part,  enjoin  upon  my  successors,  in 
the  name  of  God  Almighty,  that  they  never  curtail  this  money, 
but  be  always  duly  faithful  to  the  bishop  and  to  the  community 
at  Worcester. 

May  God  Almighty  preserve  both  in  this  life  and  in  the  life 
to  come,  those  who  consent  that  this  agreement  shall  endure^to 
all  eternity.  And  the  names  which  are  written  below,  are  those 
of  the  men  who  were  present  and  witnessed  this  agreement. 


XVI 

IN  nomine  Domini.  I  King  Edward  have  acquired  from 
Bishop  Denewulf  and  from  the  community  at  Winchester  the 
"Wind "-church  and  the  stone  dormitory,  and,  in  addition,  a 
certain  portion  of  the  land  lying  south  of  the  church  and 
the  dormitory,  measuring  twenty-four  rods  in  length,  and  in 
breadth  five  rods  at  its  broadest  part,  and  one  rod  at  its 
narrowest  part,  to  the  end  that  I  might  found  a  monastery 
thereon,  for  the  salvation  of  my  own  soul  and  [of  the  soul]  of 
my  venerable  father  King  Alfred.  And  with  the  advice  and 
leave  of  all  the  West  Saxon  council,  I  have  handed  over  to  the 
bishop  and  the  community  St  Andrew's  Church  and  the  glebe 
which  had  been  granted  thereto,  as  a  perpetual  heritage  for 
that  foundation,  so  that  no  man  be  ever  permitted  to  alienate  it 
from  that  place. 

Moreover,  the  council  of  all  Wessex  have,  in  addition,  con- 
veyed to  me  by  charter  the  following  estate,  as  a  perpetual 
heritage : 

First  southward  from  the  refectory  to  St  Gregory's  Church, 
then  from  the  south-west  corner  of  St  Gregory's  Church  twelve 
rods  westward  to  the  street,  then  thirteen  rods  due  north  to  the 
north  street,  then  forty-three  rods,  six  feet  eastward  to  the  east 
street,  then  twenty  rods,  six  feet  southward  to  the  south  street, 
then  seven  rods,  six  feet  westward  along  the  south  street  to  the 
cemetery,  then  five  rods  due  north.  The  circumference  of  the 
whole  amounts,  therefore,  to  three  furlongs,  three  yards. 


60  English  Historical  Documents 


XVII 

IN  nomine  Domini.  Bishop  Denewulf  and  the  community 
at  Winchester  have  let  to  Beornwulf  fifteen  hides  of  their  land 
at  Ebbesbourne  at  the  rent  which  he  has  settled  with  the  bishop 
and  the  community :  that  is,  forty-five  shillings  are  always  to 
be  paid  at  the  autumnal  equinox,  on  condition  that  no  one  be 
permitted  by  offering  a  higher  rent  to  turn  him  out,  or  his 
children  after  his  time,  so  long  as  ever  they  can  produce  the 
dues ;  and  they  are  also  to  contribute  every  year  to  the  repair 
of  the  church  to  which  the  estate  belongs,  in  the  proportion 
that  the  rest  of  the  population  do,  each  according  to  the  extent 
of  his  property ;  and  he  shall  duly  pay  the  church-scots  and 
perform  (?)  military  service  and  the  construction  of  bridges  and 
fortresses,  as  is  done  throughout  the  whole  nation.  And  this 
was  done  with  the  cognisance  and  permission  of  the  councillors 
whose  names  are  written  below,  in  the  nine  hundred  and 
second  year  after  Christ's  birth  and  in  the  famous  foundation 
at  Winchester. 

The  bishop  gave  permission  to  his  kinsman  Beornwulf  to 
take  into  his  service  (?)  the  persons  born  on  the  estate  at 
Ebbesbourne.  I  have  now  taken  them  into  my  service  (?) — 
Lufu  and  her  three  children  and  Luha  and  his  six  children. 
Now  the  community  at  Winchester  had  begged  from  me  that 
these  persons  might  remain  on  the  estate,  whether  I  had  it  or 
any  of  my  friends.  Moreover  there  were  on  it  three  penal  serfs  of 
peasant  birth  and  three  persons  of  servile  birth ;  these  the  bishop 
and  the  community  gave  me  as  my  rightful  property,  with  their 
offspring.  This  was  done  when  the  church  at  Hurstbourne 
was  consecrated,  with  the  cognisance  of  the  men  whose  names 
stand  written  below. 

XVIII 

SIRE,  I  will  inform  thee  what  has  taken  place  with  regard 
to  the  estate  of  five  hides  at  Fonthill,  about  which  Aethelm 
Higa  has  a  suit.  When  Helmstan  committed  the  crime  of 
stealing  Aethelred's  belt,  Higa,  together  with  other  claimants, 


Letter  concerning  land  at  Fonthill  61 

proceeded  forthwith  to  make  a  claim  against  him,  desiring  to 
obtain  the  estate  from  him  by  litigation.  Then  Helmstan 
came  to  me  and  begged  me  to  be  his  advocate,  because  I  had 
stood  sponsor  to  him  before  he  committed  that  crime.  Then 
I  pleaded  and  interceded  for  him  with  King  Alfred.  Then, 
may  God  reward  his  soul !  the  king  gave  him  leave  to  avail 
himself  of  the  protection  of  the  law  against  Aethelm,  with 
regard  to  the  estate,  because  of  my  advocacy  and  the  correct 
account  [which  I  had  given  of  the  history  of  the  estate].  Then 
he  commanded  that  an  arbitration  should  be  made  between 
them,  and  I  was  one  of  the  persons  who  were  nominated  for  this 
purpose,  together  with  Wihtbord  and  Aelfric,  who  was  at  that 
time  keeper  of  the  wardrobe,  and  Byrhthelm,  and  Wulfhun  the 
Black  (?)  from  Somerton,  Strica,  and  Ubba  and  more  men  than 
I  can  name  now.  When  both  of  them  had  stated  their  cases, 
we  all  decided  that  Helmstan  might  come  forward  with  the 
title-deeds  and  claim  the  estate  as  his  own,  his  claim  to  the 
possession  of  it  being  that  Aetheldryth  had  made  it  over  to 
Oswulf  for  a  fair  price,  and  that  Aetheldryth  had  told  Oswulf  that 
it  was  fully  in  her  power  to  sell  it  to  him,  because  it  had  been 
her  "morning-gift"  when  she  first  came  to  Athulf.  And 
Helmstan  included  all  this  in  his  oath.  And  when  Oswulf  had 
bought  the  land  from  Aetheldryth,  King  Alfred  had  given  him 
his  sign-manual  that  the  sale  should  hold  good,  and  so  had 
Eadweard  and  Aethelnoth  and  Deormod  and  all  those  men 
whose  signatures  they  then  wished  to  have.  Now  when  we 
were  arbitrating  between  them  at  this  time  at  Wardour,  the 
deed  was  produced  and  read ;  then  all  the  signatures  were  to 
be  found  there.  Then  all  those  of  us  who  were  at  the  arbi- 
tration decided  that  Helmstan  should  now  be  allowed  to 
produce  the  oath. 

But  Aethelm  did  not  wholly  assent  to  this,  until  we  went 
in  to  the  king,  and  told  him  fully  the  decision  to  which  we  had 
come,  and  the  reasons  for  it;  and  Aethelm  himself  was  there 
standing  with  us.  And  the  king  stood  washing  his  hands  within 
the  chamber  at  Wardour.  When  he  had  finished,  he  asked 
Aethelm  why  our  decision  did  not  seem  to  him  just,  adding  that 
he  could  not  imagine  anything  more  just  than  that  Helmstan 


62  English  Historical  Documents 

should  produce  the  oath  if  he  could.  Then  I  said  that  he  wished 
to  make  the  attempt,  and  prayed  the  king  to  appoint  a  day ;  and 
he  did  so.  Then  on  the  appointed  day  Helmstan  produced  the 
oath  in  full.  And  he  had  begged  me  to  support  him,  saying 
that  he  would  rather  give  me  the  land  than  that  the  oath  should 

fail  or. Then  I  said  that  I  was  willing  to  help  him  in  a 

just  cause  (but  never  in  an  unjust  one),  on  condition  that  he 
gave  me  the  estate;  and  he  engaged  to  do  this. 

Then,  on  the  appointed  day  we  rode  [thither] ;  and  Wihtbord 
rode  with  me,  and  Byrhthelm  rode  there  with  Aethelm.  And 
we  all  heard  him  produce  the  oath  in  full.  Then  we  all  said 
that  the  suit  was  settled,  when  the  [king's]  decision  had  been 
carried  out.  And,  Sire,  when  will  any  suit  be  settled,  if  it 
cannot  be  settled  either  with  money  or  with  an  oath  ?  And  if 
every  decision  which  King  Alfred  gave  is  to  be  set  aside,  when 
shall  we  be  done  with  negotiating  ?  Then  as  soon  as  the  oath 
had  been  produced,  Helmstan  gave  me  the  title-deed,  as  he  had 
previously  engaged  to  do.  And  I  promised  him  that  he  might 
have  the  use  of  the  land  during  his  lifetime,  if  he  was  willing 
to  keep  himself  out  of  disgrace. 

Then  a  year  and  a  half,  or  perhaps  two  years  afterwards, 
Helmstan  stole  the  stray  (?)  oxen  at  Fonthill,  thereby  utterly 
ruining  himself,  and  drove  them  to  Chicklade;  and  he  was 
caught  there.  And  the  man  who  tracked  him  rescued  the 
cattle  that  had  been  driven  off(?).  As  he  fled,  a  bramble 
scratched  him  all  over  the  face ;  and  when  he  wished  to  deny 
the  charge,  this  was  brought  forward  as  evidence  against  him. 
When  Eanulf  Penearding,  who  was  reeve,  intervened,  he  took 
from  him  all  the  property  which  he  owned  at  Tisbury.  When 
I  asked  him  why  he  did  this,  he  replied  that  Helmstan  was 
a  thief.  And  the  property  was  confiscated  to  the  king,  because 
he  was  the  king's  man.  And  Ordlaf  took  his  land ;  for  since 
the  land  which  Helmstan  occupied  was  held  on  lease  from  him, 
he  could  not  forfeit  it.  And  then  thou  didst  declare  him  an 
outlaw. 

Then  Helmstan  made  his  way  to  thy  father's  body,  and 
brought  a  signet  to  me,  when  I  was  at  Chippenham  with  thee. 
Then  I  gave  thee  the  signet.  And  thou  didst  give  him  back  his 


Earl  Aethelwoltfs  Will  63 

home  and  rights,  and  the  estates  to  which  he  has  now  returned  (?). 
But  I  took  possession  of  my  land,  and  then,  with  thy  cogni- 
sance and  that  of  thy  council,  gave  it,  namely  five  hides,  to 
the  bishop,  in  exchange  for  the  estate  of  five  hides  at  Lyddiard. 
And  the  bishop  and  the  whole  community  gave  me  four  hides 
[free  of  tithe] ;  but  one  was  subject  to  tithe.  Now,  Sire,  it 
is  very  necessary  for  me  that  both  our  recent  proceedings  and 
those  of  old  should  be  ratified.  If  not,  then  I  must  and  will 
be  content  with  whatever  voluntary  gift  is,  in  thy  opinion,  just. 

Endorsed : 

And  Aethelm  Higa  withdrew  from  this  suit,  when  the  king 
was  at  Warminster  (?),  with  the  cognisance  of  Ordlaf  and  Osferth 
and  Odda  and  Wihtbord  and  Aelfstan  the  Bald  and  Aethelnoth. 


XIX 

KING  AETHELSTAN  freed  Eadelm  immediately  after  he  be- 
came king ;  the  witnesses  of  this  were  Aelfheah  the  priest,  the 
community,  Reeve  Aelfric,  Wulfnoth  the  White,  Provost  Eanstan 
and  Byrnstan  the  priest.  May  he  who  seeks  to  invalidate  this 
incur  the  wrath  of  God  and  of  all  the  relics  which  I  obtained  in 
England  (?)  by  God's  mercy.  And  I  grant  the  children  the 
same  [boon]  as  I  grant  to  the  father. 


XX 

HERE  it  is  stated  that  King  Eadred  gave  the  estate  of 
twelve  hides  at  Wiley  to  the  community  at  Old  Minster  for 
the  provision  of  clothing. 

Sire,  I,  Earl  Aethelwold,  declare  to  my  dear  and  royal  lord 
King  Eadred,  what  are  my  wishes  with  regard  to  the  estates 
which  I  have  acquired  from  my  lord.  In  the  first  place  [I  give] 
to  God  and  to  the  holy  foundation — the  bishop  and  the  commu- 
nity— at  the  episcopal  see  of  Winchester  the  twelve  hides  of  land 
at  Wiley  for  the  provision  of  clothing,  so  that  they  may  remember 
me  in  their  prayers,  as  I  believe  that  they  will.  And  to  the 
king  my  heriot:  four  swords,  four  spears,  four  shields,  four 


64  English  Historical  Documents 

bracelets,  two  worth  one  hundred  and  twenty  mancuses,  and 
two  worth  eighty  mancuses,  four  horses  and  two  silver  cups. 
And  to  my  brother  Eadric  the  estates  at  Ogbourn,  Ashdown, 
Cheam,  and  Washington.  And  to  my  brother  Aethelstan 
the  estates  at  Broadwater  and  Newton.  And  to  Aelfsige,  my 
brother's  son,  the  estate  at  Carcel.  And  to  the  son  of  my 
brother  Aelfstan  the  estate  at  Clere.  And  I  desire  that  a  dis- 
tribution of  all  the  property  which  I  hold  on  lease  be  made  for 
the  good  of  my  soul,  according  to  the  directions  which  I  have 
just  given  to  the  friends  to  whom  I  have  been  speaking. 


XXI 

IN  nomine  Domini.  This  is  King  Eadred's  will.  In  the  first 
place,  he  presents  to  the  foundation  wherein  he  desires  that  his 
body  shall  rest,  two  golden  crosses  and  two  swords  with  hilts  of 
gold,  and  four  hundred  pounds.  Item,  he  gives  to  Old  Minster 
at  Winchester  three  estates,  namely  Downton,  Damerham  and 
Calne.  Item,  he  gives  to  New  Minster  three  estates,  namely 
Wherwell,  Andover  and  Clere ;  and  to  Nunnaminster,  Shal- 
bourne,  Thatcham  and  Bradford.  Item,  he  gives  to  Nunna- 
minster at  Winchester  thirty  pounds,  and  thirty  to  Wilton,  and 
thirty  to  Shaftesbury. 

Item,  he  gives  sixteen  hundred  pounds  for  the  redemption 
of  his  soul,  and  for  the  good  of  his  people,  that  they  may 
be  able  to  purchase  for  themselves  relief  from  want  and  from 
the  heathen  army,  if  they  need  [to  do  so].  Of  this  the 
Archbishop  at  Christ  Church  is  to  receive  four  hundred 
pounds,  for  the  relief  of  the  people  of  Kent  and  Surrey  and 
Sussex  and  Berkshire ;  and  if  anything  happen  to  the  bishop, 
the  money  shall  remain  in  the  monastery,  in  the  charge  of  the 
members  of  the  council  who  are  in  that  county.  And  Aelfsige, 
bishop  of  the  see  of  Winchester,  is  to  receive  four  hundred 
pounds,  two  hundred  for  Hampshire  and  one  hundred  each  for 
Wiltshire  and  Dorsetshire ;  and  if  anything  happen  to  him,  it 
shall  remain — as  in  a  similar  case  mentioned  above — in  the 
charge  of  the  members  of  the  council  who  are  in  that  county. 
Item,  Abbot  Dunstan  is  to  receive  two  hundred  pounds  and 


King  Eadred's  Will  66 

to  keep  it  at  Glastonbury  for  the  people  of  Somerset  and 
Devon ;  and  if  anything  happen  to  him,  arrangements  similar 
to  those  above  shall  be  made.  Item,  Bishop  Aelfsige  is  to 
receive  the  two  hundred  pounds  left  over,  and  keep  [the  money] 
at  the  episcopal  see  at  Winchester,  for  whichever  shire  may 
need  it.  Item,  Bishop  Oscytel  is  to  receive  four  hundred  pounds 
and  keep  it  at  the  episcopal  see  at  Dorchester  for  the  Mercians, 
in  accordance  with  the  arrangement  described  above.  Now 
Bishop  Wulfhelm  has  that  sum  of  four  hundred  pounds  (?). 
Item,  gold  to  the  amount  of  two  thousand  mancuses  is  to  be  taken 
and  coined  into  mancuses ;  and  the  archbishop  is  to  receive  one 
portion,  and  Bishop  Aelfsige  a  second,  and  Bishop  Oscytel  a 
third,  and  they  are  to  distribute  them  throughout  the  bishoprics 
for  the  sake  of  God  and  for  the  redemption  of  my  soul. 

Item,  I  give  to  my  mother  the  estates  at  Amesbury  and 
Wantage  and  Basing,  and  all  the  booklands  which  I  have  in 
Sussex,  Surrey  and  Kent,  and  all  those  which  she  has  previously 
had.  Item,  I  give  to  the  archbishop  two  hundred  mancuses  of 
gold,  reckoning  the  hundred  at  a  hundred  and  twenty.  And  to 
each  of  my  bishops  one  hundred  and  twenty  mancuses  of  gold. 
And  to  each  of  my  earls  one  hundred  and  twenty  mancuses  of 
gold.  And  to  each  [duly]  appointed  seneschal,  chamberlain  and 
butler,  eighty  mancuses  of  gold.  And  to  each  of  my  chaplains, 
whom  I  have  put  in  charge  of  my  relics,  fifty  mancuses  of  gold 
and  five  pounds  in  silver.  And  five  pounds  to  each  of  the  other 
priests.  And  thirty  mancuses  of  gold  to  each  [duly]  appointed 
steward,  and  to  every  ecclesiastic  who  has  been  appointed  (?) 
since  I  succeeded  to  the  throne,  and  to  every  member  of  my 
household,  in  whatever  capacity  he  be  employed,  unless  he 
be to  the  royal  palaces. 

Item,  I  desire  that  twelve  almsmen  be  chosen  on  each  of  the 
estates  mentioned  above,  and  if  anything  happen  to  any  of  them, 
another  is  to  be  appointed  in  his  place ;  and  all  this  is  to  hold 
good  so  long  as  Christianity  endures,  to  the  glory  of  God  and 
the  redemption  of  my  soul ;  and  if  any  one  refuses  to  carry  it 
out,  his  estate  is  to  revert  to  the  place  where  my  body  shall 
rest. 


H. 


66  English  Historical  Documents 

XXII 

(I)  THOU    Living    God,   be    Thou   mindful   of    Eadfrith, 
Aethelwald,  Billfrith  and  Aldred  peccatorem :  these  four  have, 
with  God's  help,  been  engaged  upon  this  book. 

(II)  Eadfrith,  Bishop  of  Lindisfarne,  wrote  this  book,  at  the 
first,  in  honour  of  God  and  St  Cuthbert  and  all  the  saints  in 
common  who  are  on  the  island.     And  Aethelwald,  Bishop  of 
Lindisfarne,  bound  it  on  the  outside  and  covered  (?)  it,  as  he 
was  well  able  to  do.     And  Billfrith,  the  anchorite,  wrought  the 
ornaments  upon  the  outside  and  adorned  it,  this  unalloyed  metal 
gilded  over,  with  gold  and  gems  and  also  with  silver  (?).     And 
Aldred,  presbyter  indignus  et  miserrimus,  with  the  help  of  God 
and  St  Cuthbert,  wrote  an  English  gloss  above,  and  obtained 
for   himself  a   home  (?)   with   the   three   parts ;    [he   glossed] 
Matthew's  part  for  God  and  St  Cuthbert,  Mark's  part  for  the 
bishop,  and  Luke's  for  the  community,  paying,  in  addition,  eight 
"  ores  "  of  silver  for  his  admission  (?).     And  St  John's  part  [he 
glossed]  for  himself,  namely,  for  the  good  of  his  soul,  #ftd  has 
offered  to  God  and  St  Cuthbert  four  "  ores "  of  silver  besides ; 
that  he  may  receive  admission  in  Heaven  through  God's  mercy, 
and  have  happiness  and  peace  upon  earth,  promotion  and  honour, 
wisdom   and   prudence,  through   the  merits  of  St  Cuthbert, 
Eadfrith,  Aethelwald,  Billfrith,  Aldred  hoc  evangeliarium  Deo 
et  Cuthberhto  construxerunt  vel  ornaverunt. 


XXIII 

EADGIFU  informs  the  archbishop  and  the  community  at 
Christ  Church  how  her  estate  at  Cooling  came  [into  her  hands]. 
The  fact  is  that  her  father  left  her  the  estate  and  the  title-deed 
having  lawfully  come  into  possession  of  them,  as  an  inheritance 
from  his  ancestors.  It  came  to  pass  that  her  father  borrowed 
thirty  pounds  from  Goda,  and  handed  the  estate  over  to  him  as 
security  for  the  money;  and  Goda  had  it  for  seven  years.  When 
it  befel,  about  that  time,  that  all  the  Kentish  troops  were 
summoned  to  battle  at  "Holm,"  her  father  Sigelm  was  not 


Grant  by  Queen  Eadgifu  67 

willing  to  go  to  battle  leaving  any  man's  money  unpaid;  and 
he  paid  Goda  thirty  pounds  and  bequeathed  the  estate  to  his 
daughter  Eadgifu,  giving  her  the  title-deed. 

When  Sigelm  had  fallen  in  battle,  Goda  denied  that  the 
money  had  been  repaid  him  and  refused  [to  restore]  the  estate 
until  six  years  later.  Then  Byrhtsige  Dyring  protested  con- 
stantly, until  the  council  of  that  time  directed  Eadgifu  to  clear 
her  father  by  [an  oath  equivalent  in  value  to]  the  sum  involved  ; 
and  she  thereupon  produced  the  oath  at  Aylesford  in  the 
presence  of  the  whole  assembly,  and  there  cleared  her  father 
with  respect  to  the  repayment  by  an  oath  of  thirty  pounds. 
Even  then  she  could  not  get  possession  of  the  estate  until  her 
friends  induced  King  Edward  to  declare  that  Goda  must  restore 
the  estate,  if  he  wished  to  hold  any  land  at  all;  and  so  he 
relinquished  it. 

Then,  in  course  of  time,  it  came  to  pass  that  the  king 
became  so  indignant  with  Goda,  that  all  the  deeds  and  lands 
which  he  possessed  were  declared  forfeit;  and  then  the  king 
gave  him  and  all  his  property,  with  deeds  and  with  lands,  to 
Eadgifu,  to  deal  with  as  she  pleased.  Then  she  said  that  she 
dared  not,  for  fear  of  God,  requite  him  as  he  had  deserved  of 
her,  but  she  restored  to  him  all  his  lands,  with  the  exception  of 
two  ploughlands  at  Osterland',  but  she  refused  to  give  back 
the  title-deeds  until  she  knew  how  faithfully  he  would  behave 
towards  her,  with  regard  to  the  lands. 

Then  King  Edward  died  and  Aethelstan  succeeded  to  the 
throne.  When  Goda  thought  he  had  a  favourable  opportunity, 
he  made  his  way  to  King  Aethelstan  and  begged  that  he 
would  intercede  for  him  with  Eadgifu  for  the  return  of  the 
title-deeds.  And  then  the  king  did  so.  And  she  restored  them 
all  except  the  title-deed  of  Osterland;  and  he  willingly  aban- 
doned that  deed  to  her,  and  humbly  thanked  her  for  the  rest ; 
and  moreover,  with  eleven  others,  he  swore  to  her  an  oath,  on 
behalf  of  those  living  and  those  yet  to  come,  that  this  suit  should 
be  for  ever  settled.  And  this  was  done  with  the  cognisance  of 
King  Aethelstan  and  his  councillors  at  Hamsey,  near  Lewes. 
And  Eadgifu  had  the  estate  together  with  the  title-deeds  during 
the  lifetime  of  the  two  kings  who  were  her  sons. 

5—2 


68  English  Historical  Documents 

When  Eadred  died  and  Eadgifu  was  despoiled  of  all  her  pro- 
perty, two  of  Goda's  sons,  Leofstan  and  Leofric,  took  from  Eadgifu 
these  two  above-mentioned  estates  at  Cooling  and  at  Osterland 
and  told  the  young  prince  Eadwig,  who  had  then  been  proclaimed 
king,  that  they  had  a  juster  claim  to  them  than  she.  Matters 
stood  thus  until  Eadgar  obtained  full  power  (?).  And  he  and 
his  council  declared  that  Goda's  sons  had  committed  wicked 
robbery,  and  declaring  that  the  property  was  hers,  restored 
it  to  her.  Then  Eadgifu,  with  the  leave  and  cognisance  of  the 
king  and  all  his  bishops,  took  the  deeds  and  gave  the  estates 
to  Christ  Church,  and  with  her  own  hands  laid  them  upon  the 
altar  for  the  perpetual  benefit  of  the  community  and  for  the 
repose  of  her  soul ;  declaring  that  Christ  Himself  with  all  the 
heavenly  host  would  curse  to  all  eternity  any  man  who  should 
ever  divert  or  curtail  this  gift.  Such  was  the  manner  in  which 
this  benefaction  came  to  the  community  of  Christ  Church. 


NOTES 


THIS  document  is  erroneously  described  as  the  Will  of  Oswulf  in 
Dr  Birch's  Cartularium  Saxonicum.  That  Oswulf  did  make  a  will 
is  clear  from  the  account  given  in  B.  445  of  the  proceedings  at  an 
assembly  of  clergy  and  laity  held  at  Canterbury  in  844.  The  subject 
of  discussion  was  a  claim  made  by  a  certain  Aethelwulf  to  the  in- 
heritance of  Oswulf.  Disputes  as  to  the  disposal  of  Oswulf's 
property  had  arisen  after  his  death,  and  had  been  referred  to  a 
synod  at  Acleah  in  810;  it  was  then  decreed  that  Oswulf's  will 
should  stand.  By  844  his  estates  had  come  into  the  possession  of 
the  Kentish  monasteries  of  Christ  Church,  Folkestone,  Dover  and 
Lyminge,  and  Aethelwulf  put  forward  a  claim  to  this  property  on 
the  ground  that  his  father  Aethelheah  had  purchased  it.  After 
Archbishop  Ceolnoth  and  the  community  at  Christ  Church  had 
been  questioned  about  the  decree  of  the  synod  at  Acleah,  thirty 
members  of  the  four  communities  concerned  defended  their  claim 
by  an  oath.  It  was  finally  decided  that  the  provisions  of  Oswulf's 
will  were  to  hold  good  and  that  all  litigation  should  cease,  under 
penalty  of  excommunication. 

Haddan  and  Stubbs  (Councils,  in.  p.  568)  seem  to  consider  that 
the  subject  of  this  litigation  was  Oswulf's  grant  to  Christ  Church  of 
the  Stanstead  estate.  But  a  comparison  of  this  grant  with  the 
account  of  Oswulf's  will  given  in  the  document  described  above, 
shews  that  this  is  not  the  case.  The  passage  is  as  follows  :  Et  hoc 
[Oswulf\  cor  am  beatae  memoriae  W  If  redo  Archiepiscopo,  coramque 
abbatis  Wernotho  atque  Feolgeldo...nec  non  saepe  cor  am  sociis  suis  et 
arnicis  fidissimis,  qualiter  post  discessionem  suam  circa  hereditatem 
tuam  imposterum  agere  voluisse,  id  est,  ut  post  dies  uxoris  suae  et 
JUii  ejus  Eardwlfi,  filiae  quoque  suae  Ealfthrythae,  ad  Ecclesiis  Dei 
omnia  dare  Deo  et  sanctis  ejus  sibi  in  sempiternam  hereditatem  sub 
eorum  testimonia  dare  praecepit,  sicut  in  altera  kartula  ma/nifeste  et 


70  English  Historical  Documents 

lucide  comprobatur.  This  altera  kartula,  in  which  Oswulf  bequeathed 
his  property  to  his  wife  and  children,  with  reversion  to  various 
churches,  is  evidently  lost. 

There  seems  no  reason  for  doubting  that  this  grant  of  the 
Stanstead  estate  to  Christ  Church  was  to  take  effect  during  Oswulf's 
lifetime.  His  request  that  the  anniversary  of  himself  and  his  wife 
may  be  celebrated  annually  is  not  opposed  to  such  an  interpretation, 
since  this  honour  was  frequently  accorded  by  monasteries  to  their 
benefactors.  The  record  of  a  similar  grant  by  Oswulf  to  a  monastery 
is  still  extant  (B.  289).  Coenwulf  of  Mercia,  in  798,  grants  land  in 
Kent  to  Oswulf  duel  et  ministro  meo  in  exchange  for  another  estate, 
also  in  Kent.  Oswulf  thereupon  gives  his  newly-acquired  estate  to 
the  monastery  of  Lyminge,  for  the  salvation  of  his  soul  and  that  of 
his  wife  Beornthryth,  on  condition  that  their  anniversary  be  cele- 
brated annually  with  masses  and  prayers  and  a  refection  of  the 
community.  There  is  nothing  in  this  grant  to  suggest  that  the  gift 
was  not  to  take  effect  during  the  lifetime  of  the  donor. 

Date.  If  both  parts  of  this  document  date  from  the  same  occasion, 
this  agreement  must  have  been  drawn  up  between  Wulf red's  acces- 
sion to  the  archiepiscopate  in  805  and  the  synod  of  Acleah  in  810, 
when  it  was  decreed  that  Oswulf's  will  should  stand.  The  date  806 
of  the  endorsement  seems  quite  reasonable  and  may  possibly  be 
correct.  A  somewhat  different  view  is  taken  by  Keller  (Angelsdch- 
sische  Palaeographie.  Palaestra  XLIII.  1906,  p.  1),  who  suggests  that 
the  confirmation  by  Wulfred  may  have  been  added  later,  possibly  in 
810,  after  the  synod  of  Acleah. 

Dialect.     Kentish.     See  Appendix. 

p.  I,  1.  4.  Osuulf  aldormonn  is  said  to  have  been  Dux  atque 
Princeps  Provincial  Orientalis  Cantiae  (B.  445).  He  appears  for 
the  first  time  in  798,  which  was  probably  the  year  in  which  Coen- 
wulf of  Mercia  gave  the  kingdom  of  Kent  to  his  brother  Cuthred. 
Oswulf  exchanges  land  with  Coenwulf  and  gives  his  newly-acquired 
estate  to  the  monastery  at  Lyminge  (B.  289).  He  signs  Kentish 
charters  in  801,  804,  805  (B.  303,  316,  319).  He  also  witnesses 
a  grant  by  Coenwulf  and  Cuthred  to  the  Reeve  Aethelnoth  (B.  318), 
which  is  to  be  dated  after  805.  Oswulf  must  have  died  before  810, 
the  year  of  the  synod  at  Acleah  (see  above). 

1.  5.  to  Cantuarabyrg  to  Cristes  cirican.  to  Cantuarabyrg  ap- 
pears to  be  locative;  cf.  p.  7,  1.  5ff. :  willa  ic  gesellan...ftem  higum  to 
Cristes  circcan.  The  monastery  of  Christ  Church,  Canterbury,  was 


Grant  by  Earl  Oswulf  71 

founded  by  St  Augustine  as  a  residence  for  himself  and  his  suc- 
cessors. (Bede,  Hist.  Eccles.  i.  c.  33.)  It  is  uncertain  whether  the 
monastery  originally  contained  both  monks  and  clerks,  or  only 
monks.  Bede  says  nothing  on  this  subject  and  stories  current 
later  are  untrustworthy,  since  they  are  obviously  coloured  by  the 
controversies  between  the  monastic  and  the  secular  clergy  (cf.  Chron. 
ann.  995  E.).  In  any  case  this  monastery  seems  to  have  shared  in 
the  decline  in  English  monachism  which  characterised  the  eighth 
century,  and  by  the  beginning  of  the  ninth,  monastic  discipline 
seems  at  Christ  Church  to  have  been  almost  extinct.  In  a  charter 
of  813  (B.  342)  on  the  occasion  of  the  rebuilding  of  the  monastery, 
Archbishop  Wulfred  speaks  of  the  inmates  as  priests,  deacons  and 
clerks  (cf.  p.  2,  1.  18ff.,  of  the  present  text).  Haddan  and  Stubbs 
(op.  cit.  in.  576)  observe  that  the  inmates  of  the  monastery  seem  to 
be  in  a  condition  far  more  resembling  that  of  canons  than  of  monks. 
The  only  rules  of  monastic  discipline  mentioned  by  Wulfred  as 
incumbent  upon  the  community,  are  attendance  in  church  at  the 
canonical  hours  and  the  use  of  a  common  refectory  and  dormitory. 

1.  6.  cet  Stanhamstede.  Stanstead,  Kent.  This  gift  to  Christ 
Church  was  confirmed  in  844,  the  year  in  which  it  was  decreed  that 
Oswulf's  will  should  stand  (B.  446). 

xx  swuluncga.  sulung  is  a  term  used  only  in  Kent  to  de- 
note the  amount  of  land  which  a  team  of  oxen  could  plough  in 
a  year.  It  is  evidently  derived  from  O.E.  xulh,  'plough,'  which  is 
cognate  with  Lat.  sulcus,  '  furrow.'  At  the  beginning  of  the  ninth 
century,  the  sulung  seems  to  have  been  equivalent  to  two  hides 
(B.  321,  341).  But  the  size  of  the  Kentish  hide  was  doubled 
between  850  and  950,  and  in  charters  of  the  tenth  century,  the 
sulung  is  equated  with  one  hide  (B.  1295). 

1.  9  IF.  bidders  dcet  ivit  moten  bion  on  dem  gemanon  de  doer 
Godes  diowas  siondan.  The  violent  change  of  construction  from  the 
nominative  in  de  daer  Godes  diowas  siondan  7  da  menn,  to  the  genitive 
in  dara  monna  de,  makes  the  translation  of  this  sentence  difficult, 
although  the  meaning  is  fairly  clear,  on  dem  gemanon... siondan, 
lit.  'in  that  fellowship  who  are  God's  servants,'  etc.,  i.e.  'in  the 
fellowship  of  those  who  are,'  etc. 

The  nature  of  the  request  made  by  Oswulf  is  somewhat  obscure. 
A  possible  interpretation  is  that  he  is  petitioning  that  he  and  his 
wife  may  be  buried  among  the  inmates  of  Christ  Church  ;  but  the 
unusual  wording  of  the  request  is  somewhat  against  this  interpreta- 


72  English  Historical  Documents 

tion.  May  not  this  be,  as  Lingard  (Anglo-Saxon  Church,  n.  p.  63  ff.) 
suggested,  an  early  example  of  the  wide-spread  custom  of  admitting 
laymen  to  the  privileges  and  spiritual  benefits  to  which  professed 
members  of  a  monastery  were  entitled  1  If  this  supposition  is 
correct,  the  phrase  discussed  above  would  mean,  '  that  we  may  be 
admitted  to  membership  with  those  who  are  God's  servants  there,'  etc. 

There  are  many  instances  of  the  practice  of  admitting  to  con- 
fraternity persons  who  were  not  inmates  of  the  monastery,  both  in 
England  and  on  the  Continent.  Bede  requested  of  the  bishop  and 
monks  of  Lindisfarne,  at  whose  request  he  had  written  his  prose 
life  of  St  Cuthbert,  that  prayers  and  masses  might  be  offered  for 
his  soul,  and  his  name  enrolled  among  theirs  (Bede,  Prcef.  ad  Vitam 
S.  Cuthberti,  ed.  Giles,  iv.  p.  206).  In  929,  King  Aethelstan  was 
accorded  rights  of  confraternity  at  St  Gallen  (cf.  Memorials  of  St 
Dunstan,  ed.  Stubbs,  R.S.  p.  Ixxv,  note  8).  A  memorandum  of  the 
admission  of  Cnut  to  confraternity  at  Christ  Church,  written  in  a 
volume  of  Gospels,  is  quoted  by  Wanley  (p.  181).  Another  instance 
of  the  same  practice  dates  from  the  reign  of  Edward  the  Confessor, 
when  a  certain  Oswulf  and  his  wife  made  gifts  of  land  and  money  to 
the  monks,  on  being  admitted  to  confraternity  at  St  Albans  (K.  945). 

The  benefits  to  which  lay-members  or  familiares  were  entitled 
are  enumerated  in  a  grant  of  a  letter  of  fraternity  in  the  Newminster 
Cartulary  (ed.  Stevenson,  Surtees  Society,  1876,  p.  120).  They  were 
to  have  commune  beneficium  domus  nostrae  in  missis  et  matutinis,  in 
elemosinis  et  oracionibus,  et  in  omnibus  beneficiis  quae  in  ea  fient 
usque  infinem  saeculi  plenarie  sicud  nobis  ipsis.  Their  names  were 
written,  together  with  those  of  professed  members  and  benefactors 
of  the  monastery,  in  the  Liber  Vitae,  which  was  placed  upon  the 
altar,  that  the  priest  might  remember  them  during  Mass.  An 
extant  list  of  this  kind  is  the  well-known  Durham  Liber  Vitae. 
In  order  that  their  anniversary  might  be  suitably  commemorated, 
the  date  of  their  death  was  noted  in  a  calendar. 

If  this  explanation  of  the  request  made  by  Oswulf  is  the  correct 
one,  the  grant  to  Christ  Church  of  the  Stanstead  estate  is  probably 
to  be  regarded  in  the  nature  of  an  admission  fee.  A  parallel  instance 
is  quoted  by  Ducange  (s.v.fraternitas)  where  a  certain  Arbertus  and 
his  wife  bestow  an  estate  on  the  monastery  of  St  Andrew,  Vienne, 
on  their  admission  to  confraternity.  A  similar  instance  is  found 
among  the  records  of  the  Welsh  monastery  of  St  Cadoc  (cf.  Seebohm 
Tribal  System  in  Wales,  p.  212). 


Grant  by  Earl  O&iculf  73 

1.  15.     Uulfred.     Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  805—832. 

1.  19  ff.  f)onne  bebeode  ic  daet  mon  das  ding  selle...a;t  Stanham- 
stede.  The  revenues  derived  from  the  land  at  Stanstead  would 
probably  be  applied  to  the  general  purposes  of  the  monastery.  A 
certain  proportion  of  the  produce  was,  however,  set  aside  to  provide 
a  feast  for  the  community  on  the  anniversary  of  their  benefactors. 

Food-rents  paid  to  religious  houses  were  usually  measured  by  the 
amount  of  provisions  required  to  support  the  community  for  one  day. 
The  amount  specified  by  Wulfred  appears  to  have  been  three  or  four 
times  the  quantity  described  as  cene  dcegfeorme  for  Christ  Church  in 
the  middle  of  the  tenth  century  (B.  1010);  it  was  perhaps  'three 
days' Jeorm'  Wulfred  directs  that  these  payments  from  the  estate 
at  Stanstead  are  to  be  collected  at  Lympne  (Liminum).  The  official 
responsible  would  probably  be  the  archbishop's  reeve. 

1.  23.  gif  hit  fuguldaeg  sie.  fuguldceg  is  not  recognised  by 
Bosworth-Toller,  but  from  the  fact  that  it  is  contrasted  with 
festendceg,  it  evidently  means  a  day  on  which  poultry,  and  pre- 
sumably meat,  might  be  eaten. 

p.  2,  1.  1.  uugge  ccesa.  The  earliest  evidence  as  to  the  weight 
of  the  Anglo-Saxon  wceg  is  supplied  by  the  Historia  Monasterii  de 
Abingdon  (ed.  Stevenson,  R.S.,  1858,  I.  p.  345),  which  states  that 
in  the  tenth  century  the  pondus,  or  wey,  contained  twenty-two 
stone.  The  fact  that  this  amount  is  called  the  pondus  Abbendunense 
suggests  that  other  standards  may  have  been  in  use.  In  the  tenth 
century,  a  wey  of  cheese  lasted  the  community  at  Abingdon  five 
days. 

1.  2  f.  XXX  ombra  godes  uuelesces  alod,  det  limped  to  XV  mit- 
tum.  The  capacity  of  the  amber,  which  was  used  both  as  a  liquid 
and  as  a  dry  measure,  is  altogether  unknown.  According  to  the 
Register  of  Richmond  of  1280,  twenty-four  ambers  of  salt  were  equal 
to  twelve  London  quarters  of  eight  bushels,  so  that  an  amber  con- 
tained four  bushels  in  the  thirteenth  century  (cf.  Liebermann,  Die 
Gesetze  der  AngelsacJisen,  n.  p.  383).  Kelham1  states  that  the  amber 
contained  five  bushels.  Robertson  (Historical  Essays,  i.  p.  68)  com- 
putes that,  by  the  lower  standard,  the  thirty  ambers  of  ale,  specified  by 
Wulfred,  would  contain  six  hundred  imperial  gallons.  According 
to  Robertson,  the  ordinary  daily  allowance  of  a  monk  at  Abingdon 
was  a  gallon  of  ale.  The  amount  consumed  at  festivals  would,  of 
course,  be  much  greater,  but  even  so,  the  proportion  of  liquid  seems 
1  Cited  by  Eobertson. 


74  English  Historical  Documents 

incredibly  large.  It  seems  hardly  possible  that,  in  the  ninth  century, 
the  amber  could  have  been  a  measure  of  four  bushels1.  The  amber 
seems  originally  to  have  been  an  adaptation  of  the  Roman  amphora, 
which  was  equivalent  to  about  six  gallons.  In  the  ninth  century, 
the  amber  may  have  approached  more  nearly  to  the  Roman  standard. 
It  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  sester  seems  in  several  passages  to 
be  equivalent  to  the  Roman  sextarius  (cf.  note  on  p.  79). 

The  difference  between  the  several  kinds  of  ale  mentioned  in 
Anglo-Saxon  literature  is  never  specified.  '  Welsh  ale '  is  first  men- 
tioned in  the  Laws  of  Ine  (c.  70,  1).  Prof.  Liebermann  (op.  cit.  n. 
p.  312)  suggests  that  in  this  case  'Welsh  ale'  may  have  been  the 
product  of  districts  cultivated  by  the  Celts.  In  later  times,  the 
term  must  have  merely  denoted  some  particular  kind  of  ale. 

1.  6.  CXX  gesuflra  hlafa.  gesufl  is  obviously  connected  with 
sufl  (cf.  p.  2,  1.  13),  the  term  applied  to  anything  eaten  with  bread, 
such  as  cheese,  bacon,  beans  or  whey.  Zupitza  and  Kluge  in  their 
glossaries  give  gesufl,  'zur  Zukost  gehorig.'  Or  were  the  gesuflra 
hlafa  loaves  supplied  with  sufll 

1.  8.  d£m  reogolwarde :  lit.  'guardian  of  the  (monastic)  rule.' 
He  was  so  called  because  the  discipline  of  the  monastery  was  in 
his  hands,  subject,  of  course,  to  the  authority  of  the  abbot.  To  the 
reogolward,  or  provost,  was  given  in  later  times  the  title  of  '  prior.' 
In  the  Cathedral  monastery  of  Christ  Church,  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  occupied  the  place  of  Abbot. 

L  9  ff.  mon  Aaet  weax  agcpfe  to  cirican. .  .doeA.  Was  this  wax  for 
the  general  use  of  the  church,  or  was  it  the  wax  required  for  some 
special  ceremony  connected  with  the  anniversary  ?  A  tax  called 
leohtgesceot  was  levied,  in  the  reigns  of  Aethelred  II  and  Cnut,  for 
the  provision  of  lights  for  ecclesiastical  purposes ;  cf.  Laws  of  Cnut, 
I.  12:  and  leohtgesceot  }>riwa  on  geare . .  .healfpenigwurft  wexes  cet 
cdcere  hide.  Voluntary  gifts  for  the  illumination  of  the  church 
were  also  recommended  as  a  pious  duty  by  Wulfstan  in  his 
homilies. 

1.  11  f.  daet  lond...aet  Human.  Perhaps  the  estate  aet  Burnan 
recovered  for  Christ  Church  by  Archbishop  Aethelred  in  805 

1  Another  consideration  makes  it  difficult  to  believe  that  the  amber  con- 
tained as  much  as  four  bushels.  The  monthly  allowance  given  to  each  earm 
Engliscmon  maintained  by  King  Aethelstan  was  to  consist  of  an  amber  of  meal, 
a  shank  of  bacon  and  a  ram  worth  four  pence  (Aethelstan,  n.  i.  1).  It  seems 
quite  incredible  that  these  persons  should  have  been  given  forty-eight  bushels  of 
meal  every  year.  On  the  amount  of  barley  and  other  grain  consumed  annually, 
see  Maitland,  Domesday  Book  and  Beyond,  p.  436  ff. 


Will  of  Abba  75 

(B.  319).  The  community  had  been  deprived  of  this  estate,  which 
was  evidently  at  Bishop's  Bourn,  near  Barham,  Kent,  and  it  was 
now  restored  to  them  by  a  synodal  decree. 

1.  13.  swaefeola  sufla.  See  note  on  p.  2, 1.  6.  The  word  still  sur- 
vives in  northern  dialects  with  the  same  meaning  as  in  Anglo-Saxon, 
ie.  anything  eaten  with  bread,  cf.  Wright,  Dialect  Dictionary,  s.v. 
sowl.  According  to  the  priest  Werhard  (B.  402)  Archbishop  Wulfred 
gave  directions  in  his  will  that  doles  should  be  distributed  annually 
on  his  anniversary ;  to  each  poor  man  was  to  be  given  a  loaf  and 
cheese,  or  bacon  and  a  penny. 

1.  15  f.  him  se  reogolweord  on  byrg  gebeode. .  .sie.  gebeode  must  be 
taken  with  on  byrg,  i.e.  'make  a  public  proclamation  to  the  city'; 
him  seems  to  refer  to  the  people  for  whom  the  doles  are  intended. 
We  get  this  sense  from  aelmessan  in  1.  14. 

1.  18.  messepriost.  The  word  preost  has  quite  a  general  meaning 
and  can  denote  a  member  of  any  of  the  seven  orders  of  the  priest- 
hood ;  but  mcessepreost  is  only  used  to  denote  those  qualified  to  perform 
the  sacrifice  of  the  mass. 

1.  20.  aeghvnlc  diacon  arede  two,  passions  fore  his  sawle.  A 
'  deacon '  was  a  member  of  the  sixth  order  of  the  priesthood  and 
ranked  immediately  below  the  mcessepreost.  The  word  passione  is 
not  recorded  by  B.-T.  It  corresponds  to  L.  passio,  used  in  the 
special  sense  of  passages  in  the  Gospels  narrating  Christ's  Passion 
(cf.  Ducange,  s.v.  passio).  The  intercessory  use  of  these  passages 
seems  not  to  be  mentioned  elsewhere. 

1.  21.  gghwilc  Godes  diow  gesinge  two,  fiftig  fore  his  sawle.  Godes 
\eowas  denotes  the  whole  of  the  clergy,  both  secular  and  regular. 
In  this  context  the  term  refers  to  every  member  of  the  community 
not  included  in  the  foregoing.  A.  fiftig  was  one  of  the  three  sections 
into  which  the  Psalms  were  divided.  Plummer  (Hist.  Eccles.  Bedae, 
II.  137)  gives  many  instances  of  the  use  of  the  psalter  and  of 
particular  psalms,  as  a  form  of  intercession  for  the  living  or  dead ; 
cf.  also  p.  9,  1.  19  f.,  and  p.  23,  1.  9ff. 

II 

Date.  The  date  of  A.D.  835  is  assigned  to  this  will  in  an 
endorsement  in  a  hand  of  the  fourteenth  century.  This  date  seems 
perfectly  reasonable,  although  the  grounds  on  which  it  is  based  are 
unknown.  The  will  must  be  dated  after  833,  since  Archbishop 


76  English  Historical  Documents 

Ceolnoth  appears  among  the  signatories.  The  list  of  witnesses  cor- 
responds very  closely  with  the  list  of  ecclesiastics  signing  Kentish 
charters  of  838  and  839  (B.  419,  426).  The  date  of  the  will  is 
before  839,  since  by  that  year  Nothwulf,  who  signs  as  subdeacon, 
had  become  a  deacon  (B.  426). 

Dialect.     Kentish.     See  Appendix. 

p.  3,  1.  3.     Abba  geroefa  is  otherwise  unknown. 

1.  13.     Alchhere.     See  note  on  1.  21. 

}>cet  lond  hire  nytt  gedoe :  lit.  '  make  the  land  profitable  to  her,' 
i.e.  'see  that  she  gets  the  profits.' 

1.  14.  an  half  swulung  an  Ciollandene,  i.e.  Chillenden,  near 
Eastry,  Kent.  For  note  on  sulung  see  p.  71. 

1.  16.  mon  selle  him  to  Bern  londe  II 1 1  oxan.  Four  oxen  would 
be  the  usual  equipment  of  a  half  swulung,  since  the  plough  seems 
to  have  been  commonly  drawn  by  a  team  of  eight  oxen. 

7  cenne  horn.  Bequests  of  horns  are  sometimes  found  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  wills.  Aethelstan,  son  of  Aethelred  II,  bequeathed  to 
Winchester  ]>one  drenchom  ]>e  ic  cer  at  }>am  hirede  gebohte  on  Ealdan 
Mynstre  (K.  722). 

1.  19.  hire  agefen  hire  agen.  Her  own  property  included, 
perhaps,  the  land  at  Challock  (p.  5,  1.  3). 

1.  20.     suS  tofaranne,  i.e.  to  go  on  pilgrimage  to  Rome. 

L  21.  twnegen  mine  m§gas  Alchhere  7  Aeftelwold.  It  is  tempting 
to  identify  Alchhere  with  the  Kentish  earl  of  that  name.  (See  note 
on  p.  83.)  But  this  identification  is  perhaps  too  hazardous,  since 
Alchhere  is  not  an  uncommon  name  in  charters  of  the  ninth  century. 
Moreover,  if  Earl  Alchhere  was  his  kinsman.  Abba  must  have  been 
a  Kentish  noble,  whereas  his  wergeld  would  lead  us  to  believe  that 
he  was  a  ceorl  (cf.  p.  4,  1.  8  and  note). 

1.  22.  fan  him  to  ftem  londe  must  mean  '  let  them  take  possession 
of  the  land.'  This  use  of  him  with  fon  is  unusual ;  him  is  perhaps 
reflexive. 

to  Liminge.  According  to  Canterbury  tradition,  the  monastery 
at  Lyminge,  Kent,  was  founded,  soon  after  633,  by  Aethelberg, 
daughter  of  Aethelberht,  King  of  Kent,  and  widow  of  Edwin,  King 
of  the  Northumbrians.  Bede  (Hist.  Eccles.  n.  20)  and  the  Chronicle 
(ann.  633  E.)  mention  the  return  of  Aethelberg  to  Kent  after  the 
death  of  Edwin,  but  say  nothing  of  her  life  during  her  widow- 
hood. The  tract  on  the  Saints  of  England  (Die  Heiligen  Englands, 
ed.  Liebermann,  p.  1),  and  Thomas  of  Elmham  (ed.  Hardwick,  R.S., 


'  Will  of  Abba  77 

p.  177)  state  that  Eadbald,  who  was  then  King  of  Kent,  gave  to 
his  sister  Aethelberg  land  at  Lyminge,  on  which  she  built  a 
monastery  and  where  she  was  afterwards  buried.  The  community 
at  Lyminge  appears  to  have  included  both  monks  and  nuns  (cf. 
Miss  Eckenstein,  Women  under  Monasticism,  p.  84).  Cuthberht, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  had  been  Abbot  of  Lyminge  (B.  160, 
161).  The  monastery,  which  had  suffered  greatly  during  the  Danish 
invasions,  was  in  964  suppressed,  and  its  lands  and  possessions  given 
to  Christ  Church  (Dugdale,  Monasticon  Anglicanum,  I.  452). 

1.  23.  to  Folcanstane.  This  monastery  is  said  to  have  been 
founded  by  Eanswith,  daughter  of  Eadbald,  King  of  Kent.  Eanswith 
is  not  mentioned  by  Bede,  or  in  the  Chronicle,  and  of  her  life  nothing 
certain  is  known.  The  foundation  of  the  monastery  at  Folkestone  is 
ascribed  to  her  in  an  Anglo-Saxon  fragment  dealing  with  St  Mildred's 
Minster  in  Thanet  (Cockayne,  Leechdoms,  R.S.,  in.  p.  422).  The  tract 
on  the  Saints  (p.  1)  states  that  she  was  buried  at  Folkestone.  The 
monastery  was  destroyed  or  deserted  during  the  Danish  invasions. 
A  charter  of  King  Aethelstan  (B.  660),  dated  927,  gives  to  Christ 
Church,  Canterbury,  the  land  at  Folkestone  ubi  quondam  fuit  monas- 
terium  et  abbatia  sanctarum  virginum,  ubi  etiam  sepulta  est  Sancta 
Eanswitha,  for  the  reconstruction  of  the  monastery  which  had  been 
destroyed  by  pagani.  According  to  Capgrave,  the  site  was  swallowed 
up  by  the  sea,  and  the  relics  of  St  Eanswith  transferred  to  the  church 
of  St  Peter  (Eckenstein,  op.  cit.  p.  83). 

1.  25.  D  pend',  sc.  pendinga.  This  is  the  first  instance  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  charters  of  the  use  of  the  word  pending,  though  it  is  found 
also  in  the  Laws  of  Inc.  The  Anglo-Saxon  penny  was  the  universal 
silver  coin. 

1.  27.  Gif  higan  ftonne  oSSe  hla/ord.  The  meaning  of  hlaford  in 
this  context  is  not  clear.  It  may  refer  (1)  to  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  cf.  p.  4,  11.  18,  21,  (2)  to  a  patron  or  lay  abbot  of  the 
convent,  (3)  to  the  head  of  the  community,  who,  however,  in  this 
case,  was  probably  an  abbess. 

p.  4,  1.  3.  ic  bidde  7  bebeode  swale  monn  se  ftcet  min  lond  hebbe. 
swvdc  is  attracted  into  the  sentence  beginning  with  se  and  is  in 
the  nominative  instead  of  the  dative,  the  case  which  bebeodan 
usually  governs. 

1.  7.  odeum  messepreoste  binnan  Cent  mancus  goldes.  The 
mancus,  the  only  gold  coin  of  the  Saxon  period,  was  always 
equated  with  thirty  pence.  It  was  similar  in  weight  (70  grains) 


78  English  Historical  Documents 

to  a  half-sovereign  (60  grains).  The  earliest  of  these  coins  dates 
from  the  time  of  Offa ;  in  addition  to  the  legend  Offa  Rex,  it  bears 
also  a  long  Arabic  inscription  and  is  clearly  copied  from  a  Moham- 
medan coin.  The  name,  too,  is  Arabic  in  origin  and  represents  the 
Arabic  man-kush,  lit.  'stamped.'  Cf.  Chadwick,  op.  cit.  p.  10  ff. 
For  messepreost  and  Codes  <Siow  (1.  8)  see  note  on  p.  75. 

1.  8.  7  to  See  Petre  min  wcergeld  two,  fiusenda.  From  the  fact 
that  this  payment  is  mentioned  in  connection  with  benefactions  in 
Kent,  it  is  possible  that  some  lo'cal  church  or  monastery  is  meant. 
According  to  a  late  and  legendary  life  of  St  Eanswith  (Hardy, 
Catalogue  of  Materials,  I.  p.  228  ff.)  Eadbald  of  Kent  built  a 
church  at  Folkestone  and  dedicated  it  to  St  Peter.  An  instance 
of  the  payment  of  a  wergeld  to  a  monastery  occurs  in  a  charter 
of  Earl  Godwin  (Thorpe,  p.  349)  in  a  passage  which  is  unfortunately 
corrupt:  7  se  abbot  ccende  ]>cet  Cnut  cing  gelogode  5a  halig...e...ra 
eama  wergeld  wees  into  See  Augustine  unawendedlice  fiam  Godes 
}>yowan  bi  to  libbanne.  But  cf.  p.  13,  1.  21  f.,  where  See  Petre 
almost  certainly  means  St  Peter's,  Rome. 

The  only  monetary  unit  mentioned  in  this  document,  beside  the 
mancus,  is  the  penny.  It  seems  likely  therefore  that  the  wergeld  of 
Abba  was  two  thousand  pence  or  one  hundred  Kentish  shillings, 
the  wergeld  of  the  Kentish  ceorl.  The  only  other  possibility  is  that 
the  word  trymsa  is  to  be  supplied ;  two  thousand  trymsas,  or  three 
hundred  Kentish  shillings,  was  the  wergeld  of  the  Kentish  noble. 
It  is  difficult  to  determine  to  which  class  Abba  belonged.  Very 
little  can  be  deduced  as  to  the  size  of  his  estate  from  the  amount  of 
the  charges  imposed  by  him.  The  food-rent  to  be  paid  to  Folkestone 
seems  to  be  somewhat  larger  than  the  charges  imposed  by  Ealhburh 
(p.  8,  1.  22  ff.,  p.  9,  1.  15ff.),  who  certainly  belonged  to  the  nobility 
of  Kent.  But  Abba  appears  to  be  disposing  of  the  whole  of  his 
property,  whereas  in  other  cases,  as  in  Oswulf's  grant,  the  arrange- 
ments for  the  payment  of  a  food-rent  refer  only  to  one  single  estate. 
Ealhburh  made  at  least  two  such  grants  of  food-rents.  On  the  whole, 
it  seems  more  probable  that  Abba  was  a  ceorl.  He  certainly  had  a 
considerable  amount  of  money  and  live-stock  at  his  disposal,  but 
there  are  indications  that  the  social  position  of  the  Kentish  ceorl 
was  higher  than  that  of  the  ceorl  in  Wessex  (cf.  Chadwick,  Anglo- 
Saxon  Institutions,  p.  22,  footnote,  and  p.  113).  It  is  inconceivable 
that  a  ceorl  should  have  held  bocland  and  made  a  will,  except  in 
Kent. 


Will  of  Abba  79 

1.  9  ff.  Freo'&omund  foe  tominum  sweorde... pending.  The  reason 
for  this  transaction  is  altogether  obscure.  Freothomund  had 
apparently  only  the  right  of  pre-emption.  It  is  to  be  noted  that 
the  amount  at  which  the  sword  is  valued  is  extraordinarily  high. 

1.  1 3  f .  him  sylfum  celles  hwcet  sgle.  It  is  uncertain  whether 
him  sylfum  refers  to  the  brothers,  or  to  their  heir  or  heirs. 

1.  1 5  ff.  ftonne  ann  ic  his  minra  swcestarsuna  swcelcum . .  .gifefte  bi<5. 
swcestarsuna  is  apparently  a  compound  noun ;  it  is  not  clear  whether 
swcestar  is  to  be  regarded  as  sing,  or  plur.  The  verb  geftian  is  other- 
wise unknown.  Sweet  (O.E.T.  p.  631)  conjectures  that  it  means 
'receive,'  'accept.'  7  him  gifefte  6i5  may  mean  (1)  'and  it  shall 
be  granted  him,'  (2)  'and  succeeds  in  getting  it.' 

1.  20 ff.  se  monn  se  Se  Kristes  cirican  hlaford  sie,  se  min...fore- 
spreoca.  Kristes  cirican  hlaford,  probably  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury. During  the  Anglo-Saxon  period,  every  man  had  to  be  under 
the  protection  of  a  lord.  There  appears  to  have  been  a  certain 
power  of  choice ;  Abba  seems  to  be  transferring  his  allegiance. 

p.  5,  1.  3.     et  Cealflocan.     Challock,  Kent. 

1.  5  f.  feower  we&ras,  an  suin,  oSSe  sex  weftras.  In  Anglo-Saxon 
times  a  pig  was  worth  two  sheep,  so  that  four  sheep  and  a  pig  would 
be  equivalent  in  value  to  six  sheep. 

1.  7.  sesterfulne  huniges.  The  sester  was  used  both  as  a  dry  and 
as  a  liquid  measure.  According  to  Domesday  Book,  there  were  in 
the  eleventh  century  sesters  of  different  capacities.  The  sester  of 
honey  was  measured  ad  mensuram  burgi  (Gloucester),  ad  mensuram 
regis,  and  cum  majori  mensura  (D.B.  I.  162,  166,  238).  The  capacity 
of  the  sester  seems  to  have  varied  also  during  the  Anglo-Saxon 
period.  According  to  Leechdoms  (ed.  Cockayne,  in.  p.  92)  se  sester 
(of  honey,  soap  or  vinegar)  sceal  wegan  twa  pund  be  sylfyrgewyht. 
In  this  case  the  sester  seems  to  correspond  to  the  Roman  sextarius, 
which  was  equal  to  nearly  a  pint,  or  perhaps  to  the  sextarius  of  the 
ecclesiastical  Roman  standard,  which  seems  to  have  been  slightly 
larger1.  A  sester  of  the  same  capacity  was  in  use  in  the  middle  of 
the  eleventh  century.  A  certain  Tova  arranged,  between  1049  and 
1052,  to  pay  annually  to  the  Abbey  of  St  Albans  as  the  rent  of  an 
estate  unum  sextarium  mellis  triginta  duarum  unciarum  (K.  950). 
A  different  standard  is  indicated  by  another  passage  in  Leechdoms 
(n.  298),  which  states  that  xv  pund  wcetres  ga]>  to  sestre.  In  the 

1  According  to  Robertson  (op.  cit.  p.  2  footnote),  the  Roman  sextarius  of 
honey  weighed  thirty  ounces.  See  also  ibid.  p.  69. 


80  English  Historical  Documents 

tenth  century,  a  sester  of  still  greater  capacity  seems  to  have  been 
in  use.  The  Historia  Monasterii  de  Abingdon  (ed.  Stevenson,  R.  S., 
I.  346)  states  that  on  feast  days  Aethelwold  allowed  the  monks  a 
sextarius  of  mead  at  dinner  between  six,  and  the  same  amount  at 
supper  between  twelve. 

A  sester  of  much  greater  capacity  than  the  Roman  sextarius 
has  been  in  use  throughout  Western  Europe.  In  the  fourteenth 
century,  the  sester  of  London  was  a  measure  containing  four  gallons, 
according  to  Fleta.  In  Germany  the  sester  is  a  measure  of  grain  of 
twelve  bushels,  a  measure  of  liquids  of  sixteen  quarts.  The  Welsh 
hestatur  contains  two  Winchester  bushels.  It  cannot  be  determined 
whether  the  fourteenth  century  sester  of  four  gallons  goes  back  to 
Anglo-Saxon  times,  or  whether  it  was  adopted  later.  In  any  case, 
the  sester  of  honey  mentioned  by  Heregyth  was  probably  a  consider- 
able quantity.  In  medieval  times,  before  the  introduction  of  sugar, 
there  was  an  enormous  consumption  of  honey,  which  was  used  for 
sweetening  purposes,  as  well  as  for  brewing  mead.  This  is  illustrated 
by  a  passage  in  the  Welsh  Laws  (Seebohm,  The  Tribal  System  in 
Wales,  p.  139)  specifying  the  food-rents  due  from  a  certain  district. 
Among  the  items  is  a  quantity  of  honey  amounting  to  thirty-two 
grenneit,  each  grenn  being  a  load  for  two  men  on  a  pole. 

1.  11  f.  to  higna  blodlese.  A  short  Latin  tract  on  bloodletting, 
De  Minutione  Sanguinis  sive  de  Phlebotomia,  has  been  ascribed  to 
Bede  (ed.  Giles,  vi.  p.  349).  This  tract  lays  down  which  are  the 
right  days  for  bleeding  and  warns  against  the  letting  of  blood 
on  certain  unlucky  days. 

1.  12  ff.  se  mann  se  to  londe  foe...fty  soel  gelceste.  Heregyth  has 
imposed  on  this  estate  a  food-rent  to  be  paid  annually  to  Christ 
Church  by  her  successors.  She  now  stipulates  that  the  person  who 
succeeds  to  this  property  is  to  pay  twenty-eight  pounds  to  her  erfehond; 
but  of  this  she  remits  fifteen  pounds,  in  consideration  of  the  fact  that 
a  food-rent  has  to  be  paid.  It  is  difficult  to  see  why  the  transaction 
should  be  described  in  this  way.  We  may  compare  the  arrangement 
made  by  Abba  for  the  purchase  of  his  sword  by  Freothomund  in 
p.  4,  1.  9  ff.  above. 

Who  the  erfehond  was,  is  not  clear.  Hond  is  sometimes  used  in 
compounds  in  the  sense  of  'person  inheriting,'  cf.  meghond  (p.  10, 
11.  17,  25).  If  this  were  its  force  here,  erfehond  would  be  equivalent  to 
erfetoeard,  i.e.  heir.  But  this  is  scarcely  possible,  since  the  successor 
to  the  property  is  already  indicated  in  the  words,  se  monn  se  to  londe 


Grant  by  Berhtwvlf  81 

foe.  B.-T.  suggests  'administrator.'  It  seems  likely  that  someone 
would  be  appointed  to  arrange  for  the  disposal  of  the  personal 
estate,  and  for  the  payment  of  bequests,  but  there  is  hardly  suffi- 
cient evidence  to  enable  us  to  decide  this  point. 


Ill 

Date.  Birch  dates  this  charter  'A.D.  848  or  later,'  presumably 
because  Florence  of  Worcester  states  that  Alhhun  (cf.  1.  9)  became 
Bishop  of  Worcester  in  that  year.  It  would  seem,  however,  that 
the  date  of  the  present  text  falls  between  Dec.  25th,  845  (i.a  844, 
since  the  year  began  on  Dec.  25th),  the  date  of  the  last  signature 
(B.  450)  of  Alhhun's  predecessor  Heaberht,  and  Nov.  8th,  845, 
when  an  exchange  of  lands  (B.  448)  was  witnessed  by  Alhhun  and 
by  Tunberht,  the  successor  of  Cyneferth  (1.  8)  in  the  see  of  Lichfield. 

Dialect.     See  Appendix. 

1.  26.  Berchtwulf  cyning.  King  of  the  Mercians  c.  839 — 852. 
Forthred  is  otherwise  unknown. 

1.  27.  nigen  higida  lond  in  Wudotune.  Dr  Birch  suggests 
Wootton,  Gloucestershire ;  but  there  are  several  other  places  of  this 
name  in  the  territory  of  the  Mercian  kingdom.  The  other  localities 
mentioned  are  likewise  still  unidentified. 

1.  28.  to  hiobbanne  7  to  siollanne.  These  forms  have  not  been 
satisfactorily  explained.  With  the  latter  we  may  compare  Late 
North,  seolla,  sealla ;  cf.  Biilbring,  Altenglisches  Elementarbuch,  i. 
p.  101  f. 

1.  29 f.  Cisse^ebeorg...ut  hi  Geht.  These  are  presumably  points 
on  the  boundary  of  the  estate.  Geht  is  possibly  the  name  of  a 
river,  though  Sweet  in  his  Glossary  (O.E.T.  p.  637)  takes  Utbigeht 
as  a  proper  noun. 

p.  6,  1.  1.  tu  higida  lond.  This  can  hardly  be  '  an  estate  of  two 
hides,'  since,  in  that  case,  we  should  expect  tu  to  be  inflected.  Is  it 
possible  that  tu  may  have  arisen  through  some  misunderstanding 
of  iii.  1  The  objection  to  this  is  that  the  MS.  appears  to  be  the 
original  document. 

1.  2.  xxx  mancessan  7  nigen  hund  scilV  :  i.e.  thirty  mancuses  in 
gold,  and  the  rest  in  silver. 

1.  5.  in  his  <5aere  haligran  •'•/a,  cf.  1.  25  and  1.  27  below. 
Sievers  (Angelsdc/ts.  Gramm.  §  304,  n.  2)  seems  to  regard  haligran 
as  an  isolated  gen.  plur.,  but  is  it  not  more  probable  that  the 

H.  6 


82  English  Historical  Documents 

explanation  is  to  be  found  in  a  misunderstanding  of  some  Latin 
formula  ? 

The  hieroglyphics  following  haligran  are  unexplained.  They  can 
hardly  be  a  later  insertion  to  fill  a  blank  space,  since  they  are  in 
exactly  the  same  ink  as  the  rest  of  the  text. 

1.  8  ff.  Cyneferft  episcopus,  Bishop  of  Lichfield ;  Alhhun  of 
Worcester,  Berchtred  of  Lindsey,  Ceolred  of  Leicester.  A  certain 
Deorlaf  was  Bishop  of  Hereford  c.  862 — c.  886,  but  cannot,  of 
course,  be  identified  with  the  Deorlaf  of  this  text,  whose  see  is 
unknown. 

L  15.  Mucel  dux,  cf.  Mucel  dux,  1.  23  below.  Mr  Stevenson 
(Asser'8  Life  of  King  Alfred,  p.  229  f.)  suggests  that  the  younger 
of  these,  who  were  probably  father  and  son,  may  well  have  been 
the  father-in-law  of  King  Alfred.  Prof.  Stenton  (The  Early  History 
of  Abingdon  Abbey,  p.  26  footnote)  identifies  the  elder  Mucel  with 
the  Mucel  Esning  who  received  ten  hides  at  Crowle,  when  the 
monastery  at  Hanbury  obtained  certain  exemptions  from  King 
Wiglaf  (B.  416).  See  Appendix. 

IV 

Date.  This  charter  is  assigned  to  832  in  an  endorsement  in  a 
hand  of  the  twelfth  century.  From  a  comparison  of  the  names  of 
the  witnesses  with  those  of  other  Kentish  charters,  the  correct  date 
would  appear  to  be  somewhat  later.  Werbald,  who  signs  a  charter 
of  843  (B.  442)  as  subdiacon  appears  as  diacon  among  the  witnesses 
of  Lufu's  grant,  which  must  therefore  have  been  drawn  up  after  843. 
The  date  cannot  be  later  than  863,  since  in  that  year  Aethelwald 
and  Sifreth,  who  were  both  deacons  at  the  time  of  Lufu's  grant, 
sign  a  Kentish  charter  of  Aethelberht  (B.  507)  as  priest  and 
archdeacon  respectively. 

Dialect.     Kentish.     See  Appendix. 

p.  7,  1.  3.     Lufa  for  Lufu ;  see  Appendix. 

ancilla  Dei,  cf.  Godes  ftiwen,  1.  24.  This  phrase  is  sometimes 
used  of  nuns,  and  this  may  be  its  meaning  here ;  or  it  may  mean 
simply  'religious  woman.'  It  was  perhaps  not  unusual  for  women 
to  lead  a  religious  and  celibate  life  outside  a  convent.  Aethelstan 
frequently  makes  grants  of  land  to  religiosae  feminae  who  may  or 
may  not  have  been  cloistered  nuns.  Cf.  J.  L.  Andre,  '  Widows  and 
Yowesses,'  Archaeological  Journal,  1892,  p.  69  ff. 


Grants  to  Canterbury  Cathedral  83 

1.  4.    CeolndSes  cercebiscopes,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  833 — 870. 

1.  7.  elmeshlafes  does  not  occur  elsewhere.  It  probably  means 
'bread  given  as  alms.' 

1.  9  f.  $e  me  to  gode  gefultumedan.  to  seems  here  to  be  an  adverb, 
cf.  1.  6  above :  mine  friond  to  gefultemedan ;  in  that  case,  gode  is 
perhaps  instrumental,  i.e.  'generously/  cf.  Beowulf,  11.  20,  956. 
There  is  also  a  possibility  that  to  gode  gefultumedan  may  mean 
*  helped  me  in  a  good  course.' 

to  adsumsio  Scce  Marie.     August  15th. 

1.  25.  ob  minem  erfelande  et  Mundlingham,  i.e.  Mongeham, 
near  Deal,  Kent.  The  curious  form  minem  is  unexplained,  cf.  p.  8, 
1.  25,  and  cenigem,  p.  11,  1.  26. 


Date.  This  charter  bears  no  date,  but  is  assigned  to  'about 
A.D.  831 '  by  Kemble,  Thorpe  and  Sweet.  From  its  linguistic 
characteristics,  it  would  seem  to  belong  to  the  same  period  as 
Lufu's  grant  (IV),  and  the  agreement  between  Eadweald  and 
Cynethryth  (VII),  the  former  of  whom  was  probably  identical  with 
the  Eadweald  of  the  present  text.  If  the  Ealhhere  mentioned  in 
p.  9,  1.  1,  is  to  be  identi6ed  with  the  Kentish  earl  of  that  name,  the 
charter  must  have  been  drawn  up  before  853,  the  year  in  which 
Earl  Ealhhere  died. 

Dialect.     See  Appendix. 

p.  8, 1.  19.  Dts  sindan  geftinga.  The  plural  (geftinga  for  earlier  -u) 
is  used  here  (as  elsewhere)  in  specifying  the  terms  of  an  agreement. 

Ealhburge  7  Eadwealdes.  Ealhburg  was  perhaps  the  wife  of 
Ealdred  (1.  21  below).  From  the  fact  that  Ealh-  occurs  in  both 
names,  we  may  perhaps  infer  that  she  was  a  member  of  the  family 
to  which  Ealhhere  belonged.  All  these  persons  seem  to  have 
belonged  to  the  Kentish  nobility,  since  Eadweald,  the  kinsman  of 
Ealhburg,  was  also  the  grand-nephew  of  Aethelmod  (p.  10,  1.  25), 
and  Aethelmod  was,  in  all  probability,  the  Earl  of  Kent  of  that 
name  (see  note  on  p.  86). 

1.  20.  et  Burnan.  Identified  by  Dr  Birch  with  Bishop's  Bourn, 
Kent.  '  Bourn '  is,  however,  a  common  element  in  Kentish  place-names. 

1.  25.     minem  mege.     See  note  above. 

p.  9,  1.  1.  Ealhhere  was  probably  a  near  relative  of  Ealhburg  and 
therefore  a  member  of  the  Kentish  nobility.  He  was  perhaps  identical 

6—2 


84  English  Historical  Documents 

with  the  earl  of  this  name  who  signs  Kentish  charters  from  841  to 
850  (B.  417,  437,  442,  449,  460).  He  appears  to  have  been  Earl 
of  West  Kent.  In  851,  Earl  Ealhhere,  with  Aethelstan  of  Kent, 
defeated  the  Danes  at  Sandwich.  Two  years  later,  he  led  the 
forces  of  Kent  in  a  battle  against  the  Danes  and  was  there  killed 
(cf.  Chron.  ann.  851,  853  A,  852  E). 

1.  2.     et  ^)englesham.     Finglesham,  near  Deal,  Kent. 


VI 

Date.  Thorpe  assigned  this  charter,  which  bears  no  date,  to 
A.D.  860.  It  is  printed  in  the  Cartularium  Saxonicum  with 
charters  of  that  year,  but  Dr  Birch  (B.  501,  footnote)  seems  in- 
clined to  date  it  some  twenty  or  thirty  years  earlier.  He  remarks 
upon  its  obvious  connection  with  the  other  grant  of  Ealhburg  (V), 
to  which  Kemble  assigned  the  date  of  'about  831,'  but  which 
probably  belongs  to  a  considerably  later  period  (see  p.  83). 

Dr  Birch  adduces  as  evidence  for  the  date  of  this  charter  the 
fact  that  the  signature  of  '  Drihtnoth,  pr.  abbot  of  St  Augustine's,' 
occurs  again  in  833  (B.  411).  But  there  is  no  evidence  to  shew 
that  the  Drihtnoth  abbas  who  signed  this  charter  was  connected 
with  St  Augustine's,  Canterbury.  According  to  Thome's  Chronicle 
of  St  Augustine's  (c.  v.  2)  a  certain  Diernodus  was  abbot  of  that 
monastery  from  844  to  864.  This  grant  of  Ealhburg  is  included 
by  Thorne  among  the  donations  to  the  monastery  during  the  abbacy 
of  Diernodus,  and  Wanley  (p.  151)  suggested  that  this  name  might 
be  a  corruption  of  Drithnothus,  for  Dryhtnoth,  the  name  which  heads 
the  list  of  signatories  to  this  grant.  If  so  the  document  is  to  be 
assigned  to  the  period  844 — 864.  This  date  is  fully  borne  out  by 
a  comparison  of  the  signatures  with  those  of  contemporary  Kentish 
charters.  The  priest  Osmund  (1.  26)  whose  signature  is  mentioned 
by  Dr  Birch  as  evidence  for  an  earlier  date,  signs  a  Kentish  charter 
(B.  516)  as  late  as  867. 

The  Chronologia  Augustinensis  prefixed  to  the  Chronicle  of 
Thomas  of  Elmham  has  the  entry :  Ethburga  dedit  redditum  de 
Braburne  under  the  year  850.  This  we  may  probably  accept  as 
indicating  approximately  the  date  of  the  grant,  though  scarcely 
the  exact  date,  as  the  dates  given  in  this  table  differ  in  many 
instances,  by  a  year  or  two,  from  the  accepted  chronology  of  the 
period.  The  reference  to  the  hafyen  folc  in  p.  10,  1.  6,  would  have 


Grant  by  Ealhburg  85 

had  special  significance  between  850  and  860,  when  Kent  suffered 
greatly  from  inroads  of  the  Danes. 

Dialect.  This  text  is  preserved  only  in  a  later  copy.  The  use 
of  y  for  i,  and  such  forms  as  tvudes  (1.  17),  }>cene  (1.  19)  are  charac- 
teristic of  a  later  stage  of  the  language.  The  only  distinctively 
Kentish  form  is  hia  in  1.  20. 

1.  13.  Ealhburh.  Probably  the  person  of  this  name  who  arranged 
for  the  payment  of  a  similar  food-rent  from  an  estate  at  Bourn  (V). 

1.  14.  to  Scce  Agustine.  This  monastery  was  founded  by  Augus- 
tine and  Aethelberht,  King  of  Kent,  and  dedicated  to  SS.  Peter  and 
Paul.  It  was  intended  by  Augustine  to  serve  as  a  place  of  burial 
for  himself  and  his  successors,  and  for  the  Kings  of  Kent  (Bede,  I. 
c.  23).  In  course  of  time  it  came  to  be  known  as  St  Augustine's. 

1.15.  cet  Bradanburnan.  Brabourne,  Kent.  It  is  curious  that  in 
a  Kentish  charter  of  863  (B.  507)  the  phrase  ah  aquilone  et  ab  oriente 
Eadwealdes  bocland  to  Bradeburnan  occurs  in  the  boundaries  of  an 
estate  at  Mersham,  Kent.  This  Eadweald  was  perhaps  Ealhburg's 
kinsman  (cf.  p.  8,  1.  24). 

XL  ambura  mealtes.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  items  correspond 
exactly  with  those  of  Ealhburg's  other  grant  (V),  except  that  the 
'  ten  geese '  are  here  omitted. 

1.  19.  cefter  hyraferse.  The  termfers,  L.  versus,  was  applied  to 
sentences  from  the  Scriptures,  most  often  from  the  Psalms,  which 
were  said  at  various  stages  of  the  hour-offices,  and  especially  follow- 
ing the  '  responsory '  after  a  lesson  ;  cf .  Benedictine  Rule  (ed.  Grein, 
Bibl.  der  Angelsdchs.  Prosa  n.),  xi.  10,  singan  o]>re  syx  sealmas  mid 
\rirn  antefenum  and  fers  cefter  ]>am.  It  was  also  applied  more 
particularly  to  the  sentence  following  the  short  antiphon  or  're- 
sponsory,' which  was  sung  between  the  Epistle  and  the  Gospel  in 
the  office  of  Mass  (Century  Dictionary,  s.v.  verse). 

}>cene  sealm...1  Exaudiat  te  Dominus.'     Ps.  xx. 

1.  22.  }>an  halgan  were.  We  may  perhaps  compare  North. 
halgawaras,  haligwaras,  'holy  people,'  'saints'  (B.-T.). 

p.  10,  1.  5  f.  }>cet  hwylc  broc  on  becume  ]mrh  hcetyen  folc.  The 
reference  is  probably  to  the  Danish  ravages  in  Kent  between  850 
and  860.  Earl  Ealhhere,  who  with  Aethelstan  of  Kent  defeated 
the  Danes  off  Sandwich,  and  who  was  killed  in  853  in  a  battle 
in  Thanet,  was  possibly  a  near  relative  of  Ealhburg  (see  note  on 
p.  83).  In  851,  the  Danes  for  the  first  time  remained  over  the 
winter  in  Thanet;  they  first  wintered  in  Sheppey  in  855. 


86  English  Historical  Documents 


VII 

Date.  The  date  831,  assigned  by  Kemble  to  this  charter,  is 
quite  impossible,  if  the  Earl  Aethelmod  mentioned  in  1.  15  is  to 
be  identified  with  the  Kentish  earl  of  that  name  who  died  in  859. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  this  identification  is  correct,  since 
King  Aethelwulf,  in  843,  granted  an  estate  at  Chart  to  his  minister 
Aethelmod  (B.  442).  This  agreement  must  have  been  drawn  up 
after  859,  as  Cynethryth  was  a  widow  at  the  time.  It  must  be 
dated  some  years  later,  if  Seferth  subdiacon  who  signs  a  Kentish 
charter  (B.  507)  of  863,  is  the  Seferth  presbyter  who  appears  here 
among  the  signatories.  On  the  other  hand,  the  date  cannot  be  later 
than  870,  the  year  of  the  death  of  Archbishop  Ceolnoth,  who  was 
one  of  the  witnesses. 

Dialect.     Kentish.     See  Appendix. 

1.  14 f.  f)is  is  geftinge  Eadwaldes  Osheringes.  Oshering,  'son 
of  Oshere.'  Eadwald  Oshering  is  probably  the  Bad  weald  who  was 
a  kinsman  of  Ealhburg  (p.  8,  1.  24).  A  certain  Eadweald  signs 
a  grant  of  King  Aethelberht  in  858  (B.  496),  and  the  record  of 
a  grant  of  land  by  Eadweald  to  St  Augustine's,  Canterbury,  is 
to  be  found  at  the  end  of  a  charter  of  863  (B.  507).  These  may 
both  refer  to  the  same  person;  he  is  otherwise  unknown. 

Eftelmodes  aldormonnes.  See  above.  He  is  probably  the  Aethel- 
mod minister  to  whom  King  Aethelwulf  gave  an  estate  at  Chart  in 
843  (B.  442),  and  who  signs  a  Kentish  charter  of  Aethelwulf  in 
845  (B.  449).  Aethelmod  was  earl  of  one  of  the  divisions  of  Kent, 
probably  West  Kent,  from  853  to  859.  He  signs  Kentish  charters 
as  Aethelmod  duxin  853  and  858  (B.  467,  496).  A  charter  (B.  497) 
recording  a  grant  by  Aethelmod  to  Plegred  is  dated  859.  This  date 
is  certainly  wrong1,  but  the  charter  seems  otherwise  to  be  authentic. 
Aethelmod  must  have  died  about  this  time,  since  his  successor 
Dryhtwald  appears  in  860. 

1.  15.     et  Cert.     Chart,  near  Ashford,  Kent. 

1.  17.  neniggra  meihanda.  This  is  perhaps  to  be  emended 
to  nenig(g]re,  D.  sing.  fern,  agreeing  with  meihanda,  which  is  a 
feminine  noun,  although  it  here  refers  to  persons  of  either  sex. 
meihand,  cf.  1.  25,  is  compounded  of  mceg,  kinsman,  and  hond, 
used  in  the  sense  of  'person  inheriting.'  See  note  on  p.  101. 

1  The  charter  is  signed  by  Bang  Aethelwulf,  who  died  in  858. 


Earl  Aelfred  and  Aethelred  87 

1.  18 f.  sioe  hit  him  boem  rehtlicast...were,  i.e.  for  Aethelmod 
and  Cynethryth. 

1.  20.  Cyne.  Perhaps  an  abbreviation  in  common  use.  It  can 
hardly  be  merely  a  scribal  contraction,  since  there  is  no  mark  of 
contraction  in  the  MS. 

1.  21  f.  Gib  Eadweald  leng  lifige...X  Susenda,  i.e.  10,000  pence. 
Eadweald  had  simply  the  right  of  pre-emption.  The  money  was 
presumably  to  be  used  to  purchase  spiritual  benefits  for  the  souls 
of  Aethelmod  and  Cynethryth.  A  somewhat  similar  arrangement 
was  made  by  the  Reeve  Aethelnoth  (B.  318). 

1.  22.  Gif  he  gewitc  er  ftonne  hia,  his  barna...begetan.  This  is 
to  be  done  on  the  death  of  Cynethryth,  if  she  survives  Eadweald. 


VIII 

Date.  This  charter  bears  no  date.  Two  middle  English  ver- 
sions in  Canterbury  chartularies  (cf.  B.  530),  the  earlier  of  which 
dates  from  the  late  thirteenth  or  early  fourteenth  century,  are 
dated  87 11.  This  date  seems  perfectly  reasonable  and  is  probably 
correct  for  the  negotiations  recorded  in  the  text. 

p.  11,  1.  22.  Alfred  dux.  See  IX.  and  X.  and  note  on  p.  88. 
Aethelred,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  870 — 889. 

1.  24.     an  Certham.     Chartham,  Kent. 

1.  28 f.  5e  he... ar cede  swce  an  feoh  swae  an  feorme.  Land  was 
often  leased  in  consideration  of  a  rent  in  money,  cf.  p.  29,  1.  4ff. ; 
sometimes  for  a  food-rent,  cf.  B.  622.  For  an  instance  of  a  single 
payment  in  return  for  a  lease  of  land,  cf.  p.  21,  1.  4ff. 

1.  30.     cet  Crogdene.     Croydon,  Surrey. 

p.  12, 1.  3ff.  ftonne  hcefS  jElfred  gehaldene  ffereunnne...ge$qfigan 
wolde.  Herewyn  is  otherwise  unknown.  Was  she  the  daughter  of 
Earl  Aelfred,  referred  to  in  p.  11,  11.  27,  31,  above?  From  Earl 
Aelf red's  Will  (X)  and  the  entry  in  the  Codex  Aureus  (IX)  it  appears 
that  he  had  a  daughter  called  Alhthryth.  His  wife's  name  was 
Werburg. 

an  ceghwelcre  toihte  ftces  8e  hio  an  geworden  wees.  There  are 
numerous  examples  of  the  impersonal  use  of  geweorftan,  'to  agree,' 
governing  the  accusative  (hio) ;  but  no  instances  with  an,  referring 
to  the  subject  of  agreement,  are  recorded  by  B.-T. 

1  I  am  indebted  for  this  information  to  the  Rev.  C.  E.  Woodruff. 


88  English  Historical  Documents 

IX 

1.  17.  Aelfred  aldormon  is  undoubtedly  the  earl  of  this  name, 
whose  will  is  to  be  found  on  p.  13ff. 

1.  18.  Sos  bee.  The  use  of  the  plural  is  somewhat  surprising.  Is 
it  to  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  the  Codex  Aureus  is  a  volume  of 
Gospels?  If  so,  bee  stands  for  Cristes  bee,  i.e.  the  four  Gospels, 
cf.  Aelfric,  On  the  Old  and  New  Testament  (ed.  Grein,  Bibl.  der 
Angelsdch.  Prosa  I.  p.  12):  Feotver  Cristes  bee  sindon  be  Criste 
sylfum  aivritene.  An  }>ara  awrat  Matheus.  Or  are  we  to  suppose 
that  the  Codex  Aureus  was  only  one  of  a  number  of  books  recovered 
by  Earl  Aelfred,  and  presented  by  him  to  Christ  Church  ? 

cet  haeftnum  herge.  Doubtless  from  one  of  the  Danish  armies 
by  which  England  was  ravaged  about  this  time. 

p.  13,  1.  1.  Sa  hurile  fie  God  gesegen  haebbe  fleet . . .mote.  This 
use  of  seon  is  peculiar;  it  can  hardly  mean  anything  else  than 
'foresee,'  'provide.' 

1.  5.  fta  hwile  Se  fulvnht  stondan  mote.  The  same  phrase 
occurs  in  Earl  Aelfred's  Will,  p.  14,  11.  23,  28. 


Date.  Between  King  Alfred's  accession  (871)  and  Archbishop 
Aethelred's  death  (889). 

Dialect.     See  Appendix. 

1.  9.  Alfred  dux.  dux  is  the  usual  equivalent  for  ealdorman  in 
Latin  charters,  and  sometimes,  as  here,  in  Anglo-Saxon  documents. 
Aelfred  was  probably  Earl  of  Surrey  ;  he  had  estates  both  in  Surrey 
and  in  Kent.  He  must  have  received  this  earldom  some  time  after 
853,  when  Huda,  Earl  of  Surrey,  was  killed  in  a  battle  in  Thanet 
against  the  Danes  (Chron.  ann.  853  A,  852  E). 

1.  10.  allum  his  weotum  7  geweotan.  geweotan  is  probably  of 
wider  signification  than  weotum,  the  term  regularly  applied  to  the 
king's  councillors. 

1.  12.  mines  boclondes.  bocland  was  land  held  by  boc  or  charter, 
as  opposed  tofolcland,  land  held  in  accordance  with  national  custom. 
Grants  of  bocland  appear  after  the  introduction  of  Christianity,  at 
first  only  for  the  endowment  of  churches  and  monasteries.  There 
are  no  grants  of  bocland  to  laymen,  except  for  ecclesiastical 
purposes,  until  the  second  half  of  the  eighth  century.  Land  held  by 


Earl  Aelfred's  Witt  89 

hoc  was  privileged  and  exempt  from  many  of  the  burdens  which  lay 
uponfolcland. 

1.  13  ff.  Sanderstead,  Selsdon,  Clapham,  and  Horsley,  Surrey; 
Westerham,  and  Nettlestead,  Kent.  Leangafelda  is  usually  identified 
with  Longfield,  Kent.  This  identification  is  possibly  correct,  but 
the  name  cannot  etymologically  be  connected  with  O.E.  lang. 

1.  18.  mid  allum  fiingum  fte  to  londum  belimpaft.  to  londum 
perhaps  means  estates  in  general,  and  not  merely  those  mentioned 
in  the  preceding  lines. 

1.2  If.  7  hio  gebrenge  §t  Sancte  Petre...fftreld  age.  The  reference 
seems  to  be  to  St  Peter's,  Rome1.  It  is  scarcely  likely  that  min  twa 
wergeld  means  '  twice  my  wergeld ' ;  the  more  natural  meaning  is 
'my  two  wergelds.'  According  to  the  NorMeoda  Lagu  and  the 
document  called  Be  Myrcna  Lage,  the  king  had  a  double  wergeld. 
Beside  the  sum  which  went  to  his  relations,  a  similar  amount  was 
paid  to  his  dependents.  In  the  former  document,  the  wergeld  of 
the  aetheling,  or  member  of  the  royal  family,  is  stated  to  be 
15,000  trymsas,  just  half  that  of  the  king.  It  seems,  therefore, 
that  the  king's  wergeld  was  doubled  in  virtue  of  his  office;  and 
such  may  also  have  been  the  case  with  the  earl.  The  amount  of 
the  earl's  wergeld  is  unfortunately  never  stated  in  the  Kentish  or 
West  Saxon  laws.  According  to  the  Northleoda  Lagu,  the  wergeld 
of  the  earl  (earldorman)  was  8000  trymsas,  but  this  represents 
Scandinavian  custom.  We  know  that  occasionally,  at  least,  West 
Saxon  earls  were  members  of  the  royal  family. 

1.  26.     sio  neste  hond.     See  note  on  p.   101. 

p.  14,  1.  2  f.  j?  hine  to  San  gehagige . .  .wille.  B.-T.  gives  the 
meaning  of  gehagian*  as  'to  please,'  by  analogy  with  onhagian,  'to 
be  within  one's  power,'  and  translates  'whoever  it  be  that  is  ready 
to  take  the  other  lands.' 

1.6.  to  Ceortesege...tofeormfultume.  The  monastery  at  Chertsey 
was  founded  by  Erconwald,  Bishop  of  London,  before  675  or  676 
(Bede,  Hist.  Eccles.  iv.  6).  It  is  said  to  have  been  destroyed  during 
the  Danish  invasions  in  the  latter  part  of  the  ninth  century.  If  the 
date  884  assigned  to  this  event  in  a  Chertsey  chronicle  (cf.  Dugdale, 

1  We  may  perhaps  compare  the  opening  lines  of  B.   192,  a  charter  dated 
762 :   Ego  Dunwald  minister,  dum  adviveret,  inclitse  memorise  regis  Ethelberti, 
nunc  vero  pecuniam  illiuf  pro  animse  ejus  salute  ad  limina  apostolorum  Roma 
cum  aliis  perferre  desiderans. 

2  This  word  occurs  again  in  B.  566 :  Stnne  an  hio  hit  ff&m  hiwum  to  Win- 
tanceastre  after  hire  dsege  into  h&re  beddarn  sat  Sam  bisceopstole,  mid  ticelcan 
yrfe  twelcan  hi  Senne  to  gehagaff. 


90  English  Historical  Documents 

op.  cit.  i.  422)  is  correct,  it  would  seem  probable  that  Earl  Aelf red's 
Will  belongs  to  the  early  years  of  Alfred's  reign1. 

Only  one  instance  of  the  word  feormfultum  is  recorded  by  B.-T. 
Another  is  quoted  by  Prof.  Napier,  Contributions  to  Old  English 
Lexicography  (Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1906),  p.  286,  in  the  following 
passage  from  a  Bury  St  Edmund's  document :  Her  stent  5a  for- 
warde  fie  jE]>eric  worhte  wift  ]>an  abbode  on  Niwentune,  ]>cet  is 
III  sceppe  mealtes,  7  heal/'  sceppe  hwcete,  an  slcegryfter,  V  seep — 
Leofstan  abbod  doft  to  }ris  fermfultum  an  sceppe  malt  7  ///  hund 
hlafe  i  VI flicce  7  o<5er  VI  tofyllincge  into  }>an  ealdanfyrme ;  where 
fermfultum  means  'a  contribution  of  provisions.'  We  may  com- 
pare the  charges  imposed  on  various  Kentish  estates  in  favour 
of  monasteries  (p.  1,  1.  21  ff.  ;  p.  3,  1.  22ff. ;  p.  8,  1.  22ff.  etc.).  In 
Earl  Aelfred's  Will  money  payments  take  the  place  of  payments  in 
kind. 

1.  8.  Jjfoelwalde  minum  sunu.  Probably  the  Aethelwald  dux 
who  witnessed  the  exchange  of  land  between  Earl  Aelfred  and 
Archbishop  Aethelred  (p.  12,  1.  9).  He  may  possibly  have  been  the 
Earl  Aethelwald,  whose  death  is  recorded  in  the  Chronicle  ann.  888, 
and  who  is  said  by  the  chronicler  Aethelward  to  have  been  Earl  of 
Kent. 

1.  9.  on  Hwgtedune.  This  is  probably  Waddon,  near  Coulsdon, 
Surrey.  The  place  is  not  mentioned  in  D.B.,  but  it  appears  in  1127 
as  Wadonam,  in  a  charter  of  Henry  I  to  the  Abbey  of  Bermondsey 
(Dugdale,  op.  cit.  v.  97).  The  modern  form  Waddon  occurs  at  the 
beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century  (Feudal  Aids,  1316),  and  is  the 
one  most  usually  found.  The  spelling  Whatedone  (Surrey  Fines, 
Surrey  Archaeological  Society,  pp.  64,  156)  also  occurs,  while  the 
form  Whaddon  is  not  unusual. 

an  Gatatune,  Gatton,  about  eight  miles  from  Waddon. 

1.10.  gifse  cyning  him  geunnan  wille . .  .boclonde.  Thefolclond 
mentioned  here  was  perhaps  an  estate  of  cyninges  folcland  granted 
to  Aelfred  for  his  lifetime  (cf.  Chadwick,  op.  cit.  p.  171  footnote, 
p.  367).  The  question  whether  Aethelwald  should  be  allowed  to 
hold  this  estate  would  naturally  be  for  the  king  to  decide.  Maitland 
(Domesday  Book  and  Beyond,  p.  246),  and  many  others,  explain 
Aelfred's  doubt  upon  this  point  by  the  assumption  that  Aethelwald 
was  of  questionable  legitimacy.  But  the  fact  that  Alhthryth  is 

1  If  the  date  884  is  right,  the  chronicler  is  clearly  wrong  in  saying  that  the 
monastery  was  destroyed  tempore  Ethelredi  regisjilii  regis  Ethelwulfi. 


King  Alfred's  Will  91 

described  as  '  the  child  of  us  both '  is  not  sufficient  to  prove  this, 
though  we  may  perhaps  infer  from  it  that  Werburg  was  not  Aelfred's 
first  wife.  Maitland  says  that  '  we  can  see  that  [Aelfred]  does  not 
feel  called  upon  to  do  very  much  for  this  son  of  his.'  May  not  the 
explanation  be  that  Aelfred  considered  that  his  son  was  already 
sufficiently  provided  for  ?  Aethelwald  may  have  been  Earl  of  Kent. 
(See  note  on  p.  14,  1.  8,  above.) 

1.  14.     on  Lgncanfelda.     Probably  Lingtield,  Surrey. 

1.  15.  geselle  hio  C  swina.  It  is  not  clear  whether  hio  refers  to 
Werburg  or  to  Alhthryth. 

1.  16ff.  }>one  ofergcan  mon  ged§le...willgn.  ]>one  qfergcan,  what 
remains  of  the  original  stock  of  swine  after  the  bequests  already 
enumerated  have  been  paid.  Does  \>a  hwile  ]>e  hio  lestan  will%n 
refer  to  the  mynsterhamas,  i.e.  '  as  long  as  they  shall  endure,'  or  '  as 
long  as  they  are  willing  to  render  certain  services '  (?) ;  or  can  it 
refer  to  the  pigs,  and  mean  '  as  far  as  they  will  go '  ? 

1.  24ff.  ic  sello  Eadrede . .  .gif  he  hit  to  him  geearnian  wile,  on 
Fearnlege,  probably  Farley,  near  Sanderstead,  Surrey.  For  the 
phrase  gif  he  hit  to  him  geearnian  wile,  cf.  p.  5,  L  28  f. ;  to  him 
must  mean  'from  Aethelred.'  Aelfred  is  willing  that  Aethelred 
should  leave  his  land  to  Eadred,  if  he  is  satisfied  with  his  conduct. 

1.  27.  to  Hrofescestre.  The  church  at  Rochester  was  founded 
by  Aethelberht,  King  of  Kent,  and  dedicated  to  St  Andrew. 
Aethelberht  made  Rochester  a  bishop's  see,  and  Justus  became 
its  first  bishop  (Bede,  Hist.  Eccles.  n.  c.  3). 

1.  29.    fulwihte.     This  nominative  form  with  -e  is  curious. 

1.  30.  f)eos  foresprec  7  ]>as  gewriotu.  Does  this  mean  'this 
declaration  and  the  writing  of  it,'  or  does  it  mean  'the  preface 
ajid  the  various  articles  which  follow '  ? 

1.  33.  me,  }>gt  on  lene  gelift.  The  verb  geleon  is  not  recorded 
in  the  dictionaries.  It  evidently  means  'to  give,  lend,'  cf.  leon, 
<  *llohan,  and  Gothic  leihwan. 

XI 

The  earliest  known  copy  of  King  Alfred's  Will  is  to  be  found  in 
the  Hyde  Register,  and  dates  from  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh 
century.  See  p.  15.  A  later  version  is  included  among  the 
documents  in  the  Liber  Monasterii  de  Hyda,  which  was  compiled 
some  time  after  1354  and  which  is  written  in  a  hand  of  the  close 


92  English  Historical  Documents 

of  the  fourteenth  or  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century  (cf. 
Edwards,  Liber  de  Hyda,  p.  xix  ff.).  This  latter  text  is  full  of 
inaccuracies  and  corrupt  spellings ;  the  scribe  frequently  writes  ri 
for  Anglo-Saxon  ji.  The  Liber  de  Hyda  also  contains  a  Latin  and 
a  Middle  English  version  of  the  will,  both  of  which  abound  with 
mistranslations  of  the  Anglo-Saxon ;  some  passages,  indeed,  are 
quite  unintelligible.  There  is  a  very  close  connection  between  the 
two  later  versions,  the  same  mistakes  being  common  to  both. 

Date.  Kemble,  followed  by  Earle  and  Birch,  assigned  to  this 
will  the  date  A.D.  880 — 885.  Mr  Stevenson  (op.  cit.  p.  Ixvii)  points 
out  that  the  latter  date  is  due  to  the  erroneous  identification  of  the 
Bishop  Esne  mentioned  here  with  Esne,  Bishop  of  Hereford,  whose 
death  was  assigned  by  Bishop  Godwin  to  885,  but  who  really  died 
in  787  or  788.  The  will  cannot  be  earlier  than  873,  the  year  in 
which  Bishop  Werferth  succeeded  to  the  see  of  Worcester.  It  must 
have  been  drawn  up  before  889,  since  Archbishop  Aethelred  died  in 
that  year. 

p.  15, 1.  26.  Ic  Alfred  cingc  mid  Godes  gife,  cf.  p.  17, 1.  13.  The 
most  natural  way  of  translating  this  phrase  would  be  to  take  mid  Godes 
gife  with  JElfred  cingc  and  to  translate  '  I  Alfred,  by  God's  grace 
king.'  In  some  of  Alfred's  Latin  charters,  the  king  styles  himself 
Ego  jElfred  gratia  Dei  Saxonum  rex  (cf.  B.  550,  564).  Another 
example  of  the  same  usage  occurs  in  the  opening  clause  of  the  Laws 
of  Ine :  Ic  Ine,  mid  Godes  gife  Westseaxena  kyning,  mid  ge}>eahte 
7  mid  lare  Cenredes  mines  feeder,  etc.  But  in  King  Alfred's  Will, 
the  phrases  mid  Godes  gife  and  mid  ge]>eahtunge  jE}>eredes  ercebis- 
ceopes  seem  to  be  parallel,  and  unless  the  7  which  joins  them  is  due 
to  a  scribal  error,  we  are  bound  to  take  them  together.  In  that 
case,  we  must  suppose  that  by  Alfred's  time  the  original  meaning 
of  the  phrase  mid  Godes  gife  had  been  forgotten,  and  that  its  use 
had  become  merely  conventional. 

jE]>eredes  ercebisceopes.     Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  870 — 889. 

p.  16,  1.  1.  ymbe  ]>cet  yrfe  ]>cet  Aftulf  cingc... us  \rirn  gebroftrum 
becwoeft.  This  part  of  Alfred's  inheritance  receives  special  mention 
because  it  had  been  the  subject  of  agreements  made  at  different 
times  between  the  sons  of  Aethelwulf.  These  are  described  in  the 
lines  following. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  Aethelberht  is  excluded  from  this  particular 
portion  of  the  inheritance  of  Aethelwulf.  Aethelberht  may  have 
been  the  eldest  of  the  four  brothers.  He  became  King  of  Kent 


King  Alfred's  Will  93 

during  the  lifetime  of  his  father,  perhaps  as  early  as  853,  if  the 
grant  of  Aethelwulf  to  Ealdhere  (B.  467)  which  is  signed  by 
Aethelberht  as  rex  is  rightly  assigned  to  that  year.  After  the 
death  of  Aethelwulf,  Aethelbald  and  Aethelberht  appear  to  have 
ruled  over  their  respective  kingdoms  independently  of  one  another. 

1.  4.  Ac  hit  gelamp  }>cet  Jfyelbold gefdr.  Aethelbald  died  in  860, 
and  Aethelberht  then  added  Wessex  to  his  kingdom  of  Kent,  Surrey, 
Sussex  and  Essex.  Aethelbald  must  have  had  possession  during  his 
lifetime  of  the  property  which  belonged  to  himself  and  his  two  brothers 
conjointly.  After  his  death  it  was  handed  over  to  his  successor. 

mid  ealra  Westseaxena  witena  getvitnesse.  It  is  questionable 
whether  the  emendation  to  ealra  is  really  necessary,  as  confusion  of 
-re  and  -ra  is  not  rare;  cf.  neniggra,  p.  10,  1.  17  and  note. 

1.  8.     ge  \cet  yrfe.    The  joint  inheritance  of  Aethelred  and  Alfred. 

ge  ])cet  he  mid  uncre  gemanan  begeat.  mid  uncre  gemanan  seems 
to  mean  '  by  means  of  our  joint  property.'  The  use  of  gemana 
with  this  concrete  meaning  is  not  recognised  by  B.-T.,  but  it  is 
supported  by  the  occurrence  of  the  phrase  him  to  gemanan  in  the 
will  of  Aelfgyfu  (Thorpe,  p.  554),  where  it  can  hardly  mean  anything 
else:  And  ic  ann...\oes  landces  cet  Mundingwillce  7  cet  JBeorh..., 
jElfwerdce  7  ^E^elwcerdce  7  jElfwarce,  him  to  gemanan  hira  dceg. 

1.  10.  pa  hit  swa  gelamp  }>cet  JE]>ered  to  feng.  Aethelred  became 
king  in  866. 

1.  1 2  f .  Ipa  scede  he  me  }xet  he  naht  eafte . . .  ongefangen.  The  meaning 
of  this  sentence  is  not  clear.  It  may  simply  refer  to  the  difficulty  of 
making  a  fair  division  of  the  estates,  in  which  case  for]>on  he  hoefde 
ful  oft  cer  ongefangen  may  be  translated  'for  he  had  already  many 
times  attempted  to  do  so.'  If  this  was  more  than  a  pretext  to  make 
Alfred  waive  his  claim,  it  may  mean  that  Aethelred  had  attempted 
to  make  a  hypothetical  division  of  the  property  in  the  past,  perhaps 
with  a  view  to  inducing  Aethelberht  to  part  with  it.  This  inter- 
pretation of  the  passage  raises  the  difficulty  that  although  onfon 
does  sometimes  mean  '  to  try,  undertake,'  it  occurs  only  with  a  noun 
object.  Its  most  usual  meaning  is  '  to  take,  receive.'  If  that  is  its 
meaning  here,  the  sentence  must  be  translated  '  since  he  had  often 
received  additions  to  it.' 

1.  13.  he  cwctft  ]>ces  ]>e  he  on  uncrum  gemanan  gebruce  7  gestrynde. 
}>ces  is  genitive,  governed  by  gebruce.  The  whole  sentence  is  clearly 
parallel  to  11.  8,  9  above.  7  gestrynde  probably  means,  as  in  1.  9, 
'  what  he  had  by  his  own  means  acquired.' 


94  English  Historical  Documents 

1.  16ff.  Ac  hit  gelamp...swa  unc  scelde.  In  866,  the  year  of 
Aethelred's  accession,  the  most  important  of  the  Scandinavian 
invasions  of  this  country  took  place.  The  invaders,  led  by  the 
sons  of  Ragnarr  Lothbrok,  defeated  and  killed  the  two  rival  kings 
of  Northumbria  who  had  united  against  them.  They  then  made  an 
attack  on  Mercia,  and  compelled  Burgred  of  Mercia  to  come  to 
terms.  The  presence  of  the  Scandinavians  in  England  must  have 
brought  home  to  Aethelred  and  Alfred  the  necessity  of  making  some 
provision  for  their  children,  of  whom  no  mention  had  been  made 
in  the  previous  agreement.  The  second  agreement  was  probably 
made  in  the  interval  between  Alfred's  marriage,  which  took  place, 
according  to  Asser  (cap.  29),  in  868,  and  the  death  of  Aethelred  in 
871. 

1.  19.  cet  Swinbeorgum.  This  place  has  been  identified  by  the 
Rev.  H.  G.  Tomkins  (Academy,  24  May,  1884,  p.  368)  with  Swan- 
borough  Tump  between  Woodborough  and  Pewsey,  Wilts.1 

1.  22.  }>ara  landa  }>e  unc  ASulf  cingc  forgeaf  be  Aftelbolde  lifien- 
dum.  Aethelwulf  made  over  Wessex  to  Aethelbald  on  his  depar- 
ture to  Rome  in  855.  This  provision  for  Aethelred  and  Alfred  was 
possibly  made  at  the  same  time. 

1.  28.  pa  ne  cydde  me  nan  mann  nan  yrfegewrit  ne  none  ge- 
witnesse.-.wcKre.  The  nouns  yrfegewrit  and  gewitnesse,  which  are 
properly  the  subject  of  the  dependent  clause  ]>cet...wcere,  are  brought 
into  the  principal  clause  as  direct  object  of  the  verb,  and  replaced 
in  the  dependent  clause  by  the  impersonal  hit. 

1.  30.  pa  gehyrde  we  nu  manegu  yrfegeflitu.  This  would  seem  to 
suggest  either  that  Alfred  had  kept  back  some  part  of  the  property 
which  he  had  promised  to  make  over  to  the  children  of  Aethelred, 
or  else  that  there  was  some  dispute  concerning  the  joint  property 
which  now  lawfully  belonged  to  Alfred,  the  sole  survivor  of  the 
three  brothers.  Possibly  one  of  Aethelred's  sons  may  have  de- 
manded a  more  adequate  portion  of  his  father's  possessions.  At 
a  later  date,  when  Edward  became  king  on  Alfred's  death,  Aethel- 
wold  (cf.  p.  99)  took  up  arms  (Chron.  ann.  901),  probably  with  a 
view  to  asserting  his  own  claim  to  the  throne,  to  which,  according 
to  modern  ideas  of  strict  hereditary  succession,  he  certainly  had  a 
greater  right. 

1.  31.     A}wlfes  cinges  yrfegewrit.     The  will  of  King  Aethelwulf 

1  The  references  given  by  Dr  Birch  (B.  553  footnote)  to  Mr  Tomkins'  articles 
in  the  Academy  are  incorrect. 


King  Alfred's  Witt  95 

is  no  longer  extant,  but  Asser  (cap.  16)  has  preserved  some  details 
which  are  clearly  taken  from  it.  His  account  of  Aethelwulf's 
directions  for  the  disposal  of  his  property,  is  given  only  in  general 
terms  :  et  regni  inter  Jilios  sitos,  duos  scilicet  seniores,  et  propriae 
hereditatis  inter  Jilios  et  filiam  et  etiam  propinquos,  pecuniarum, 
quae  post  se  superessent,  inter  animam  et  Jilios  et  etiam  nobUes 
suos,  divisionem  ordinabiliter  literis  mandari  procuravit. 

1.  32.  cet  Langandene.  This  place  has  been  identified  by  the 
Rev.  H.  G.  Tomkins  (Academy,  13  June,  1885)  with  Long  Dean, 
about  three  miles  from  Swanborough  Tump.  I  have  not  suc- 
ceeded in  finding  this  on  the  6-in.  Ordnance  Map.  Thonon  on 
landscore  to  Langandene  occurs  in  a  list  of  boundaries  of  an 
estate  near  Totnes,  Devon,  in  a  charter  of  Eadwig  (B.  952). 

p.  17,  1.  4.  \>y  Ices  cenig  man  cwefte  }>cet  ic  mine  mcegcild...mid 
wo  fordemde.  mcegcild,  lit.  '  young  kinsmen,'  probably  refers  more 
particularly  to  Alfred's  nephews.  Perhaps  such  rumours  were 
already  afloat,  cf.  p.  16,  1.  30,  above,  and  note. 

1.  15.  Eadwearde  minum  yldran  suna.  Edward  the  Elder, 
who  succeeded  his  father. 

1.  16.  Strcetneat  on  Triconscire,  cf.  1.  34  below.  Stubbs  (Constit. 
Hist.  I.  §  45)  identified  Triconscir  with  the  Trigerscire  hundred  of 
the  Pipe  Roll  of  1130,  and  the  modern  hundred  of  Trigg,  in 
Cornwall,  the  district  north  of  and  including  Bodmin.  If,  however, 
Strcetneat  is  to  be  identified  with  St  Neot,  to  the  north-west  of 
Lisceard,  Triconscir  must  have  embraced  a  larger  area.  Strcetneat 
is  usually  identified  with  Stratton,  Cornwall,  but  the  two  names  can 
hardly  be  identical. 

Heortigtunes.  Identified  by  Manning,  followed  by  the  other 
editors,  with  Hardington,  Somerset.  Earlier  forms  of  Hardington, 
e.g.  Herdinton  (Rot.  Hund.)  and  Hardintone  (D.B.),  are  against  this 
derivation.  There  is  a  place-name  Hertitone  in  D.B.,  identified  in 
the  Victoria  County  History  with  the  modern  hundred  of  Hartland, 
in  Devonshire.  This  appears  as  Hertiland  in  Rot.  Hund.  Is  this 
the  Heortigtun  of  King  Alfred's  Will  1 

1.  17f.  cet  Cylfantune.  Identified  by  Dr  Birch  (Hyde  Register, 
p.  203)  with  Chelvy,  near  Bristol,  and  by  Edwards  with  Chilton, 
Somerset.  But  if  the  identifications  in  the  V.C.H.  are  correct, 
these  go  back  to  D.B.  Calviche  and  Childetone  respectively,  neither 
of  which  can  be  connected  with  O.E.  Cylfantun.  Is  this  perhaps  to 
be  identified  with  D.B.  Chilvetune,  now  Kilton,  Somerset? 


96  English  Historical  Documents 

Carhampton,  Burnham,  Wedmore,  Cheddar  (Somerset). 

1.  18.  ic  eomfyrmdig  to  \>am  hiwum  cet  Ceodre  ]>cet  liy  /tine  ceosan, 
ie.  as  their  lord.  }>a  hiwan  is  frequently  used  to  denote  the  inmates 
of  a  religious  house.  The  only  evidence  for  the  existence  of  a 
monastery  at  Cheddar  is  a  reference  in  a  charter  attributed  to 
Edgar  (B.  1219,  1220),  which  is  stigmatised  as  spurious  by  Kemble. 
The  Anglo-Saxon  version  of  this  charter  states  that  Eadward  cyning 
gesealde  }>cet  land  eel  Cumbtune  7  cet  Bananwlle  \an  hiwon  cet 
Ceodre.  The  corresponding  passage  in  the  Latin  version  has 
familis  famulabusque  Domini  on  Ceodre  degentibus.  In  a  later 
passage  in  the  will  (p.  19, 1.  24)  reference  is  made  to  }>am  hiwum  cet 
Domrahamme,  who,  like  the  hiwan'  at  Cheddar,  are  accorded  the 
privilege  of  choosing  their  lord.  Nothing,  however,  is  known  of 
a  religious  house  at  Damerham. 

But  does  ]>a  hiwan  necessarily  denote  members  of  a  religious 
community?  The  term  is  used  in  the  Chronicle  ann.  757  E  with 
reference  to  the  king's  household.  The  charter  of  Edgar  referred  to 
above  is  dated  from  the  royal  palace  at  Cheddar.  This  sedes  regalia 
is  also  mentioned  in  a  grant  of  Edwy  (B.  966).  Eadred  had  a  ham  at 
Damerham  (p.  34,  1.  7). 

1.  20.     cet  Ciwtune  7  ]>am  }>e  ]>certo  kyrafi,  i.e.  Chewton  Mendip, 
Somerset.     This  must  refer  to  lands,  the  revenues  of  which  went  to 
the  king  and  were  collected  by  the  king's  reeve  at  Chewton. 
(v.         1.  2 Iff.     cet  Cantuctune.     This  site  has  not  been  identified.     It 
is  obviously  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Quantock  Hills. 

Bedwin  and  Pewsey  (Wilts.),  Leatherhead  (Surrey),  Sutton 
(Hants,  or  Surrey),  Alton  (Hants.),  or  Alton  Priors  (Wilts.).  7  Hysse- 
burnan,  Hurstbourne  Tarrant,  Hants,  cet  }>am  ny^eran  Hysseburnan, 
1.  24  and  1.  27  below,  is  Hurstbourne  Priors,  which  is  farther  down 
the  '  burn,'  a  branch  of  the  Test,  from  which  both  places  take  their 
name.  According  to  Stevens  (History  of  St  Mary  Bourne,  1888, 
p.  2)  these  two  villages  are  still  called  Up  and  Down  Hurstbourne, 
the  local  pronunciation  being  Uphusband  and  Downhusband.  They 
appear  in  D.B.  as  Esseburne  and  Eisseburne.  The  usual  form  of  the 
name  in  documents  of  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  century  is  Husse- 
burne,  but  Hurseburne  is  found  as  early  as  1285  (Charter  Roll  13 
Edw.  I,  mem.  27).  Hurst-  seems  to  be  a  still  later  innovation. 

1.  25.     cet  Cyseldene.     Chiseldon,  Wilts. 

agyfe  man  in  to  Wintanceastre gecwceft,  i.e.  to  the  Cathe- 
dral at  Winchester,  which  had  been  built  by  Cenwalh,  King  of 


King  Alfred's  Witt  97 

the  West  Saxons,  and  the  consecration  of  which  is  recorded  in 
the  Chronicle  ann.  648  F.  After  the  beginning  of  the  tenth 
century  it  was  often  called  the  Old  Minster,  to  distinguish  it  from 
the  New  Minster  built  by  Edward  the  Elder. 

In  three  charters  of  very  doubtful  authenticity  in  the  Codex 
Wintoniensis  (B.  565,  592,  594)  it  is  stated  that  Aethelwulf  had 
arranged  that  Alfred  should  have  the  estates  at  Chiseldon  and 
Hurstbourne  on  condition  that  he  left  them  after  his  death  to 
Winchester. 

1.  26.  7  }>cet  min  sundorfeoh.  Perhaps  the  live-stock  belonging 
to  Alfred  on  this  estate. 

1.  28.  }>am  gingran  minan  suna.  Aethelweard,  of  whom  very 
little  is  known.  Asser  (cap.  75)  speaks  of  his  progress  in  learning. 
An  entry  in  Florence  of  Worcester,  which  is  not  found  in  any 
existing  MS.  of  the  Chronicle,  states  that  the  Clito  Aethelweard, 
brother  of  King  Edward,  died  on  October  16th,  922,  and  was  buried 
at  Winchester  (Stevenson,  op.  cit.  p.  299). 

cet  Eaderingtune.  Identified  by  Manning  and  others  with 
Adrington,  Som.,  which  I  have  not  succeeded  in  finding.  IB 
Eaderingtun  perhaps  to  be  connected  with  D.B.  Adrintone  (l.  39ft), 
mentioned  in  the  Hampshire  Survey  as  having  been  royal  demesne 
T.R.E.,  and  identified  in  the  V.C.H.  (i.  p.  457)  with  Arreton,  in 
the  Isle  of  Wight? 

1.  29.  cet  Dene.  In  Asser's  Life  of  King  Alfred  (cap.  79.  7)  the 
author  states  that  he  first  saw  the  king  in  the  villa  regia  quae 
dicitur  Dene.  This  place,  which  is  identified  by  Mr  Stevenson 
(op.  cit.  p.  312)  with  Dean  (East  Dean  and  West  Dean),  near  East- 
bourne, Sussex,  is  no  doubt  the  cet  Dene  of  this  will. 

cet  Deone  is  perhaps  Dean,  near  Salisbury,  on  the  borders  of 
Hampshire  and  Wiltshire.  This  appears  as  Dene  in  D.B.  (i.  38  &,. 
cf.  V.C.H.  Hants,  i.  p.  453)  and  in  Testa  de  Nevill.  The  name  is,, 
however,  written  Deone  in  the  fourteenth  century  (Feudal  Aids, 
v.  pp.  216,  228). 

L  29 ff.  Meon,  Twyford  (Hants);  Amesbury  (Wilts);  Stur- 
minster  (Dorset);  Yeovil,  Crewkerne  and  Milborne  (Somerset); 
Axmouth,  Branscombe,  Cullompton,  Exminster  (Devon);  Whit- 
church  (Hants,  Devon  or  Somerset). 

1.  32.  cet  SuSeawyrSe.  Is  this  perhaps  D.B.  (Devon)  Sutreworde 
(i.  Ill  b),  which  is  identified  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Devonshire 

H.  7 


98  English  Historical  Documents 

Association,  1897,  vol.  xxix.  p.  236,  with  Lustleigh  in  Teignbridge 
-^    hundred  ? 

Hjy*  1.  33.  cet  Liwtune . . .on  Wealcynne...butan  Triconscire.  Luton 
in  Broadhembury,  or  Luton,  near  Dawlish,  Devon,  on  Wealcynne, 
the  Welsh  of  Cornwall  and  Devon.  For  the  position  of  Triconscir, 
see  note  on  p.  95. 

1.  35.  minre  yldstan  dehter.  Aethelfled,  wife  of  Aethelred, 
Earl  of  the  Mercians.  See  note  on  p.  106. 

}>csne  ham  cet  Welewe.  Wellow,  Somerset.  The  word  ham  as 
opposed  to  land  (1.  15,  above  and  passim)  seems  to  lay  special  stress 
on  the  idea  of  residence  and  to  denote  more  particularly  the  dwelling 
of  the  owner  of  the  estate.  The  nearest  Modern  English  equivalent 
is  perhaps  '  residence.' 

\>cere  medemestan.  Aethelgifu,  who  became  a  nun.  Asser  (cap. 
98)  states  that  Alfred  made  her  abbess  of  the  monastery  which  he 
had  founded  at  Shaftesbury. 

1.  36.     cet  Clearan.     Kingsclere,  Hants. 

cet  Cendefer.  There  are  three  parishes  of  this  name  in  Hamp- 
shire, Brown  Candover,  Chilton  Candover,  and  Preston  Candover. 

}>cere  gingestan.  Aelfthryth,  who  married  Baldwin  II  of  Flan- 
ders, the  son  of  Alfred's  step-mother  Judith.  A  charter  still  extant 
(B.  661)  records  a  grant  made  by  Aelfthryth  and  her  two  sons  to 
the  Abbey  of  St  Peter,  Ghent,  of  land  at  Lewisham,  Greenwich  and 
Woolwich. 

p.  18,  1.  1.  cet  Welig.  Identified  by  Dr  Birch  with  Wiley, 
Wilts ;  but  this  is  written  Wilig  in  Earl  Aethelwold's  Will,  p.  33, 
1.  13.  There  is  a  place-name  Welige  in  D.B.  Hants,  identified  in 
the  V.C.H.  (i.  p.  517)  with  Wellow  in  the  Isle  of  Wight. 

The  two  places  following  are  Ashton-Keynes  and  Chippenham, 
Wilts. 

L  1.  ^Efielme  mines  broker  suna.  Perhaps  to  be  identified  with 
Aethelhelm,  Earl  of  Wiltshire,  who  according  to  the  Chronicle 
(ann.  887  A),  Icedde  Wessraxna  celinessan  7  JElfredes  cyninges  to 
Rome.  He  was  one  of  the  three  earls  who  defeated  the  Danes 
at  Buttington  (Chron.  ann.  894  A).  The  Chronicle  records  his 
death  ann.  898  A. 

1.  2ff.  Aldingbourne,  Beeding  and  Beddingham,  Sussex; 
TJiunderfield  and  Bashing,  Surrey ;  Compton,  Sussex  or  Surrey ; 
Crondall,  Hants. 

1.  4  ff.     cet  Burnham.     This  place  has  not  yet  been  satisfactorily 


King  Alfreds  Will  99 

identified.  Manning  suggested  Barnham  (D.B.  £erneha(m)),  near 
Chichester,  Sussex. 

A]>elwolde  mines  broQor  suna.  He  was  perhaps  the  son  of 
Aethelred.  After  his  unsuccessful  rising  against  Edward  the  Elder 
(see  note  on  p.  94)  he  fled  to  the  Scandinavians  settled  in  East 
Anglia  and  induced  them  to  support  him.  Edward  then  ravaged 
East  Anglia,  and  in  the  battle  of  the  'Holm'  (cf.  p.  37, 1.  1 1  and  note) 
Aethelwold  was  killed  (Chron.  ann.  901,  904,  905  A). 

Godalming  and  Guildford,  Surrey  ;  Steyning,  Sussex. 

1.  6.  Osferfte  minum  mcege.  His  exact  relationship  to  Alfred  is 
unknown.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  his  name  begins  with  the  stem 
Os-,  which  is  also  found  in  the  name  of  Alfred's  mother  Osbiirh  and 
of  her  father  Oslac.  Pauli  (Konig  Aelfred,  p.  288)  suggested  that 
Osferth  may  have  been  a  member  of  the  Hampshire  family  to  which 
they  belonged.  Osferth  signs  charters  of  Edward  the  Elder  and 
Aethelstan  as  propinquus  regis  and  dux  (cf.  B.  620,  663,  669,  etc.). 

1.  7  f.  Beckley,  Rotherfield,  Ditchling,  Angmering,  Felpham 
and  Sutton,  Sussex. 

1.  8.  cet  Lullingmynster.  Manning  and  others  identify  this 
with  Lullington,  Sussex.  But  it  is  clearly  to  be  identified  with 
D.B.  Lolinminstre ;  this,  according  to  the  V.C.H.  Sussex  (i.  4286), 
is  Leominster  or  Lyminster,  Sussex. 

1.  9.  Jfalhswifie,  the  wife  of  Alfred.  According  to  Asser 
(cap.  29)  she  was  the  daughter  of  Aethelred,  Gainorum  comes, 
and  of  Eadburh,  who  belonged  to  the  royal  family  of  Mercia. 
The  district  or  people  under  Aethelred's  rule  are  otherwise  un- 
known. The  death  of  Ealhswith  is  recorded  in  the  Chronicle 
ann.  905  A. 

cet  Lambburnan.     Lambourn,  Berks. 

1.  10.  cet  Waneting.  Wantage,  Berks,  the  birthplace  of  Alfred 
according  to  Asser  (cap.  1,  3).  It  occurs  again  in  the  will  of 
King  Eadred  (p.  35,  1.  11). 

cet  Eftandune.  This  was  the  site  of  Alfred's  great  victory  over 
the  whole  of  the  Danish  army  under  Guthrum  in  May,  878.  It 
is  most  probably  to  be  identified  with  Edington,  Wilts.,  though 
various  other  identifications  have  been  proposed  (cf.  Stevenson,  op. 
cit.  p.  273  ff.). 

1.  11.  an  \usend  punda.  The  Anglo-Saxon  pund  was  a  pound 
of  silver.  It  contained  240  (silver)  pence,  the  weight  of  each  being 
approximately  a  pennyweight. 

7—2 


100  English  Historical  Documents 

1.  14.     an  hund  mangcusa.     See  note  on  p.  77. 
1.  15.     Jfyerede  ecddormenn.     See  note  on  p.  103. 
1.  16  f.     ]>am  mannum  ]>e  me  folgiaft.    folgiaft,  lit.   'serve,'  i.e. 
'form  iny  court.'     Asser  (cap.  100)  describes  the  rotation  of  service 
observed  by*  Alfred's  personal  attendants.     They  were  in  attend- 
ance on  the  king  for  one  month  out  of  every  three ;  the  other  two 
they  spent  upon  their  own  estates.     Asser  also  says  that  Alfred  set 
apart  a  certain  proportion  of  his  revenue  for  the  members  of  his 
court,  and  this  probably  formed  the  substance  of  the  gifts  mentioned 
in  the  will. 

1.  20.  Esne  bisceope.  This  name  does  not  occur  in  lists  of  bishops 
of  the  time;  there  are,  however,  many  gaps  in  the  records  of  the 
episcopal  succession  during  Alfred's  reign.  Esne  was  probably  one 
of  the  bishops  whose  names  have  not  been  recorded.  He  may  have 
been  bishop  of  one  of  the  southern  sees,  possibly  of  Selsey,  the  his- 
tory of  which  is  a  blank  between  862  and  904.  There  is,  however, 
also  the  possibility  that  he  was  one  of  the  bishops  of  the  Danelaw, 
and  that  he  had  been  ejected  from  his  see  by  the  Danes. 

1.  21.  WcerferSe  bisceope.  Werferth  was  Bishop  of  Worcester 
from  873  to  915.  According  to  Asser  (cap.  77)  he  was  one  of 
Alfred's  literary  assistants,  and  it  was  at  the  king's  suggestion 
that  he  translated  the  Dialogues  of  Pope  Gregory  the  Great  into 
Anglo-Saxon. 

}>am  cet  Scireburnan.  It  is  curious  that  Esne  and  Werferth 
should  be  mentioned  by  name,  while  the  name  of  the  Bishop  of 
Sherborne  is  omitted.  Are  we  justified  in  supposing  that  the  gifts 
to  the  two  former  were  of  a  more  personal  character  1  It  is  to  be 
remembered  that  two  of  Alfred's  brothers  were  buried  at  Sherborne 
(Chron.  ann.  860  A) ;  this  would  probably  account  for  his  interest 
in  that  church.  Edgar  made  a  grant  of  land  to  St  Mary's,  Sher- 
borne, for  me  sylfne  7  for  mine  yldran  the  thar  restat  cet  Scirburnan, 
Athelbold  cing  7  ^Ethelbyrht  cyng  (B.  1308).  Asser,  Bishop  of 
Sherborne,  appears  to  have  been  a  personal  friend  of  Alfred,  but 
the  will  may  have  been  drawn  up  before  his  succession  to  that  see, 
the  date  of  which  is  unfortunately  unknown.  A  Bishop  Wulfsige, 
who  may  have  been  Asser's  predecessor,  signs  a  Worcester  charter 
dated  889  (B.  561)  which  Mr  Stevenson  is  inclined  to  think  is 
genuine;  cf.  Stevenson,  op.  cit.  p.  Ixvi. 

L  23  f.  fiftig  mcesgepreo8tum...Godes  }>eotoum.  See  notes  on 
p.  75. 


King  Alfred's  Witt  101 

1.  25.  fiftig  to  beere  cyrican  }>e  ic  cet  reste.  The  Hyde  Register 
(p.  5)  states  that  Alfred  was  buried  in  the  Cathedral  or  Old  Minster 
at  Winchester,  and  that  after  the  completion  of  New  Minster,  Edward 
the  Elder  removed  his  father's  remains  from  the  Cathedral  to  the 
new  church.  William  of  Malmesbury  (i.  134  f.),  who  is  followed 
by  the  Liber  de  Hyda,  gives  the  following  reason  for  this  re-inter- 
ment :  pro  deliramento  canonicorum,  dicentium  regies  manes,  re- 
sunipto  catiavere,  noctibus  per  domos  oberrare.  In  1110,  when  the 
New  Minster  was  transferred  to  Hyde,  Alfred's  remains  were 
again  removed  and  buried  in  Hyde  Abbey. 

1.  29.  )xet . . .mine  }>enigmenn  boer  ealle  mid  syndan,  Le.  the 
officials  referred  to  in  1.  16  f.  above.  syndan  must  be  the  3  pi. 
Opt.  of  the  verb  'to  be,'  but  the  form  seems  not  to  occur  else- 
where in  this  sense.  The  sentence  admits  of  two  interpretations : 

(1)  that  they  should  all  be  present  at  the   time  of  distribution; 

(2)  that  they  should  all  have  their  part  in  it. 

1.  32.  on  as  ylcan  geuritnesse.  This  seems  to  refer  back  to  the 
monegum  mannum  in  the  preceding  clause. 

p.  19,  1.  1.  on  mines  feeder  yrfegewrite,  cf.  p.  16,  1.  31,  above 
and  note. 

1.  2.  gif  ic  cenigum  menn  cenig  feoh  unleanod  hcebbe. . .  .geleanian. 
Directions  for  the  payment  of  debts  are  sometimes  found  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  wills.  They  seem  to  shew  that  a  man's  debts  were  at  this 
time  considered  to  be  cancelled  by  his  death,  and  could  not  legally 
be  demanded  from  those  who  succeeded  to  his  property  (cf.  Pollock 
and  Maitland,  Hist,  of  English  Law,  n.  p.  258). 

1.  3  ff.  ic  wylle  ba  menn...asyllan  of  minum  cynne  ofer  heora 
dceg.  A  passage  in  Alfred's  Laws  (cap.  41  ;  cf.  Liebermann, 
op.  cit.  II.  325)  states  that  bookland  is  not  to  be  alienated,  if  it 
has  been  stipulated  that  it  should  remain  in  the  family  of  those 
who  first  acquired  it.  The  earliest  charters  containing  a  condition 
limiting  the  succession  to  an  estate  to  members  of  the  family  of 
the  grantee,  date  from  the  reign  of  Offa  of  Mercia  (B.  230,  244, 
254). 

1.  5.  ]>cet  hit  gauge  on  ba  nyhstan  hand  me.  hand  is  used  to 
denote  the  person  inheriting,  cf.  sio  neste  hond  (p.  13,  1.  26),  on 
Icudu  hand  (p.  26,  1.  7).  Another  instance  occurs  in  the  will  of 
Leofwine  (Crawford  Charters,  ix.  1.  9) :  )xet  god  witte  sylle  hit  on  ba 
hand  be  hire  cefre  betst  gehyre  on  uncer  beg  a  cynne.  Hand  is  used  in 
compounds  with  the  same  force ;  cf.  cenigre  wifhanda  (1.  10,  below), 


102  English  Historical  Documents 

swa  tuifhanda  swa  wcepnedhanda  (1.  14),  meghond  (p.  10,  11.  17,  25), 
erfehond  (p.  5,  1.  13). 

1.  8.  min  yldra  feeder.  Ecgberht,  King  of  the  West  Saxons, 
802—839.  His  will  is  not  extant. 

1.  9.  on  )>a  sperehealfe  nces  on  }>a  spinlhealfe.  Grimm  (Deutsche 
Rechtsalter tiimer,  i.  pp.  225,  236)  gives  many  instances  of  the  use 
of  '  spear,'  with  the  meaning  '  man,'  '  male  line,'  in  contrast  with 
'  spindle,'  the  symbol  of  the  woman.  See  also  Archceologia,  xxxvu. 
p.  83  ff. 

1.  11.  7  gif  hy  hit  be  -]pan  libbendan  habban  wyllan.  hy,  i.e. 
mine  mag  as  ;  be  }>an  libbendan,  pi.,  referring  to  cenigre  wifhanda  in 
1.  10.  The  7  seems  to  have  been  wrongly  inserted. 

1.  16.  }xet  minra  mag  a  nan. .  .ne  geswence  nan  ncenig  cyrelif\>ara 
\e  ic  foregeald.  cyrelif  seems  to  mean  (1)  'a  state  of  dependence 
on  a  lord  whom  one  has  chosen,'  (2)  'a  dependent  (or  community  of 
dependents)  who  has  the  right  to  choose  his  lord '  (cf.  B.-T.  Suppt, 
s.v.  cyrelif}.  In  this  passage,  it  is  used  with  the  latter  meaning. 
The  persons  referred  to  must  be  men  who,  from  poverty  or  some 
other  cause,  had  given  themselves  up  to  Alfred,  while  he,  in  return, 
discharged  their  obligations.  That  they  had  parted  with  their 
freedom  is  shewn  by  his  statement  that  it  is  in  his  power  to  decide 
whether  they  are  to  be  bond  or  free. 

1.  24.  \am  hiwum  cet  Domrahamme.  Damerham,  Wilts.  There 
is  no  mention  of  a  religious  house  at  Damerham  in  Dugdale's 
Mona&ticon  Anglicanum  or  in  Dr  Birch's  Fasti  Monastici  (see  note 
on  p.  17,  1.  18,  above).  King  Edmund  gave  an  estate  at  Damerham 
to  his  wife  Aethelfled  cet  Domrahamme,  on  condition  that  she  left  it 
after  her  death  to  the  Abbey  of  Glastonbury  (B.  817).  This  land 
was  bequeathed  by  Aethelfled  to  Glastonbury  in  her  will  (K.  685) 
and  remained  in  the  possession  of  the  abbey  until  the  dissolution  of 
the  monasteries.  Eadred  also  had  a  ham  at  Damerham  (p.  34, 
1.  7). 

1.  25.  hyra  freols  swylce  hand  to  ceosenne.  hand  is  used  here 
in  the  sense  of  lord  (cf.  O.E.  mund}. 

1.  26.  for  JSlftcede.  Aelflaed  is  otherwise  unknown.  She  was 
evidently  a  near  relative  of  King  Alfred,  since  she  interceded  in 
prayer  for  the  persons  for  whom  he  interceded.  She  may  have 
been  the  wife  of  one  of  his  brothers.  The  name  of  Aethelberht's 
wife  is  not  recorded.  A  person  named  Wulfthryth  signs  a  charter 
of  Aethelred  (B.  520)  in  868  as  regina.  She  is  otherwise  unknown, 


Earl  Aethelred  and  Berkeley  Abbey  103 

and  the  charter  is  found  only  in  the  Codex  Wintoniensis,  which 
contains  many  spurious  documents.  But  even  if  this  charter  is 
genuine,  Aethelred  may  have  married  again  before  his  death  in 
871. 

1.  27  f.  sec  man...ymbe  minre  sawle  ]>earfe.  If  the  text  is  not 
corrupt,  sec  must  be  2  sing.  Imper.  used  for  3  sing.  Opt.  The 
allusion  is  to  the  practice  of  making  gifts  of  live  stock  to  monasteries 
in  return  for  spiritual  benefits,  cf.  Earl  Aelf red's  Will,  p.  14,  1.  15, 
and  passim. 

XII 

Dialect.     See  Appendix. 

p.  20, 1.  14.  Ic  jEfielrced  ealdorman...mid sume  dale  Mercna  rices. 
The  famous  Earl  of  the  Mercians  who  married  Aethelfled,  daughter 
of  King  Alfred.  Aethelred  appears  to  have  held  the  office  of  earl 
already  under  Burgred  of  Mercia  (B.  537).  When  English  Mercia 
became  subject  to  Alfred  after  the  death  of  Ceolwulf ,  which  probably 
took  place  878 — 879,  Aethelred  retained  the  title  of  earl.  He  and 
Aethelfled  seem,  however,  to  have  enjoyed  a  semi-royal  position ; 
they  are  described  in  B.  608  as  Afyrcna  hlafordas.  In  some  of  his 
charters,  as  in  the  present  text,  Aethelred  states  that  he  is  acting 
with  Alfred's  leave  and  cognisance ;  others  (B.  552,  557)  contain  no 
mention  of  the  king's  consent.  The  death  of  Aethelred  is  recorded 
in  the  Chronicle  arm.  910  C,  912  A. 

1.  17.  abbodes  7  Ipcere  heorcedtne  cut  Berclea.  The  date  and  cir- 
cumstances of  the  foundation  of  this  abbey  are  unknown.  Tilhere, 
who  signs  Hwiccian  charters  as  abbas  as  early  as  759  (B.  187,  218) 
and  who  became  Bishop  of  Worcester,  is  said  by  tradition  to  have 
been  Abbot  of  Berkeley  (Dugdale,  op.  cit.  i.  568).  It  is  to  be  noted 
also  that  Aethelhun,  Abbot  of  Berkeley  (p.  22,  1.  7),  succeeded  in 
915  to  the  see  of  Worcester.  The  abbey  was  certainly  in  existence 
in  807,  when  Ceolburg,  Abbess  of  Berkeley,  died  (Chron.  and  Flor. 
Wig.  ann.  805).  It  appears  to  have  been  destroyed  before  the 
Conquest,  cf.  D.B.  (Glouc.)  I.  164  :  Gueda  mater  Heraldi  tenuit 
Udecestre  (Woodchester).  Goduin  emit  ab  Azor  et  dedit  suae  uxori 
ut  inde  viveret  donee  ad  Berclielai  maneret ;  nolebat  enim  de  ipso 
manerio  aliquid  comedere,  pro  destructione  abbatice.  This  would 
seem  to  suggest  that  Earl  Godwin  had  had  a  share  in  the  destruction 
of  the  abbey ;  cf.  Freeman,  Norman  Conqitest,  II.  Note  E. 

for  ealre  Merce.     The  usual  phrase  is  for  eatte  Merce,  cf.  p.  21, 


104  English  Historical  Documents 

1.  19,  below.  Is  ealre  here  a  mistake,  or  is  Merc  D.  sing,  of  Mearc, 
i.e.  the  March,  Mercia?  The  word  is  not  recorded  as  a  proper 
name  in  B.-T. 

1.  18tf.  }>ces  gafoles . . .}>cere  cyningfeorme . .  .on  sceapum.  This  is 
not  the  only  case  in  which  the  payment  of  cyningfeorm  is  mentioned 
among  burdens  from  which  privileged  bocland  was  exempt  (cf.  B.  370, 
450).  The  cyningfeorm  may  perhaps  be  best  described  as  a  species 
of  land-tax.  It  seems  usually  to  have  been  paid  in  kind,  although 
it  was  sometimes  (cf.  B.  309)  commuted  for  money.  In  B.  273  we 
are  told  that  the  following  items  had  been  paid  to  the  royal  official 
as  cyningfeorm  from  an  estate  of  sixty  hides  at  Westbury  in 
Gloucestershire ;  two  barrels  of  clear  ale,  a  comb  of  mild  ale  and  of 
Welsh  ale,  seven  bullocks,  six  sheep,  forty  cheeses  and  six  lang  )>ero, 
thirty  ambers  of  corn  and  four  ambers  of  meal.  We  may  compare 
the  payments  specified  in  Nos.  I,  II,  IV,  V  and  VI  from  various 
Kentish  estates  to  religious  houses.  The  origin  of  the  impost  known 
as  cyningfeorm  is  lost  in  antiquity.  According  to  Maitland  (op.  cit. 
p.  236  ff.)  it  was  a  tax  paid  by  free  landowners  in  commutation  of 
the  king's  right  to  quarter  himself  and  his  retinue  on  his  subjects. 
Parallels  to  such  a  system  are  to  be  found  in  Wales  as  well  as  in 
Germany  and  the  North  (cf.  Liebermann,  op.  cit.  u.  420).  So  far, 
however,  as  our  evidence  goes,  it  would  seem  that  the  persons  from 
whom  this  payment  was  exacted  were  tenants  on  the  king's  folcland 
rather  than  '  free  landowners.' 

1.  24.  cet  Stoce  twelf  hida,  i.e.  Stoke  Bishop,  Glos.  This  estate 
seems  to  have  been  part  of  the  inheritance  of  Aethelric,  son  of 
Aethelmund,  who  in  804  bequeathed  to  his  mother  Ceolburg,  after- 
wards abbess  of  Berkeley,  forty-three  hides  cut  Westmynster  (the 
monastery  at  Westbury)  7  cet  Stoce,  for  her  lifetime,  with  reversion 
to  Worcester  (B.  313,  314).  The  manor  of  Westbury,  including 
Stoke  Bishop,  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Bishop  of  Worcester  at  the 
time  of  the  Domesday  Survey  (D.B.  i.  1646). 

L  25.  fram  cnghwelcumgafolum. .  .ge  uncuftes.  The  nature  of  the 
payment  and  services  due  to  the  king  may  be  inferred  from  certain 
charters  of  Berhtwulf  and  other  Mercian  kings  of  the  ninth  century 
(cf.  B.  443,  450,  454,  488),  which  specify  with  some  detail  the 
burdens  from  which  the  estates  mentioned  in  them  are  exempted. 
Among  these  burdens  are  included  the  entertainment  of  messengers, 
the  maintenance  of  fcestingmen  and  of  royal  servants,  especially 
huntsmen  and  falconers,  and  the  keeping  of  horses,  falcons  and  dogs. 


105 


1.  27.  butan  angilde  wi5  ofirum,  cf.  p.  21,  1.  9:  angylde 
oftrum  7  noht  ut  to  wite.  angilde  is  the  simple  compensation  that 
the  person  wronged  is  entitled  to  receive  when  a  crime  has  been 
committed  (cf.  Maitland,  op.  cit.  p.  274  if.).  Some  crimes  involved 
the  payment  of  more  than  simple  compensation  (cf.  B.-T.  s.v.  twigilde, 
}>rigilde).  In  addition  to  the  compensation  paid  to  the  person  wronged, 
a  wite  or  fine  was  paid  to  the  king.  When,  however,  it  is  stated 
that  an  estate  is  to  be  exempt  from  all  burdens  except  angilde,  no 
tvite  need  be  paid  from  that  estate  when  a  crime  has  been  committed, 
i.e.  (presumably)  the  possessor  of  the  estate  was  to  keep  such  fines 
for  himself,  as  one  of  the  rights  which  he  had  acquired. 

fcestengewerce  7  fyrdsocne  7  brycggeweorce.  The  obligation  of 
military  service  and  of  contributing  to  the  construction  and  repair 
of  bridges  and  fortresses  was  a  universal  burden,  immunity  from 
which  was  very  rarely  granted. 

p.  21,  1.  5.  ic  sylle  Cynulfe...in  ftreora  manna  dceg.  See  notes 
on  pp.  87.  112. 

1.  6.  ceghwelces  }>inges  to  freon.  The  same  phrase  occurs  in  a 
charter  of  Bishop  Werferth  (B.  560)  :  7  heo  hit  haebben  eghwces  to 
freon  butun  agefen  elce  gere  ftreo  mittan  hwcetes  to  ciricsceatte  ;  cf. 
also  B.  909,  K.  675,  676. 

1.  10.     on  Ceoluhte.    Is  this  a  mistake  for  Cynulfo  ?   Cf.  1.  5,  above. 

1.  18.     to  Wigornacestre  }>am  bisceopstole.     See  note  on  p.  106. 

p.  22,  1.  11.  Terra  autem  ista  hiis  circumcingitur  terminibus. 
The  boundaries  here  given  are  not  easy  to  identify,  since  most  of 
the  names  have  disappeared.  It  seems  tolerably  certain  that  the 
boundary  line  from  the  river  Avon  through  Hricgleag  and  Pen,pau 
(probably  Penpole)  to  the  river  Severn  (1.  14ff.)  forms  the  eastern 
boundary  of  the  present  tithing  of  Shirehampton,  near  Bristol,  and 
the  southern  boundary  of  the  parish  of  Henbury.  Kerslake  in  a 
paper  in  the  Antiquarian  Magazine,  vol.  in.  p.  279  ff.,  maintains 
that  the  estate  here  defined  corresponds  to  the  modern  parish  of 
Henbury.  If  his  contention  is  correct,  it  is  curious  that  the  estate 
should  be  said  to  be  at  Stoke  and  not  at  Henbury,  since  there  is  no 
evidence  to  shew  that  Henbury  was  ever  regarded  as  part  of  Stoke. 
It  is  much  more  likely  that  the  twelve  hides  at  Stoke  are  to  be 
found  in  the  tithings  of  Stoke  Bishop  and  Shirehampton,  as  was 
suggested  by  the  Rev.  C.  S.  Taylor  in  a  paper  on  the  Pre-Domesday 
Hide  of  Gloucester  (Trans,  of  Bristol  and  Gloucestershire  Archaeo- 
logical Society,  xvm.  p.  297  ff.). 


106  English  Historical  Documents 

XIII 

Date.  This  charter  was  evidently  issued  after  the  marriage  of 
Aethelred  and  Aethelfled,  which  seems  to  have  taken  place  soon 
after  884  (see  note  on  1.  25,  below).  The  date  of  the  charter 
cannot  be  later  than  the  death  of  King  Alfred,  the  latest  date  for 
which  is  901,  the  exact  year  being  uncertain.  See  note  on  p.  110. 

Dialect.     See  Appendix. 

1.  25.  jflfoeldred  ealdorman  7  JZftelflced.  See  note  on  p.  103.  The 
marriage  of  Aethelred  and  Aethelfled  would  seem  to  have  taken 
place  after  884,  since  the  signature  of  Aethelfled  is  not  found  in 
two  charters  of  Aethelred  dating  from  883  and  884  (XII  and 
B.  552).  She  first  appears  in  a  charter  dated  880  (B.  547),  which, 
if  the  indiction  is  correct,  must  be  corrected  to  887.  After  the 
death  of  Aethelred,  Aethelfled  seems  to  have  succeeded  to  her 
husband's  power  except  in  the  south-east  of  Mercia.  She  took 
an  active  part  in  the  struggle  against  the  Danes.  Her  death  is 
recorded  in  the  Chronicle  ann.  918  C. 

for  See  Petres  7  ftcere  cyricean  cet  Weogernaceastre,  i.e.  the 
church  of  St  Peter,  to  which  a  monastery  was  attached.  The 
bishopric  of  the  Hwicce,  later  known  as  the  bishopric  of  Worcester, 
was  founded  towards  the  end  of  the  seventh  century.  St  Peter's 
seems  to  have  been  regarded  as  the  cathedral  church  until  the  time 
of  Bishop  Oswald,  who  transferred  the  bishop's  seat  to  the  rival 
foundation  dedicated  to  St  Mary.  Stubbs,  in  a  paper  in  the 
Archaeological  Journal  (xix.  p.  236  ff.),  argued  that  the  community 
at  St  Peter's  was  probably,  from  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century 
onwards,  a  college  of  secular  priests. 

1.  2G.      Wcerferftes  ^bpes.     See  note  on  p.  100. 

1.  27.  hehtan  bewyrcean  ]>a  burh,..eallum  }>cem  folce  to  gebeorge. 
The  building  and  strengthening  of  strongholds  was  probably  the 
most  important  feature  of  Alfred's  policy  in  his  struggle  against  the 
Danes.  Asser  (cap.  91)  describes  the  king's  efforts  to  induce  his 
bishops  and  earls  to  construct  fortifications  (arces,  castella)  arid  their 
reluctance  to  adopt  this  mode  of  defence.  It  is  stated  in  B.  577 
that  in  898  a  conference  was  held  at  Celchyth  between  Alfred, 
Plegmund,  Aethelred  and  Aethelfled  concerning  the  fortification  of 
London  (de  instauracione  urbis  Lundonie).  Alfred's  policy  was 
completed  by  his  son  and  daughter  (Aethelfled),  who  built  a  line  of 
fortresses  to  secure  the  country  that  they  had  wou  from  the  Danes. 


Bishop  Werferth  and  Aethdwald  107 

p.  23,  1.  4.      }>cere  cyrcean  hlaforde,  i.e.  the  Bishop  of  Worcester. 

1.  12  f.  '  De  profundis'  fione  sealme,  Ps.  cxxx.  Laudate 
Dominum,  Ps.  cxlvii.  or  cxlviii. 

1.  14.  ftrittig  sealma.  For  the  intercessory  use  of  the  Psalter, 
cf.  p.  2,  1.  21,  and  note. 

1.  20.  butan  }>cet  se  wcegnscilling  7  se  seampending...ait  Saltmic. 
Identified  by  Dr  Birch  with  Droitwich  (D.B.  Wich),  Worcestershire, 
where  the  salt-works  were  of  very  great  importance  at  the  time  of 
the  Domesday  Survey.  It  is  clear  from  a  charter  of  Earl  Aethelred 
dated  884  (B.  552),  in  which  a  certain  Aethelwulf  is  granted  leave 
to  have  six  salt-pans  sine  aliquo  tribute  dominatoris  gentis...sive 
ducum  judicumve  et  prcesidum,  id  est  statione  sive  inoneratione 
plaustrorum,  that  the  king  had  the  right  to  levy  toll  on  the 
waggons  as  they  stood  at  the  salt-pans,  and  upon  the  loads  being 
placed  in  them.  From  the  present  charter  it  appears  that  the  toll 
amounted  to  a  shilling  on  every  waggon,  and  a  penny  on  every  load  ; 
cf.  Kemble,  Saxons  in  England,  n.  p.  70  ff. 

1.  22.  landfeoh.  According  to  Kemble  (op.  cit.  p.  329),  'a 
recognitory  rent  for  land.' 

fihteivite.  A  fine  payable  to  the  king  in  all  cases  of  man- 
slaughter. According  to  West-Saxon  law,  the  fihtewite  amounted 
to  120  shillings  (Ine,  6). 

stale.  In  cases  of  theft,  a  fine  amounting  in  Wessex  to  60 
shillings  was  paid  to  the  king  (Ine,  7,  10,  46,  53). 

wohceapung.  Explained  by  Kemble  (pp.  cit.  p.  329)  as  '  buying 
or  selling  contrary  to  the  rules  of  the  market.' 

1.  23.  burhwealles  sceatinge.  This  word  is  not  known.  B.-T. 
suggest  an  emendation  to  scea]>ung. 

XIV 

Dialect.     See  Appendix. 

p.  24,  1.  8.  5y  feowerteo}>an  gebonngere,  cf.  p.  21,  1.  28:  anno 
dominice  incarnationis  DCCCLXXXIII,  Indictione  autem  1.  The 
term  indictio  was  applied  to  constantly  recurring  cycles  of  fifteen 
years.  For  purposes  of  dating,  however,  it  was  applied  to  any 
particular  year  in  each  cycle.  This  method  of  fixing  the  year  is 
said  to  have  had  its  origin  in  the  Roman  practice  of  announcing 
by  public  notice  (indictio)  the  tribute  due  from  public  lands, 
which  was  newly  assessed  every  fifteen  years.  Under  this  system, 


108  English  Historical  Documents 

the  year  began  on  September  1st;  cf.  Earle,  Land  Charters, 
p.  xxxv. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that,  if  carried  back  to  the  beginning  of  the 
Christian  era,  the  first  indiction  would  begin  not  in  A.D.  1,  but  in 
B.C.  3.  Hence  to  find  the  place  of  any  year  in  the  indiction,  add  3 
to  the  year  in  the  era  of  the  Incarnation  and  divide  by  15 ;  the 
remainder  gives  the  indiction. 

1.  9.     jE]>elred  alderman.     See  note  on  p.  103. 

1.  14.  ge  on  londum...]>e  heo  on  forhaldne  weran.  Plummer 
(Life  and  Times  of  Alfred  the  Great,  p.  13)  translates  'in  respect 
of  lands  [wrongfully]  withheld  from  them,'  taking  }>e  heo  as  nomina- 
tive referring  to  lond  and  ]>ing  (but  cf.  Beow.  2381).  He  suggests 
that  this  action  of  the  council  may  have  been  necessitated  by  the 
confusion  caused  by  the  inroads  of  the  Danes  between  892  and  895. 

1.  16.      Werferft  biscop.     See  note  on  p.  100. 

1.  17  ff.  }>fet  wudulond...\e  to  Wuduceastre  belomp....to  mcest- 
londe  7  to  wudulonde,  i.e.  Woodchester,  Gloucestershire.  Heming's 
chartulary  contains  copies  of  what  was  perhaps  the  original  grant 
of  Aethelbald  of  Mercia  to  Bishop  Wilferth  (cf.  B.  164).  Wilferth 
was  Bishop  of  Worcester  717 — 743. 

1.  20  f.  Bisley,  Avening  and  Thornbury,  Glos.  Scorranstan 
has  not  been  identified. 

1.  25.  Alhhun  biscop,  the  predecessor  of  Werferth.  He  seems 
to  have  succeeded  to  the  bishopric  of  Worcester  in  845  (cf.  p.  81) ; 
he  died  in  872. 

1.  26.  ]>cet  he  celcre  circan  dd  his  dcda  ryhtes  ufte.  Is  dd  to  be 
taken  with  his  dcela,  i.e.  '  in  all  cases  where  he  was  concerned ' ; 
or  could  his  dcela  mean  'within  his  means,'  'to  the  best  of  his 
ability '  ? 

1.  28.  his  geneat,  Ecglaf  hatte.  The  geneat  was,  in  general, 
apparently,  a  member  of  the  free  peasant  class,  who  had  a  holding 
and  paid  to  his  lord  both  food-rent  and  services.  One  of  his  duties 
was  to  ride  on  his  lord's  errands  (Rectitudines  2). 

mid  Ceastersetna  preoste.  ceaster  denotes  a  Roman  fortified 
post,  whether  small  or  great.  In  the  Saxon  period  many  of  these 
places  came  to  be  centres  of  administration,  partly,  no  doubt,  owing 
to  the  protection  which  their  walls  still  afforded.  By  itself,  the 
word  is  used  now  only  of  Chester  on  the  Dee  and  of  The  Chesters 
in  Northumberland.  In  the  Chronicle,  however,  we  find  the  word 
applied  also  to  York  and  Winchester,  cf.  ann.  685,  762,  779  E  and 


Bishop  Werferth  and  Eadnoth  109 

964  A.  In  this  context,  the  allusion  may  be  to  Woodchester,  but  it 
is  more  probable  that  the  ceaster  is  Worcester ;  cf.  B.  386  :  He  rod 
ftcet  he  wees  et  Ceastre,  i.e.  Worcester.  If  this  is  so,  Ceaster -setna 
preost  would  literally  mean,  '  priest  of  the  inhabitants  of  Worcester,' 
i.e.  of  the  monastic  community  and  their  dependents. 

1.  29.  7  he  hine  }>a  gelcedde  all  3<z  gemceru.  In  this  passage 
gelcfdde  seems  to  take  two  accusatives,  a  usage  which  is  not 
recognised  by  B.-T. 

p.  25,  1.  1.  heo  Alhmund.  For  the  construction,  cf.  wyt  sE^ered, 
p.  16,  1.  4. 

1.  4.     on  Longanhrycge.     Longridge,  Gloucestershire. 
]>e  hine  God  him  salde.     hine  seems  to  refer  to  Longanhrycg. 
1.  6.     ]xere  circan  Maforde.     The  Bishop  of  Worcester. 
1.  7.     on  Sam  geran  ]>e  is  emended  by  Kemble  in  a  footnote  to 
on  Sa  gerad  ]>e.      But  is  the  emendation  really  necessary  1     It  is 
much  simpler  to  emend  }>a  to  }>d  and  to  translate  '  for  as  long  as.' 
1.  10.     oSSe  hine  mon  oferricte  }>cet  he  ne  moste  londes  wyrfte  beon. 
In  Anglo-Saxon  law,  a  man  guilty  of  certain  crimes  forfeited  his 
land  to  the  king,  cf.  Iiie,  51  :   Gif  gestiScund  mon  landagende  forsitte 
Jierd,  geselle  CXX  scill :  7  ]>olie  his  landes.     Other  crimes  involving 
the  confiscation  of  the  criminal's  estates  were  fighting  in  the  king's 
house  (Ine,  6),  plotting  against  the  king's  life  (Alfred,  4)  and  theft, 
cf.  p.  32,  1.  1  ff.     Instances  of  forfeiture  for  crime  are  to  be  found 
in  charters;  cf.  K.  1307,  where  a  certain  Leofric  forfeited  his  land 
impie  vivendo,  /we  est  rebellando  meis  militibv^s  in  mea  expeditione  ac 
rapinis  insuetis  et  adulteriis  rnultisque  aliis  nefariis  sceleribus. 

\.  20  ff.  JErost  on  Gemyftlege.  This  list  of  boundaries  differs  in 
several  respects  from  those  given  in  the  grant  of  King  Aethelbald 
referred  to  above  (see  note  on  p.  24,  1.  17).  on  Roddanbeorg 
silfne,  i.e.  possibly  Rodborough  Hill,  between  Woodchester  and 
Stroud.  Nceglesleg  was  probably  in  the  vicinity  of  Nailsworth, 
between  Woodchester  and  Avening.  The  other  localities  are  still 
unidentified. 

XV 

Date.     See  note  on  p.  26, 1.  22,  below.    For  dialect,  see  Appendix. 

1.  29.  Werferth  bisceop.  See  note  on  p.  100.  For  Alchun,  see 
note  on  p.  108.  Milred  (p.  26,  LI)  was  Bishop  of  Worcester  743 — 
775. 

p.  26,  1.  1.      Eanbald  is  otherwise  unknown.      Eastmund  (1.  3) 


110  English  Historical  Documents 

was  perhaps  the  priest  of  that  name  who  was  present  at  the  Synod 
at  Clovesho  in  824  (B.  379). 

1.  2.     Soppanbyrg.     Sodbury,  Gloucestershire. 

1.  17.     Heaberht  bisceop.     Bishop  of  Worcester,  822 — 845. 

1.  20.     der  dZ'Selred  wees  Myrcna  hlaford.     See  note  on  p.  103. 

1.  22.  pa  gesamnode  he  Mercna  weotan  to  Saltwic,  i.e.  Droitwich, 
Worcestershire.  A  grant  (B.  557),  dating  from  a  meeting  of  the 
Mercian  council  at  Saltwic  in  888,  is  signed  by  Bishop  Werferth, 
and  by  JUadnolpus  and  sElfredus  (cf.  1.  25).  If  this  is  the  meeting 
referred  to  in  the  text,  the  agreement  between  Werferth  and 
Eadnoth  cannot  have  been  made  before  888.  It  would  seem,  how- 
ever, to  have  been  made  at  a  considerably  later  date,  if  the  evidence 
of  the  signatures  of  Eadnoth,  Aelfred  and  Aelfstan  in  other  Mercian 
charters  is  to  be  trusted.  Eadnoth  and  Aelfred  usually  sign  together 
(cf.  XII,  XIV).  Eadnoth  signs  for  the  last  time  in  903  (B.  603), 
or  possibly  in  904,  if  that  is  the  correct  date  for  B.  607.  The  signa- 
ture of  Aelfstan  first  appears  in  904  (B.  608).  Are  we  justified  in 
inferring  from  this  that  the  meeting  of  the  council  at  which  Eadnoth, 
Aelfred  and  Aelfstan  were  present  is  to  be  dated  903 — 904  ? 

1.  32.  jflftelnofi.  Possibly  the  Earl  of  Somerset  who  fought 
against  the  Danes  at  Buttington  (Chron.  ann.  894). 

p.  27,  1.  3.  to  Tettanbyrg  Ipam  bisceope,  i.e.  Tetbury,  Gloucester- 
shire. According  to  the  Calendar  of  lands  granted  to  Worcester 
(B.  1320)  this  estate  had  been  given  to  the  bishopric  by  Offa. 

7  him  eac  }>one  serif t  healde,  cf.  serif t  ihalden,  f  to  carry  out  the 
penance  imposed'  (O.E.  Homilies,  ed.  Morris,  i.  9,  31).  Or  does 
serif  t  healde  mean  '  make  his  confession '  1  (Cf.  B.-T.  s.v.  serif  t.) 

XVI 

Date.  The  transactions  recorded  in  this  document  probably  took 
place  soon  after  the  accession  of  Edward  the  Elder.  The  vexed 
question  of  the  date  of  his  accession,  whether  899,  900  or  901,  is 
discussed  by  Plummer,  Two  Saxon  Chronicles,  II.  p.  112. 

1.  24.  Denulfe  biscepe  7  cet  ftcen  hiwun  on  Winteceastre,  i.e.  the 
community  at  the  Old  Minster.  See  note  on  p.  97.  Denewulf  was 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  879—909. 

1.  25.  }>a  Windcirican  7  5Ve<  stctnne  slapern.  The  curious  name 
Windcirice  has  not  been  satisfactorily  explained. 

According  to  the  Liber  de  Hyda  (p.  51)  Alfred,  in  the  last  year 
of  his  reign,  imparted  to  Grimbald  his  intention  of  building  a  new 


Foundation  of  New  Minster  111 

monastery  at  Winchester,  and  purchased  land  for  a  chapel  and 
dormitory.  A  later  passage  (p.  80)  in  the  same  work  states  that 
Edward  determined  to  carry  out  his  father's  project,  which  had 
been  frustrated  by  his  death,  and  that  he  purchased  the  chapel  and 
dormitory  which  Alfred  had  ordered  to  be  built.  It  is  tempting  to 
connect  these  with  the  Windcirice  and  'stone  dormitory'  of  this 
charter.  But  the  statements  in  the  Liber  de  Hyda  with  regard  to 
the  chapel  and  dormitory,  which  find  no  mention  in  the  account 
given  in  the  Hyde  Register  (p.  4  ff.),  may  have  been  founded  on  the 
present  text,  the  latter  part  of  which  is  quoted  there  in  a  very 
corrupt  form. 

p.  28,  1.  2.  XXIII I  gerda  on  lange.  The  gierd,  '  rod,'  '  pole'  or 
'perch,'  as  a  measure  of  land,  varied  according  to  Maitland  (op.  cit. 
p.  370  ff.)  from  twelve  to  twenty-four  feet.  The  figures  given  in 
this  charter  are  unfortunately  not  sutficient  to  enable  us  to  deter- 
mine its  length  here,  but  a  careful  investigation  of  the  locality 
might  perhaps  settle  the  question. 

1.  3ff.  to  Seen  Scet  ic...jElfredes  cyninges.  This  monastery  was 
the  New  Minster  at  Winchester,  so  called  to  distinguish  it  from 
the  Cathedral  or  Old  Minster.  Its  consecration  is  recorded  in  the 
Chronicle  ann.  903  F. 

1.  6.  See  Andreas  cirican.  A  church  dedicated  to  St  Andrew 
is  mentioned  by  Milner  (History  of  Winchester ;  p.  308)  in  his  '  list 
of  churches  extracted  from  Bishop  Orlton's  register,  about  the  year 
1340.'  It  was  situated  in  Gar-strete,  now  Trafalgar  Street. 

1.  11.  jErest  sufiric/tte  fron  ftan  beodcern.  It  seems  impossible  to 
determine  the  exact  position  of  this  land  acquired  by  Edward  for 
his  new  monastery,  no  trace  of  which  remains.  New  Minster 
seems  to  have  been  situated  to  the  north  of  the  Cathedral,  which 
has  been  rebuilt  at  least  twice,  once  in  963  by  Bishop  Aethelwold, 
and  again  in  1079,  when  it  was  built  on  new  foundations  by 
Bishop  Walkelin,  the  old  church  being  subsequently  pulled  down 
(cf.  Annales  de  Wintonia  (R.S.),  pp.  32,  37)1. 

We  may,  however,  conjecture  that  the  'north  street'  (1.  14) 
was  the  main  street  of  the  city,  running  as  now  from  east  to  west, 
or  rather  east-north-east  to  west-.south-west.  The  '  east  street ' 
(1.  14)  may  have  been  the  present  Colebrook  Street,  but  this  is 
extremely  doubtful.  These  streets  are  not  mentioned,  at  least 

1  According  to  the  Victoria  County  Histoi-y  of  Hampshire  (v.  p.  2)  New 
Minster  was  situated  close  to  the  site  of  the  present  St  Maurice  Church. 


112  English  Historical  Documents 

under  their  Anglo-Saxon  names,  in  the  two  Surveys  of  Winchester, 
usually  known  as  the  Winton  Domesday,  which  were  made  in  the 
early  years  of  the  twelfth  century. 

1.  12.  See  Gregories  cirican.  The  position  of  this  church  is  not 
known.  It  is  mentioned  by  the  biographers  of  St  Dunstan  (cf .  Stubbs, 
Memorials  of  St  Dunstan,  pp.  15,  261),  who  is  said  to  have  entered 
St  Gregory's  Church  in  company  with  Bishop  Aelfheah,  when  return- 
ing from  the  consecration  of  a  church  near  the  west  gate  of  the 
city.  Trussell,  a  local  historian,  mentions  St  Gregory's  in  a  list  of 
'  churches  which  had  fallen  into  ruins,  and  which  were  probably  in 
existence  in  the  fourteenth  century '  (Milner,  op.  cit.  p.  308). 

1.  19  ff.  The  list  of  signatures  in  the  fragment  of  this  charter  in 
the  Hyde  Register  is  considerably  longer  than  the  one  here  given. 
It  contains  seventeen  additional  names,  comprising  two  priests,  two 
deacons,  and  thirteen  persons  of  rank  not  specified.  The  names  of 
witnesses  in  the  present  charter  are  shewn  to  be  extremely  corrupt. 
The  most  important  of  these  corruptions  are  Eaftwearft  (Eadweard), 
EaldereS  (Aethelweard),  PlemunS  (Plegmund),  Wilfcerd  (Wilferth), 
Wvlfrige  (Wulfsige),  Wighen  (Wighelm)  and  Eodmund  (Ceolmund). 

The  sees  represented  in  this  list  are  Canterbury,  Winchester, 
Worcester  (?),  London,  Sherborne,  Selsey(?),  Rochester  and  Hereford. 
Wimund  appears  to  have  been  bishop  of  one  of  the  Mercian  sees. 

XVII 

p.  29,  1.  4.  Deneivulf  bisceop  7  }>a  hiwan  in  Wintanceastre.  See 
note  on  p.  110. 

1.  5.  leton  to  Eeornulfa  hiora  landes  X  V  hida  cet  Eblesburnan, 
i.e.  Ebbesbourne  Wake,  Wilts.  Beornulf  (cf.  1.  17,  below)  is  other- 
wise unknown. 

From  early  times  it  was  customary  for  churches  to  let  estates 
to  private  individuals,  usually  for  one  or  more  lives  (cf.  Maitland, 
op.  cit.  p.  302  f. ).  The  word  Icen  was  commonly  used  to  denote  lands 
leased  by  the  owner  to  others.  In  some  cases  it  is  stated  that  the 
man  who  receives  the  Icen  has  paid  a  sum  of  money  for  this  conces- 
sion ;  in  others,  he  engages  to  pay  an  annual  rent.  See  note  on 
p.  87. 

1.  6.  «n5  ]>am  gafole..  .to  hcerfestes  emnihte  sie  simle  agyfen,  i.e.  on 
September  24th.  A  similar  stipulation  is  made  iu  another  grant  by 
Denewulf  (B.  617) :  cdce  geare  to  hcerfestes  emnihte  ftreo  pund  to  gafole 


Lease  of  Land  by  Bishop  Denewulf  113 

7  cyresceattas  7  cyresceatweorc  7  }>enne  \ce&  nud  bi$,  his  men  beon 
gearuwe  ge  to  ripe  ge  to  huntofte. 

1.  9.  celce  geare  fultumien  to  }>cere  cyrican  bole... be  his  landes 
mefte.  The  duty  of  contributing  to  the  repair  of  churches  is 
enjoined  in  the  Laws  of  Cnut  (n.  65,  1)  :  To  cyricbote  sceal  eall 
folc  Jylstan  mid  rihte.  In  a  passage  in  the  Laws  of  Edmund  (i.  5) 
the  bishop  is  required  to  keep  the  churches  on  his  own  estates  in 
good  repair,  and  to  induce  the  king  to  do  the  same  for  those  churches 
which  are  not  on  church  lands  (cf.  Liebermann,  op.  cit.  n.  536). 
The  upkeep  of  churches  was  one  of  the  three  purposes  to  which  the 
revenue  from  tithes  was  devoted  (Laws  of  Aethelred,  vin.  6 ;  cf. 
vii.  a,  2,  3). 

1.11.  ]>a  cyricsceattes  mid  rihte  agyfe.     The  cyricsceatt  was  a  tax 
which  from  early  times  was  paid  to  the  church  on  St  Martin's  Day 
(November    llth).       On   an   estate   of    three   hides   belonging   to 
Worcester   Cathedral,   the   ciricsceatt   amounted,   in   889,   to    three 
mittan  of  wheat   (B.   560),   while   2   modii  de  mundo  grano  were 
paid  from  an  estate  of  two  hides  in  962   (B.  1087). 

}Lenil>\e(Saxons,  II.  p.  490)  suggested  that  the  payment  of  ciricsceatt 
was  enforced,  at  first,  chiefly  from  lands  under  the  lordship  of  the 
church.  The  passages  in  the  Laws  of  Ine  and  Aethelstan  (Ine,  4, 
61  ;  Aethelstan,  i.  4),  where  the  tax  is  mentioned,  are  not  conclusive 
upon  this  point.  But  by  the  middle  of  the  tenth  century  it  appears 
as  a  general  tax  on  all  lands  (Edmund,  i.  2;  Edgar,  n.  2;  Cnut,  i.  10). 
The  penalty  incurred  by  neglect  to  pay  the  ciricsceatt  consisted  of  a 
fine  of  60  shillings,  increased  under  Aethelred  II  to  120  shillings, 
and  in  addition  the  twelvefold  payment  of  the  tax  (Ine,  4  ; 
Aethelred,  vin.  11;  Cnut,  i.  10). 

1.12.  ~i  fyrde  7  brycge  -j  festengeweorc  hewe.     See  note  on  p.  105. 
Prof.  Liebermann  (op.  cit.  n.  331)  takes  hewe  as  equivalent  to  heawet 
in  which  case  the  verb  will  apply  properly  only  to  the  second  and 
third  of  the  objects.    His  statement,  however,  that  this  verb  (neces- 
sarily) implies  a  construction  of  wood  seems  to  me  to  go  somewhat 
beyond  what  the  evidence  warrants ;  cf.  the  Old  English  Version  of. 
Bede's  Ecclesiastical  History,  iv.  11  (E.E.T.S.  p.  296). 

1.  22.  Sreo  untefteowe  men  burbcerde  -j  ftreo  fteowberde, i.e. Sreo [men] 
Seowberde.  Prof.  Liebermann  (op.  cit.  n.  p.  694)  takes  both  groups 
as  imte^eowe  men,  a  suggestion  which  seems  hardly  necessary. 

The  witefteowe  men  burbcerde  must  have  been  persons  of  the  free 
labouring  class,  who  had  been  reduced  to  slavery  as  a  punishment 

H.  8 


114  English  Historical  Documents 

for  crime,  or  from  inability  to  pay  the  fines  incurred  by  violation  of 
the  law. 

1.24.     cet  Hysseburnan.    Hurstbourne,  Hants.    See  note  on  p.  96. 

p.  30, 1.  8.  A  second  list  of  signatures  begins  here.  Do  the  two 
lists  refer  respectively  to  the  different  transactions  recorded  in  the 
text,  which  took  place  on  two  different  occasions  ?  Or  has  one  of 
the  lists  been  taken  from  some  other  charter?  It  is  to  be  noted 
that  Wigea  diaconus  of  the  first  list  appears  as  priest  in  the  second. 

XVIII 

Date.  Thorpe  assigned  this  document,  which  bears  no  date, 
to  900 — 924,  the  duration  of  the  reign  of  Edward  the  Elder. 
Middendorff  (Altenglisches  Flurnamenbuch,  p.  134)  and  Liebermann 
(op.  cit.  II.  566)  date  it  'about  907,'  I  do  not  know  upon  what 
grounds. 

1.  17.  Leof,  ic  fle  cyfle...cet  Funtial,  i.e.  Fonthill,  Wilts.  The 
person  addressed  appears  to  be  King  Edward  the  Elder.  The  date 
of  his  accession,  for  which  Thorpe  (see  above)  accepts  the  date  900, 
is  uncertain.  Seep.  110. 

1.19.  fla  ongon  Higa  him  specan.  Brunner  (Rechtsgeschichte  der 
Urkunde,  p.  205,  footnote)  suggests  that  Aethelm  Higa  may  have 
claimed  this  estate  as  heir  of  Aetheldryth  (p.  31,  1.  3). 

1.  24  ff.  fleet  he  moste  beon  ryhtes  wyr$e...ymb  fleet  lond.  Is  wiS 
^Eflelm  to  be  taken  with  ryhtes  wyrfle,  i.e.  'gave  him  leave  to  avail 
himself  of  the  protection  of  the  law  against  Aethelm/  etc.  ?  Or  is 
it  to  be  taken  with  ryhtrace,  i.e.  '  to  avail  himself  of  the  protection 
of  the  law,  because  of  my  advocacy  and  the  correct  account  which 
I  had  given,  as  against  Aethelm,  of  the  history  of  the  estate '  ? 

1.  27.     hrcelflen.     See  note  on  p.  122. 

1.  28.     3Rt  Sumortune.     Probably  Somerton,  Somerset. 

p.  31,  1.  5.  hire  morgengifu  fla  heo  ce\re\st  to  Aflutfe  com.  The 
morgengifu.  was  a  gift  regularly  made  by  the  husband  to  his  wife  on 
the  morning  after  their  marriage ;  cf.  Liebermann,  op.  cit.  p.  588, 
and  the  references  there  given. 

1.  10.     cet  Weardoran.     Wardour,  Wilts. 

1.  12.  fleet  Helmstan  wcere  afle  flees  fle  near,  i.e.  that  Helmstan 
should  now  proceed  to  produce  a  number  of  '  oath-helpers  '  prepared 
to  swear  to  the  truth  of  his  own  oath  (1.  6  above).  For  the  phrase 
afle  near,  cf.  LI.  Hen.  64.  6,  and  Liebermann,  op.  cit.  n.  310.  This 
suit  is  regarded  by  J.  L.  Laughlin  in  his  essay  on  '  The  Anglo-Saxon 


Letter  concerning  Land  at  Fonthitt  115 

Legal  Procedure'  in  Essays  in  Anglo-Saxon  Law,  1876,  p.  244  f.  as 
a  compromise  conducted  after  the  manner  of  the  regular  legal 
procedure. 

1.  29.  Sa  se  dom  wees  gefylled,  i.e.  the  king's  decision  that 
Helmstan  should  produce  the  oath  if  he  could  (1.  18  f.  above). 

p.  32,  1.  3.  to  Cytlid  is  not  regarded  as  a  proper  name  by  Earle 
and  Dr  Birch,  but  there  can  scarcely  be  any  doubt  that  the  reference 
is  to  Chicklade,  Wilts.,  about  three  miles  south  of  Fonthill.  It  is 
uncertain  whether  this  is  D.B.  Chigelei  (cf.  Domesday  Book  for 
Wiltshire,  ed.  W.  H.  Jones,  1865,  p.  206).  Later  forms  are  Ciklet 
(T.  de  Nevill),  Chicklaude  (Feudal  Aids),  Chyclet  (Rot.  Hund.),  and 
Cheklade  (Cal.  Inquis.  post  Mortem).  These  forms  rather  suggest 
that  Cytlid  should  be  emended  to  Cyclid ;  the  confusion  of  c  and  t 
is  not  rare. 

1.  6  f.  Penearding . . .to  Tyssebyrig,  i.e.  Tisbury,  Wilts.  Pen- 
eard(ing)  is  perhaps  to  be  regarded  as  a  (Celtic)  place-name. 

1.  8  f .  Sa  cwceS  he  ftcet  he  wcere  fieof...mon.  The  penalty  for 
certain  crimes,  including  theft  (cf.  p.  109),  was  the  confiscation  of 
the  bookland  of  the  criminal  to  the  king.  We  may  compare  a 
passage  in  a  charter  of  Aethelred  II  dated  995  (K.  692),  describing 
how  an  estate  cet  Dumaltune  was  confiscated  in  consequence  of  theft. 
Other  instances  are  enumerated  in  Essays  in  Anglo-Saxon  Law, 
pp.  65,  66.  See  also  Cnut,  n.  13,  77. 

1.  10 f.  Ordlaf  Jeng  to  his  londe...forwyrcan.  See  Laughlin, 
op.  cit.  p.  250  f.,  and  Liebermann,  op.  cit.  n.  p.  564.  For  Icen  see  note 
on  p.  112.  The  signature  of  Ordlaf  dux  is  found  in  charters  of 
Alfred  and  Edward  the  Elder.  See  note  on  1.  14  below. 

1.  12  ff.  •Ba  gesohte  he  fiines  feeder  lic...-j  5w  him  forgeafe  his 
eard.  The  meaning  of  this  passage  is  altogether  obscure.  A  curious 
passage  in  the  Laws  of  Ine  (cap.  53)  states  that  when  a  man  has 
received  a  stolen  slave  from  a  man  who  has  since  died,  he  is  to  take 
the  slave  to  the  grave  of  the  dead  man,  and  there  prove  by  an  oath 
of  sixty  hides  that  the  dead  man  had  sold  the  slave  to  him. 

1.  13.     OKt  Cippanhomme.     Chippenham,  Wilts. 

1.  14  f.  icfeng  to  minan  londe..  .cet  Lidgeard.  Probably  Lyddiard, 
Wilts.  According  to  a  charter  in  the  Codex  Wintoniensis,  dated 
900  (B.  590),  Bishop  Denewulf  granted  ten  hides  of  land  cet  Lidgerd 
to  Ordlaf  comes  in  exchange  for  ten  hides  at  FuntgeaU.  Mr  Stevenson 
(E.H.R.  xin.  p.  73,  footnote)  thinks  this  charter  suspicious.  It  is 
tempting  to  suggest  that  Ordlaf,  the  owner  of  the  estate  cet  Lidgerd, 

8—2 


116  English  Historical  Documents 

was  the  author  of  this  letter,  but  the  fact  that  he  is  mentioned  in 
the  third  person  in  L  10  presents  rather  a  serious  difficulty  in  the 
way  of  this  explanation. 

XIX 

The  volume  of  Latin  Gospels  in  which  this  memorandum  is 
inscribed,  formerly  belonged,  according  to  Wanley  (p.  181),  to 
Christ  Church,  Canterbury.  It  is  assigned  by  Sir  E.  Maunde 
Thompson  (Catal.  of  Anc.  MSS.  in  the  Brit.  Mus.  u.  p.  19)  to  the 
eighth  century;  the  Anglo-Saxon  entry  is  in  a  tenth  century 
hand. 

Almost  all  the  records  of  manumission  extant  are  written  in  the 
margins  or  on  blank  spaces  of  Gospels  and  missals.  From  these 
records  it  appears  that  the  ceremony  often  took  place  at  the  high 
altar,  but  sometimes  at  the  church  door,  and  that  a  memorandum 
of  the  act  and  of  the  witnesses  was  then  made  in  some  book  belonging 
to  the  church  ;  cf.  Kemble,  Saxons  in  England,  I.  p.  224. 

1.  28.  jESelstan  cyng . .  .cercest  cyng  wees.  There  is  unfortunately 
some  doubt  as  to  the  year  of  Aethelstan's  accession ;  cf.  Plummer, 
Chron.  n.  p.  132  f.,  where  the  date  924  is  preferred. 

p.  33,  1.  3.  Dalles  ftces  haligdomes  $e  ic  on  Angelcyn  begeat. 
The  use  of  on  with  the  accusative  in  such  a  case  as  this  is  rare. 
Possibly  the  correct  translation  of  on  Angelcyn  begeat  may  rather  be 
'brought  into  England,'  or  'procured  for  the  use  of  the  English.' 
Aethelstan  is  known  to  have  brought  many  relics  from  the 
Continent.  The  introductory  note  to  a  list  of  relics  (B.  693)  said 
to  have  been  given  by  Aethelstan  to  St  Peter's,  Exeter,  states 
that  the  king  sent  messengers  over  the  sea  to  seek  out  and  purchase 
relics.  According  to  William  of  Malmesbury  (Gesta  Pontificum, 
R.S.  pp.  186,  200,  398)  Aethelstan  gave  to  Malmesbury  Abbey 
many  relics  from  Normandy  and  Brittany,  and  also  made  similar 
gifts  to  the  abbeys  of  Milton  and  Michelney. 

XX 

Date.  The  date  assigned  to  this  will  by  Earle  and  Dr  Birch  is 
A.D.  946 — 955,  the  duration  of  the  reign  of  Eadred.  It  is  pointed 
out  by  Napier  and  Stevenson  (Crawford  Charters,  p.  74  footnote) 
that  estates  at  Aysshedoune  and  cet  Wassingatune  were  confirmed  or 
granted  to  Eadric  by  Eadred  in  947  (B.  828,  834).  If  these  were 


Earl  Aethelwoltfs  Will  117 

identical  with  two  of  the  estates  bequeathed  by  Aethelwold  to  Eadric 
(1.  19  below),  the  will  must  have  been  executed  between  the  acces- 
sion of  Eadred  in  946  and  the  confirmation  of  the  estates  to  Eadric 
in  947. 

1.  7.  The  first  sentence  has  been  added,  possibly  by  the  scribe 
who  drew  up  the  Codex. 

1.  9.  Leof,  dfyelwold  ealdarman.  Thorpe  and  Dr  Birch  take  leqf 
as  a  prenomen.  Earle  rightly  explains  it  as  '  an  epistolary  address 
to  the  king,'  meaning  'Sire,  my  lord '  (cf.  p.  30,  L  17),  a  usage  not 
uncommon  in  Anglo-Saxon  wills,  many  of  which  are  addressed  to 
the  king.  These  documents  also  contain  parallels  to  the  sudden 
change  from  the  third  to  the  first  person  in  11.  9 — 11  (cf.  K.  694, 
721). 

Aethelstan,  the  brother  of  Aethelwold  mentioned  in  1.  19,  is 
generally  thought  to  be  Aethelstan  Half-King,  Earl  of  East  Anglia. 
Aethelwold  was,  therefore,  probably  a  member  of  the  royal  family 
(cf.  Crawf.  Ch.  pp.  74,  82  f.).  He  signs  from  931  to  946.  His  death 
may  have  taken  place  in  the  latter  year.  See  note  on  date  (above). 

1.  llf.  ]>cere  halgan  8towe...hiicum.  The  Cathedral  or  Old 
Minster  at  Winchester.  See  note  on  p.  97. 

I.  13.  \<El  land  cet  WUig...to  scrudfultume,  i.e.  Wiley,  Wilts. 
This  was  probably  land,  the  produce  or  rent  of  which  was  used  to 
defray  the  cost  of  clothing. 

1.  15.  ]>am  cinge  minne  hceregeatwa.  This  is  one  of  the  earliest 
references  to  the  heriot  in  Anglo-Saxon  wills.  It  was  customary 
from  very  early  times  for  a  man  to  leave  to  his  lord  horses,  armour 
and  weapons,  which,  in  theory  at  least,  he  had  received  from  him. 
Beowulf  begs  Hrothgar  to  send  back  to  Hygelac  his  coat  of  mail, 
which  had  formerly  belonged  to  Hrethel,  the  father  of  Hygelac 
(Beow.  11.  452 — 455).  Besides  the  usual  articles  of  military  equip- 
ment, land,  ships,  dogs,  horns,  cups  and  bracelets  are  included  in 
the  heriots  mentioned  in  Anglo-Saxon  wills  (B.  812,  1008,  1132, 
1174,  1288;  Crawf.  Ch.  x.).  In  Cnut's  Laws  (n.  71)  the  heriot  of 
an  earl  consists  of  eight  horses,  four  saddled  and  four  unsaddled, 
four  helmets,  four  coats  of  mail,  eight  spears,  eight  shields,  four 
swords  and  two  hundred  mancuses  of  gold. 

1.  ISf.  minum  brewer  Eadrice.  Probably  the  earl  of  this  name 
who  signs  regularly  from  942  to  948,  and  once  in  949  (B.  875). 

Ogbourn,  Wilts ;  Cheam,  Surrey.  Mr  Stevenson  (op.  cit. 
p.  235)  points  out  that  the  name  ^Escesdun  still  survives  in 


118  English  Historical  Documents 

Ashdown  Park,  in  the  manor  of  Ashbury,  Berks.  In  a  note  in 
the  chartulary  following  Eadred's  grant  to  Eadric  of  land  at 
Aysshedoune  (B.  828,  see  above),  it  is  stated  that  this  estate, 
which  was  then  called  Aysshebury,  was  subsequently  given  by  Eadric 
to  the  Abbey  of  Glastonbury. 

1.  9.  cet  Wessingatune  is  identified  by  Dr  Birch  with  Wasing, 
Berks. ;  but  the  earlier  forms  of  this  name,  as  given  by  Skeat 
(Place-names  of  Berkshire,  p.  70),  e.g.  Wausynge  (Feudal  Aids), 
Wawesenge  (T.  de  Nevill)  and  Walsinge  (D.B.)  make  this  identi- 
fication impossible. 

Aethelwold's  estate  cet  Wessingatune  is  probably  to  be  identified 
with  the  land  cet  Wassingatune  or  Wasingatune  granted  to  Eadric 
in  947  (see  above).  This  place-name  occurs  again  in  two  charters 
attributed  to  Edgar  as  cet  Wasingatune  (B.  1125)  and  in  Wassenga- 
tune  in  Sudsexon  (B.  1297).  This  is  clearly  Washington,  Sussex, 
which  appears  in  D.B.  as  Wasingetune,  in  Feudal  Aids  as  Wassington 
and  in  Inquis.  Non.  as  Wassyngton.  Earle's  alternative  suggestion 
of  Wiston,  Sussex,  is  shewn  to  be  impossible  by  the  forms  Wystneston 
(Inquis.  Non.),  Wysteneston  (Feudal  Aids),  and  Wistanestun  (D.B.). 
These  clearly  go  back  to  O.E.  *  Wigstanestun. 

1.  19  f.  jflfyelstane  mince  brefier.  The  form  mince,  cf.  mine,  1.  21, 
in  place  of  minum  is  remarkable. 

There  were  two  earls  named  Aethelstan  in  the  first  half  of  the 
tenth  century.  Aethelstan,  Earl  of  East  Anglia,  called  '  Half- King ' 
because  of  his  great  power,  who  signs  from  923  to  956,  was  probably 
the  brother  of  Aethelwold.  At  some  time  after  956,  he  resigned  his 
power  and  became  a  monk  at  Glastonbury1. 

Broadwater,  Sussex,     cet  Niwantune  is  possibly  Newton,  Wilts. 

1.  21  f.  jElfsige  mine  brofiorsuna.  Napier  and  Stevenson  (Craw/. 
Ch.  p.  83  footnote)  seem  to  include  j931fsige  among  the  brothers  of 
Aethelwold.  In  that  case,  the  passage  must  be  emended  differently. 
-<Elfsige  is  probably  the  earl  of  that  name  who  signs  in  956,  957  and 
958. 

cet  Carcel.     This  place  has  not  been  identified. 

jElfstanes  suna  mines  brolpor.     Probably  the  ^Elfstan  dux  who 

1  According  to  Napier  and  Stevenson  (op.  cit.  p.  82  f.)  the  signature  of 
Aethelstan  occurs  also  in  957  and  958.  Both  names  occur  together  in  B.  987, 
dated  957,  which  can  hardly  be  trustworthy,  since  it  bears  the  name  of  King 
Eadred.  1  have  not  succeeded  in  finding  any  charter  of  958,  signed  by  both 
earls. 


King  Eadred's  Witt  119 

signs  from  930  to  934.  Since  the  bequest  is  made  not  to  him,  but 
to  his  son,  we  may  perhaps  conclude  that  he  was  dead  at  this  time. 

1.  22.  cet  Cleran.  Kingsclere,  Hants;  cf.  p.  17,  1.  36  and 
p.  34,  1.  9. 

1.  22  S.  eall  Ipcet  yrfe  ]HK  ic  hcebbe  on  Icenela/ndum..  .for  mine  sawle. 
The  term  Icenland  first  appears  in  the  middle  of  the  tenth  century, 
and  denotes  lands  let  out  on  lease  by  the  owner  to  others.  See  note 
on  Icen,  p.  112. 

Does  this  mean  that  the  estates  held  by  Aethelwold  on  lease 
were  to  be  transferred  to  religious  houses  or  persons  nominated  by 
them  1  Or  was'  the  church  now  to  become  the  owner  of  estates 
belonging  to  Aethelwold  which  had  been  leased  to  others? 

XXI 

The  Anglo-Saxon  text  of  this  will  is  followed  in  the  Liber  de 
Hyda  by  Latin  and  Middle  English  versions,  which,  like  the  later 
versions  of  King  Alfred's  Will,  contain  many  corrupt  spellings  and 
mistranslations.  See  note  on  p.  91. 

Date.  Dr  Birch  dates  this  will  '  before  23rd  November  A.D.  955,' 
the  day  of  Eadred's  death.  The  mention  of  Aelfsige,  Bishop  of 
Winchester,  shews  that  the  date  cannot  be  earlier  than  951. 
Plummer  (Chron.  n.  ix.)  is  inclined  to  assign  to  the  end  of  954, 
or  the  beginning  of  955,  the  transference  to  York  of  Oscytel,  who 
was  still  presiding  over  the  see  of  Dorchester  (p.  35, 1.  2)  ;  but  since 
the  exact  date  is  uncertain,  the  will  must  be  dated  951 — 955. 

p.  34,  1.  4.  in  to  ]>cere  stowe  ]xer  he  wile  }>cet  his  lie  reste. 
Eadred  was  buried  in  the  Old  Minster  at  Winchester  ;  cf.  Chronicle 
ann.  955  D. 

1.  7  ff.  Down  ton,  Damerham  and  Calne  (Wilts.) ;  Wherwell, 
Andover  and  Kingsclere  (Hants). 

1.  10.  to  Nunnanmynstre,  cf.  1.  11  below :  to  Nunnanmynstre  to 
Ceastre.  The  nunnery  at  Winchester,  often  called  Nunnaminster, 
was  founded  by  Ealhswith,  wife  of  King  Alfred,  perhaps  with  the 
co-operation  of  her  husband,  and  completed  by  Edward  the  Elder. 
It  became  greatly  impoverished  and  was  refounded  by  Bishop 
Aethelwold  (cf.  Chron.  ann.  963  E).  For  the  use  of  Ceaster, 
meaning  Winchester,  see  note  on  p.  108. 

Shal bourne  and  Bradford  (Wilts.). 

and  pcecham.  Edwards,  followed  by  Dr  Birch,  has  ]>cet  ham, 
which  can  hardly  be  right,  pcecham,  now  Thatcham,  Berks.,  is 


120  English  Historical  Documents 

mentioned  in  the  will  of  Earl  Aelfheah  (B.  1174)  who  bequeathed 
land  there  to  his  lord  King  Edgar.  According  to  D.B.  (i.  56  b) 
Taceham  was  held  in  demesne  by  Edward  the  Confessor.  Later 
forms  of  the  name,  according  to  Skeat  (Place-names  of  Berkshire, 
p.  59),  are  Thachame  (Tax.  Eccles.  1291)  and  Taceham  (Rot.  Chart.). 

1.  12.  to  Wiltune.  Wilton,  Wilts.  According  to  Dugdale  (pp. 
cit.  ii.  p.  315)  the  nunnery  here  was  founded  soon  after  802  by 
St  Alburga,  widow  of  Weohstan,  Earl  of  Wiltshire,  and  half-sister 
of  King  Egbert,  on  the  site  of  a  chantry  of  secular  priests  established 
at  Wilton  by  her  husband  in  773.  King  Alfred  is  said  to  have  built 
a  new  nunnery  on  the  site  of  the  royal  palace  at  Wilton,  to  which 
he  transferred  the  nuns  from  the  older  foundation. 

to  Sceaftesbirig.     Shaftesbury,  Dorset.     See  note  on  p.  98. 

1.  14.  to  ]>an  ficet  hi  mege  magan  hung  or  and  hce]>enne  here  him 
fram  aceapian.  If  the  text  is  right,  magan  hungor,  '  hunger  of  the 
stomach.' 

The  policy  of  buying  off  the  Danes  appears  to  have  been  adopted 
as  early  as  the  reign  of  Alfred  (cf.  Chron.  ann.  865,  872,  876), 
though  the  Chronicle  (ann.  991)  wrongly  assigns  the  first  payment 
of  tribute  to  the  Danes  to  the  reign  of  Aethelred  II. 

1.  1 6.  se  ercebiscop  cet  Cristes  cirican.  Oda,  who  was  transferred 
from  Ramsbury  to  Canterbury  in  942,  and  died  in  958  (Stubbs, 
Memorials  of  St  Dunstan,  p.  xcivf.). 

1.  20  f.  JElfsige  biscop...to  Winteceastre.  Aelfsige  was  Bishop  of 
Winchester  from  951  to  958,  when  he  was  transferred  to  Canterbury, 
in  succession  to  Oda.  He  died  soon  afterwards  on  a  journey  to 
Rome,  scir  (1.  24)  may  possibly  mean  a  group  of  counties  (cf.  11.  21, 
22). 

1.  24.  Dunstan  abbod...and  healde  cet  Glcestingabirig.  Dunstan 
became  Abbot  of  Glastonbury  in  946.  He  had  previously  under- 
taken the  restoration  of  the  abbey,  which  had  fallen  into  decay. 
Dunstan  was  an  intimate  friend  of  King  Eadred.  His  power  was 
eclipsed  during  the  reign  of  Eadwig  and  reached  its  zenith  under 
Edgar.  In  957  Dunstan  succeeded  to  the  see  of  Worcester  and  in 
958  to  that  of  London  (cf.  Plummer,  Chron.  p.  153);  in  959  he 
became  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  He  died  in  988. 

p.  35, 1.  2.  Oscytel  biscop ...cet  Dorceastre.  Oscy tel  became  Bishop 
of  Dorchester  in  950,  according  to  Stubbs  (Registrum  Sacrum).  He 
was  subsequently  transferred  to  York,  probably  in  954,  or  early  in 
955.  His  death  is  recorded  in  the  Chronicle  ann.  971  B. 


King  Eadred's  Will  121 

1.  4.  poenne  hceflp  Wulfhelm  biscop  ftatt  feower  hund  punda. 
The  only  bishop  of  this  name  living  at  the  time  was  Wulfhelm, 
Bishop  of  Wells,  938 — 955.  Is  it  possible  that  the  w  preceding 
his  name  in  the  MS.  is  an  abbreviation  for  Wellensis,  and  has 
become  displaced  1 

Scet  feower  hund  punda  seems  to  refer  to  the  four  hundred  pounds 
bequeathed  to  Oscytel  (1.  2).  We  may  perhaps  infer  that  the 
money  had  been  lent  or  entrusted  to  Wulfhelm,  to  be  handed  over 
to  Oscytel  on  Eadred's  death. 

1.  5.  nime  man  twentig  hund  mancusa  goldes  and  gemynetige  to 
mancusan.  The  verb  gemynetigan  is  not  recorded  by  B.-T.,  but 
there  seems  no  reason  to  doubt  that  gemynetige  is  a  genuine  form. 
The  term  mancus  (cf.  p.  77)  is  here  used  both  for  the  weight  and  the 
coin.  There  are  only  five  of  the  latter  in  existence,  but  the  mention 
of  so  large  a  number  in  this  will  seems  to  point  to  the  existence  of 
an  extensive  gold  coinage. 

1.  10.  minre  meder.  Eadgifu,  the  third  wife  of  Edward  the 
Elder.  See  No.  XXIII  and  notes. 

1.  10 f.  Amesbury,  Wilts,  and  Wantage,  Berks;  both  these 
estates  are  mentioned  in  King  Alfred's  will,  cf.  p.  17,  1.  29  and 
p.  18,  1.  10.  Basing,  Hants. 

1.  1 3  f .  two,  hund  mancusa  goldes,  beo  hundtuxlftigum.  This 
instance  of  the  use  of  the  duodecimal  hundred  is  probably  to  be 
regarded  as  a  relic  of  an  ancient  English  system  of  reckoning.  We 
may  compare  O.N.  hundraS,  120.  The  duodecimal  or  'great'  hundred 
is  supposed  to  have  existed  by  the  side  of  the  decimal  hundred  in 
Germanic  (Streitberg,  Urgerm.  Gramm.  §  168).  There  is,  however, 
a  possibility  that  its  use  in  King  Eadred's  Will  may  be  due  to 
Scandinavian  influence. 

1.  16  f.  odcan  gesettan  discftegne.  This  is  the  only  passage 
which  gives  us  any  information  as  to  the  relative  importance  of  the 
members  of  the  royal  household. 

The  first  genuine  reference  in  the  charters  to  the  office  of 
discftegn,  'seneschal,'  L.  discifer,  dapifer  (cf.  Wright- Wiilcker, 
Vocabularies  126,  38),  dates  from  the  reign  of  Aethelstan,  one  of 
whose  charters  is  witnessed  by  Wulfhelm  discifer  regis  (B.  659). 
Charters  of  Eadwig  and  Edgar  are  witnessed  by  royal  disciferi. 
See  note  on  1.  21  below.  Reference  is  sometimes  made  to  the 
seneschals  of  members  of  the  royal  family  other  than  the  king, 
cf.  JEfic  ]>ara  celpelinga  discsten  (K.  693) ;  jElmere  minen  discSene 


122  English  Historical  Documents 

(Will  of  Aethelstan  Aetheling,  K.  722) ;  Lofwine  c&elinges  discfien 
(K.  1302). 

gesettan  hrceglSene.  Larson  (The  King's  Household  in  England 
before  the  Norman  Conquest,  p.  128)  remarks  that  the  title  of 
hrtegtSegn,  which  is  applied  elsewhere  to  monastic  officials,  is  a 
somewhat  unusual  one  for  a  high  official  of  the  court.  From  the 
amount  of  the  legacy  bequeathed  by  the  king  to  the  holder  of  this 
office,  it  would  seem  that  the  position  was  one  of  considerable 
importance.  Larson  suggests  that  the  term  hrceglftegn  may  here  be 
applied  to  the  official  usually  designated  burftegn,  '  chamberlain ' 
(K.  489,  503,  572).  It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  keeper  of  the  royal 
apartments  had  charge  of  the  royal  wardrobe  also. 

gesettan  biriele.  The  signature  of  a  royal  cupbearer,  Lat. 
pincerna,  occurs  in  a  charter  of  A.D.  777 — 779  (B.  232)  which  may 
be  genuine.  Another  early  charter  bearing  the  signature  of  a 
pincerna  is  dated  809  (B.  328).  This  office  was  held  by  Oslac,  the 
father  of  Alfred's  mother  Osburh  (Asser,  cap.  2). 

1.  20.  fif  pund  penenga.  It  is  tempting  to  suggest  that  pund 
is  a  scribal  error  for  hund,  as  each  of  the  other  legacies  is  less  than 
the  preceding  one. 

1.  21.  celcan  gesettan  stigweard.  This  seems  to  be  the  earliest 
known  occurrence  of  the  word  stigweard.  It  is  evident  from  the 
comparatively  small  amount  bequeathed  to  Eadred's  stewards  that 
this  office  was  inferior  to  that  of  the  discftegn.  The  two  titles  seem, 
however,  to  have  been  used  without  much  discrimination.  In  a 
tenth  century  gloss  we  find  discoforus,  discifer  vel  stiweard  ( Vocab. 
223.  7);  while  in  Aelfric's  Vocabulary  ( Vocab.  126.  38)  discifer  vel 
discoforus  is  glossed  by  disc]>egn.  The  disciferi  who  sign  charters  of 
Eadwig  must  have  been  officials  of  considerable  importance,  since 
their  signatures  occur  between  those  of  the  duces  and  the  ministri 
(cf.  B.  941,  1035).  It  seems  more  likely  that  their  office  was  that 
of  di&cSegn  than  of  stigweard.  Larson  (op.  cit.  p.  172)  suggests  that 
the  title  of  stigweard  may  have  been  applied  to  the  seneschals  of 
persons  of  less  exalted  rank.  Towards  the  end  of  the  Saxon  period, 
a  certain  Leofgivu  bequeaths  land  to  her  three  stewards  (K.  931). 
This  title  is  mentioned  several  times  in  the  Chronicle  (ann.  1093, 
1096,  1120).  It  seems  gradually  to  have  superseded  that  of 
disdSegn. 

1.  22.  ealcan  men  preosthades  }>e  ge]>eodad  wees.  A  verb 
ge]>eodian  seems  not  to  be  recorded.  Edwards  translates  :  '  every 


Entries  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  123 

priest  that  was  associated,'  etc.,  apparently  taking  gdpeodad  as  the 
past  part,  of  ge\eodan. 

1.  24.  buton  he  sy  lit  in  bynde  to  }>am  cynestolum.  This  passage 
seems  to  be  corrupt.  An  obvious  emendation  is  inbyrde  ('  serf  born 
on  the  royal  estates '  (?))  for  in  bynde,  but  lit  presents  difficulties. 
Edwards  translates  :  'unless  he  be  little  bounden  to  the  throne.' 

XXII 

Dialect.     See  Appendix. 

Date.  The  Latin  text  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  dates  from  the 
end  of  the  seventh,  or  the  beginning  of  the  eighth,  century,  if  the 
account  given  by  Aldred  of  the  circumstances  connected  with  its 
preparation  is  correct1.  The  Anglo-Saxon  interlinear  gloss  and  these 
two  Anglo-Saxon  entries  are  assigned  by  Sir  E.  Maunde  Thompson 
(Catal.  of  MSS.  in  the  Brit.  Mus.  II.  p.  16)  to  the  tenth  century, 
and  by  Skeat  (Gospel  of  St  John  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  and  Northumbrian 
Versions,  p.  ix)  to  the  latter  half  of  that  century. 

p.  36,  1.  7.  Eadfri8...avrdt  cet  frvma.  frvma,  with  loss  of  n 
after  a,  as  regularly  in  Northumbrian.  The  reference  is  to  the 
Latin  text.  Eadfrith  was  Bishop  of  Lindisfarne  from  698  to  721. 
Bede  dedicated  to  him  his  prose  life  of  St  Cuthbert,  which  he  had 
written  at  the  request  of  the  bishop  and  the  community. 

1.  8.  See  Cvfiberhte,  the  famous  saint  and  patron  of  the  monks 
of  Lindisfarne.  The  exact  date  of  his  birth  is  not  known,  but  he 
entered  the  monastery  of  Melrose,  of  which  he  subsequently  became 
provost,  apparently  about  the  year  651,  while  still  a  young  man.  In 
664  he  was  made  provost  of  Lindisfarne,  and  held  this  office  for 
twelve  years.  He  then  retired  to  the  island  of  Fame,  where  he 
remained  until  his  death  in  687,  except  for  a  short  interval  from 
684  to  686,  during  which  he  presided  over  the  see  of  Lindisfarne. 
The  shrine  containing  the  body  of  the  saint  accompanied  the  monks 
on  their  wanderings  after  their  flight  before  the  Danes  in  875. 
From  883  to  990  it  rested  at  Chester-le-Street,  from  whence  it  was 
subsequently  removed  to  Durham. 

1.  9.  Eftilvald,  Lindisfearneolondinga  bisc,  the  successor  of 
Eadfrith.  The  date  of  his  consecration  is  given  by  Plummer 
(Baedae  Hist.  Eccles.  n.  p.  297)  as  721.  He  died  in  740. 

1  Prof.  E.  A.  S.  Macalister  (Essays  and  Studies  presented  to  William 
Ridgeway,  1913,  p.  299  f.)  suggests  that  the  MS.  is  really  an  Irish  MS.  of  the 
ninth  century  and  that  Aldred's  statements  are  erroneous. 


124  English  Historical  Documents 

1.  10.  hit  via  giftryde.  This  is  wrongly  connected  by  B.-T.,  and 
by  Prof.  Cook  in  his  Glossary  of  the  Old  Northumbrian  Gospels,  with 
an  infinitive  (ge)]>ryccan.  Prof.  Napier  in  his  Contributions  to  Old 
English  Lexicography  (Phil.  Soc.  Trans.,  1906,  p.  328)  takes  giftryde 
as  preterite  of  an  infinitive  (gi)}rryn,  '  to  press,  or  bind.'  It  occurs 
again  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  gloss  (St  Matthew,  ed.  Skeat,  p.  3,  1.  7), 
where  geSryde  vel  avrat  glosses  expraesit.  The  past  participle  getiryd 
is  recorded  once.  The  form  a-]>ryd  is  also  found  and  glosses  ex- 
pressum  and  expilatam  (cf.  Napier,  I.e.). 

gibelde.  The  derivation  and  meaning  of  gibelde  are  altogether 
obscure.  Skeat  suggested  '  covered.'  According  to  the  New  English 
Dictionary,  quoted  by  Skeat,  'bield,'  which  is  connected  with  W.S. 
bieldan,  Angl.  bqldan  and  Goth,  batyjan,  'to  make  bold,'  has  in 
Scotch  the  meaning  '  cover,  cover  over.'  If  this  was  the  meaning 
of  gibelde  in  Northumbrian  it  would  give  an  intelligible  sense. 
Prof.  Cook  in  his  Glossary  has  gibelda,  (?)  cover. 

Billfrift  se  oncr§.  This  name  occurs  in  the  list  of  anchorites  in 
the  Durham  Liber  Vitae  (Sweet,  O.E.T.  p.  155,  1.  54). 

1.  1 1  f .  7  hit  gihrinade  miS  golde  7  miS  gimmvm  §c  miS  svlfre  of- 
gylded  faconleas  jeh.  In  three  passages  in  the  interlinear  Anglo- 
Saxon  gloss  (Matthew  xii.  44 ;  xxiii.  29 ;  Luke  xxi.  5)  gihrinan 
glosses  Lat.  ornare.  This  meaning  is  not  recorded  by  B.-T.  gihrino 
in  1.  11  probably  means  'ornaments.'  In  Mark  xiii.  2  vide  has 
omnes  magnas  aedificationes  is  glossed  gesih  }>as  miclo  gehrino  vel 
glencas. 

Skeat  translates  this  passage :  '  and  adorned  it  with  gold  and 
also  with  gems,  overlaid  with  silver,  unalloyed  metal,'  apparently 
regarding  faconleas  feh  as  an  uninflected  dative,  in  apposition  with 
svlfre.  An  examination  of  the  gloss  suggests  that  the  case-system 
had  by  this  time  broken  down  ;  cf .  to  Seem  hcelend,  under  hrofminum 
(Luke  vii.).  The  simplest  translation  perhaps  would  be  :  '  also  with 
silvergilt,  unalloyed  metal.' 

1.  13.  Aldred  psbr...hit  of'gloesade  on  englisc.  The  identity 
of  Aldred,  son  of  Aelfred  and  Tilwyn,  who  wrote  the  Anglo-Saxon 
interlinear  gloss  in  this  volume  of  Gospels,  is  uncertain1.  Aldred  is 
sometimes  identified  with  Aldred  the  Provost,  to  whom  four  collects 
inserted  in  the  Durham  Ritual  have  been  attributed.  But  according 

1  Bouterwek  (op.  cit.  p.  xlvii)  suggested  that  the  marginal  note  .i.  Tilw  was 
to  be  expanded  to  i.e.  Tilwyn,  an  explanation  which  seems  to  have  been 
generally  accepted. 


Grant  by  Queen  Eadgifu  125 

to  Sir  E.  Maunde  Thompson  (op.  tit.  p.  16)  an  examination  of 
the  handwriting  has  shewn  this  identification  to  be  unfounded. 
Dr  O'Conor  (Bibliotheca  MS.  Stowensis,  1818-19,  n.  p.  180) 
suggested  that  Aldred  may  be  the  bishop  of  that  name  who  pre- 
sided over  the  see  of  Chester-le-Street  from  957  to  968. 

1.  14.  hine  gihamadi  miS  Seem  <5riim  dcdv.  Various  interpreta- 
tions have  been  proposed  for  gihamadi,  which  does  not  occur  else- 
where. Skeat  (The  Gospel  according  to  St  John  in  Anglo-Saxon  and 
Northumbrian  Versions,  1878,  p.  ix,  note  1),  followed  by  B.-T., 
translated  '  made  himself  familiar  with  the  three  parts,'  i.e.  revised 
the  gloss  to  the  first  three  Gospels,  which  had  been  written  under 
his  supervision,  the  gloss  to  St  John  being  his  own  work.  The 
assumption  that  the  Anglo-Saxon  gloss  is  the  work  of  more  than 
one  scribe  is  based  on  the  fact  that  the  first  part,  as  far  as  John  v. 
10,  is  written  in  black  ink,  while  the  rest,  together  with  certain 
corrections  of  the  first  part,  is  written  in  red  ink.  There  are  also 
variations  in  the  handwriting.  But  Sir  E.  Maunde  Thompson 
(op.  cit.  p.  16  f.)  concludes  that  these  variations  are  not  more 
extensive  than  we  should  expect  in  the  course  of  a  work  taken 
up  by  the  same  writer  at  different  times,  and  considers  that  the 
whole  gloss  is  the  work  of  Aldred.  He  translates  hine  gihamadi, 
'  made  for  himself  a  home  (in  the  monastery),'  and  explains  the 
antithesis  between  '  the  three  parts  '  and  '  St  John's  part '  as  being 
a  distinction  between  '  work  done  for  a  home  on  earth,  and  work 
done  to  merit  heaven.'  Skeat,  at  a  later  date  (St  Matthew,  in 
Anglo-Saxon  and  Northumbrian  Versions,  1887,  p.  vii),  thought 
that  this  explanation  might  be  correct.  Prof.  Cook  gives  gihamiga, 
'establish  in  a  home.' 

1.  16.  ceht  ora  seolfres  mift  to  inldde.  The  'ore'  was  a  standard 
of  weight  introduced  by  the  Scandinavian  invaders  in  the  ninth  and 
tenth  centuries  (O.N.  eyrir).  Originally  the  silver  equivalent  of  the 
Roman  aureus  (whence  the  name),  the  eyrir  varied  from  one  period 
to  another.  In  England  it  was  sometimes  reckoned  to  contain 
sixteen,  sometimes  twenty,  pence. 

XXIII 

A  Latin  version  of  this  document  (B.  1065)  has  an  additional 
paragraph  at  the  beginning,  stating  that  Eadgifu  in  961  gave 
certain  estates,  including  Culinges,  to  Canterbury  Cathedral.  This 
version  is  followed  by  a  confirmation  by  Aethelred  II. 


126  English  Historical  Documents 

Date.  The  date  1050  in  an  endorsement  assigned  by  Mr  Sanders 
to  the  thirteenth  century  is  obviously  impossible.  A  grant  by 
Queen  Eadgifu  to  Christ  Church  of  the  estates  of  Cooling  and 
Osterland  (among  others)  is  entered  in  the  Chronicle  of  Gervase  of 
Canterbury  quoted  by  Dugdale  (op.  cit.  i.  96)  under  the  year  960. 
This  may  be  the  date  of  the  present  document,  which,  in  any  case, 
must  be  later  than  the  accession  of  Edgar  (cf.  p.  38,  1.  15  and 
note)1. 

p.  37,  1.  5f.  Eadgifu,  the  third  wife  of  Edward  the  Elder, 
and  the  mother  of  Edmund  and  Eadred.  The  latter  bequeathed 
to  her  extensive  estates ;  cf.  p.  35,  1.  10  ff. 

hu  hire  land  com  cet  Culingon,  i.e.  Cooling,  Kent.  Is  hire  dat. 
or  gen.  sing.  ? 

1.  1 0  f .  pa  gelamp ...to  Holme.  This  doubtless  refers  to  the  battle 
cet  }>am  Holme  between  the  Kentish  troops  and  the  Danes ;  cf.  Chron. 
ann.  902  C.  According  to  the  fuller  account  given  in  the  Chronicle 
ann.  905  A,  Edward  the  Elder  made  an  expedition  against  the 
Danes  of  East  Anglia,  who  had  been  induced  by  Aethelwold  to 
invade  Mercia.  When  the  order  to  concentrate  for  the  homeward 
march  was  given,  the  Kentish  troops  disobeyed  and  were  cut  off  by 
the  Danes. 

Plummer  in  his  Index  suggests  that  the  site  of  the  battle  is  to 
be  identified  with  Holme,  near  Swaffham,  Norfolk.  But  according 
to  the  Chronicle  (ann.  905  A),  the  district  harried  by  Edward  lay 
betwuh  dicum  7  Wusan...o8  8a  fennas  norfi.  This  would  seem  to 
point  to  some  site  between  Huntingdon  and  Newmarket. 

1.  11.  Sigelm  hire  feeder.  One  of  the  two  earls  of  Kent  slain 
in  the  battle  at  the  'Holm'  (cf.  1.  14  below).  He  signs  a  Kentish 
charter  of  889  (B.  562)  as  dux.  In  898  King  Alfred  gave  an  estate 
at  Fearnleag  to  meo  fideli  duce  Sigilmo  (B.  576).  This  estate 
appears  among  those  given  by  Eadgifu  to  Christ  Church  in  960 
(see  above). 

1.  16.  Byrhsige  Dyrincg.  Possibly  to  be  identified  with  Beorhtsige 
minister,  who  witnessed  the  above-mentioned  grant  to  Sigelm.  In 
the  Latin  version  he  is  described  as  quidam  propinquus  meus. 

1  The  account  of  the  history  of  the  estates  given  in  the  Latin  version,  which 
is  dated  961,  is  addressed  to  Archbishop  Oda,  and  the  community  at  Christ 
Church.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  death  of  Oda  is  entered  under  the  year  961 
in  the  F  MS.  of  the  Chronicle.  Stubbs  (Memorials  of  St  Dunstan,  p.  xcii  ff.)  and 
Plummer  (Chron.  n.  p.  153  f.)  consider  that  this  date  is  erroneous,  and  conclude 
that  Oda  died  in  958. 


Grant  by  Queen  Eadgifu  127 

1.  17  f.  }>cet  }wo  sceolde . .  .be  swa  my  dan  feo,  i.e.  that  she  should 
produce  a  number  of  '  oath-helpers '  to  swear  to  the  truth  of  her 
own  oath  that  the  money  had  been  repaid.  The  value  of  the 
combined  oath  of  these  persons  was  to  be  thirty  pounds.  The 
legal  procedure  is  discussed  by  Laughlin,  op.  cit.  pp.  250,  342. 

1.  19.     to  jEglesforda.     Aylesford,  Kent. 

1.23.  pa  gelamp...Godan  oncutye.  Probably  after  the  marriage 
of  Edward  and  Eadgifu.  Edward  died  in  924  or  925  (cf.  p.  38, 
1.  1). 

1.  28  f.  buton  twam  sulungum  cet  Osterlande.  For  sulung  see 
note  on  p.  71.  Osterland  has  not  been  identified. 

p.  38, 1.  8.  cet  Hamme  wi]>  Lcewe  ;  cf.  Latin  version,  Hamme  juxta 
Laswes;  now  Hamsey,  a  few  miles  north  of  Lewes,  Sussex.  This 
place  appears  in  D.B.  as  Hame,  in  Testa  de  Nevill  and  Inquis. 
Nonarum  as  Hammes.  According  to  Testa  de  Nevill,  WUlelmus 
de  Say  tenet  XIIII  feoda  militum  in  Hammes  de  eodem  honore. 
Mr  Round  (Sussex  Archaeological  Collections,  XLIV.  p.  141)  considers 
that  the  place  subsequently  became  known  as  Hamsey  from  the 
family  of  Say. 

1.  9  f.  }>ara  twegea  cyninga...hire  suna.  Edmund  and  Eadred. 
The  latter  died  in  955  and  was  succeeded  by  Eadwig  (cf.  1.  14 
below). 

1.  15.  o}>  Eadgar  astfyude.  The  exact  meaning  is  uncertain. 
B.-T.  gives  astiSian,  '  to  become  strong,  grow  up,'  and  compares 
gestiftian,  which  has  the  same  meaning.  From  the  context,  how- 
ever, asttyude  would  seem  rather  to  mean  'came  to  power,  succeeded 
to  the  throne,'  or  perhaps  '  increased  in  power '  (through  becoming 
king  of  the  whole  nation).  The  Latin  version  has  usque  ad 
tempora  Eadgari  reyis.  Edgar  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  Wessex 
on  the  death  of  Eadwig  in  959.  He  had  become  king  of  the 
Mercians  and  Northumbrians  in  957. 


APPENDIX 

KENTISH,    MERCIAN   AND    NORTHUMBRIAN   DIALECTS 

I.     Kentish. 

1.  The  most  striking  feature  of  this  dialect  is  the  complete 
confusion  between  #j  and  I ;  e  is  used  for  ~ie  in  all  positions ;  e.g. 
Etiel-  (p.  10,  14,  15,  24),  gefestnie  (p.  7,   25),  weg  (p.  5,  5), 
and,  on  the  other  hand,  &  (or  ae,  %)  is  sometimes  used  for  I ; 
e.g.  swaslc  (p.  4,  3,  6,  16),  wiles  (p.  4,  14),  selle  (p.  3,  14),  fa^Z/" 
(p.  1,  12,  16,  20).     This  confusion  is  most  prominent  in  V  and 
VII,  where  e  is  universal.     In  I  and  II,  which  are  earlier  in 
date,  and  possibly  influenced  by  Mercian  orthography,  se  {ae,  $) 
is  frequently  used,  though  in  many  cases  incorrectly;  e.g.  gsefe 
(p.  1,  4,  15),  -cuaedenan,  -cu^denan  (p.  1,  15,  20;  p.  2,  7),  haer 
(p.  2,  27). 

2.  The  use  of  e  for  y,  characteristic  of  later  Kentish,  seems 
not  to  occur  in  these  charters ;  but  the  sounds  must  have  been 
confused  about  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century,  since  we  find 
-styde  (for  -stede)  in  X,  as  well  as  in  a  Latin  charter  of  Aethel- 
berht  dating  from  862  (Sweet,  O.E.T.  29).     So  also  yfter  for 
after  in  VII  (p.  10,  18). 

3.  eo  and  io  are  confused,  io  predominating;  e.g.  ftiowas 
(p.  1,  10),  CiokioS  (p.  4,  23). 

4.  Delabialisation  appears 

(a)  In  diphthongs.  The  earliest  example  occurs  in  II : 
hia  (p.  3,  17);  others  are  wiaralde  (p.  8,  2),  hiabenlice  (p.  8,  4), 
bebiade  (p.  8,  24). 

(6)  In  simple  vowels  in  unaccented  syllables;  e.g. 
geornliocar  (p.  3,  15),  broftar  (p.  10,  25),  Lufa,  Luba  (p.  7,  3, 
24)  beside  Lubo  (for  earlier  Lufu). 


Appendix  129 

5.  The    preservation   of    ot,   as   in   all   non-West   Saxon 
dialects,  is  found  ;  e.g.  doeft  (p.  1,  14),  geroefa  (p.  3,  3),  goes 
(p.  7,  12;  8,  23),  doehter  (p.  9,  1);  cf.  also  soelest  (p.  2,  9;  10, 
24),  boem  (p.  10,  19). 

6.  a/o-umlaut  of  i  occurs 

(a)  Before  velar  consonants ;  e.g.  geornliocar  (p.  3,  15). 

(b)  Before  nasals;  e.g.  niomanne  (p.  3,  18). 

7.  There  is  no  trace  of  palatal  diphthongisation  due  to  a 
preceding  palatal  consonant;  cf.  gere  (p.  4,  4),  ceses  (p.  7,  8). 

These  charters  contain  also  certain  archaic  features : 

(a)  The  archaic  ending  -ae,  -se  appears  sometimes  in  I, 
in  final  syllables;  e.g.  geuueorctiw  (p.  1,  13),fulliae  (16). 

(b)  Archaic  orthography  is  seen  in  the  use  of  u  for  p  in 
I;  e.g.  Uulfred  (p.  1,  15),  tusdj '(p.  1,  16). 

(c)  A  curious  feature  of  the  later  Kentish  charters  (IV 
V,  VII)  is  that   b  is  not  infrequently  written  instead   of  f 
following  archaic  orthography;   e.g.  hiabenlice  (p.  8,  4),  Luba 
(p.  7,  24),  agebe  (p.  9,  3),  ob  (p.  8,  20). 

IX  and  X  contain  features  characteristic  of  the  Kentish 
dialect : 

1.  e  is  used  for  H,  though  not  universally;  e.g.  dege  (p.  13, 
18),  gemene  (p.  13,  13). 

2.  y  is  used  for  e  (cf.  p.  128);  e.g.  Sondemstyde  (p.  13,  24): 
Sondenstede  (p.  13,  13). 

3.  The  occurrence  of  labial  umlaut  is  also  to  be  noted; 
e.g.  gewriotu(p.  14,  30;  15,  1),  begeotan  (p.  14,  2,  23),  awreotene 
(p.  14,  30). 

A  peculiarity  of  these  texts  is  the  use  of  eo  for  Kentish  ce, 
W.S.  e;  e.g.  gefeorum  (p.  13,  11),  seolest  (p.  13,  12),  beoc  (p.  12 
21). 

In  IX  we  find  the  curious  form  deodan  (p.  12,  20),  where 
W.S.,  Kent.,  and  Vesp.  Psalter  have  dydon.  The  eo  in  deodan 
is  due,  presumably,  to  labial  umlaut  of  e;  cf.  dede  in  the 
Martyrology  fragment  (Sweet,  O.E.T.  p.  178,  36),  which  is 
generally  considered  to  be  East  Saxon.  This  is  probably  an 
instance,  not  of  Late  Kentish  confusion  of  y  and  e  (cf.  p.  128), 
but  of  the  preservation  of  an  older  form;  cf.  O.H.G.  teta. 
H.  9 


130  English  Historical  Documents 

Sweet  (O.E.T.  45)  considers  the  dialect  of  X  to  be  that  of 
Surrey.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  Aelfred  was  probably  Earl  of 
Surrey  (cf.  p.  88). 

II.     Mercian. 

Charter  III  is  usually  regarded  as  early  Mercian.  Another 
example  of  the  same  dialect  is  to  be  found  in  the  form  of  a 
note  and  endorsements  added  to  a  Latin  charter  of  Wiglaf  of 
Mercia  (B.  416): 

f)es  friodom  waes  bigeten  aet  Wiglafe  cyninge  mid  &aem 
tuentigum  hida  aet  Iddeshale,  end  &aes  londes  friodom  aet 
Haeccaham  mid  fty  ten  hida  londe  aet  Felda  bi  Weoduman,  end 
Mucele  Esninge  ftaet  ten  hida  lond  aet  Croglea. 

Bis  is  Heanbirige  friodom,  se  waes  bigeten  mid  &y  londe  aet 
Iddeshale  ~j  aet  Heanbyrig  ten  hida  ftaes  londes  j  aet  Felda  ten 
hida  on  Beansetum.  j  biscop  gesalde  Sigrede  aldormenn  sex 
hund  scillinga  on  golde.  j  Mucele  aldormenn  ten  hida  lond  set 
Croglea. 

The  chief  Mercian  characteristics  are: 

1.  o  for  a  before  nasals ;  e.g.  lond  (p.  5,  27). 

2.  a  before  I  followed  by  a  consonant  remains  unbroken ; 
e.g.  salde  (p.  6,  2). 

3.  t-umlaut  of  ea  before  r  followed  by  a  consonant  is  e; 
e.g.  erfe  (p.  6,  2). 

4.  t-umlaut  of  ea  before  h  is  ae ;  e.g.  aelmaehtgan  (p.  6, 

26). 

5.  t-umlaut  of  ea  is  e;  e.g.  hernisse  (p.  5,  28). 

6.  e  for  He  (Gmc  e)',  e.g.  werun  (p.  6,  24). 

7.  Monophthongisation    through    following    guttural    or 
palatal;  e.g.  -ber(c)ht.     Note  «  from  eea  (W.S.  ea)  in  aec  (p.  6, 
24). 

8.  The  Merc,  (and  North.)  form  mift  is  found  (p.  5,  28). 
Note  i.     For  hiobbanne,  siollanne,  sile,  see  note  on  p.  81. 
Note  ii.     higida  (p.  5,  27)  is  an  archaic  form. 

Note  Hi.  trymme  (p.  6,  4)  seems  to  be  an  instance  of  a  con- 
junctive form  used  as  the  indicative,  as  in  West  Saxon.  It  is, 
however,  to  be  noted  that  isolated  cases  of  the  old  indicative 
ending  -u  survive  in  later  charters  (B.  560,  636).  But  faestna 


Appendix  131 

(p.  6,  4)  can  hardly  be  explained  in  the  same  way;  it  seems 
rather  to  be  a  formation  by  analogy  from  2  and  3  Sing.  Indie. 

Note  iv.  Is  wotona  (p.  6,  5)  for  uriotona,  owing  to  the 
influence  of  w ;  or  have  we  to  do  with  a  scribal  error,  as  sug- 
gested by  Sweet  ? 

Charters  XII,  XIII,  XIV  and  XV  contain  traces  of  Mercian 
dialect,  the  most  important  of  which  are  as  follows : 

1.  5?  (Gmc  e)  has  become  e;    e.g.   Werferft  (p.    24,    16), 
-setna  (p.  24,  28). 

2.  a  appears  as  o  before  nasals ;  but  the  evidence  is  not 
entirely  consistent.      In  XIV  there  are  17  examples  of  o,  2  of 
a;  in  XIII  14  examples  of  o,  9  of  a;  in  XII  and  XV  a  pre- 
dominates. 

3.  a  remains  unbroken  before  I  followed  by  a  consonant, 
but  examples  of  ea  are  also  found.     In  XIV  there  are  25  a: 
2  ea\  in  XV  5  a:  12  ea;  in  XII  2  a:  8  ea\  in  XIII  no  examples 
of  a,  11  of  ea. 

4.  i-umlaut  of  ea  (from  breaking  of  a  before  r  followed  by 
a  consonant)  is  e,  «;  e.g.  erfe-  (p.  21,  17),  Mercna  (p.  26,  22), 
syrfe-  (p.  20,  23). 

5.  i-umlaut  of  ea  (Gmc  aw)  is  e;  e.g.  alesnessa  (p.  20,  16), 
ale/dan  (p.  24,  34). 

6.  Absence  of  diphthongisation  of  2e  after  g  is  seen  in 
geran  (p.  25,  7). 

7.  Monophthongisation    (through    following    guttural    or 
palatal)  is  found  in  -gewerce  (p.  20,  27),  Berhthun  (p.  27,  17). 
Beside  these  we  have  the  diphthongisation  preserved  (probably 
through  W.S.  influence)  in  geweorce  (p.  21,  1);  and  also  the 
later  (W .S.)  geworce  (p.  21,  8)  with  monophthongisation  through 
influence  of  preceding  w. 

8.  Labial  umlaut  of  e,  i  occurs  not  only  before  u,  but  also 
before  a;    e.g.  geofu  (p.  21,  14),  begeotan  (p.  26,  33),  weotan 
(p.  24,  9). 

9.  Corresponding  to  W.S.  &lc  (Kent,  elc),  we  have  eolc 
(p.  23,  11)  as  well  as  &lc\  cf.  Vesp.  Ps.  ylc. 

10.  The  form  }>orh-  (p.  21,  16)  occurs,  as  in  the  Vesp. 
Psalter,  corresponding  to  W.S.,  Kent,  fturh,  North,  frerh. 

9—2 


132  English  Historical  Documents 

11.  Traces  of  the  reduplicating  preterite  are  preserved  in 
forleortan  (p.  20,  23),  heht  (p.  24,  28). 

12.  Other  Mercian  forms  are  walde  (p.  26,  5),  wyr&e  (p.  26,6). 
Note.     No.   XIV   presents  e  for  H  in  several   cases;    e.g. 

Helendan  (p.  24,  1),  cweft  (p.  24,  26),  and  in  one  case,  geberie 
(p.  25,  9),  e  for  y.  The  former  cases  might  be  due  to  carelessness 
in  transcribing  e  for  £.  Or  are  we  to  suppose  that  the  original 
scribe  or  one  of  his  copyists  was  a  Kentishman  ? 

III.     Northumbrian. 

XXII  contains  certain  Northumbrian  characteristics: 

1.  Loss  of  final  -n;  e.g.frvma  (1.  7). 

2.  The  form  eorfto  (1.  18);  cf.  Sievers  §  276,  5. 

3.  Monophthongisation  in  feht(o)  (1. 15),  -berhte  (1. 7),  gc(l.  11). 

4.  a  before  I  followed  by  a  consonant  (as  in  Mercian);  e.g. 
Aldred  (1.  12),  allvm  (1.  7). 

5.  eo  for  ea  in  eolond  (1.  8). 

6.  Note  may  also  be  taken  of  mift  (cf.  p.  130),  &erh  (cf. 
p.  131),  the  ending  in  feowero  (1.  4),  the  -eo-  in  seolfne  (1.  16), 
the  (North.)  palatalisation  infor&geong  (1.  18),  and  the  unusual 
form  ymbweson  (1.  4). 

The   Dedication    is    also    distinguished    by   the   following 
orthographical  peculiarities1 : 

(a)     g,  &  are  written  for  e\  milsse  (1.  I8),fultvm$  (1.  12). 

(6)  gi-  occurs  for  ge-,  as  frequently  in  the  gloss  to  the 
last  chapters  (ch.  xx,  23  to  the  end)  of  St  John's  Gospel. 
Bulbring  (Anglia,  Beiblatt  xii,  p.  142  ff.)  suggests  that  this  is 
to  be  explained  by  the  supposition  that  the  glossator,  in  writing 
this  part  of  the  gloss,  made  use  of  a  copy  in  which  the  archaic 
gi-  was  preserved. 

Fiichsel  (Anglia  xxiv,  p.  1  ff.)  offers  a  similar  explanation  for 
the  writing  of  -i  for  other  vowels  in  final  syllables;  e.g.  gihamadi 
(1.  13),  Cvdberhti  (1.  14),  Sci  (1.  19).  He  supposes  that  the  old 
etymological  -i  was  kept  in  the  copy  of  these  chapters  used  by 
the  glossator,  who,  being  ignorant  of  its  origin,  incorrectly 
substituted  -i  for  'other  vowels. 

1  The  letter  u  (sometimes  used  also  for  w)  has  in  some  cases  a  peculiar  shape 
(printed  v  in  the  text). 


ADDENDA. 

1.  p.  4,  1.  9  ff.,  and  p.  79.     Mr  F.  W.  Stokoe  has  suggested  to  me  that  this 
transaction  is  to  be  explained  by  the  wide-spread  belief  that  it  is  unlucky  to 
make  a  gift  of  a  knife  or  other  cutting  instrument  without  receiving  some  present 
in  return;   cf.  Encyclopedia  of  Religion  and  Ethics,  ed.  J.  Hastings,  1913, 
vol.  vi,  p.  202,  and  the  references  there  given. 

2.  p.  20,  1.  24  ff.     The  translation  of  this  passage  presents  difficulties.     Is 
it  possible  that  J>&t  here  means  'further,'  'then'?     If  we  suppose  that  7  has 
been  wrongly  inserted,  />ast  must  mean  'in  order  that,'  and  gefreoge  must  be 
subjunctive.     But  can  fiset  be  used  alone  in  a  final  sense?    Another  alternative 
is  to  suppose  that  p&t  has  been  wrongly  inserted  by  the  copyist,  and  to  take 
gefreoge  as  Pres.  Indie. 

3.  p.  78.     In  a  paper  read  by  Mr  J.  Allan  at  a  meeting  of  the  Eoyal 
Numismatic  Society  (Athenaeum,  Jan.  3, 1914,  p.  18),  it  is  stated  that  'although 
the  value  of  Offa's  dinar  must  have  been  about  that  of  a  mancus  of  silver,  it 
must  be  called  a  dinar  and  not  a  mancus,  which  was  a  money  of  account.' 
Prof.  Liebermann  (A  rchiv  fiir  das  Studium  der  Neueren  Sprachen  und  Litera- 
turen,  vol.  cxxxi,  p.  153)  points  out  that  in  Alfred's  time,  at  any  rate,  mancus 
denoted  a  gold  coin.      In  Bishop   Werferth's  translation  of  Pope   Gregory's 
Dialogues,  aureos  and  solidos  are  translated  by  mancussum  (cf.   Grein,  Bibl. 
der  Angelsachs.  Prosa,  vol.  v,  p.  63  ff.).      From  a  passage  in  the  same  work 
(p.  65),  where  aureos  ita  fulgentes  tamquam  ex  igni  producti  is  translated : 
mancessas  7  />a  wseron  swa  lixende,  swa  swa  hi  wteron  on  }>a  ylcan  tid  of  fyre 
ut  atogene,  it  is  clear  that  the  translator  understood  by  the  term  mancus   a 
gold  coin,  and  not  'money  of  account'  or  an  equivalent  weight  of  silver. 


INDEX  NOMINUM. 


Clarendon  figures  refer  to  pages;  plain  figures  to  lines  of  text. 


Abba,  Beeve,  3,  3;  4,  27;  6,  3,  16; 

76,  78,  8O 
.Elfheah,  Bp  of  Winchester,  112 

—  pr.,  32,  27 
.Elflaed,  19,  26;  1O2 
Alfred,  King.     See  Alfred 

—  Earl,  11,  12,  13,  14,  15,  87  ft'. 

—  22,  6;  25,  16;  26,  25;  11O 
.filfric,  Keeve,  33,  1 

—  30,  27 

JSlfsige,  Bp  of   Winchester,  34,   20, 
27;  119,  12O 

—  33,  21;   118 
yElfstan,  33,  21;   118  f. 

—  "Ses  bleria,'  32,  25 

—  26,  25;  HO 
^Elfthryth,  d.  of  King  Alfred,  98 
^Jthelbald,  King  of  Wessex,  16,  2,  4, 

22;  93,  94 

—  King  of  Mercia,  24, 18,  30;  1O8, 
1O9 

JSthelberg,  76  f. 

^Ethelberht,  King  of  Kent,  76,  85 

—  King  of  Wessex,  16,  5;  82,  86, 
92  f.,   102 

^Etheldryth,  w.  of  Aethelwulf,  31, 3,  7; 

114 

/Ethelferth,  Earl,  22,  2;  25,  15 
-Ethelfled,  d.  of  King  Alfred,  22,  25; 

23,  17,  28;  26,  15;  26,  31;  98, 

1O3,  1O6 

—  'aet  Domrahamme,' 1O2 
yEtheltnfu,  d.  of  King  Alfred,  98 
JDthelhelm,  nephew  of  King  Alfred, 

18,  1,   15;    98 

—  Earl  of  Wiltshire,  98 

—  Higa,  3O,  18 fif. ;  31,  13 ft.;  32, 
23;  114 

2Ethelhun,  Abbot  of  Berkeley,  22,  7; 

1O3 

-Ethelm.     See  ^Ethelhelm 
/Etholmod,  Earl,  1O,  14  II. ;  83,  86, 

87 
-Ethelnoth,  Beeve,  7O,  87 


—  26,  32;  110 

—  31,  8;  32,  25 

^thelred,  King  of  Wessex,  16,  2,  4, 
10,  23;   93,  94,  1O2 

—  Earl  of  the  Mercians,  18, 15 ;  2O, 
14;    21,   19,  34;    22,  25;    23,  17, 
28;    24,  9;    25,   14;    26,  20,  31; 
98,   1O3,   1O6,   1O7 

—  Archbishop    of    Canterbury,    11, 
22;   12,  8;  15,  8,  26;  74,  87,  92 

—  Gainorum  comes,  99 

—  kinsman  of  Earl  Aelfred,  14,  25; 
91 

—  30,  19 

JEthelric,  son  of  Aethelmund,"  1O4 
^thelstan  'Half-King,'  33,  19;  117, 
118 

—  King  of  England,   32,  28;    38, 
Iff.;    72,  74,  77,  82,   116 

—  nnder-king  of  Kent,  84 

—  Aetheling,  76 

—  kinsman  of  Aethelwold,  25,  17 
JSthelweard,  son  of  King  Alfred,  97, 

112 

yEthelwold,   nephew   of  King  Alfred, 
18,  4,  15;  94,  99,  126 

—  Bp  of  Winchester,  SO,  119 

—  Earl,  33,  117ff. 

—  son  of  Earl  Aelfred,  14,  8;  9O 

—  Earl  of  Kent,  12,9;  9O 

—  kinsman  of  Reeve  Abba,  3,  21 

—  deacon,  7,  21;  82 

—  Bp  of  Lindisfarne,  36,  3  ff. ;  123 

—  priest,  24,  24 ff.;  25,  5ff. 
^thelwulf,  King  of  Wessex,  16, 1,  22, 

31 ;  86,  92  f .,  94  f. 

—  husband  of  Aetheldryth,  31,  5 

—  son  of  Aethelheah,  69 
Alburga,  St,  12O 

Alchhere,  brother  of  Abba,  3,  13,  21 ; 

76 
Alchun,  Bp  of  Worcester,  6,  9;  24, 

25;  25,  30;  26,  18;  81,  1O8 
Aldberht,  24,  25 


Index  Nominum 


135 


Aldrcd,  priest,  39,  4ff. ;  124  f. 

Alfred,  King  of  Weasex,  15  fif. ;  21,1, 
32;   28,  28;   24,   10;   28,  5;  8O, 
23;    81,   31;    91  if.,    1O6,    HOf., 
119 
—  father  of  Aldred,  86  n.,  124 

Alhhelm,  Earl,  26,  16 

Alhmund,  son  of  Aethelwold,  25,  1  ff. 

Alhthryth,  d.  of  Earl  Aelfred,  12,  27; 

13,  6,  17,  23;  87 

Asser,  Bp  of  Sherborne,  28,  25 ;  1OO 
Athulf.     See  Aethelwulf 
Augustine,  St,  71,  85 

Beagmund  pr.,  4,  25;  7,  16 

Bede,  72,  76,  123 

Beornheah,  7,  19;  11,  8;  16,  16 

Beornhelm,  abbot,    11,   13;    12,   11; 

16,  12 
Beornthryth,  wife  of  Earl  Oswulf,   1, 

4;  a,  15,  19;  7Of. 
Beornulf,   kinsman  of  Bp  Denewulf, 

29,  5,  17;    112 
Berchtred,  Bp  of  Lindsey,  6,  10 
Ber(c)htwulf,  King  of  Mercia,  6,  26; 

6,  4;    81,   104 

Berhtsige,  kinsman   of  Earl  Aelfred, 

14,  13 

Billfrith,  36,  3ff.;  124 
Burgred,  King  of  Mercia,  94,  1O3 
Byrhsige  Dyrincg,  37,  16;  126 
Byrhthelru,  8O,  29;  31,  27 
Byrnstan  pr.,  33,  1 

Cenwalh,  King  of  Wessex,  97 
Ceolwulf,  King  of  Mercia,  1O3 
Ceolburg,  Abbess  of  Berkeley,   1O3, 

104 

Ceolheard  pr.,  12,  15 
Ceolmund,  Bp  of  Rochester,  112 
Ceolnoth,  Abp  of  Canterbury,  4,  23; 

7,  4,    14;     11,    1;     69,    76,    88, 
86 

Geolred,  Bp  of  Leicester,  6,  12 
Ceolaht,  father  of  Cynulf,  21,  5,  10; 

1O6 

Cnut,  King  of  England,  72,  74 
Coenwulf,  King  of  Mercia,  7O 
Cuthberht,  Abp  of  Canterbury,  77 
Cuthbert,  St,  36,  7  ff. ;  72,  123 
Cuthred,  King  of  Kent,  7O 
Cyneferth,  Bp  of  Lichfield,  6,  8;  81 
Cynethryth,  widow  of  Aethelmod,  1O, 

14  ff.;  83,  86,  87 
Cynewulf,  .son  of  Ceoluht,  21,  5,  15, 

16;  105 

Denewulf,  Bp  of  Winchester,  27,  24; 

28,  22;   29,  4;   11O 
Deorlaf,  Bp  of  Hereford,  22,  1;  82 


—  Bp,  6,  11;  82 

Deormod,  31,  8 
Diernodus,  84 
Drihtnoth,  9,  25;  84 
Dunstan,  84,  24;  112,  12O 

Eadbald,  King  of  Kent,  11 
Eadburh,  mother  of  Ealhawitb,  99 
Eadelm,  32,  28 
Eadfrith,  Bp  of  Lindisfarne,  36,  3  ff. ; 

123 
Eadgar,   King   of  England,   38,   15 ; 

96,   126,   127 

-  Bp  of  Hereford,  28,  28 
Eadgifu,  37  f.,  121,  126  ff. 
Eadmund,  12,  11;  15,  17 
Eadnoth,  22,  5;  25,  16;  26,  25 ff.; 

27,  5;  HO 

Eadred,  King,  33,  7,  10;  84  f.;  88, 
11;  96,  116  f.,  119  ff.,  127 

—  kinsman  of  Earl  Aelfred,  14,  24, 
28 

Eadric,  brother   of  Earl  Aethelwold, 

33,  18;    116,   117 
Eadw(e)ald,    8,   19 ff.;    1O,   3,  14 ff.; 

16,   18;    83,  85,  86,   87 
Eadweard,   King.      See    Edward    the 

Elder 

-  31,  8 

Eadwig,  King,  38,  14;  96,  127 
Ealdereth.     See  Aethelweard 
Ealdred,  8,  21,  29;  9,  18,  28;  83 
Ealfthrytha,  d.  of  Earl  Oswulf,  69 
Ealhburg,  8,  19  ff. ;  9,  13  ff . ;  1O,  1 ; 

78,  83,  84,  85,  86 
Ealhhere,  9.  1 ;  83  ff . 
Ealhhun,  12,  15 
Ealhswith,  w.  of  King  Alfred,  18,  9, 

13;  99,  119 
Eanbald,  26,  If.;  1O9 
Eanstan  prafost,  33,  1 
Eanswith,  St,  77,  78 
Eanulf  Penearding,  38,  6;  115 
Eardwulf,  s.  of  Beornthryth,  69 

—  abbot,  12,  8;  15,  13 
Eastmund,  26,  3,  10,  15,  37 ;  1O9  f. 
Ecgberht,  King  of  Wessex,  1O2 
Ecglaf,  24,  28;  1O8 

Ecgulf,  17,  27 

Edmund,  King,  1O2,  126,  127 

Edward  the  Elder,  King,  17,  15;  27, 

24;  37,  21;   38,  1;  95,  99,   HO, 

112,  114,  119,  126 
Eodmund.     See  Ceolmund 
Esne,  Bp  of  Hereford,  92 

—  Bp,  18,  20;  92,  1OO 
Ethilwald.     See  JLthelwald 

Forthred,  5,  26  ;  81 
Freothomund,  4,  9,  14;  79,  8O 


136 


English  Historical  Documents 


Gods,  37.  8ft.;  38,2,  12 
Godwin,  Earl,  78,  1O3 
Grimbald,  HO 

Heaberht,  Bp  of  Worcester,  26,  17 ; 

81,   11O 

Helrastan,  3O,  18;  31,  1,  6,  12;  114 
Heming,  2O,  1O8 
Heregyth,  6,  2,  8;  SO 
Herewyn,  12,  4;  87 
Higa.     See  JBthelhelm  Higa 
Huda.  Earl  of  Surrey,  88 

Justus,  Bp  of  Rochester,  91 

Leofheah,  17,  17 

Leofric,  38,  12 

Leofstan,  38,  12 

Lufu,  7,  3ff. ;  8,  9,  11;  82,  83 

—  20,  18 
Luha,  29,  19 

Milred,  Bp  of  Worcester,  26,  1,  3,  12 ; 

1O9 
Mucel,  6,  15;  82 

—  6,  24;  82 

Niclas,  12,  15 
Nothwulf,  4,  36;  76 

Oda,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  12O, 

126 

Odda,  32,  24 

Ofta,  King  of  Mercia,  78,  1O1 
Ordlaf,  32,  10,24;  116 
Osberht,  1O,  16 
Osburh,  99,  122 
Oscytel,  Bp  of  Dorchester,  35,  2,  7; 

119,  120  f. 
Osferth,  kinsman  of  King  Alfred,  18, 

6,  15;  99 

—  32,  24 
Oslac,  99,  122 

Osmund,  4,  32;  7,19;  9,26;  11,5; 

84 

Oswald,  Bp  of  Worcester,  1O6 
Oswulf,  Earl,    1,  4,  17;   2,   15,   19; 

69ft.,  78 

—  72 

—  31,  3,  4,  6 

Plemunth.     See  Plegmund 
Plegmund,  Abp  of  Canterbury,  28,  21; 
1O6,  112 


Saethryth,  regina,  6,  7 
Sefreth,  pr.,  11, 11;  86 
Sigefreth  diac.,  7,  23;  82 

—  archdeacon,  11,  16;  82 

—  pr.,  11,  15;  15,  15 
Sigelm,  Earl,  37,  11;  126 
Siguulf,  12,  10;  15,  19 

—  kinsman  of  Earl  Aelfred,  14,  18, 
20 

Strica,  3O,  29 

Tilhere,  Bp  of  Worcester,  1O3 
Tilwyn,  36,  note  7;  124  footnote 
Tova,  79 
Tunberht,  Bp  of  Lichfield,  81 

Ubba,  3O,  30 

Weobstan,  Earl  of  Wiltshire,    12O 

Werbald,  diac.,  7,  22;  82 

Werburg,  w.  of  Earl  Aelfred,  12,  18, 

26;  13,  2ft.;   14,  19;   15,  14;  87, 

91 
Werferth,  Bp  of  Worcester,   18,  21; 

21,  37;    22,  26;    23,  9;   24,  16; 

25,  16,  29;   26,  19;    27,   13;  92, 

10O    1O5 

—  pr.,  27,  16 

Werhard,  kinsman  of  Wulfred,  75 

—  pr.,  4,  26 

Wigea,  29,  26;  3O,  4;  114 
Wighelm,   Bp  of   Selsey(?),   28,    26; 

112 

Wighen.     See  Wighelm 
Wiglaf,  King  of  Mercia,  82 
Wihtbord,  3O,  27;  31,  26;  32,  25 
Wilfserd.     See  Wilferth 
Wilferth,   Bp  of  Worcester,   24,  19; 

112 

—  (?  for  Werferth,  Bp  of  Worcester), 
28,23;   112 

Wimund,  Bp,  28,  29;  112 
Wulfhelm,  Bp  of  Wells,  36,  4;  121 

—  aurifex,  12,  15 
Wulfhun,  pr.,  24,  29 

—  "Ses  blaca,'  3O,  29 
Wulfnoth  Hwita,  33,  1 

Wulfred,  Abp  of  Canterbury,   1,  15; 

69,   7O,   71,   73,   76 

-  Bp,  21,  36 
Wulfrige.     See  Wulfsige 
Wulfsige,  Bp  of  Sherborne,  1OO 

—  Bp  of  London,  28,  24;  112 
Wulfthryth,  regina,  1O2 


INDEX  LOCORUM. 


Abingdon,  Abbey  of,  73,  8O 

Acleah,  Synod  at,  69  f. 

jEfeningum,  to  (Avening,  Glos.),  24, 

21 ;   1O8,  1O9 

(Aylesford,  Kent),  37,  19 
,  set  (Bashing,  Surrey),  18, 

4 

^Escesdun,  33,  19;  117  f. 
M»ctun  (Ashton-Keynes,  Wilts.),  18, 

1 
Afen  (the  Kiver  Avon,  Glos.),  22,  14, 

17;   105 

Albans,  St,  Abbey  of,  72,  79 
Aldingbourne,  Sussex.     See  Raiding- 

burnan 

Alton,  Hants,  or  Wilts.     See  Aweltun 
Ambresbyrig,   set  (Amesbury,  Wilts.), 

17,  29;  35,  10 

Andeferas  (Andover,  Hants.),  34,  9 
Angemseringum,  set  (Angmering,   Sus- 
sex),  18,  8 
Arreton,  I.  of  Wight.     See  Eadering- 

tun 

Ashdown,  Berks,  117  f. 
Ashton-Keynes,  Wilts.     See  JEsctun 
Avening,  Glos.     See  Mfeningum 
Aweltun  (Alton,  Hants,  or  Wilts.),  17, 

23 
Axanmuffan,    set   (Axmouth,    Devon), 

17,  31 

Aylesford,  Kent.     See  JEglesford 

Barnham,  Sussex,  99 

Basingum,   set  (Basing,   Hants.),   36, 

11 
Beadingahamm  (Beddingham,  Sussex), 

18,  3 

Beadingum,  set  (Seeding,  Sussex),  18, 

3 

Bearrucscir,  34,  17 
Beccanlea,  set  (Beckley,  Sussex),  18, 

7 

Beddingham,  Sussex.     See  Beadinga- 
hamm 
Bedewindan,  stt  (Bedwin,  Wilts.),  17, 

21 

Beeding,  Sussex.     See  Beadingum 
Bercleah     (Berkeley,     Glos.),     2Of., 

1O3  f. 

Bermondsey,  Abbey  of,  9O 
Bishop's  Bourn,  Kent.     See  Burnan 
Bislege,  to  (Bisley,  Glos.),  24,  20 
Bradanburnan,  set  (Brabourne,  Kent), 
9,  15;   85 


Bradanford,  to  (Bradford,  Wilts.),  34, 
10 

Bradanwsetere,  set   (Broadwater,    Sus- 
sex), 33,  20 

Branecescumb    (Branscombe,   Devon), 
17,  31 

Broadwater,  Sussex.     See  Bradanwse- 
tere 

Burnan,  set  (Bishop's  Bourn,  Kent),  2, 
12;  74  f. 
-  set,  8,  20;  9,8;  83 

Burnham,  18,  4;  98  f. 

Burnhamm  (Burnham,  Som.),  17,  18 

Buttington,  Montgomery,  98,  11O 

Cadoc,  St,  Monastery  of,  72 
Caln(-e?)  (Calne,  Wilts.),  34,  8 
Candover,  Hants.     See  Cendefer 
Canterbury,  Abps  of.     See  Augustine, 
Cuthberht,  Wulfred,  Ceolnoth,  M- 
thelred,  Plegmund,  Oda,  Dunstan 

—  Chartularies,  87 

—  Christ  Church,  1,  2,  4,  6,  7,  8, 
9,  11,   12,   13,   14,  34,  37,   38, 
69,  7O,  71,  72,  73,  74,  77,  79, 
8O,  116,  126 

—  St  Augustine's,   9,   15;    1O,   10; 
84,  85,  86 

—  Synod  at,  69 
Cantuctun,  17,  21;  96 
Carcel,  33,  21;   118 

Carumtun  (Carhampton,   Som.),   17, 

17 
Cealfloca  (Challock,  Kent),  6,  3,  19; 

76,  79 

Ceaster,  34,  11;  1O8  f. 
Cegham  (Cheatn,  Surrey),  33,  19 
Celchyth,  1O6 
Cendefer  (Candover,  Hants.),  17,  36; 

98 

Cent,  4,  7;  14,  17;  17,  24;  30,  12 
Ceodre,  set  (Cheddar,  Som.),  17,  19; 

96 
Ceorteseg  (Chertsey,   Surrey),   14,  6, 

16;   89 

Cert  (Chart,  Kent),  1O,  15,  22;  86 
Certham  (Chartham,  Kent),  11,  24 f.; 

12,  3;  87 

Challock,  Kent.     See  Cealfloca 
Chart,  Kent.     See  Cert 
Chartham,  Kent.     See  Certham 
Cheam,  Surrey.     See  Ceyham 
Cheddar,  Somerset.     See  Ceodre 
Chertsey,  Surrey.     See  Ceorteseg 


138 


English  Historical  Documents 


Chewton-Mendip,  Som.     See  Ciwtun 
Chicklade,  Wilts.     See  Cytlid 
Chillenden,  Kent.     See  Ciollandene 
Chippenham,    Wilts.       See     Cippan- 

hamm 

Chiseldon,  Wilts.     See  Cyseldene 
Christ  Church,  Canterbury.     See  Can- 
terbury 
Ciollandene,  set  (Chillenden,  Kent),  8, 

14 
Cippanhamm    (Chippenham,    Wilts.), 

18,  1;    32,  13 
Ciaseffebeorg,  6,  29;  81 
Ciwtun  (Chewton-Mendip,  Som.),  17, 

20;  96 

Clapham,  Surrey.     See  Cloppaham 
Clearas  (Kingsclere,  Hants.),  17,  36; 

33,  22;  34,  9 
Clovesho,  Synod  at,  1 1O 
Cloppaham  (Clapham,  Surrey),  13,  15; 

14,5 
Columtune,  set   (Cullompton,  Devon), 

17,  31 

Compton,  Surrey.     See  Cumtun 
Cooling,  Kent.     See  Culingon 
Crewkerne,  Som.     See  Crucern 
Crogdene,  set  (Croydon,  Surrey),   11, 

30;   87 

Crondall,  Hants.     See  Crundellan 
Crowle,  Worcs.,  82 
Croydon,  Surrey.     See  Crogdene 
Crucern  (Crewkerne,  Som.),  17,  30 
Crundellan,  set  (Crondall,  Hants.),  18, 

3 
Culingon,  set  (Cooling,  Kent),  87,  6; 

38,  13,  25;  126 

Cullompton,  Devon.     See  Columtune 
Cumtun  (Compton,  Surrey?),  18,  2 
Cylfantune,  set   (?Kilton,   Som.),    17, 

17;   96  f. 
Cyseldene,  set  (Chiseldon,  Wilts.),  17, 

25;  96  f. 
Cytlid  (Chicklade,  Wilts.),  32,  3  ;  115 

Damerham,  Wilts.  See  Domra- 
hamm 

Dean  (East  and  West),  Sussex.  See 
Dene 

Dean,  nr  Salisbury.     See  Deon 

Defene,  34,  25 

Dene,  set  (East  and  West  Dean,  Sus- 
sex), 17,  29;  97 

Deon  (?Dean,  nr  Salisbury),  17,  29; 
97 

Diccelingum,  set   (Ditchling,   Sussex), 

18,  7 

Domrahamm  (Damerham,  Wilts.),  19, 

25;  34,  7;  96,  1O2 
Dorceaster  (Dorchester,  Oxon.),  36,  3; 

12O 


Dors  ate,  34,  22 
Dover,  Monastery  at,  69 
Downton,  Wilts.     See  Duntun 
Droitwich,  Worcs.     See  Saltwic 
Dryganleg,  Glos.,  25,  22 
Duntun(-e?)  (Downton,  Wilts.),  34,  7 

Eaderingtun  (?Arreton,  Is.  of  Wight), 

17,  28;  97 

Ealda  Mynster.     See  Winchester 
Ealdingburnan,      set      (Aldingbourne, 

Sussex),   18,  2 
Eanburgemere,  6,  1 
Bashing,  Surrey.     See  Mtcmgum, 
Eblesburnan,  set  (Ebbesbourne  Wake, 

Wilts.),  29,  5,  18 
Edington,  Wilts.     See  E&andune 
Eowcumb,  22,  13,  14 
E&andune,  set  (Edington,  Wilts.),  18, 

10;  99 
Exanmynster,  set  (Exminster,  Devon), 

17,  32 

Exeter,  St  Peter's,  116 

Fearnleag  (Farley,  Kent  or   Surrey), 

126 
Fearnlege,  on  (Farley,  Surrey?),    14, 

24;  91 
Felhhamm  (Felpham,  Sussex),  18,  8; 

99 

Feowertreowehyl,  5,  29  f. 
Finglesham,  Kent.     See  Qenglesham 
Folcanstane,    to    (Folkestone,    Kent), 

Monastery  at,  3,  23;  4,  4;  69,  77 
—  St  Peter's  Church,  78 
Funtial  (Fonthill,  Wilts.),  3O,  17;  32, 

2 

Gallen,  St,  Monastery  of,  72 

Gatatun  (Gatton,  Surrey),  14,  9 

Geht,  6,  1;  81 

Gemyfflege,  on,  Glos.,  26,  20;  1O9 

Ghent,  St  Peter's,  98 

Gift  (Yeovil,  Somerset),  17,  30 

Glsestingabirig,       set       (Glastonbury, 

Som.),  34,  25;    1O2,   118,   12O 
Gleaweceaster  (Gloucester),  24,  9 
Godelmingum,  set  (Godalming,  Surrey), 

18,  5 
Greenwich,  Kent,  98 

Gyldeford  (Guildford,  Surrey),  18,  5 

Hsesldene,  in,  22,  12 

Hseslwelle,  22,  12,  16 

Hamm  (Hamsey,  Sussex),  38,  8;  127 

Hamtunscir,  34,  21 

Hanbury,  Worcs.,  82 

Hartland,  Devon.     See  Heortifitun 

Heardanlege,  on,  Glos.,  26,  22 

Henbury,  Glos.,  1O5 


Index  Locorum 


139 


Heortigtun   (?Hartland,   Devon),    17, 

16;    95 

Holm,  37,  11;  99,  126 
Horsalege,  on  (Horsley,  Surrey),   13, 

15;    14,  13 
Hrofescester    (Rochester,    Kent),    14, 

27;   91 

Hrycgleag,  Glos.,  22,  15;  1O5 
Hryiferanfelda,   set  (Rotherfield,   Sus- 
sex),  18,  7 

Hurstbourne,  Hants.     See  Hysseburna 
Hwerun/l  (Wherwell,  Hants.),  34,  9 
Hwe,tedune,  on  (Waddon,  Surrey),  14, 

9;  9O 
Hwitancyrican,       set       (Whitchurch, 

Hants.?),  17,  30;   97 
Hyde  Abbey.     See  Winchester 
Hysseburna     (Hurstbourne,     Hants.), 

17,  22  ff.;    29,   24;    96 

Kilton,  Somerset.     See  Cylfantune 
Kingsclere,  Hants.     See  Clearas 

Lsewe  (Lewes,  Sussex),  38,  9;   127 
Lambburna  (Lambourn,  Berks.),    18, 

9 

Langandene,  set,  16,  32;  96 
Leangafelda,   on    (?Longfield,    Kent), 

13,  15,   24;    14,  13;    89 
Leatherhead,  Surrey.     See  Leodridan 
Le,ncanfelda,  on  (?Lingfield,   Surrey), 

14,  14;   91 

Leodridan,  set  (Leatherhead,  Surrey), 

17,  22 

Leominster,    Sussex.       See    Lulling- 

mynster 

Lewes,  Sussex.     See  Leewe 
Lewisham,  Kent,  98 
Lidgeard  (Lyddiard,  Wilts.),  32,  16; 

115 
Liminge  (Lyminge,  Kent),  3,  22;  69, 

70,  76  f. 
Liminum,  of  (Lympne,  Kent),  1,  20; 

78 
Lindisfarne,   Bishops  of.     See  Cuth- 

bert,  Eadfrith,  .Ethelwald 

—  Gospels,  36 

—  Monastery  at,  86,  72,  123 
Lingfield,  Surrey.     See  Lqncanfelda 
Liwtun  (Luton,  Devon),  17,  33;  98 
Longanhrycge,  on  (Longridge,  Glos.), 

25,  4;   1O9 

Longfield,  Kent.     See  Leangafelda 
Longridge,  Glos.     See  Longanhrycge 
Lullingmynster  (Leominster,  Sussex), 

18,  8  ;  99 

Lullington,  Sussex,  99 
Lustleigh,  Devon,  98 
Lyddiard,  Wilts.     See  Lidgeard 
Lyminge,  Kent.     See  Liminge 


Lympne,  Kent.     See  Liminum 

Malmesbury,  Abbey  of,  116 
Meon  (Meon,  Hants.),  17,  29 
Michelney,  Abbey  of,  116 
Milborne,  Som.     See  Mylenburnan 
Milton,  Abbey  of,  116 
Mongeham,  Kent.     See  Mundlingham 
Mundlingham  (Mongeham,  Kent),  7, 

25;   8,  2,  11,  14 
Mylenburnan,   set    (Milborne,    Som.), 

17,  32 

Nsegleslege,  on,  Glos.,  25,  23;  1O9 
Nailsworth,  Glos.,  1O9 
Netelamstede,  on  (Nettlestead,   Kent), 

13,  16;    14,  19 
New  Minster.     See  Winchester 
Newton,  Wilts.     See  Niwanttine 
Niwantune,  set  (Newton,  Wilts.?),  33, 

20 
Nunnaminster.     See  Winchester 

Oceburnan,  set  (Ogbourn,  Wilts.),  33, 

18 

Old  Minster.     See  Winchester 
Osterland,  Kent(?),   37,   29;    38,  4, 

13;    126,   127 

Pefesigge,  set  (Pewsey,  Wilts.),  17,  22 
Penpau    (Penpole,    Glos.),    22,    15; 
1O5 

Rochester,  Kent.     See  Hrofescester 
Roddanbeorg  (Rodborough,  Glos.),  26, 

20;  1O9 

Rome,  76,  89,  94 
Rotherfield,   Sussex.     See  Hryfferan- 

felda 

Ssefern  (the  River   Severn),   22,   16 ; 

1O5 
Saltwic  (Droitwich,  Worcs.),  23,  21 ; 

26,  22;  1O7,   11O 

Sanderstead,  Surrey.    See  Sondenstede 
Sceaftesbirig,  to  (Shaftesbury,  Dorset), 

34,  12;  98 
Scealdeburnan,    ace.  (?)    (Shalbourne, 

Wilts.),  34,  10 
Scireburnan,  set   (Sherborne,  Dorset), 

18,  21;    100 

—  St  Mary's,  1OO 
Scorranstane,  to,  Glos.,  24,  21;  1O8 
Selesdun   (Selsdon,    Surrey),    13,    14, 

24 

Selsey,  Bishopric  of,  1OO 
Sengetlege,  on,  26,  21 
Shaftesbury,   Dorset.      See   Sceaftet- 

birig 
Shalbourne,  Wilts.    See  Scealdeburnan 


140 


English  Historical  Documents 


Sherborne,  Dorset.     See  Scireburnan 
Shirehampton,  Glos.,  1O6 
Smececumb,  on,  26,  21 
Sodbury,  Glos.     See  Soppanbyrg 
Somerton,  Somerset.     See  Sumortun 
Sondenstf.de,  on  (Sanderstead,  Surrey), 

13,  13,  24 
Soppanbyrg,  set  (Sodbury,  Glos.),  26, 

2,  6 
Stseningum,  set  (Steyning,  Sussex),  18, 

6 
Stanhamstede  (Stanstead,  Kent),  1,  6, 

21;  2,  33;  69  ff. 

Steyning,  Sussex.     See  Stseningum 
Stoc  (Stoke  Bishop,  Glos.),   2O,   24; 

21,  4,  17;  1O4 
Strsetneat,  17,  16;  96 
Sturemynster,set  (Sturminster,  Dorset), 

17,  30 

SumorsKte,  34,  25 
Sumortun  (Somerton,  Som. ),  3O,  28 
SuSeswyrSe,  set  17,  32 ;  97  f. 
Sufirige,  14,  17;  34,  17;  36,  12 
Suthseaxe,  34,  17;  36,  12 
Sufftun  (Sutton,  Sussex),  18,  7 
Suttun  (Sutton,  Hants,  or  Surrey),  17, 

22 
Swinbeorgum,      set      (!  Swanborough, 

Wilts.),  16,  19;  04 
Sweordesstan,  22,  13 

Tettanbyrg,   to  (Tetbury,  Glos.),   27, 

3;    110 
Jjeecham  (Thatcham,  Berks.),  34,  10; 

nef. 

Thanet,  86,  88 

Thatcham,  Berks.     See  Jysecham 

•Benglesham  (Finglesham,  Kent),  9,  2, 

10 
fiombyrig,  to  (Thornbury,  Glos.),  24, 

21 
Jjunresfeld  (Thunderfield,  Surrey),  18, 

4 

Tihhanhyl,  6,  1 

Tisbury,  Wilts.     See   Tyssebyrig 
Triconscir  (?Trigg,  Cornwall),  17,  16, 

34;  96 
Twyfyrde,  set  (Twyford,  Hants.),  17, 

32 
Tyssebyrig,  to  (Tisbury,  Wilts.),  32, 

7 

Waddon,  Surrey.     See  Hw$tedune 
Waldeswellan,  on,  22,  12,  13 
Waneting  (Wantage,  Berks.),  18,  10; 
36,  ll;  99,  121 

Wardour,  Wilts.     See  Weardoran 
Warminster,  Wilts.    See  Worgemynster 
Washington,  Sussex.     See  Wessmga- 
tun 


Wasing,  Berks.,  118 

Wealcynn,  17,  34;  98 

Weardoran,  ant  (Wardour,  Wilts.),  31, 

10,  16 

Wedmor  (Wedmore,  Som.),  17,  18 
Welewe,  set  (Wellow,  Som.),  17,  35 
Welig  (?  Wellow,  I.  of  Wight),  18,  1; 

98 

Weogernaceaster.    See  Worcester 
Wellow.     See  Welewe,  Welig 
Wessingatun    (Washington,    Sussex), 

33,   19;    116,  118 
Westarham  (Westerham,    Kent),    13, 

14 

Westbury,  Glos.,  1O4 
Wherwell,  Hants.     See  Hwerwyl 
Whitchurch.     See  Hwitancyrican 
Wigornaceaster.     See  Worcester 
Wilig  (Wiley,  Wilts.),  33,  7,  13;  98, 

117 
Wiltun    (Wilton,    Wilts.),     34,     12; 

12O 

Wiltunscir,  34,  21 
Winchester,   Bishopric    at,    33,    12; 

35,  1 

—  Bishops  of.     See  Denewulf,  .Elf- 
sige,  .33thelwold 

—  Cathedral  or  Old  Minster,  17,  25 ; 
27,  25;  29,  4;  33,  8,  12;  34,  6; 
76,  97,  101    11O,  111,  112,  117, 
119 

—  Hyde  Abbey,  1O1 

—  New  Minster,  27  f.;  84,  8;  97, 
101,  110  ff. 

—  Nunnaminster,  34,  10 f.;  119 

—  St  Andrew's,  28,  6;  111 

—  St  Gregory's,  28,  11,  12;  112 

—  Windcirice,  27,  25;  11O 
Wiston,  Sussex,  118 
Woodchester,  Glos.     See  Wuduceaster 
Woolwich,  Kent,  98 

Worcester,  Bishopric  at,  21,  18;  26, 
8;  1O6,  11O 

—  Bishops  of.    See  Wilferth,  Milred, 
Tilhere,  Heaberht,  Alchun,  Werferth, 
Dunstan,  Oswald 

—  Fortifications,  22  f. 

—  Market  dues,  23 

—  St  Mary's,  1O6 

—  St  Peter's,   22,  25;  23,  14;  26, 
17,  36;  1O6,  113 

Worgemynnter  (?  Warminster,  Wilts.), 

32,  23 

Wudotun,  6,  27;  81 
Wuduceatter    (Woodchester,    Glouc. ), 

24,  17;  1O8 

Yeovil,  Somerset.     See  Gift 
York,  108 


INDEX   RERUM. 


ale,  73  f. 

amber,  2,  2;   4,  4;   6,  4;   7,  7,  and 

passim ;  73  f. 
amphora,  74 
iinc ilia  Dei,  7,  3;  82 
angilde,  2O,  27;  21,  9;   1O5 
anniversary,  celebration  of,  1, 12, 15  f.; 

2,  7;   7O,  73,  74 
arbitration,  3O,  26;  116 

biriele,  35,  17;   122 

bloodletting,  8O 

boclond,   14,  8ff.;    17,  16,  24;    78, 

88,   GO,    104 

bookland,  alienation  of,  19,  3ff.;  1O1 
bridges,  construction  of,  1O6,  113 

Ceaster,  1O8 
ceorl,  78 
cheese,  73 

Church,  repair  of,  113 
Church  services,  23,  9  ff. 
circan  hlaford,  1,  11;   4,   18 ff.;    23, 
4,   24;    26,  6,  12;    77,    79,    1O7, 
1O9 

clerks,  71 

Codex  Aureus,  12,  88 
Codex  Wintoniensis ,  27,  29,  33,  97, 

1O3 
commendation,  4,  20 f.;  17,  19;  19, 

23  ff.,  79 
confiscation,  for  crime,  26,  10;    32, 

8f.;   1O9,  115 

confraternity,  admission  to,  72 
cyningfeorm,  2O,  20;  1O4 
cyrelif,  19,  17 ;  1O2 
cyricsceatt,  29,  11;  113 

Danes,  ravages    of  the,  85,  88,  94, 
108,   12O 

deacon,  2,  20,  and  passim;  75 
debts,  payment  of,  1O1 
discSegn,  36,  17;   121  f. 
Durham  Liber  Vitae,  72 
dux,  88 

elmeshlafes,  7,  7;  83 
erf e hand,  6,  13;  8Of. 

fsestengeweorc,   2O,  27  ;  29,  12 ;  1O6, 

106,  113 
feorm,  6,  14;   11,  29;  73,  87 

feormfultum,  14,  6;  9O 
fers,  9,  19 ;  86 


fiftig,  2,  21;  76 
fihtewite,  23,  22 ;  1O7 
folclond,  14,  10;  88,  9O,  1O4 
foodrent,  73,  78,  8O.     See/com 
fortifications,    22,    27;     1O6.       See 

fsestengeweorc 
fuguldag,  1,  24;  73 

gufol,  20,  18,  25;  29,  6;   1O4,  112 

gebonnger,  24,  8;  1O7  f. 

geleon,  14,  33;  91 

gemyntigan,  35,  6;   121 

geneat,  24,  28;   1O8 

gesuji,  2,  6;  8,  28;  74 

gibeide,  36,  '.);  124 

'gierd,  28,  2;   111 

gihamadi,  36,  13  ;  124 

gihrinan,  36,  10;  124 

giffryde,  36,  9;  124 

Godes  ffeou;  2,  21  and  passim;  76 

ham,  17,  35  and  passim;   98 

hand,  13,  26;   1O1,  1O2 

heriot,  33,  15;  117 

honey,  2,  4;   5,  7;  7,  12;   2O,  21; 

79  f. 

horn,  3,  17;  76 
household,  king's,  1OO,  121  f. 
hrasglfen,  SO,  27;  36,  17;  122 
hundred,  great,  121 
Hyde  Register,  27,  91,  1O1 

indiction,  1O7  f. 

intercession  for   dead,    18,   22 ;    19, 
27;  76 

lam,  26,  2;  87,  112 

Isenelandum,  33,  23;  119 

landfeoh,  23,  22;   1O7 

leohtgesceot,  74 

Liber  de  Hyda,  16,  34,  91,  1O1 

Liber  Vitae,  72 

Lindisfarne  Gospels,  36,  123 

m&ssepreost,  2,  18,  andposstm;  76 
mancus,  4,  7  etc.;  77  f.,  121 
manumission,  32  f.,  116 
meghond,  1O,  17,  25 ;  86,  1O2 
mi'tta,  2,  3;   7,  12;   73,  1O5,  113 
monachism,  dech'ne  in,  71 

oath,  31,6, 12;  37,18;  38,6;  114, 

127 
ore,  36,  15;   125 


142 


English  Historical  Documents 


passione,  2,  20;  76 

payments  in  kind.     See  food-rent 

pending,  3,  25,  andpomm;  77,  78 

pig,  value  of,  79 

preost,  75 

prior,  74 

Psalter,  intercessory  use  of,  2,  21 ;  9, 

19;  23,  9fiV,  76 
pund,  18,  11,  and  passim;  99 

relics,  33,  3;  36,  19;  lie 

reogolweard,  2,  15  ff.;  74 

saltworks,  1O7 

stilling,  6,  3;  27,  3;  78,  81 

seampending,  23,  20;  1O7 

service,    military,    21,    1 ;    29,    12 ; 

1O5 

setter,  6,  7;  74,  79  f. 
sextarius,  74,  79 
sheep,  value  of,  79 


slavery,  19, 16  f.;  29,  22;  32  f.,  1O2, 

113,  116,  116 
spinlhealf,  19,  9;   1O2 
sperehealf,  19,  9;   1O2 
stigweard,  36,  21;  122 
sujl,  2,  13;   74,  75 
sulung,  1,  6;  3,  14;  9,  2;  71,  7« 
sword,  value  of,  18,  16;  79 

theft,  punishment  of,  1O7.     See  con- 
fiscation 

wseg,  2,  1,  and  passim;  73 

wsegnscilling,  23,  20;  1O7 

wax,  2,  10;  74 

Welsh  ale,  2,  3;  74 

wergeld,  4,  8;  13,  22;  79,  78,  89 

wifhand,  19,  10 ;  1O1 

wills,  3ff.,  13ft.,  15  ff.,  33,  34  f. 

wine,  2,  4 

wite,  21,  9;  1O5 

wohceapung,  23,  22;  1O7 


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