EX LIBRIS
GEORGII WESLEY JOHNSTON
QUI QUUM EX ANNO A.D. MDCCCCVI
USQUE AD ANNUM MDCCCCXVII
LINGUAE LATINAE IN COLLEGIO
UNIVERSITATIS DOCTOR AUT
PROFESSOR ASSOCIATUS FUISSET
MENSE MAIO A.D MDCCCCXVII MORTUUS EST
ayaK/jiar 1 at Traroi^uei'cu /3t/3Xot.
_ ^1 - Ot
LaU.Gr
68775s SELECTION FROM
THE LATIN LITERATURE OF THE
EARLY EMPIRE
EDITED BY
A. C. B. BROWN, M.A.
FEREDAY FELLOW OF ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE
ASSISTANT MASTER AT MARLBOROUGH COLLEGE
PART A : INNER LIFE
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1910
HENRY FROWDE, M.A.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
LONDON, EDINBURGH, NEW YORK
TORONTO AND MELBOURNE
PREFACE
THIS Selection has been undertaken at the suggestion and
with the help of the Rev. Hereford B. George, M.A., Fellow
of New College, and, primarily, to serve as a textbook for
the Oxford Local Examinations. The text is that of the
Oxford Classical Texts, so far as the authors included in
this book have appeared in that series. The following texts
have been used, by kind permission, in cases where no
Oxford Text exists: Friedlander's Petronius, Ball's Seneca
(Ludus), C. F. W. Mueller's Pliny (Teubner Edition).
The notes do not attempt to deal with questions of
textual criticism or of syntax. The critical results arrived
at by the editors of the texts employed have been taken for
granted. And the best way of dealing with questions of
syntax is to refer to one's grammar. The scope of the notes
is therefore limited to the explanation of the subject-matter.
An attempt has been made to exclude from them such
things as may be discovered by any one who is prepared to
use both his dictionary and his wits. The small Latin-
English Dictionary of Gepp and Haigh has been used as
a rough standard in measuring the amount of help that is
forthcoming in a dictionary, but a few of the less common
words which do occur in that book have been explained in
the notes, in case they should be absent from other diction-
aries. Analyses or paraphrases of whole passages have been
avoided, except in one case (Juv. vii), on the view that the
puzzling-out of the sense of whole passages without knowing
beforehand exactly what they are about is a valuable
element in classical training. A short heading has, however,
A 2
4 PREFACE
been placed before each passage, to show how it illus-
trates the general idea of the section in which it is placed.
It is hoped that this book will not add to the number of
1 those editions of authors which are constructed upon the
principle of supplying ready-made solutions of all difficulties,
and thus reducing the study of Latin to a mere effort of
memory exercised upon inferior materials' (Classical Associa-
tion, Report of Curricula Committee, 1909, p. 14).
I have throughout consulted the standard editions of
Juvenal (Mayor, Hardy), Horace (Wickham), Tacitus
(Furneaux, Spooner, Peterson), Friedlander's 'Cena Tri-
malchionis ', and Ball's edition of the ' Ludus ' of Seneca.
More especially is the book indebted in all its parts to
the valuable criticisms and suggestions of Mr. George, to
whom the whole has been submitted, and of Mr. H. E.
Butler, Fellow of New College, who has read the proofs.
CONTENTS
PART A. INNER LIFE
PAGE
PREFACE 3
LIST OF CHIEF DATES .8
INTRODUCTION -9
TEXT :
I. POLITICS
Domitiarfs Reign of Terror.
i. TAC. Agr. 2, 3, 45, 46 . .17
ii. Juv. Sat. iv . .21
The Age of Tacitus.
iii. TAC. Hist. i. 1-4 28
The Deification of the Emperor.
iv. SENECA, Ludus, 9-12, 14, 15 . . . .33
An Episode of Provincial Administration :
Pliny ) Trajan, and the Christians.
y. PLINY, Ep. x. 96 (97), 97 (98) .... 42
Exile from Civilization.
vi. OVID, Tristia, iii. 2 45
6 CONTENTS
II. EDUCATION
Roman Education^ Old and New.
i. TAG. Dial. 28-36 47
A Liberal Education.
ii. HOR. Sat. i. 6 . . . . . . . .58
III. LITERATURE
The Author to his Book.
PAGE
i. HOR. Ep. i. 20 .... .61
The Recitation.
ii. Juv. Sat. i . -63
iii. PLINY, Ep. i. 13 65
iv. PLINY, Ep. vi. 15 . . . . . . .67
The Prospects of the Learned Professions in Rome.
v. Juv. Sat. vii. .69
The ' Inutility* of Literature.
vi. TAG. Dial. 9 83
A Scholar's Life.
vii. PLINY, Ep. iii. 5 .86
A Scholar's Death.
viii. PLINY, Ep. vi. 16 90
CONTENTS 7
IV. PHILOSOPHY
Horace's Philosophy of Life.
i. HOR. Ep. i. i 95
Avarice.
ii. HOR. Sat. i. i. . 101
' The Vanity of Human Wishes'
iii. Juv. Sat. x . 106
INDEX NOMINUM -123
MAPS
CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN ITALY . 16
ROME UNDER THE EARLY EMPIRE 12O-2I
LIST OF CHIEF DATES
Literary.
Horace, B. c. 65-8.
Satires, Book i. B.C. 35.
Satires, Book ii. B.C. 30.
Epistles, Book i. B.C. 20.
Ovid, B.C. 43-A.D. 17.
His banishment, A.D. 8.
Tristia, A.D. 9-12.
Seneca, B.C. 4-A.D. 65.
Ludus, A.D. 54 or 55.
Petronius, died A.D. 66.
Martial^ about A.D. 40-104.
Book ii. A.D. 86.
Books iii-xi. A.D. 87-96.
Book xii. A.D. 96.
Tacitus, about A.D. 55-120.
Dialogus, about A.D. 81.
Agricola, A.D. 98.
Histories, about A.D. no.
Juvenal, about A.D. 60-140.
Satires i-v, between A. D. 100
and A.D. 116.
Satires vi, A.D. 116.
vii-ix, about A.D. 120.
x-xii, about A.D. 125.
Pliny the Younger, A.D. 62-
about A.D. 113.
Books i-ix. A. D. 97-109.
Book x. A.D. 112 or 113.
Political.
Principate of Augustus
B.C. 27-A.D. 14.
Principate of Tiberius
A.D. 14-37.
Principate of Gaius (Caligula)
A.D. 37-41-
Principate of Claudius
A.D. 41-54.
Principate of Nero
A.D. 54-68.
' Year of Four Emperors '
(Galba Otho Vitellius
Vespasian)
A.D. 69.
Principate of Vespasian
A.D. 69-79.
Principate of Titus
A.D. 79-81.
Principate of Domitian
A.D. 81-96.
Principate of Nerva
A.D. 96-98.
Principate of Trajan
A.D. 98-117.
Principate of Hadrian
A.D. 117-138.
INTRODUCTION
ANY ONE reading for the first time an account of Domitian's
Reign of Terror must wonder how it happened that the
citizens of a state that was mistress of the world should have
endured such tyranny at home. Why was it that what
appears to be the grinding despotism of the imperial govern-
ment was for a moment tolerated? The answer to this
question requires a brief survey of earlier Roman history.
The earliest form of Roman government of which a tradition
exists is the kingship. Towards the end of the sixth century
B. c. the tyrannical conduct of one of these kings led to the
abolition of this form of government and the establishment
of a republic, the highest powers of which were vested in
two yearly magistrates called consuls. The other magistra-
cies, which were established one by one, with less supreme
functions, were always in the same fashion given to more
than one at a time and for a limited period. It was under
this form of government that Rome developed from an
obscure city-state into the head of an empire including the
whole of the Mediterranean basin. The result of the con-
stitutional device by which the evils of despotism were
avoided by having yearly co-ordinate magistrates, each of
whom acted as a check on the others, was to bring the real
power into the hands of the Senate. The Senate originally
was merely an advisory council, but as the one permanent
factor in a system of administration where so much was
transient, it gradually developed into a powerful oligarchy.
Under the senatorial system one man after another had his
io INTRODUCTION
turn at the top. It became the practice for men to work up
through the lower magistracies, and provinces were com-
mitted to ex-magistrates. If a man was rapacious, his
province suffered, if he was incompetent, his army was
defeated : but, speaking generally, there was a fair amount
of good administrative work done. Romans, like English-
men, seem, on the whole, to have had an instinctive respect
for law. But after giving the Senate due credit for the good
points in its administration, we must admit that by the first
century B.C. it had shown itself unequal to the task. Hence-
forth men began more clearly to see that efficiency demanded
more concentration of power. So throughout the first
century B. c. we find experiments, more or less tentative,
being made in the direction of monarchy. First Marius, by
a series of consulships, aided by his prestige as the deliverer
of his country from the Cimbri and Teutones, then Sulla
by means of an extended form of the dictatorship, an extra-
ordinary autocratic magistracy which in the earlier republican
period had only been employed in case of urgent military
necessity, then Pompey by means of special laws giving him
power to supersede the ordinary provincial governors in his
wars against the pirates in the Mediterranean, and against
Mithradates in the East : each pointed out a different path
by which despotism could be attained. It was actually
attained, though perhaps not from the first intended, by
Julius Caesar, who first got a ten years' term of government
in his province of Gaul, and then, under provocation from
the action of his political enemies in Rome, with the power-
ful army thus trained stepped at once across the Rubicon,
the boundary line of his province, and across that other
boundary line which separates a republican subject from the
aspirant to a despotic monarchy. Three years of civil war
brought Rome and her empire to Caesar's feet, and we then
find him trying to disguise an actual kingship by the
INTRODUCTION it
unconvincingly euphemistic title of dictator. The Ides of
March taught his nephew, who after another period of civil
war succeeded to Caesar's supremacy in the Roman world,
to be more cautious, and to avoid a regal or quasi-regal
attitude. So Octavian (Augustus) poses as a private indivi-
dual with an honorary precedence over every one else, which
he denotes by the title princeps. His constitutional position
ultimately becomes that of the possessor of a number of powers
and privileges belonging to various republican magistracies,
which are conferred on him for life, and the possession of
which gives him the control of the ordinary republican magi-
strates who are still allowed to exist. The princeps takes the
Senate into partnership in the government of the world, and
so there arises that partition of functions between the two
which Mommsen has called the 'Dyarchy'. But the partners
were unequally yoked from the first, and however sincere the
deference which the best among the principes show to the
Senate, the princeps is led by force of circumstances to
become more and more the predominant partner. The
transformation of the Roman government from an oligarchy
to a despotism was now complete. The change had been
chiefly due to personal ambition in the leaders of the
opposing parties, which achieved successful results because
it accorded with the changed conditions resulting from the
development of a City State into a World Empire. Its
success was also due in large measure to the sound sense
which underlay Caesar's policy, a policy which found
expression, to what extent we do not know, but probably to
a large extent, in the acts of Augustus, who posed as his
uncle's heir in all things. It may perhaps seem strange
that the Senate acquiesced as easily as it did in the diminu-
tion of its powers. But the power of the princeps ultimately
rested on the army, and, as Tacitus remarks (Ann. i. 2),
every one was so tired of the civil wars which had raged
12 INTRODUCTION
almost without cessation during the first three quarters of the
first century B. c. that they were ready to accept anything for
the sake of peace and quiet. Also the wise and prudent
government of Augustus did much to consolidate the power
of \hzpHnceps, so that when the senatorial opposition arose,
as it did from time to time, fa&princeps had little difficulty
in suppressing it. In fact, as time went on, the institution
of the principate became so strong that the actual personality
of fa&princeps mattered comparatively little. It made little
difference to the world at large whether the supreme power
was held by wise and competent men like Augustus,
Vespasian, and Trajan, or by a lunatic like Caligula and a
debauchee like Nero. The personality of the princeps did
matter a great deal to the senatorial aristocracy who dwelt
beneath the shadow of the Palatine. But away from Rome
the ' pax Romana ' and upright provincial administration
remain constant, except for one brief interval, in spite of the
varying scenes of atrocity in the capital. The literature of
the Early Empire, with few exceptions, focuses our attention
on the life of the metropolis. But we must not forget, and
we have the inscriptions to remind us, that outside the
tainted air of Rome there existed a larger and a healthier
life : that under the Principate Roman history ceases to be
the history of a town and becomes that of an empire, and
that even under a Nero and a Domitian Rome remained true
to her ideal,
Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento,
Parcere subiectis et debellare superbos.
II
The difference between the Rome of the middle of the
third century B. c. and that of the opening of the Christian
era does not consist merely in the change of the form of
government. This great political change was involved in
INTRODUCTION 13
the social and economic transformation of Italy, which
begins in the first half of the second century B. c. At the
time of the Punic Wars the mainstay of the Roman state
was the class of yeoman who cultivated the land in time of
peace and formed the backbone of the legions in time of war,
the stubborn brood who, a century before, had vanquished
the Samnites. As long as Italian agriculture flourished,
the mass of Roman citizens remained hardy and ready for
war. But the conquest of Italy led to the accumulation
of large public domains which fell into the hands of
capitalists who either turned them into pasture or cultivated
them by means of slaves. The independent class of small
farmers was gradually eliminated, and capitalism, working
through slave-labour, proved the ruin of Italy (' Latifundia
perdidere Italiam '). The result was that the yeoman
class of Italy tended to drift into Rome and to swell the
ranks of the city rabble. The population of Rome was
also increased by the large influx of Greeks and Orientals
which first set in when, at the end of the first quarter of the
second century B. c., Rome had become the chief power of
the Eastern Mediterranean. These immigrants in many
cases no doubt found employment in medicine, education,
art, the stage, among other things, and went some way
also towards monopolizing the shady or vicious professions.
But they must too often have added to the number of the
unemployed. The political importance of this rabble in an
age when political questions so often found their solution in
street fights led to the pampering of the city multitude by
food supplies and shows provided at the expense of the State
or very frequently of individual magistrates. The corn-
doles were started by Gains Gracchus (B.C. 123) and
continued off and on till the time of Caesar, who, by
limiting them to those who really needed them, transformed
a system of political bribery into an institution of poor
14 INTRODUCTION
relief. Under the Principate such bounties were widely
extended, and at the end of the first century A. D. we find
Juvenal (A. IV. iii. 80, 81 in this book), in his description
of the fall of Seianus in A. D. 31, lamenting that the people
which once ruled the world is quite content if it can get two
things, bread and circus-games ( c panem et circenses ').
Such was the state of the lower classes of the free popula-
tion of the capital, which mingled with and became con-
taminated by the constantly increasing number of Greek and
Oriental slaves and freedmen. But foreign influence was no
less strongly exerted upon the wealthier classes. Here the
old Roman traditions of discipline and economy were
broken down by the luxury which continually increased as
new conquests brought in fresh tribute of wealth and slaves.
In the best period of the Republic stringent laws had
restricted the amount of silver plate and the kinds of food
which might be placed on a Roman dinner-table. These
laws remained during the period of degeneration, but were
ignored, in spite of spasmodic efforts to enforce them.
Under the Principate the luxury of the table, and indeed
luxury of all kinds, developed to an extent which is almost
incredible, and forms a stock subject of contemporary history
and satire.
In religion, no less than in manners, we see foreign influ-
ences at work. The rustic worship of the Lares and Penates,
the deification of abstract qualities, and the assignment of
the ordinary acts of daily life each to the patronage of its
own special divinity, were despised as a creed outworn by
those who had made acquaintance with Hellenic religion
and theology. The abstract character of the native Roman
religion of itself facilitated the amalgamation of the Roman
with the Greek gods and goddesses by means of a series
of equations (Jupiter = Zeus, Minerva = Athena, Venus =
Aphrodite, &c.). And those who sought a more sensational
INTRODUCTION 15
worship than the Hellenic Olympus provided found it in the
cults of the East and of Egypt, which from the end of the
third century B. c. had begun to find a home in Italy.
Under the Principate these religions found favour with
many, owing to their sacramental mysteries and the hope
which they offered of immortality.
Thus all classes at Rome, the highest and lowest alike,
had adopted a cosmopolitan character, in which the old-
fashioned virtues of the city-state of Italian yeomen no
longer appear. But it would be a mistake to suppose that
the change was pure loss. The old Roman character, with
its narrow prudential virtues and its police restraint of vice,
had something to gain from the wider horizons opened to it
by Hellenic intellect and culture. How great this gain was
may be seen from the characters and writings of the great
men of the Augustan age, and from such men as Seneca and
Agricola in the following century.
We have no reason to doubt either the reality of the
luxury, vice, and extravagance of Rome or the fact, to
which we have already referred (p. 12), that provincial life was
much purer and simpler. The same thing is plainly visible
in the modern world, perhaps more obviously in France
than in any other nation possessing a great and wealthy
capital. Novels and other literature make familiar the
luxury and vice of Paris, but they leave more or less out of
sight the decent domestic life which prevails in the provinces
and is wide-spread, though not so conspicuous, in Paris.
Both aspects of life are true alike of modern France and of
imperial Rome.
A. I. POLITICS
Domitians Reign of Terror
\
LEGIMVS, cum Aruleno Rustico Paetus Thrasea, Herennio
Senecioni Priscus Helvidius laudati essent, capitale fuisse,
neque in ipsos modo auctores, sed in libros quoque eorum
saevitum, delegate triumviris ministerio ut monumenta claris-
5 simorum ingeniorum in comitio ac foro urerentur. scilicet
illo igne vocem populi Romani et libertatem senatus et
conscientiam generis humani aboleri arbitrabantur, expulsis
insuper sapientiae professoribus atque omni bona arte in
exilium acta, ne quid usquam honestum occurreret. dedi-
10 mus profecto grande patientiae documentum ; et sicut vetus
aetas vidit quid ultimum in libertate esset, ita nos quid in
servitute, adempto per inquisitiones etiam loquendi audien-
dique commercio. memoriam quoque ipsam cum voce per-
didissemus, si tarn in nostra potestate esset oblivisci quam
15 tacere.
Nunc demum redit animus ; sed quamquam primo statim
beatissimi saeculi ortu Nerva Caesar res olim dissociabilis
miscuerit, principatum ac libertatem, augeatque cotidie
felicitatem temporum Nerva Traianus, nee spem modo ac
20 votum securitas publica, sed ipsius voti fiduciam ac robur
adsumpserit, natura tamen infirmitatis humanae tardiora sunt
remedia quam mala ; et ut corpora nostra lente augescunt,
cito extinguuntur, sic ingenia studiaque oppresseris facilius
quam revocaveris : subit quippe etiam ipsius inertiae dul-
25 cedo, et invisa primo desidia postremo amatur. quid ? si
per quindecim annos, grande mortalis aevi spatium, multi
11:10 B
1 8 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. I. i
fortuitis casibus, promptissimus quisque saevitia principis
interciderunt, pauci et, ut ita dixerim, non modo aliorum
sed etiam nostri superstites sumus, exemptis e media vita tot
annis, quibus iuvenes ad senectutem, senes prope ad ipsos 3
exactae aetatis terminos per silentium venimus. non tamen
pigebit vel incondita ac rudi voce memoriam prioris servi-
tutis ac testimonium praesentium bonorum composuisse.
hie interim liber honori Agricolae soceri mei destinatus,
professione pietatis aut laudatus erit aut excusatus. 35
Non vidit Agricola obsessam curiam et clausum armis
senatum et eadem strage tot consularium caedis, tot nobilis-
simarum feminarum exilia et fugas. una adhuc victoria
Cams Metius censebatur, et intra Albanam arcem sententia
Messalini strepebat, et Massa Baebius iam turn reus erat : 4
mox nostrae duxere Helvidium in carcerem manus ; nos
Mauricum Rusticumque divisimus, nos innocent! sanguine
Senecio perfudit. Nero tamen subtraxit oculos suos iussit-
que scelera, non spectavit : praecipua sub Domitiano mi-
seriarum pars erat videre et aspici, cum suspiria nostra 45
subscriberentur, cum denotandis tot hominum palloribus
sufficeret saevus ille vultus et rubor, quo se contra pudorem
muniebat.
Tu vero felix, Agricola, non vitae tantum claritate, sed
etiam opportunitate mortis, ut perhibent qui interfuerunt 50
novissimis sermonibus tuis, constans et libens fatum ex-
cepisti, tamquam pro virili portione innocentiam principi
donares. sed mihi filiaeque eius praeter acerbitatem parentis
erepti auget maestitiam, quod adsidere valetudini, fovere
deficientem, satiari vultu complexuque non contigit. ex- 55
cepissemus certe mandata vocesque, quas penitus animo
figeremus. noster hie dolor, nostrum vulnus, nobis tarn
longae absentiae condicione ante quadriennium amissus est.
omnia sine dubio, optime parentum, adsidente amantissima
uxore superfuere honori tuo : paucioribus tamen lacrimis 60
A. I. i] POLITICS 19
comploratus es, et novissima in luce desideravere aliquid
oculi tui.
Si quis piorum manibus locus, si, ut sapientibus placet,
non cum corpore extinguuntur magnae animae, placide
65 quiescas, nosque et domum tuam ab infirmo desiderio et
muliebribus lamentis ad contemplationem virtutum tuarum
voces, quas neque lugeri neque plangi fas est. admiratione
te potius et inmortalibus laudibus et, si natura suppe-
ditet, similitudine colamus : is verus honos, ea coniunctis-
70 simi cuiusque pietas. id filiae quoque uxorique praece-
perim, sic patris, sic mariti memoriam venerari, ut omnia
facta dictaque eius secum revolvant, formamque ac figuram
animi magis quam corporis complectantur, non quia inter-
cedendum putem imaginibus quae marmore aut aere fingun-
75 tur, sed, ut vultus hominum, ita simulacra vultus inbecilla ac
mortalia sunt, forma mentis aeterna, quam tenere et expri-
mere non per alienam materiam et artem, sed tuis ipse
moribus possis. quidquid ex Agricola amavimus, quidquid
mirati sumus, manet mansurumque est in animis hominum,
80 in aeternitate temporum, fama rerum ; nam multos veterum
velut inglorios et ignobilis oblivio obruit : Agricola posteri-
tati narratus et traditus superstes erit.
TAG. Agric. 2, 3, 45, 46.
B 2
20 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. I. i
NOTES
Line i. Arulenus Rusticus was put to death, probably in
A. D. 93, for having in his biography called Thrasea sanctus. For
Thrasea and Helvidius see note on A. I. iii. 44.
7 f. expulsis insuper sapientiae professoribus. The offence
of Arulenus seems to have led to a general banishment of
philosophers, which took place in Pliny's praetorship (Plin. Ep.
iii. ll), probably A. D. 93.
17. The accession of Nerva (A. D. 96) brought the Reign of
Terror to an end, and removed the gag from literature. Nerva
was succeeded in A. D. 98 by Trajan (1. 19).
39 ff. Carus Metius, a famous delator, the accuser of Senecio
(cf. line i above), Fannia (Plin. Ep. vii. 19), and others. Messa-
linus, the blind delator described by Juvenal (iv. 113-22, A. I.
ii. 76-85 in this book), and by Pliny (Ep. iv. 22 ' qui luminibus
capf us ingenio saevo mala caecitatis addiderat '). Massa Baebius
is described by Tacitus (Hist. iv. 50) as ' iam tune (A. D. 70)
optimo cuique exitiosus et inter causas malorum quae mox
tulimus saepius rediturus '. The arx Albana is Domitian's
villa at Alba.
41. nostrae duxere Helvidium in career em manus. The
Flavian emperors as a rule preferred to get their victims con-
demned in the senatorial court. Gaius, Claudius, and Nero,
on the other hand, had employed the imperial court, and it was
probably the odium thus brought upon the latter court which
caused the change. Tacitus himself, as a member of the senate,
must have taken part in these judicial murders.
52. innocentiam prindpi donares. By insisting that his ill-
ness was natural Agricola strove to free Domitian from the
charge of having poisoned him. As Tacitus himself admits,
(c. 43 2) there was no evidence, beyond the exceptional
interest which the princeps took in the bulletins, to show that
Domitian did so.
58. absentiae : during which Tacitus held some governorship.
We do not know what it was.
63. This doctrine of the limitation of immortality to the great
and good was held by the Stoic Chrysippus.
A. I.ii] POLITICS 21
CVM iam semianimum laceraret Flavius orbem
ultimus et calvo serviret Roma Neroni,
incidit Adriaci spatium admirabile rhombi
ante domum Veneris, quam Dorica sustinet Ancon,
implevitque sinus; nee enim minor haeserat illis 5
quos operit glacies Maeotica ruptaque tandem
solibus effundit torrentis ad ostia Ponti
desidia tardos et longo frigore pingues.
destinat hoc monstrum cumbae linique magister
pontifici summo. quis enim proponere talem 10
aut emere auderet, cum plena et litora multo
delatore forent? dispersi protinus algae
inquisitores agerent cum remige nudo,
non dubitaturi fugitivum dicere piscem
depastumque diu vivaria Caesaris, inde 15
elapsum veterem ad dominum debere reverti.
si quid Palfurio, si credimus Armillato,
quidquid conspicuum pulchrumque est aequore toto,
res fisci est, ubicumque natat. donabitur ergo,
ne pereat. iam letifero cedente pruinis 20
autumno, iam quartanam sperantibus aegris
stridebat deformis hiems praedamque recentem
servabat. tamen hie properat, velut urgueat auster.
utque lacus suberant, ubi quamquam diruta servat
ignem Troianum et Vestam colit Alba minorem, 25
obstitit intranti miratrix turba parumper.
ut cessit, facili patuerunt cardine valvae ;
exclusi spectant admissa obsonia patres.
itur ad Atriden. turn Picens * accipe ' dixit
'privatis maiora focis. genialis agatur 30
iste dies, propera stomachum laxare sagina,
et tua servatum consume in saecula rhombum.
22 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. I. ii
ipse capi voluit.' quid apertius ? et tamen illi
surgebant cristae; nihil est quod credere de se
non possit cum laudatur dis aequa potestas. 35
sed derat pisci patinae mensura. vocantur
ergo in consilium proceres, quos oderat ille,
in quorum facie miserae magnaeque sedebat
pallor amicitiae. primus clamante Liburno
' currite, iam sedit 3 rapta properabat abolla 40
Pegasus, attonitae positus modo vilicus urbi.
anne aliud turn praefecti? quorum optimus atque
interpres legum sanctissimus omnia quamquam
temporibus diris tractanda putabat inermi
iustitia. venit et Crispi iucunda senectus, 45
cuius erant mores qualis facundia, mite
ingenium. maria ac terras populosque regenti
quis comes utilior, si clade et peste sub ilia
saevitiam damnare et honestum adferre liceret
consilium ? sed quid violentius aure tyranni, 50
cum quo de pluviis aut aestibus aut nimboso
vere locuturi fatum pendebat amici ?
ille igitur numquam derexit bracchia contra
torrentem, nee civis erat qui libera posset
verba animi proferre et vitam inpendere vero. 55
sic multas hiemes atque octogensima vidit
solstitia, his armis ilia quoque tutus in aula.
proximus eiusdem properabat Acilius aevi
cum iuvene indigno, quern mors tarn saeva maneret
et domini gladiis tarn festinata ; sed olim 60
prodigio par est in nobilitate senectus,
unde fit ut malim fraterculus esse gigantis.
profuit ergo nihil misero quod comminus ursos
figebat Numidas Albana nudus harena
venator. quis enim iam non intellegat artes 65
patricias? quis priscum illud miratur acumen,
A. I. ii] POLITICS 23
Brute, tuum ? facile est barbato inponere regi.
nee melior vultu quamvis ignobilis ibat
Rubrius, offensae veteris reus atque tacendae.
Montani quoque venter adest abdomine tardus, 70
et matutino sudans Crispinus amomo
quantum vix redolent duo funera, saevior illo
Pompeius tenui iugulos aperire susurro,
et qui vulturibus servabat viscera Dacis
Fuscus marmorea meditatus proelia villa, 75
et cum mortifero prudens Veiento Catullo,
qui numquam visae flagrabat amore puellae,
grande et conspicuum nostro quoque tempore monstrum,
caecus adulator, dirusque a ponte satelles
dignus Aricinos qui mendicaret ad axes 80
blandaque devexae iactaret basia raedae.
nemo magis rhombum stupuit ; nam plurima dixit
in laevom con versus, at illi dextra iacebat
belua. sic pugnas Cilicis laudabat et ictus
et pegma et pueros inde ad velaria raptos. 85
non cedit Veiento, sed ut fanaticus oestro
percussus, Bellona, tuo divinat et ' ingens
omen habes ' inquit ' magni clarique triumphi.
regem aliquem capies, aut de temone Britanno
excidet Arviragus. peregrina est belua, cernis 90
erectas in terga sudes.' hoc defuit unum
Fabricio patriam ut rhombi memoraret et annos.
' quidnam igitur censes ? conciditur ? ' * absit ab illo
dedecus hoc' Montanus ait, ' testa alta paretur,
quae tenui muro spatiosum colligat orbem. 95
debetur magnus patinae subitusque Prometheus.
argillam atque rotam citius properate, sed ex hoc
tempore iam, Caesar, figuli tua castra sequantur.'
vicit digna viro sententia. noverat ille
luxuriam imperii veterem noctesque Neronis 100
24 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A- L
iam medias aliamque famem, cum pulmo Falerno
arderet. nulli maior fuit usus edendi
tempestate mea ; Circeis nata forent an
Lucrinum ad saxum Rutupinove edita fundo
ostrea callebat primo deprendere morsu, 105
et semel aspecti litus dicebat echini.
surgitur et misso proceres exire iubentur
consilio, quos Albanam dux magnus in arcem
traxerat attonitos et festinare coactos
tamquam de Chattis aliquid torvisque Sycambris no
dicturus, tamquam ex diversis partibus orbis
anxia praecipiti venisset epistula pinna.
atque utinam his potius nugis tota ilia dedisset
tempora saevitiae, claras quibus abstulit urbi
inlustresque animas impune et vindice nullo. 115
sed periit postquam cerdonibus esse timendus
coeperat. hoc nocuit Lamiarum caede madenti.
Juv. Sat. iv.
A. I. ii] POLITICS 25
NOTES
Line i. The Flavian dynasty occupied the Principate from
A. D. 69 to A. D. 96. The last of the line was Domitian (A. D. 81-
96), who was as tyrannical and disreputable as Nero (A. D. 54-68).
Unlike Nero, he was bald (calvo).
3. rhombi. Turbot do not seem to be found in the Adriatic
now.
10. The office of ' Pontifex Maximus' had been taken over
by Augustus, and was regularly held by his successors in the
Principate.
10-19. The fiscus was the imperial treasury, as distinguished
from the senatorial aerarium Saturni. The fiscus included the
private property of the Princeps, or rather the fiscus was itself
regarded as his private property. The activity of the delatores
in claiming property for tint fiscus is here satirized.
24. Domitian had a villa at Alba Longa. Alba had been
destroyed (diruta), with the exception of its temples, by Tullus
Hostilius (Livy i. 29). The temple of Vesta, small (mmorem,
1. 25) by comparison with that at Rome, was said to contain the
sacred fire brought by Aeneas from Troy.
42. The inefficiency of the old republican magistrates had
made it necessary for Augustus, after various experiments, to
place the government of the city in the hands of his own
praefecti. Of these the chief were the praefectus urbis, who
was responsible for the maintenance of order at Rome, the
praefectus praetorio, whose chief function was the all-important
command of the Praetorian Guard, the praefectus annonae, who
looked after the corn-supply, and the praefectus vigilum who
kept watch over the city at night und was specially charged with
the prevention and extinction of fires. Of these the praefectus
urbis was a senator, the rest normally equites. These officers,
the instruments of the personal government of the Princeps,
are compared with the vilici of a private landlord (1. 41).
45. Crispus is described by Tacitus (Hist. ii. 10) as 'pecunia,
potentia, ingenio inter claros magis quam inter bonos', and is
mentioned as being a friend of Vespasian who could bring into
his presence something (i.e. his eloquence) which he did not
owe to the Princeps (Tac. Dial. 8). Although his mite ingenium
is shown, on a small scale, by the fun which he poked at Domi-
tian's fly-killing propensities (Suet. Dom. 3), he was, what we
should not have suspected from Juvenal's account of him, a
notorious delator.
59. The younger Acilius Glabrio was put to death with several
other senators 'quasi molitores rerumnovarum'(Suet. Dom. 10).
We gather from lines 63 ff. that he attempted to escape by
26 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. I. ii
appearing, with feigned madness, in the arena. But the trick
of feigned madness, successfully carried out by Brutus, the
Liberator of Rome from the Tarquins (Livy i. 56), was of no
avail against Domitian.
71. Crispinus, a native of Egypt, made an eques and perhaps
praetorian prefect by Domitian. Juvenal (i. 26 ff.) says that it
is hard not to write satire when Crispinus, a native of Canopus,
goes about hitching up a mantle of Tyrian purple, and wearing
a specially light ring in summer to keep his ringers cool.
74. Cornelius Fuscus, praetorian prefect under Domitian (Suet.
Dom. 6), conducted the war against the Dacian Decebalus which
began in A. D. 86. The following year he pursued the Dacians
across the Danube and was killed.
76. Fabricius Veiento was in A.D. 62 accused of making
scurrilous comments on the Senate and the priests in a document
which he was pleased to call his will. It was also asserted that
he sold his influence with Nero to those who wished to obtain
office (Tac. Ann. xiv. 50). He was exiled from Italy, and his
book ordered to be burnt, which for a time greatly enhanced the
interest with which it was read. Under Domitian he became
prosperous as &delator(cf.]\\.v. iii. 185; B. III. iv. 31 in this book).
We know from Pliny (Ep. iv. 22) that on one occasion when he
was dining at Nerva's table during the Principate of the latter,
lunius Mauricus was asked by his host what would have hap-
pened to Catullus Messalinus (the blind delator mentioned with
Veiento here), if he had lived. Mauricus answered, ' He would
be dining with us.'
79. a ponte\ the usual haunt of beggars. Cf. Juv. Sat. v. 8
(B. I. v. 8 in this book).
84. Cilicis : a gladiator dressed to represent a Cilician pirate.
90. Arviragus. Nothing is known of any British chieftain
of that name ; but Agricola's campaign in Britain lasted till
A. D. 84, and some of the chiefs opposed to him may well have
been known by name at Rome.
101. aliamfamem : caused by the use of emetics.
no. The Chatti lived in the Taunus region (the high ground
above the modern Wiesbaden). In A.D. 83 Domitian in person
led the army against them, and celebrated his victory by a triumph
and the assumption of the name Germanicus. Five years later,
when L. Antonius Saturninus the governor of Upper Germany
revolted, he counted on the support of the Chatti. This was
rendered inoperative by the sudden thawing of the ice on the
Rhine, which prevented them from crossing. The Sycambri
dwelt to the west of the Chatti. The present passage, so far as
it goes, is the only evidence we have of war against them under
Domitian.
A. I. ii] POLITICS 27
116. Domitian was murdered by the freedman Stephanus on
Sept. 1 8, A.D. 96. The conspiracy against him was organized
in concert with his wife Domitia, but the nobles who had
suffered so much from Domitian's tyranny took no part in it.
The Lamiae (1. 117) are taken as types of the nobility. We
hear from Suetonius (Dom. 10) that Aelius Lamia was put to
death for some harmless jokes at the expense of Domitian, who
had carried off and married his wife.
28 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. I. iii
lii. The Age of Tacitus
INITIVM mihi operis Servius Galba iterum Titus Vinius
consules erunt. nam post conditam urbem octingentos et
viginti prioris aevi annos multi auctores rettulerunt, dum res
populi Roman! memorabantur pari eloquentia ac libertate :
postquam bellatum apud Actium atque omnem potentiam ad 5
unum conferri pacis interfuit, magna ilia ingenia cessere ;
simul veritas pluribus modis infracta, primum inscitia rei
publicae ut alienae, mox libidine adsentandi aut rursus odio
adversus dominantis : ita neutris cura posteritatis inter infen-
sos vel obnoxios. sed ambitionem scriptoris facile averse- ro
ris, obtrectatio et livor pronis auribus accipiuntur ; quippe
adulationi foedum crimeri servitutis, malignitati falsa species
libertatis inest. mihi Galba Otho Vitellius nee beneficio nee
iniuria cogniti. dignitatem nostram a Vespasiano inchoatam,
a Tito auctam, a Domitiano longius provectam non abnuerim : 15
sed incorruptam fidem professis neque amore quisquam et
sine odio dicendus est. quod si vita suppeditet, principatum
divi Nervae et imperium Traiani, uberiorem securioremque
materiam, senectuti seposui, rara temporum felicitate ubi
sentire quae velis et quae sentias dicere licet. 2 o
Opus adgredior opimum casibus, atrox proeliis, dis-
cors seditionibus, ipsa etiam pace saevum. quattuor princi-
pes ferro interempti : trina bella civilia, plura externa ac ple-
rumque permixta : prosperae in Oriente, adversae in Occi-
dente res : turbatum Illyricum, Galliae nutantes, perdomita 25
Britannia et statim omissa : coortae in nos Sarmatarum ac
Sueborum gentes, nobilitatus cladibus mutuis Dacus, mota
prope etiam Parthorum arma falsi Neronis ludibrio. iam vero
Italia novis cladibus vel post longam saeculorum seriem
A. I. iiij POLITICS 29
30 repetitis adflicta. haustae aut obrutae urbes, fecundissima
Campaniae ora et urbs incendiis vastata, consumptis anti-
quissimis delubris, ipso Capitolio civium manibus incenso.
pollutae caerimoniae, magna adulteria : plenum exiliis mare,
infecti caedibus scopuli. atrocius in urbe saevitum : nobilitas,
35 opes,omissi gestique honores pro crimine et ob virtutes certis-
simum exitium. nee minus praemia delatorum invisa quam
scelera, cum alii sacerdotia et consulatus ut spolia adepti,
procurationes alii et interiorem potentiam, agerent verterent
cuncta odio et terrore. corrupti in dominos servi, in patronos
40 liberti \ et quibus deerat inimicus per amicos oppressi.
Non tamen adeo virtutum sterile saeculum ut non et bona
exempla prodiderit. comitatae profugos liberos matres,
secutae maritos in exilia coniuges : propinqui audentes,
constantes generi, contumax etiam adversus tormenta ser-
45 vorum fides ; supremae clarorum virorum necessitates fortiter
toleratae et laudatisantiquorum mortibus pares exitus. praeter
multiplices rerum humanarum casus caelo terraque prodigia
et fulminum monitus et futurorum praesagia, laeta tristia,
ambigua manifesta ; nee enim umquam atrocioribus populi
50 Romani cladibus magisve iustis indiciis adprobatum est non
esse curae deis securitatem nostram, esse ultionem.
Ceterum antequam destinata componam, repetendum
videtur qualis status urbis, quae mens exercituum, quis ha-
bitus provinciarum, quid in toto terrarum orbe validum, quid
55 aegrum fuerit, ut non modo casus eventusque rerum, qui
plerumque fortuiti sunt, sed ratio etiam causaeque noscan-
tur. finis Neronis ut laetus primo gaudentium impetu fuerat,
ita varies motus animorum non modo in urbe apud patres aut
populum aut urbanum militem, sed omnis legiones ducesque
60 conciverat, evulgato imperii arcano posse principem alibi
quam Romae fieri sed patres laeti, usurpata statim libertate
licentius ut erga principem novum et absentem ; primores
equitum proximi gaudio patrum ; pars populi integra et ma-
30 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. I. iii
gnis domibus adnexa, clientes libertique damnatorum et exu-
lum in spem erecti : plebs sordida et circo ac theatris sueta, 65
simul deterrimi servorum, aut qui adesis bonis per dedecus
Neronis alebantur, maesti et rumorum avidi.
TAC. Hist. i. 1-4.
A. I. iii] POLITICS 31
NOTES
Line i. Tacitus begins the 'Histories' from A.D. 69, 822 years
(Tacitus's 820 is a round number) from the date accepted by the
Romans for the foundation of the city.
14 f. Tacitus may have been appointed tribimus militum
latichwus by Vespasian. This was the lowest step in the
senatorial career. He may also have been quaestor under
Titus. We know from Ann. xi. II that in A.D. 88 he was
quindecimvir and praetor. He became consul in A.D. 97,
under Nerva.
T7rT. Tacitus never carried out his plan of continuing the
* Histories ' so as to include the principates of Nerva and Trajan.
His other project (Ann. iii. 24) of supplementing the 'Annals'
by an account of Augustus's principate also remained unfulfilled.
The 'Histories', in its complete form, embraced the year of the
Four Emperors and the Flavian Dynasty (A. D. 69-96), and
consisted of twelve or fourteen books. Of these we only possess
the first four and a fragment of the fifth, dealing with the years
69 and 70 A. D.
22. ipsa etiampace saevum refers to the activity of the delator es
in the last years of Domitian.
22 f. quattuor principes ferro interempti : Galba (A. D. 69),
killed by his soldiers ; Otho (A. D. 69), committed suicide after
Vitellius's victory at Bedriacum ; Vitellius (A. D. 69), killed in the
sack of Rome by the Flavian soldiery ; Domitian (A. D. 96),
murdered by the freedman Stephanus. Some omit Domitian
from the list, on the ground that his death came so long after
the others, and substitute Nero. But the death of Nero falls
outside the period of the ' Histories '.
23. trina bella cimlia. (i) Galba v. Otho \
(2) Otho v. Vitellius L A. D. 69.
(3) Vitellius v. Vespasian]
Some exclude (i) from the list, and substitute the Revolt of
Saturninus under Domitian, A. D. 88, but the other view seems
more natural.
24 ff. prosperae in Oriente, adversae in Occidente res. The
first part of the clause refers to the Jewish War which ended
in the capture of Jerusalem, A. D. 70 : the last part to the revolt
of Civilis in Lower Germany, and to the Gallic revolt headed
by Classicus and Tutor (Galliae mttantes). turbatum
lllyricum. The legions of Dalmatia, Pannonia, and Moesia
supported Otho (Tac. Hist. i. 76). They afterwards joined
Vespasian (ibid. ii. 85). perdomita Britannia et stattni omissa.
Tacitus naturally exaggerates the results of his father-in-law
Agricola's campaign in Britain (A.D. 78-84). The evacuation
32 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. I. iii
of Northern Britain on the recall of Agricola was probably due
to finance rather than to personal jealousy on the part of
Domitian. coortae in nos Sarmatarum ac Sueborum gentes.
A war against these races was finished by Domitian in A. D. 92.
27. nobilitatus cladibus mutuis Dacus. The Dacians under
Decebalus defeated Oppius Sabinus, the legate of Moesia, in
A.D. 86, and Cornelius Fuscus, praetorian prefect, in the following
year. In A. D. 89, however, Julianus defeated them at Tapae,
and Domitian held a triumph. The conquest of Dacia was not
completed till A. p. 105, when the Dacians were crushed by
Trajan, and Dacia made a province. mota prope etiam
Parthorum arma falsi Neronis ludibrio. From Suet. 57 we
learn that twenty years after Nero's death, i. e. in A. D. 88, there
arose a man professing to be Nero, who was strongly supported
by the Parthians, and only given up with reluctance.
30 f. haustae atit obrutae urbes : by the eruption of Vesuvius
in A. D. 79, which buried the cities of Herculaneum and Pompeii.
hausta may perhaps refer to a tidal wave accompanying the
earthquake.
31. urbs incendiis vastata. The Capitol was burnt by the
Vitellians when Flavius Sabinus was besieged there in Dec.
69 A. D. There was another great fire, in which the restored
temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was burnt, in A. D. 80, under Titus.
33. plenum exiliis mare. Banishment to islands was common
under the Empire. Cf. Juv. i. 73f. ' Aude aliquid brevibus Gyaris
et carcere dignum, si vis esse aliquid' ; ib. x. 170 (A. IV. iii. 170)
*ut Gyarae clausus scopulis parvaque Seripho'.
35. omissi gestique honores. Herennius Senecio (Dio Cassius
67, 13) was put to death by Domitian for not having stood for
any office higher than the quaestorship.
43. secutae maritos in exilia coniuges : e. g. Fannia, wife of
Helvidius Priscus, who ' bis maritum secuta in exilium est, tertio
ipsa propter maritum relegata ' (Plin. Ep. vii. 19).
44. constantes generi : e. g. Helvidius Priscus himself, who
exhibited against Vespasian's government the same untimely
ultra-republican opposition which his father-in-law Thrasea
had with better reason shown to Nero's. He was put to death
by order of Vespasian, who, when it was too late, tried to prevent
the execution.
60. evtdgato imperil arcano : in the proclamation of Galba as
Emperor by the sixth legion in Spain (A. D. 68).
A. I. iv] POLITICS 33
iv. The Deification of the Emperor
TANDEM lovi venit in mentem, privatis intra curiam mo-
rantibus sententiam dicere non licere nee disputare. ' Ego'
inquit ' p. c. interrogare vobis permiseram, vos mera mapalia
fecistis. Volo ut servetis disciplinam curiae. Hie qualis-
5 cunque est, quid de nobis existimabit ? ' illo dimisso primus
interrogatur sententiam lanus pater. Is designatus erat in
kal. lulias postmeridianus consul, homo quantumvis vafer,
qui semper videt a/xa Trpoo-oxo Kal oTuWw. Is multa diserte,
quod in foro vivat, dixit, quae notarius persequi non potuit
TO et ideo non refero, ne aliis verbis ponam, quae ab illo
dicta sunt. Multa dixit de magnitudine deorum : non
debere hunc vulgo dari honorem. ' Olim ' inquit ' magna
res erat deum fieri : iam famam mimum fecisti. Itaque ne
videar in personam, non in rem dicere sententiam, censeo ne
15 quis post hunc diem deus fiat ex his qui apovpys KapTrov ISovo-iv
aut ex his quos alit ei8o)/3os apovpa. Qui contra hoc senatus
consultum deus factus, dictus pictusve erit, eum dedi Larvis
et proximo munere inter novos auctoratos ferulis vapulare
placet.' Proximus interrogatur sententiam Diespiter Vicae
20 Potae films, et ipse designatus consul, nummulariolus : hoc
quaestu se sustinebat, vendere civitatulas solebat. Ad hunc
belle accessit Hercules et auriculam illi tetigit. Censet
itaque in haec verba : ' cum divus Claudius et divum
Augustum sanguine contingat nee minus divam Augustam
25 aviam suam, quam ipse deam esse iussit, longeque omnes
mortales sapientia antecellat, sitque e re publica esse ali-
quem qui cum Romulo possit " ferventia rapa vorare,"
censeo uti divus Claudius ex hac die deus sit, ita uti ante
eum quis optimo iure factus sit, eamque rem ad Meta-
30 morphosis Ovidii adiciendam.' Variae erant sententiae, et
videbatur Claudius sententiam vincere. Hercules enim, qui
videret ferrum suum in igne esse, modo hue modo illuc cur-
1130 ~
34 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. I. iv
sabat et aiebat : ' noli mihi invidere, mea res agitur ; deinde
tu si quid volueris, invicem faciam ; manus manum lavat.'
Tune divus Augustus surrexit sententiae suae locodicendae 35
et summa facundia disseruit : * ego ' inquit ' p. c. vos testes
habeo, ex quo deus factus sum, nullum me verbum fecisse :
semper meum negotium ago. Et non possum amplius dis-
simulare et dolorem, quem graviorem pudor facit, continere.
In hoc terra marique pacem peperi ? ideo civilia bella com- 4
pescui ? ideo legibus urbem fundavi, operibus ornavi, ut
quid dicam p. c. non invenio : omnia infra indignationem
verba sunt. Confugiendum est itaque ad Messallae Corvini,
disertissimi viri, illam sententiam "pudet imperil." Hie, p. c.,
qui vobis non posse videtur muscam excitare, tarn facile 45
homines occidebat, quam canis adsidit. Sed quid ego de tot
ac talibus viris dicam? non vacat deflere publicas clades
intuenti domestica mala. Itaque ilia omittam, haec referam.
Iste quem videtis, per tot annos sub meo nomine latens,
hanc mihi gratiam rettulit, ut duas lulias proneptes meas 50
occideret, alteram ferro, alteram fame, unum abnepotem
L. Silanum. Videris, luppiter, an in causa mala, certe in tua,
si aecus futurus es. Die mihi, dive Claudi, quare quemquam
ex his, quos quasque occidisti, antequam de causa cogno-
sceres, antequam audires, damnasti ? hoc ubi fieri solet ? in 55
caelo non fit. Ecce luppiter, qui tot annos regnat, uni
Volcano crus fregit, et iratus fuit uxori et suspendit illam :
numquid occidit? tu Messalinam, cuius aeque avunculus
maior eram quam tuus, occidisti. " Nescio " inquis. Di tibi
male faciant : adeo istuc turpius est, quod nescisti, quam 60
quod occidisti. Hunc nunc deum facere vultis ? videte corpus
eius dis iratis natum. Ad summam, tria verba cito dicat, et
servum me ducat. Hunc deum quis colet? quis credet?
dum tales deos facitis, nemo vos decs esse credet. Summa
rei, p. c., si honeste me inter vos gessi, si nulli clarius re- 65
spondi, vindicate iniurias meas. Ego pro sententia mea hoc
A. I. iv] POLITICS 35
censeo ' : atque ita ex tabella recitavit : ' quando quidem
divus Claudius occidit socerum suum Appium Silanum,
uxorem suam Messalinam et ceteros quorum numerus iniri
70 non potuit, placet mihi in eum severe animadverti nee illi
rerum iudicandarum vacationem dari eumque quam primum
exportari et caelo intra triginta dies excedere, Olympo intra
diem tertium.'
Pedibus in hanc sententiam itum est. Nee mora, Cyllenius
75 ilium collo obtorto trahit ad inferos
unde negant redire quemquam.
Dum descendunt per viam Sacram, interrogat Mercurius, quid
sibi velit ille concursus hominum, num Claudii funus esset ?
et erat omnium formosissimum et impensa cura, plane ut
80 scires deum efferri : tubicinum, cornicinum, omnis generis
aeneatorum tanta turba, tantus concentus, ut etiam Claudius
audire posset. Omnes laeti, hilares : populus Romanus am-
bulabat tanquam liber. Agatho et pauci causidici plorabant,
sed plane ex animo. lurisconsulti e tenebris procedebant,
85 pallidi, graciles, vix animam habentes, tanquam qui turn
maxime reviviscerent. Ex his unus cum vidisset capita
conferentes et fortunas suas deplorantes causidicos, accedit
et ait : * dicebam vobis : non semper Saturnalia erunt.'
Claudius ut vidit funus suum, intellexit se mortuum esse.
90 Ducit ilium ad tribunal Aeaci : is lege Cornelia quae de
sicariis lata est, quaerebat. Postulat, nomen eius recipiat ;
edit subscriptionem : occisos senatores XXXV, equites R.
CCXXI, ceteros oa-a j/fa/xa0og TC KOVIS re. Advocatum non
invenit. Tandem procedit P. Petronius, vetus convictor eius,
95 homo Claudiana lingua disertus, et postulat advocationem.
Non datur. Accusat Pedo Pompeius magnis clamoribus.
Incipit patronus velle respondere. Aeacus, homo iustissimus,
vetat et ilium altera tantum parte audita condemnat et ait :
CUK6 TTOiOoL TO, T p%, SlKT? K' WciO. yeVoiTO.
C 2
36 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. I. iv
factum est. Stupebant omnes novitate rei attoniti, negabant 100
hoc unquam factum. Claudio magis iniquum videbatur
quam novum. De genere poenae diu disputatum est, quid
ilium pati oporteret. Erant qui dicerent, Tantalum siti
periturum nisi illi succurreretur ; aliquando Ixionis miseri
rotam sufflaminandam. Non placuit ulli ex veteribus 105
missionem dari, ne vel Claudius unquam simile speraret.
Placuit novam poenam constitui debere, excogitandum illi
laborem irritum et alicuius cupiditatis spem sine fine et
effectu. Turn Aeacus iubet ilium alea ludere pertuso fritillo.
Et iam coeperat fugientes semper tesseras quaerere et nihil no
proficere :
nam quotiens missurus erat resonante fritillo,
utraque subducto fugiebat tessera fundo.
cumque recollectos auderet mittere talos,
lusuro similis semper semperque petenti, 115
decepere fidem : refugit digitosque per ipsos
fallax adsiduo dilabitur alea furto.
sic cum iam summi tanguntur culmina montis,
irrita Sisyphio volvuntur pondera collo.
Apparuit subito C. Caesar et petere ilium in servitutem 120
coepit ; producit testes, qui ilium viderant ab ipso flagris,
ferulis, colaphis vapulantem. Adiudicatur C. Caesari ;
Caesar ilium Aeaco donat. Is Menandro liberto suo tradi-
dit, ut a cognitionibus esset.
SENECA, Ludns, 9-12, 14, 15.
A. I. iv] POLITICS 37
NOTES
The Lucius of Seneca was written at the beginning of Nero's
principate as a satire on the deification of Claudius (see note
on line 12). The following is a summary of the plot up to the
point at which the present selection begins.
About midday on Oct. 13, A.D. 54, Claudius was trying to give
up the ghost, but could not find a way out for it. So Mercury,
a friend of his, begged Clotho,one of the three Fates, to put him
out of his pain. Clotho replied that she had meant to give him
time enough to grant Roman citizenship to the few persons to
whom he had not already granted it (a satire on Claudius's
extension of the Roman franchise), but perhaps it was just as
well that a few foreigners should be allowed to exist to prevent
the breed from becoming extinct. So she arranged that Claudius
should die, and two buffoons with him, for fear he should be
lonely. Claudius died while hearing some comedians. News
was brought to Jupiter that a tall, grey-headed man had reached
Olympus : he kept on nodding his head, as though threatening
something, and limping with his right foot. On being asked
what race he belonged to, he had made a confused noise, which
was not Greek nor Latin nor any other known language. Jupiter
then asked Hercules, the god who had travelled most and knew
most about foreigners, to find out what the man's nationality
was. Hercules on beholding this strange and alarming creature
was at first quite frightened, and thought that he would be called
upon to perform a thirteenth labour. But on inspecting it more
closely he found that it was a man'. So he addressed it in his
own native language, Greek, in the Homeric formula : * Who,
whence art thou of men ; where is thy city, and thy parents ? '
Claudius was delighted to find learned men in heaven, and
hoped that the histories he had composed would find a circu-
lation there. He answered that he was Caesar and came from
Troy. ' Nothing of the kind,' exclaimed the goddess of Fever,
who had come with him, ' he was born at Lugudunum (Lyons :
his actual birthplace) and is a regular Gaul.' Claudius became
more inarticulate than ever with rage, and was understood to
order Fever off to execution, but no one took any more notice of
him than his freedmen had on earth. Hercules declined to put
up with any more nonsense, and told Claudius that if he did not
say where he came from he would knock him down with his
club. Claudius was understood to reply that he had expected
Hercules to stand up for him, since none of the gods knew him
better than Hercules, in front of whose temple he had sat in
court for whole days in July and August (see note on line 71),
38 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. I. iv
listening to attorneys day and night, a far more unsavoury
business than cleansing the stables of Augeas.
The scene now changes to the senate house of the gods, in
which Hercules has put forward Claudius's claims to celestial
citizenship. An objector urges that, if he is to be made a god,
it is hard to see what kind of god he is to be. He cannot be an
Epicurean god, because Epicurean gods 'are themselves un-
troubled and give no trouble to others '. And there are good
reasons why he cannot be a Stoic god, though it is true that he
resembles a Stoic god in having neither heart nor head. His
attitude during life to Jupiter was also most unsatisfactory.
Is it not enough that he has a temple in Britain where the bar-
barians pray that ' this fool of a god may be easily humoured ' ?
Line 3. mera mapalia^ 'absolute nonsense.' The problem as
to how a word originally meaning 'African huts' has come to
mean ' nonsense ' has not been solved.
7. postmeridianus. Probably a satire on the shortened tenure
of the consulate. Augustus started the practice of replacing the
original pair of consuls for a year by a pair of consules suffecti,
who entered office on July I (so designatus in kal. lulias here).
After Nero consulates often lasted for four months only, and
after Hadrian for two. There had actually been a consul post-
meridianus in 45 B. c., when a consul died on the afternoon of
Dec. 31, and a consul stiffectus was appointed for the remaining
hours of the year (Cic. ad P'am. vii. 30).
8. qui semper videt a/ua Trpdo-o-w KCU o7riWa>, ' who always " looks
before and after ",' refers to the representation of Janus as facing
both ways. Originally the words (Horn. II. iii. 109) refer to the
wisdom of old age.
quod in foro vivat. There were four arches in the Forum
called lani, the Exchange of Rome where the bankers and
moneychangers did their business.
12. olim magna res erat deum fieri. The practice of deifica-
tion goes back to the time of Lysander (400 B.C.). It reappears
in the period after Alexander at the courts of his successors, and
is also seen in the dedication of altars in Greece to provincial
governors under the Republic. Caesar was deified in his life-
time, Augustus after his death. Tiberius was not deified. The
deification of Claudius, whose appearance and conduct alike
provoked contempt and ridicule, brought the institution into
the region of comedy, and afterwards it became a mere form.
15. dpovpys Kdpnov eSoi'o-ii/, 'eat the fruit of the earth,' is a stock
phrase applied to mortals in Homer. ^W&opoy, ' grain-giving,' is
an epithet frequently applied to the Earth in Homer.
20. nummulariolus, ' moneychanger/ one of the diminutives
common in Vulgar Latin.
A. I. iv] POLITICS 39
19. Diespiter\ the old Italian god of the daylight. His mother
Vicu Pota was a goddess of Victory. The mythology seems
somewhat confused.
29. ad Metamorphosis Omdii. The poet Ovid (43 B. C.-A. D. 1 7)
wrote a version of the Greek legends of transformations, ending
up with Caesar's transformation into a star and the future deifi-
cation of Augustus. The apotheosis of Claudius would serve as
a comic appendix.
43. Messalla Corvinus was appointed by Augustus to the new
(or, as some make out, revived) office of praefectus urbis, in
25 B. c. He resigned it within a few days on the ground that
he was unequal to it : really he seems to have regarded it as
unconstitutional.
50. duas Julias. Cf. Suet. Claud. 29 ' Appium Silanum con-
socerum suum, hdiasquz alteram Drusi, alteram Germanici
filiam, crimine incerto nee defensione ulla data occidit, item
Cn. Pompeium maioris filiae virum, et L. Silanum minoris
sponsum.'
59. nescio. Messalina, the wife of Claudius, possessed an
enormous influence over him during the first few years of his
reign. It was owing to her that the two Julias, L. Silanus
(mentioned above, 50-2), and many others were put to death.
Her profligacy, which was no less remarkable than her cruelty,
reached a climax in A. D. 48, when she went through the form
of marriage with her lover C. Silius. The result was that both
were put to death. The same night at supper Claudius inquired
' why the mistress did not come ' (Suet. Claud. 39).
62. ad summam, f in short,' common in Petronius.
tria i>erba cito dicat. Claudius stammered.
71. rerum iudicandaritm vacationem. Claudius was very
fond of hearing lawsuits. Cf. Suet. Claud. 14 ' lus et consul et
extra honorem laboriosissime dixit, etiam suis suorumque diebus
sollemnibus (i. e. birthdays, &c.), nonnunquam festis quoque
antiquitus et religiosis '. So there is a fitness in the hard judi-
cial labour to which he is sentenced for eternity.
72. Just as, in life, he might have been sentenced to leave
Italy within thirty days, and Rome within three.
74. pedibiis in hanc sententiam itum est\ the regular expression
for a ' division ' in the Senate.
CylleniuS) Mercury, born at Mount Cyllene in Arcadia. He
was the conductor of souls to the lower world. Cf. Hor. Odes
i. 24. I5ff. :
num vanae redeat sanguis imagini,
quam virga semel horrid a,
non lenis precibus fata recludere,
nigro compulerit Mercurius gregi ?
40 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. I. iv
76. unde negant redire quemquam : Catullus iii. 12. The
equivalent stock quotation in English is of course Hamlet in :
The undiscovered country from whose bourn
No traveller returns.
83. causidici\ who had had a high time (Saturnalia, 1. 88
below) under Claudius. Cf. Suet. Claud. 15 ' Illud quoque a
maioribus natu audiebam, adeo causidicos patientia eius solitos
abuti, ut descendentem e tribunali non solum voce revocarent,
sed et lacinia togae retenta. interdum pede apprehenso detine-
rent '.
84. sed plane ex animo. The adversative is to the pauci:
' they made up in sincerity what they lacked in numbers ' (Ball).
iurisconsulti. Demand for counsel's opinion seems to
have languished under- this monstrous regiment of attorneys.
Causidici were the persons who actually conducted a case in
court, iurisconsulti the legal experts consulted by them on points
of law.
90. In the chapter omitted in this selection Claudius is repre-
sented as meeting in the lower world a large number of people
whom he had put to death. 'Friends everywhere ! ' he exclaims,
' how did you get here ? ' Whereupon one of them, Pedo
Pompeius, replies, ' Who else sent us here but yourself? ' and
brings him into court on a charge of murder. The lex Cornelia
was a law of Sulla's.
93. oo-a \j/-a/ia#os re KUVLS re : a quotation from Homer (Iliad ix.
385). We might render ' as the sand of the sea without number '.
95. advocationem : probably a postponement of the case, that
the accused might consult his advocate.
99. at** ndOoi, ' if he were to have done to him what he did
himself, justice would be done ' ; * make the punishment fit the
crime.'
100. ret refers to altera tantum parte audita condemned.
103. Tantalum : condemned to stand, with a parching thirst,
in water that receded whenever he tried to drink it (see note on
A. IV. ii. 68).
104. Ixionis. Ixion abused the hospitality of Zeus and tried to
win the love of Hera. He was chained to a wheel which rolled
perpetually in the air.
109. alea ludere. Claudius was very fond of dice. Cf. Suet.
Claud. 5 'aleae infamiam subiit ' ; ibid. 33 'aleam studiosissime
lusit, de cuius arte librum quoque emisit '.
119. Sisyphio. Sisyphus, king of Corinth, was punished for
his wickedness on earth by being compelled in the lower world
to roll up hill a large stone, which on reaching the top always
rolled down again.
A. I. iv] POLITICS 41
120. Caligula, Claudius's nephew and predecessor in the prin-
cipate (A. D. 37-41), had always bullied Claudius ; Suet. Cal. 23
* nam Claudium patruum non nisi in ludibrium reservavit '.
Caligula and his courtiers threw olive and date stones at Claudius
during his after-dinner slumber, and put slippers on his hands,
that he might rub his eyes with them when he woke up (Cl. 8).
124. a cognitionibus. The business of his office was to deal
with cases outside the ordinary law, and was carried out under
the early emperors by imperial freedmen.
42 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. I. v
v. An Episode of Provincial Administration
Pliny, Trajan^ and the Christians
C. PLINIVS TRAIANO IMPERATORI
SOLLEMNE est mihi, domine, omnia, de quibus dubito,
ad te referre. Quis enim potest melius vel cunctationem
meam regere vel ignorantiam instruere ? Cognitionibus de
Christianis interfui numquam. Ideo nescio quid et quate- 5
nus aut puniri soleat aut quaeri. Nee mediocriter haesi-
tavi, sitne aliquod discrimen aetatum, an quamlibet teneri
nihil a robustioribus differant, detur paenitentiae venia, an
ei, qui omnino Christianus fuit, desisse non prosit, nomen
ipsum, si flagitiis careat, an flagitia cohaerentia nomini 10
puniantur. Interim in iis, qui ad me tamquam Christiani
deferebantur, hunc sum secutus modum. Interrogavi ipsos
an essent Christiani. Confitentes iterum ac tertio inter-
rogavi supplicium minatus. Perseverantes duci iussi. Ne-
que enim dubitabam, qualecumque esset quod faterentur, 15
pertinaciam certe et inflexibilem obstinationem debere
puniri. Fuerunt alii similis amentiae; quos, quia cives
Romani erant, adnotavi in urbem remittendos. Mox ipso
tractatu, ut fieri solet, diffundente se crimine plures species
inciderunt. Propositus est libellus sine auctore multorum ao
nomina continens. Qui negabant esse se Christianos aut
fuisse, cum praeeunte me deos appellarent et imagini tuae,
quam propter hoc iusseram cum simulacris numinum
adferri, ture ac vino supplicarent, praeterea male dicerent
Christo, quorum nihil posse cogi dicuntur, qui sunt re vera 25
Christiani, dimittendos esse putavi. Alii ab indice nomi-
nati esse se Christianos dixerunt et mox negaverunt ; fuisse
quidem, sed desisse, quidam ante triennium, quidam ante
plures annos, non nemo etiam ante viginti. Hi quoque
omnes et imaginem tuam deorumque simulacra venerati 30
sunt et Christo male dixerunt. Adfirmabant autem hanc
fuisse summam vel culpae suae vel erroris, quod essent
A. I. v] POLITICS 43
soliti stato die ante lucem convenire carmenque Christo
quasi deo dicere secum invicem seque Sacramento non in
35 scelus aliquod obstringere, sed ne furta, ne latrocinia, ne
adulteria committerent, ne fidem fallerent, ne depositum
appellati abnegarent. Quibus peractis morem sibi dis-
cedendi fuisse rursusque coeundi ad capiendum cibum,
promiscuum tamen et innoxium ; quod ipsum facere
40 desisse post edictum meum, quo secundum mandata tua
hetaerias esse vetueram. Quo magis necessarium credidi
ex duabus ancillis, quae ministrae dicebantur, quid esset
veri, et per tormenta quaerere. Nihil aliud inveni quam
superstitionem pravam immodicam. Ideo dilata cognitione
45 ad consulendum te decucurri. Visa est enim mihi res
digna consultatione, maxime propter periclitantium nume-
rum. Multi enim omnis aetatis, omnis ordinis, utriusque
sexus etiam vocantur in periculum et vocabuntur. Neque
civitates tantum, sed vicos etiam atque agros superstitionis
50 istius contagio pervagata est ; quae videtur sisti et corrigi
posse. Certe satis constat prope iam desolata templa
coepisse celebrari, et sacra sollemnia diu intermissa repeti,
passimque venire victimas, quarum adhuc rarissimus emptor
inveniebatur. Ex quo facile est opinari, quae turba homi-
55 num emendari possit, si sit paenitentiae locus.
TRAIANVS PLINIO.
Actum, quern debuisti, mi Secunde, in excutiendis causis
eorum, qui Christiani ad te delati fuerant, secutus es.
Neque enim in universum aliquid, quod quasi certam
60 formam habeat, constitui potest. Conquirendi non sunt ;
si deferantur et arguantur, puniendi sunt, ita tamen, ut, qui
negaverit se Christianum esse idque re ipsa manifesto m
fecerit, id est supplicando dis nostris, quamvis suspectus in
praeteritum, veniam ex paenitentia impetret. Sine auctore
65 vero propositi libelli in nullo crimine locum habere debent.
Nam et pessimi exempli nee nostri saeculi est.
PLIN. Ep. x. 96 (97), 97 (98).
44 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. I. v
NOTES
Line 9. nomen ipsum : i. e. the mere profession of Christianity.
The profession of Christianity was an offence against the state
religion of Rome, and was consequently in itself punishable.
A sect whose proselytizing activity was so remarkable could not
be safely tolerated. (Cf. lines 51, 52, below ' Certe satis constat
prope iam desolata templa coepisse celebrari '.)
14. dud: i.e. to execution.
19. tractatu : judicial proceedings.
38. adcapiendum tibum. This refers to the Agapae or common
feasts held in the later part of the day, to which each contributed
according to his ability. Although the poor were entertained at
these, it is admitted by a Christian authority (Tertullian) that
abuses were not unknown. promiscuum tamen et innoxium :
ordinary food, not (e.g.) the blood of babies which the Jews
chose to believe was consumed in large quantities at Christian
feasts.
41. hetaerias\ political associations. * Collegia,' or associa-
tions of men for any common object (Plin. x. 34 ' qui in idem
contracti fuerint '), tended always to take an interest in politics :
this may be seen (as Hardy points out) in the wall inscriptions
at Pompeii. The political activity of these bodies led to their
being discouraged under the Empire, and Trajan, in the letter
above cited, refuses to allow Pliny to found a ' collegium fabro-
rum' to act as firemen at Nicomedia.
A. I. vi] POLITICS 45
vi. Exile from Civilization.
ERGO erat in fatis Scythiam quoque visere nostris,
quaeque Lycaonio terra sub axe iacet ;
nee vos, Pierides, nee stirps Letoia, vestro
docta sacerdoti turba tulistis opem.
nee si quid lusi vero sine crimine, prodest, 5
quodque magis vita Musa iocata mea est :
plurima sed pelago terraque pericula passum
ustus ab assiduo frigore Pontus habet.
quique, fugax rerum securaque in otia natus,
mollis et inpatiens ante laboris eram, 10
ultima nunc patior, nee me mare portibus orbum
perdere, diversae nee potuere viae.
sufficit atque malis animus, nam corpus ab illo
accepit vires vixque ferenda tulit.
du'm tamen et terris dubius iactabar et undis, 15
fallebat curas aegraque corda labor :
ut via finita est et opus requievit eundi,
et poenae tellus est mihi tacta meae,
nil nisi flere libet, nee nostro parcior imber
lumine, de verna quam nive manat aqua. 20
Roma domusque subit desideriumque locorum,
quicquid et amissa restat in urbe mei.
ei mihi, quo totiens nostri pulsata sepulcri
ianua, sed nullo tempore aperta fuit?
cur ego tot gladios fugi, totiensque minata 25
obruit infelix nulla procella caput ?
di, quos experior nimium constanter iniquos,
participes irae quos deus unus habet,
exstimulate, precor, cessantia fata meique
interitus clausas esse vetate fores. 30
OVID, Trist. iii. 2.
46 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. I. vi
NOTES
Line i ff. Ovid was banished to Tomi on the Black Sea at the
end of A.D. 8. He tells us (Trist. ii. 207) that the cause was
1 carmen et error '. The carmen, the notorious ' Ars Amatoria ',
had already been published for ten years, so the immediate
cause must have been the error. The error may perhaps have
been connivance at the misconduct of the younger Julia,
Augustus's granddaughter, with D. Silanus.
2 f. Lycaonio sub axe. Callisto, daughter of Lycaon, king of
Arcadia, is said to have been changed into the constellation of
the Bear. The present expression simply means ' northern '.
Pierides\ the Muses.
stirps Letoia : Apollo, the god of poetry.
6. Ovid and Martial constantly protest that their lives are less
loose than their poems.
8. The rigour of the Black Sea climate is grossly exaggerated
in Ovid's poems, though in winter the cold is severe.
21 f. Cf. Trist. i. 3. 61, 62 :
Denique, Quid propero ? Scythia est, quo mittimur, inquam !
Roma relinquenda est : utraque iusta mora est.
The passage well shows the utter desolation of exile from the
only civilization known. A Roman exile was outside the pale
of civilization ; a modern exile has other civilized countries to
go to.
28. deus unusi Augustus. Cf. the language which Martial
habitually applies to Domitian, e. g. in iv. 8. 9 ff. (B. II. i. 9 ff. in
this book). Augustus's official deification was, as usual, postponed
till after his death. He never allowed himself to be called divus,
but only divi filius (i. e. of Julius Caesar).
A. II. EDUCATION
i. Roman Education, Old and New
ET Messalla 'non reconditas, Materne, causas requiris, nee
aut tibi ipsi aut huic Secundo vel huic Apro ignotas, etiam
si mihi partis adsignatis proferendi in medium quae omnes
sentimus. quis enim ignorat et eloquentiam et ceteras artis
5 descivisse ab ilia vetere gloria non inopia hominum. sed
desidia iuventutis et neglegentia parentum et inscientia
praecipientium et oblivione moris antiqui ? quae mala pri-
mum in urbe nata, mox per Italiam fusa, iam in provincias
manant. quamquam vestra vobis notiora sunt : ego de
10 urbe et his propriis ac vernaculis vitiis loquar, quae natos
statim excipiunt et per singulos aetatis gradus cumulantur,
si prius de severitate ac disciplina maiorum circa educandos
formandosque liberos pauca praedixero. nam pridem suus
cuique films, ex casta parente natus, non in cellula emptae
15 nutricis, sed gremio ac sinu matris educabatur, cuius prae-
cipua laus erat tueri domum et inservire liberis. eligebatur
autem maior aliqua natu propinqua, cuius probatis spectatis-
que moribus omnis eiusdem familiae suboles committeretur ;
coram qua neque dicere fas erat quod turpe dictu, neque
20 facere quod inhonestum factu videretur. ac non studia
modo curasque, sed remissiones etiam lususque puerorum
sanctitate quadam ac verecundia temperabat. sic Corneliam
Gracchorum, sic Aureliam Caesaris sic Atiam Augusti
matrem praefuisse educationibus ac produxisse principes
25 liberos accepimus. quae disciplina ac severitas eo pertine-
bat, ut sincera et integra et nullis pravitatibus detorta unius
cuiusque natura toto statim pectore arriperet artis honestas,
48 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. II. i
et sive ad rem militarem sive ad iuris scientiam sive ad elo-
quentiae studium inclinasset, id solum ageret, id universum
hauriret. 30
At nunc natus infans delegatur Graeculae alicui ancillae,
cui adiungitur unus aut alter ex omnibus servis, plerumque
vilissimus nee cuiquam serio ministerio adcommodatus.
horum fabulis et erroribus virides statim et rudes animi
imbuuntur ; nee quisquam in tota domo pensi habet 35
quid coram infante domino aut dicat aut faciat. quin
etiam ipsi parentes non probitati neque modestiae par-
vulos adsuefaciunt, sed lasciviae et dicacitati, per quae
paulatim impudentia inrepit et sui alienique contemptus.
iam vero propria et peculiaria huius urbis vitia paene in 40
utero matris concipi mihi videntur, histrionalis favor et
gladiatorum equorumque studia : quibus occupatus et ob-
sessus animus quantulum loci bonis artibus relinquit?
quotum quemque invenies qui domi quicquam aliud loqua-
tur ? quos alios adulescentulorum sermones excipimus, si 45
quando auditoria intravimus ? ne praeceptores quidem ullas
crebriores cum auditoribus suis fabulas habent ; colligunt
enim discipulos non severitate disciplinae nee ingenii ex-
perimento, sed ambitione salutationum et inlecebris adula-
tionis. 5
Transeo prima discentium elementa, in quibus et ipsis
parum laboratur : nee in auctoribus cognoscendis nee in
evolvenda antiquitate nee in notitiam vel rerum vel homi-
num vel temporum satis operae insumitur. sed expetuntur
quos rhetoras vocant ; quorum professio quando primum in 55
hanc urbem introducta sit quamque nullam apud maiores
nostros auctoritatem habuerit, statim dicturus referam ne-
cesse est animum ad earn disciplinary qua usos esse eos
oratores accepimus, quorum infinitus labor et cotidiana
meditatio et in omni genere studiorum assiduae exercita- 60
tiones ipsorum etiam continentur libris. notus est vobis
A. II. i] EDUCATION 49
utique Ciceronis liber qui Brutus inscribitur, in cuius .ex-
trema parte (nam prior commemorationem veterum oratorum
habet) sua initia, suos gradus, suae eloquentiae velut quan-
65 dam educationem refert : se apud Q. Mucium ius civile
didicisse, apud Philonem Academicum, apud Diodotum
Stoicum omnis philosophiae partis penitus hausisse ; neque
iis doctoribus contentum, quorum ei copia in urbe contigerat,
Achaiam quoque et Asiam peragrasse, ut omnem omnium
70 artium varietatem complecteretur. itaque hercule in libris
.Ciceronis deprehendere licet, non geometriae, non musicae,
non grammaticae, non denique ullius ingenuae artis scientiam
ei defuisse. ille dialecticae subtilitatem, ille moralis partis
utilitatem, ille rerum motus causasque cognoverat. ita est
75 enim, optimi viri, ita : ex multa eruditione et plurimis
artibus et omnium rerum scientia exundat et exuberat ilia
admirabilis eloquentia ; neque oratoris vis et facultas, sicut
ceterarum rerum, angustis et brevibus terminis cluditur, sed
is est orator, qui de omni quaestione pulchre et ornate et ad
80 persuadendum apte dicere pro dignitate rerum, ad utilitatem
temporum, cum voluptate audientium possit.
Hoc sibi illi veteres persuaserant, ad hoc efficiendum
intellegebant opus esse, non ut in rhetorum scholis declama-
rent, nee ut fictis nee ullo modo ad veritatem accedentibus
85 controversiis linguam modo et vocem exercerent^ sed ut iis
artibus pectus implerent, in quibus de bonis et malis, de
honesto et turpi, de iusto et iniusto disputatur ; haec enim
est oratori subiecta ad dicendum materia. nam in iudiciis
fere de aequitate, in deliberationibus de utilitate, in lauda-
90 tionibus de honestate disserimus, ita tamen ut plerumque
haec ipsa invicem misceantur : de quibus copiose et varie
et ornate nemo dicere potest, nisi qui cognovit naturam
humanam et vim virtutum pravitatemque vitiorum et intel-
lectum eorum, quae nee in virtutibus nee in vitiis nume-
95 rantur. ex his fontibus etiam ilia profluunt, ut facilius iram
1130 r
50 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. II. i
iudicis vel instiget vel leniat, qui scit quid ira, promptius
ad miserationem impellat, qui scit quid sit misericordia et
quibus animi motibus concitetur. in his artibus exercitationi-
busque versatus orator, sive apud infestos sive apud cupidos
sive apud invidentis sive apud tristis sive apud timentis 100
dicendum habuerit, tenebit venas animorum, et prout cuius-
que natura postulabit, adhibebit manum et temperabit ora-
tionem, parato omni instrumento et ad omnem usum reposito.
sunt apud quos adstrictum et collectum et singula statim
argumenta concludens dicendi genus plus fidei mereturiios
apud hos dedisse operam dialecticae proficiet. alios fusa
et aequalis et ex communibus ducta sensibus oratio magis
delectat : ad hos permovendos mutuabimur a Peripateticis
aptos et in omnem disputationem paratos iam locos, dabunt
Academici pugnacitatem, Plato altitudinem, Xenophon iu- no
cunditatem ; ne Epicuri quidem et Metrodori honestas
quasdam exclamationes adsumere iisque, prout res poscit,
uti alienum erit oratori. neque enim sapientem informamus
neque Stoicorum comitem, sed eum qui quasdam artis
haurire, omnis libare debet. ideoque et iuris civilis scien- 115
tiam veteres oratores comprehendebant, et grammatica
musica geometria imbuebantur. incidunt enim causae,
plurimae quidem ac paene omnes, quibus iuris notitia de-
sideratur, pleraeque autem, in quibus haec quoque scientia
requiritur. iao
Nee quisquam respondeat sufficere, ut ad tempus simplex
quiddam et uniforme doceamur. primum enim aliter utimur
propriis, aliter commodatis, longeque interesse manifestum
est, possideat quis quae profert an mutuetur. deinde ipsa
multarum artium scientia etiam aliud agentis nos ornat, 125
atque ubi minime credas, eminet et excellit. idque non
doctus modo et prudens auditor, sed etiam populus intellegit
ac statim ita laude prosequitur, ut legitime studuisse, ut per
omnis eloquentiae numeros isse, ut denique oratorem esse
A. II. i] EDUCATION 51
130 fateatur ; quern non posse aliter existere nee extitisse um-
quam confirmo, nisi eum qui, tamquam in aciem omnibus
armis instructus, sic in forum omnibus artibus armatus
exierit. quod adeo neglegitur ab horum temporum disertis,
ut in actionibus eorum huius quoque cotidiani sermonis
135 foeda ac pudenda vitia deprehendantur ; ut ignorent leges,
non teneant senatus consulta, ius huius civitatis ultro deri-
deant, sapientiae vero studium et praecepta prudentium
penitus reformident. in paucissimos sensus et angustas
sententias detrudunt eloquentiam velut expulsam regno suo,
140 ut quae olim omnium artium domina pulcherrimo comitatu
pectora implebat, nunc circumcisa et amputata, sine appa-
ratu, sine honore, paene dixerim sine ingenuitate, quasi una
ex sordidissimis artificiis discatur. ergo hanc primam et
praecipuam causam arbitror, cur in tantum ab eloquentia
145 antiquorum oratorum recesserimus. si testes desiderantur,
quos potiores nominabo quam apud Graecos Demosthenem,
quern studiosissimum Platonis auditorem fuisse memoriae
proditum est ? et Cicero his, ut opinor, verbis refert, quid-
quid in eloquentia effecerit, id se non rhetorum officinis, sed
150 Academiae spatiis consecutum. sunt aliae causae, magnae
et graves, quas vobis aperiri aequum est, quoniam quidem
ego iam meum munus explevi, et quod mihi in consuetudine
est, satis multos offendi, quos, si forte haec audierint, certum
habeo dicturos me, dum iuris et philosophiae scientiam tam-
155 quam oratori necessarian! laudo, ineptiis meis plausisse.'
Et Maternus ' mihi quidem ' inquit * susceptum a te munus
adeo peregisse nondum videris, ut incohasse tantum et velut
vestigia ac liniamenta quaedam ostendisse videaris. nam
quibus artibus instrui veteres oratores soliti sint, dixisti diffe-
160 rentiamque nostrae desidiae et inscientiae ad versus acerrima
et fecundissima eorum studia demonstrasti : cetera exspecto,
ut quern ad modum ex te didici, quid aut illi scierint aut nos
nesciamus, ita hoc quoque cognoscam, quibus exercitationi-
D 2
52 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. II. i
bus iuvenes iam et forum ingressuri confirmare et alere in-
genia suasoliti sint. nequeenim solum arte et scientia, sed 165
longe magis facultate et usu eloquentiam contineri, nee tu
puto abnues et hi significare vultu videntur '.
Deinde cum Aper quoque et Secundus idem adnuissent,
Messalla quasi rursus incipiens : ' quoniam initia et semina
veteris eloquentiae satis demonstrasse videor, docendo quibus 1 70
artibus antiqui oratores institui erudirique soliti sint, perse-
quar nunc exercitationes eorum. quamquam ipsis artibus
inest exercitatio, nee quisquam percipere tot tam reconditas
tam varias res potest, nisi ut scientiae meditatio, meditationi
facultas, factlltati usus eloquentiae accedat. per quae colli- 1 75
gitur eandem esse rationem et percipiendi quae proferas
et proferendi quae perceperis. sed si cui obscuriora haec
videntur isque scientiam ab exercitatione separat, illud certe
concedet, instructum et plenum his artibus animum longe
paratiorem ad eas exercitationes venturum, quae propriae 180
esse oratorum videntur.
Ergo apud maiores nostros iuvenis ille, qui foro et elo-
quentiae parabatur, imbutus iam domestica disciplina, re-
fertus honestis studiis deducebatur a patre vel a propinquis
ad eum oratorem, qui principem in civitate locum obtinebat. 185
hunc sectari, hunc prosequi, huius omnibus dictionibus in-
teresse sive in iudiciis sive in contionibus adsuescebat, ita
ut altercationes quoque exciperet et iurgiis interesset utque
sic dixerim, pugnare in proelio disceret. magnus ex hoc
usus, multum constantiae, plurimum iudicii iuvenibus statim 190
contingebat, in media luce studentibus atque inter ipsa dis-
crimina, ubi nemo inpune stulte aliquid aut contrarie dicit,
quo minus et iudex respuat et adversarius exprobret, ipsi
denique advocati aspernentur. igitur vera statim et incor-
rupta eloquentia imbuebantur ; et quamquam unum seque- 195
rentur, tamen omnis eiusdem aetatis patronos in plurimis et
causis et iudiciis cognoscebant ; habebantque ipsius populi
A. II. i] EDUCATION 53
diversissimarum aurium copiam, ex qua facile deprehende-
rent, quid in quoque vel probaretur vel displiceret. ita nee
200 praeceptor deerat, optimus quidem et electissimus, qui faciem
eloquentiae, non imaginem praestaret, nee adversarii et
aemuli ferro, non rudibus dimicantes, nee auditorium semper
plenum, semper novum, ex invidis et faventibus, ut nee bene
nee male dicta dissimularentur. scitis enim magnam illam
205 et duraturam eloquentiae famam non minus in diversis sub-
selliis parari quam suis ; inde quin immo constantius surgere,
ibi fidelius corroborari. atque hercule sub eius modi prae-
ceptoribus iuvenis ille, de quo loquimur, oratorum discipulus,
fori auditor, sectator iudiciorum, eruditus et adsuefactus
210 alienis experimentis, cui cotidie audienti notae leges, non
novi iudicum vultus, frequens in oculis consuetude contio-
num, saepe cognitae populi aures, sive accusationem susce-
perat sive defensionem, solus statim et unus cuicumque
causae par erat. nono decimo aetatis anno L. Crassus
215 C. Carbonem, unoetvicesimo Caesar Dolabellam, altero et
vicesimo Asinius Pollio C. Catonem, non multum aetate
antecedens Calvus Vatinium iis orationibus insecuti sunt,
quas hodieque cum admiratione legimus.
At nunc adulescentuli nostri deducuntur in scholas isto-
220 rum, qui rhetores vocantur, quos paulo ante Ciceronis
tempora extitisse nee placuisse maioribus nostris ex eo
manifestum est, quod a Crasso et Domitio censoribus clau-
dere, ut ait Cicero, ' ludum impudentiae ' iussi sunt. sed
ut dicere institueram, deducuntur in scholas, in quibus non
225 facile dixerim utrumne locus ipse an condiscipuli an genus
studiorum plus mali ingeniis adferant. nam in loco nihil
reverentiae est, in quern nemo nisi aeque imperitus intret ;
in condiscipulis nihil profectus, cum pueri inter pueros et
adulescentuli inter adulescentulos pari securitate et dicant
230 et audiantur ; ipsae vero exercitationes magna ex parte con-
trariae. nempe enim duo genera materiarum apud rhetoras
54 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. II. i
tractantur, suasoriae et controversiae. ex his suasoriae
quidem etsi tamquam plane leviores et minus prudentiae
exigentes pueris delegantur, controversiae robustioribus ad-
signantur, quales, per fidem, et quam incredibiliter com- 235
positae ! sequitur autem ut materiae abhorrenti a veritate
declamatio quoque adhibeatur. sic fit ut tyrannicidarum
praemia aut pestilentiae remedia aut quidquid in schola
cotidie agitur, in foro vel raro vel numquam, ingentibus
verbis persequantur. 240
Magna eloquentia, sicut flamma, materia alitur et mo-
tibus excitatur et urendo clarescit. eadem ratio in nostra
quoque civitate antiquorum eloquentiam provexit. nam etsi
horum quoque temporum oratores ea consecuti sunt, quae
composita et quieta et beata re publica tribui fas erat, 245
tamen ilia perturbatione ac licentia plura sibi adsequi vide-
bantur, cum mixtis omnibus et moderatore uno carentibus
tantum quisque orator saperet, quantum erranti populo per-
suaderi poterat. hinc leges assiduae et populare nomen, hinc
contiones magistratuum paene pernoctantium in rostris, hinc 250
accusationes potentium reorum et adsignatae etiam domibus
inimicitiae, hinc procerum factiones et assidua senatus ad-
versus plebem certamina. quae singula etsi distrahebant rem
publicam, exercebant tamen illorum temporum eloquentiam
et nmgnis cumulare praemiis videbantur, quia quanto quisque 255
plus dicendo poterat, tanto facilius honores adsequebatur,
tanto magis in ipsis honoribus collegas suos anteibat, tanto
plus apud principes gratiae, plus auctoritatis apud patres,
plus notitiae ac nominis apud plebem parabat. hi clientelis
etiam exterarum nationum redundabant, hos ituri in pro- 260
vincias magistratus reverebantur, hos reversi colebant, hos
et praeturae et consulatus vocare ultro videbantur, hi ne
privati quidem sine potestate erant, cum et populum et
senatum consilio et auctoritate regerent. quin immo sibi
ipsi persuaserant neminem sine eloquentia aut adsequi posse 265
A. II. ij EDUCATION 55
in civitate aut tueri conspicuum et eminentem locum, nee
mirum, cum etiam inviti ad populum producerentur, cum
parum esset in senatu breviter censere, nisi qui ingenio et
eloquentia sententiam suam tueretur, cum in aliquam invi-
270 diam aut crimen vocati sua voce respondendum haberent,
cum testimonia quoque in publicis iudiciis non absentes nee
per tabellam dare, sed coram et praesentes dicere cogeren-
tur. ita ad summa eloquentiae praemia magna etiam neces-
sitas accedebat, et quo modo disertum haberi pulchrum et
275 gloriosum, sic contra mutum et elinguem videri deforme
habebatur.
TAG. Dial 28-36.
56 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. II. i
NOTES
Lines 22 f. Corneliam : the proverbial pattern mother.
Gracchorum : the two great demagogues, who proposed to
distribute the state lands, held in large estates by the rich and
worked by slave labour, among the yeomen of Italy. They were
both killed in street riots at Rome, Tiberius in 133 B.C., Gaius
in 121 B.C.
Caesaris: Julius Caesar, the Dictator (100-44 B.C.).
Augusti'. Octavianus, princeps from 27 B.C. to A.D. 14.
65. Q. Mucium. Q. Mucius Scaevola, the augur (i59-after
88 B. .). He was neither a real orator nor a philosopher, though
he embraced Stoicism. His strength lay in the legal opinions
he gave to those who consulted him as iuris consultus.
70 f. in libris Ciceronis. The versatility of Cicero's mind may
be seen from the list of his works. Besides his speeches, on
which his fame chiefly rests, he wrote on the theory of rhetoric,
moral and political philosophy, and showed his interest in scien-
tific questions by a translation of the * Phenomena ' of the Alex-
andrian poet Aratus. His treatment of philosophy is sometimes
superficial.
1 08. Peripateticis-. the school of philosophy founded by Aris-
totle at Athens (384-322 B.C.).
no. Academici: the school of philosophy founded by Plato
(429-347 B.C.).
in. Epicuri (342-270 B.C.): the founder of the Epicurean
school.
Metrodori: the most distinguished of the disciples of
Epicurus, died 277 B. C.
122. doceamur : i. e. by applying to experts in each particular
subject.
177 ff. Theory and practice cannot be divorced. Even if you
do not acknowledge this, you must admit that, as far as oratory
is concerned, theory is the best preparation for practice.
215. C. Carbonem : a friend of the Gracchi, who, in spite of
deserting their cause and espousing that of the aristocracy, was
allowed to fall a victim to the democrats, and died by his own
hand in 119 B.C.
Dolabellam\ a partisan of Sulla, brought to trial for ex-
tortion by Caesar in 77 B. c. In this year Caesar would be
in his twenty-fourth (or, according to Mommsen, in his twenty-
sixth year), not in his twenty-first. It was the regular thing in
the last period of the Republic for young aspirants to a political
career to attract public attention by accusing some provincial
governor of maladministration.
216. C. Catonem, in 54 B. c.
A. II. i] EDUCATION 57
217. Calvus (82-47 B.C.) : accused Vatinlus in 58 B.C.
232. suasoriae et controversiae. The suasoriae were historical
or legendary themes : the controitersiae, which were less ele-
mentary, were imaginary lawsuits, which demanded some legal
knowledge. The elder Seneca (circ. 54 B; c.-A. D. 39) has left
us a collection of each. Among his suasoriae are the following
subjects : 'Alexander deliberates whether to launch his fleet on
the Ocean ' (Sen. Suas. i), ' The Athenians deliberate whether
to destroy the trophies of their victories over the Persians, as
Xerxes threatens to return if they do not * (id. Suas. v), ' Cicero
deliberates whether to beg his life from Antony ' (id. Suas. vi).
As an example of the controversia we may take Sen. Suas.
i. 6 'The Pirate- Captain's Daughter'. The situation is as
follows. A young man captured by pirates writes to his father
for ransom, but without success. The captain's daughter makes
him swear to marry her if he escapes. He does so and she
leaves her father to follow him, and on his return home marries
him. At this point a childless woman (orbd) with a fortune
appears, and the young man is bidden by his father to marry
her and divorce the pirate's daughter. He refuses, and is dis-
inherited by his father.
The unreality of such themes, and their ineffectiveness as
a preparation for practical work at the bar, is obvious. See Juv.
Sat. i. 15-17, vii. i5off. (A. III. v. 150 ff. in this book).
241 f. ' It is with eloquence as with a flame. It requires fuel
to feed it, motion to excite it, and it brightens as it burns. 3 The
younger Pitt's impromptu translation.
244. Under the Principate the political turmoil of the Repub-
lican period had come to an end.
249. populare nomen : the popularity resultingfrom democratic
legislation.
58 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. II. ii
ii. A Liberal Education
NVNC ad me redeo libertino patre natum,
quern rodunt omnes libertino patre natum,
nunc quia sim tibi, Maecenas, con victor; at olim
quod mihi pareret legio Romana tribune.
dissimile hoc illi est ; quia non, ut forsit honorem 5
iure mihi invideat quivis, ita te quoque amicum,
praesertim cautum dignos adsumere, prava
ambitione procul. felicem dicere non hoc
me possim, casu quod te sortitus amicum ;
nulla etenim mihi te fors obtulit : optimus olim 10
Vergilius, post hunc Varius, dixere quid essem.
ut veni coram, singultim pauca locutus,
infans namque pudor prohibebat plura profari,
non ego me claro natum patre, non ego circum
me Satureiano vectari rura caballo, 15
sed quod eram narro. respondes, ut tuus est mos,
pauca : abeo ; et revocas nono post mense iubesque
esse in amicorum numero. magnum hoc ego duco
quod placui tibi, qui turpi secernis honestum,
non patre praeclaro sed vita et pectore puro. 20
atqui si vitiis mediocribus ac mea paucis
mendosa est natura alioqui recta, velut si
egregio inspersos reprehendas corpore naevos ;
si neque avaritiam neque sordis nee mala lustra
obiciet vere quisquam mihi, purus et insons 25
(ut me collaudem) si et vivo carus amicis ;
causa fuit pater his, qui macro pauper agello
noluit in Flavi ludum me mittere, magni
quo pueri magnis e centurionibus orti,
laevo suspensi loculos tabulamque lacerto, 30
ibant octonis referentes Idibus aera :
A. II. ii] EDUCATION 59
sed puerum est ausus Romam portare, docendum
artis quas doceat quivis eques atque senator
semet prognatos. vestem servosque sequentis,
in magno ut populo, si qui vidisset, avita 35
ex re praeberi sumptus mihi crederet illos.
ipse mihi custos incorruptissimus omnis
circum doctores aderat. quid multa ? pudicum,
qui primus virtutis honos, servavit ab omni
non solum facto, verum opprobrio quoque turpi ; 40
nee timuit sibi ne vitio quis verteret olim
si praeco parvas aut, ut fuit ipse, coactor
mercedes sequerer ; neque ego essem questus : at hoc nunc
laus illi debetur et a me gratia maior.
nil me paeniteat sanum patris huius, eoque 45
non, ut magna dolo factum negat esse suo pars,
quod non ingenuos habeat clarosque parentis,
sic me defendam. longe mea discrepat istis
et vox et ratio : nam si natura iuberet
a certis annis aevum remeare peractum 50
atque alios legere ad fastum quoscumque parentis,
optaret sibi quisque, meis contentus honestos
fascibus et sellis nollem mihi sumere, demens
iudicio vulgi, sanus fortasse tuo, quod
nollem onus hand timquam solitus portare molestum. 55
HOR. Sat. i. 6.
60 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A..II. ii
NOTES
Horace gives an account of his own birth and education. It
shows us how in the Augustan age it was possible for a man to
rise from a low station, mainly through education.
Line 28. Flavi ludum : the local school at Venusia.
31. Best explained of the monthly payments and four months'
summer holidays of country schools as contrasted with the yearly
payment and full year's schooling in Rome (Wickham).
42. coactor : collector of the taxes formed by the publicani.
The coactor was allowed I per cent, on his collection.
54. tuo\ Maecenas'.
A. III. LITERATURE
i. The Author to his Book
VERTVMNVM lanumque, liber, spectare videris,
scilicet ut prostes Sosiorum pumice mundus.
odisti clavis et grata sigilla pudico ;
paucis ostendi gemis et communia laudas,
non ita nutritus. fuge quo descendere gestis. 5
non erit emisso reditus tibi. * quid miser egi ?
quid volui?' dices, ubi quid te laeserit, et scis
in breve te cogi cum plenus languet amator.
quodsi non odio peccantis desipit augur,
carus eris Romae donee te deserat aetas: o
contrectatus ubi manibus sordescere vulgi
coeperis, aut tineas pasces taciturnus inertis,
aut fugies Vticam aut vinctus mitteris Ilerdam,
ridebit monitor non exauditus, ut ille
qui male parentem in.rupes protrusit asellum 15
iratus : quis enim invitum servare laboret ?
hoc quoque te manet, ut pueros elementa docentem
occupet extremis in vicis balba senectus.
cum tibi sol tepidus pluris admoverit auris,
me libertino natum patre et in tenui re 20
maiores pennas nido extendisse loqueris,
ut quantum generi demas virtutibus addas ;
me primis Vrbis belli placuisse domique ;
corporis exigui, praecanum, solibus aptum,
irasci celerem, tamen ut placabilis essem. 25
forte meum si quis te percontabitur aevum,
me quater undenos sciat implevisse Decembris
collegam Lepidum quo duxit Lollius anno.
HOR. Ep. i. 20.
62 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. III. i
NOTES
Line I. Vertumnum lamimqiie. There was a statue of Ver-
lumnus where the Vicus Tuscus joined the Forum. Janus may
refer to the arches in the Forum (cf. note on A. IV. i. 54), or
to his temple in the Argiletum. In either case a bookseller's
quarter is meant.
2. Sosiorttm. The Sosii Brothers were well-known book-
sellers.
5. non ita nutritus : i.e. it has not been recited.
8. in breve te cogi : to be rolled up and put back in the case.
13. vinctus: metaphor of a slave (cf. line 5 ff. above). Utica
(in Africa) and Ilerda (in Spain) are taken as instances of second-
rate provincial towns. But Horace does not really despise
provincial fame (cf. Odes ii. 20. 17-20, Ars Poetica 345-6 'hie
et mare transit | et longum noto scriptori prorogat aevum '.
17 f. See Juv. vii. 226 (A. III. v. 226 in this book).
19. The meaning of the line is doubtful. Perhaps it refers
to a time of year which is not too hot for recitations. Juvenal
considers August too hot (see Juv. iii. 9, B. III. iv. 9 in this book).
27. Horace was born on Dec. 8th, 65 B.C.
A. III. ii] LITERATURE 63
The Recitation
ii.
SEMPER ego auditor tantum? numquamne reponam
vexatus totiens rauci Theseide Cordi?
inpune ergo mihi recitaverit ille togatas,
hie elegos? inpune diem consumpserit ingens
Telephus aut summi plena iam margine libri 5
scriptus et in tergo necdum finitus Orestes?
nota magis nulli domus est sua quam mihi lucus
Martis et Aeoliis vicinum rupibus antrum
Vulcani; quid agant venti, quas torqueat umbras
Aeacus, unde alius furtivae devehat aurum 10
pelliculae, quantas iaculetur Monychus ornos,
Frontonis platani convulsaque marmora clamant
semper et adsiduo ruptae lectore columnae.
expectes eadem a summo minimoque poeta.
et nos ergo manum ferulae subduximus, et nos 15
consilium dedimus Sullae, privatus ut altum
dormiret. stulta est dementia, cum tot ubique
vatibus occurras, periturae parcere chartae.
Juv. Sat. i.
64 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. III. ii
NOTES
Line 2. totiens : because it was too long to be finished in a
single recitation.
Theseide Cordi : the epic of an obscure poet.
3. togatas : comedies dealing with Roman and Italian life,
distinguished from the palliata which represented Greek life and
was imitated from Greek originals, especially the New Attic
Comedy. The togata was so called because the actors wore the
toga,
5 f. ' Telephus ' and { Orestes' are typical tragedies by Juvenal's
contemporaries ; ever since the time of Euripides (fifth cent.
B. c.) they had been among the stock subjects for tragedy. The
* Orestes ' here is so long that it overflows into the margin and
even into the back of the roll on which it is written.
7. hicus Martis : among the Colchi, where the golden fleece
was guarded by a dragon.
8. Aeoliis rupibus : the seven Liparaean islands N. of Sicily.
The most southern of these was called the forge of Vulcan.
10. Aeacus : one of the judges of the dead, Minos and Rhada-
manthus being the others.
alius\ Jason.
11. Monychus : used by Latin writers as the proper name of
a Centaur, or animal partly human partly equine.
12. Frontonis : a rich man who allowed recitations to take
place in his grounds.
16. consilium dedimus Sullae. See note on A. II. i. 232.
A. IIL iii] LITERATURE 65
iii
C. PLINIVS SOSIO SENECIONI SVO S.
MAGNVM proventum poetarum annus hie attulit ; toto
mense April! nullus fere dies, quo non recitaret aliquis.
luvat me, quod vigent studia, proferunt se ingenia homi-
5 num et ostentant, tametsi ad audiendum pigre coitur.
Plerique in stationibus sedent tempusque audiendi fabulis
conterunt ac subinde sibi nuntiari iubent, an iam recitator
intraverit, an dixerit praefationem, an ex magna parte
evolverit librum ; tune demum ac tune quoque lente
10 cunctanterque veniunt nee tamen permanent, sed ante
finem recedunt alii dissimulanter et furtim, alii simpli-
citer et libere. At hercule memoria parentum Claudium
Caesarem ferunt, cum in palatio spatiaretur audissetquo
clamorem, causam requisisse, cumque dictum esset recitare
1 5 Nonianum, subitum recitanti inopinatumque venisse. Nunc
otiosissimus quisque multo ante rogatus et identidem admo-
nitus aut non venit aut, si venit, queritur se diem, quia non
perdiderit, perdidisse. Sed tanto magis laudandi probandi-
que sunt, quos a scribendi recitandique studio haec audi-
ao torum vel desidia vel superbia non retardat. Equidem
prope nemini defui. Erant sane plerique amici ; neque
enim est fere quisquam, qui studia, ut non simul et nos
amet. His ex causis longius, quam destinaveram, tempus
in urbe consumpsi. Possum iam repetere secessum et
25 scribere aliquid, quod non recitem, ne videar, quorum
recitationibus adfui, non auditor fuisse, sed creditor. Nam
ut in ceteris rebus ita in audiendi officio perit gratia, si
reposcatur. Vale. PLIN. Ep. i. 13.
1130
66 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. III. iii
NOTES
Line 12. Claudius himself wrote a history, and recited it in
person. Unfortunately * defractis compluribus subsellis obesitate
cuiusdam ', general laughter arose. Claudius could not get the
fat man out of his head, and the rest of his recitation was inter-
rupted by fits of giggling. (Suet. Claud. 41.)
A. III. iv] LITERATURE 67
iv
C. PLINIVS ROMANO SVO S.
MIRIFICAE rei non interfuisti, ne ego quidem ; sed me
recens fabula excepit. Passennus Paulus, splendidus eques
Romanus et in primis eruditus, scribit elegos. Gentilicium
5 hoc illi -j est enim municeps Properti atque etiam inter
maiores suos Propertium numeral. Is cum recitaret, ita
coepit dicere : ' Prisce, iubes.' Ad hoc lavolenus Priscus
(aderat enim ut Paulo amicissimus) : c Ego vero non iubeo.'
Cogita, qui risus hominum, qui ioci. Est omnino Priscus
10 dubiae sanitatis, interest tamen officiis, adhibetur consiliis
atque etiam ius civile publice respondet. Quo magis, quod
tune fecit, et ridiculum et notabile fuit. Interim Paulo
aliena deliratio aliquantum frigoris attulit. Tarn sollicite
recitaturis providendum est, non solum ut sint ipsi sani,
25 verum etiam ut sanos adhibeant. Vale.
PUN. Ep. vi. 15.
E 2
68 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. III. iv
NOTES
Line 2. splendidus eques Romanus ', i.e. with senatorial census
(see note on A. IV. iii. 95) and the latus c/avus, the broad band
of purple on the tunic which was the badge of the senatorial order.
The splendidi equites stood midway between the senatorial and
equestrian orders ; they were of standing for senatorial rank, but
preferred the greater freedom and less responsibility of the
lower order.
4. Gentilicium hoc illi, ' it runs in his family.'
municepS) a member of a municipium, ' a town, particularly
in Italy, which possessed the right of Roman citizenship
(together with, in most cases, the right of voting), but was
governed by its own laws ' (Lewis and Short), municeps
Properti here means ' a fellow-citizen of Propertius '.
5. Properti'. one of the chief elegiac poets of the Augustan age
(circ. 49-15 B.C.). Propertius was a native of Mevania near
Asisium (Assisi).
A. III. v] LITERATURE 69
v. The Prospects of the Learned Professions
in Rome
ET spes et ratio studiorum in Caesare tantum :
solus enim tristes hac tempestate Camenas
respexit, cum iam celebres notique poetae
balneolum Gabiis, Romae conducere furnos
temptarent, nee foedum alii nee turpe putarent 5
praecones fieri, cum desertis Aganippes
vallibus esuriens migraret in atria Clio.
nam si Pieria quadrans tibi nullus in umbra
ostendatur, ames nomen victumque Machaerae
et vendas potius commissa quod auctio vendit 10
stantibus, oenophorum tripedes armaria cistas
Alcithoen Pacci, Thebas et Terea Fausti.
hoc satius quam si dicas sub iudice ' vidi '
quod non vidisti, faciant equites Asiani
quamquam et Cappadoces faciant equitesque Bithyni, 15
altera quos nudo traducit gallica talo.
nemo tamen studiis indignum ferre laborem
cogetur posthac, nectit quicumque canoris
eloquium vocale modis laurumque momordit.
hoc agite, o iuvenes. circumspicit et stimulat vos 20
materiamque sibi ducis indulgentia quaerit.
siqua aliunde putas rerum spectanda tuarum
praesidia atque ideo croceae membrana tabellae
implentur, lignorum aliquid posce ocius et quae
componis dona Veneris, Telesine, marito, 25
aut elude et positos tinea pertunde libellos.
frange miser calamum vigilataque proelia dele,
qui facis in parva sublimia carmina cella,
ut dignus venias hederis et imagine macra.
70 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. III. v
spes nulla ulterior; didicit iam dives avarus 30
tantum admirari, tantum laudare disertos,
ut pueri lunonis avem. sed defluit aetas
et pelagi patiens et cassidis atque ligonis.
taedia tune subeunt animos, tune seque suamque
Terpsichoren odit facunda et nuda senectus. 35
accipe nunc artes. ne quid tibi conferat iste
quern colis et Musarum et Apollinis aede relicta,
ipse facit versus atque uni cedit Homero
propter mille annos, et si dulcedine famae
succensus recites, Maculonis commodat aedes. 40
haec longe ferrata domus servire iubetur,
in qua sollicitas imitatur ianua portas.
scit dare libertos extrema in parte sedentis
ordinis et magnas comitum disponere voces :
nemo dabit regum, quanti subsellia constant 45
et quae conducto pendent anabathra tigillo
quaeque reportandis posita est orchestra cathedris.
nos tamen hoc agimus tenuique in pulvere sulcos
ducimus et litus sterili versaruus aratro.
nam si discedas, laqueo tenet ambitiosi 50
consuetude mali ; tenet insanabile multos
scribendi cacoethes et aegro in corde senescit.
sed vatem egregium, cui non sit publica vena,
qui nil expositum soleat deducere, nee qui
communi feriat carmen triviale moneta, 55
hunc, qualem nequeo monstrare et sentio tantum,
anxietate carens animus facit, omnis acerbi
inpatiens, cupidus silvarum aptusque bibendis
fontibus Aonidum. neque enim cantare sub antro
Pierio thyrsumque potest contingere maesta 60
paupertas atque aeris inops, quo nocte dieque
corpus eget : satur est cum dicit Horatius * euhoe '.
quis locus ingenio, nisi cum se carmine solo
A. III. v] LITERATURE 71
vexant et dominis Cirrhae Nysaeque feruntur
pectora vestra duas non admittentia curas? 65
magnae mentis opus nee de lodice paranda
attonitae, currus et equos faciesque deorum
aspicere et qualis Rutulum confundat Erinys.
nam si Vergilio puer et tolerabile desset
hospitium, caderent omnes a crinibus hydri, 70
surda nihil gemeret grave bucina. poscimus ut sit
non minor antique Rubrenus Lappa coturno,
cuius et alveoles et laenam pignerat Atreus.
non habet infelix Numitor quod mittat amico,
Quintillae quod donet habet, nee defuit illi 75
unde emeret multa pascendum carne leonem
iam domitum ; constat leviori belua sumptu
nimirum et capiunt plus intestina poetae.
contentus fama iaceat Lucanus in hortis
marmoreis, at Serrano tenuique Saleio 80
gloria quantalibet quid erit, si gloria tantum est?
curritur ad vocem iucundam et carmen amicae
Thebaidos, laetam cum fecit Statius urbem
promisitque diem ; tanta dulcedine captos
adncit ille animos tantaque libidine vulgi 85
auditur; sed cum fregit subsellia versu,
esurit, intactam Paridi nisi vendit Agauen.
ille et militiae multis largitur honorem,
semenstri digitos vatum circumligat auro.
quod non dant proceres dabit histrio. tu Camerinos 90
et Baream, tu nobilium magna atria curas?
praefectos Pelopea facit, Philomela tribunes.
haut tamen invideas vati quern pulpita pascunt.
quis tibi Maecenas, quis nunc erit aut Proculeius
aut Fabius? quis Cotta iterum, quis Lentulus alter? 95
tune par ingenio pretium, tune utile multis
pallere et vinum toto nescire decembri.
72 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. III. v
vester porro labor fecundior, historiarum
scriptores ? perit hie plus temporis atque olei plus,
nullo quippe modo millensima pagina surgit 100
omnibus et crescit multa damnosa papyro ;
sic ingens rerum numerus iubet atque operum lex.
quae tamen inde seges ? terrae quis fructus apertae ?
quis dabit historico quantum daret acta legenti ?
' sed genus ignavum, quod lecto gaudet et umbra.' 105
die igitur quid causidicis civilia praestent
officia et magno comites in fasce libelli.
ipsi magna sonant, sed turn cum creditor audit
praecipue, vel si tetigit latus acrior illo
qui venit ad dubium grandi cum codice nomen. no
tune inmensa cavi spirant mendacia folles
conspuiturque sinus : veram deprendere messem
si libet, hinc centum patrimonia causidicorum,
parte alia solum russati pone Lacernae.
consedere duces, surgis tu pallidus Aiax 115
dicturus dubia pro libertate bubulco
iudice. rumpe miser tensum iecur, ut tibi lasso
figantur virides, scalarum gloria, palmae.
quod vocis pretium ? siccus petasunculus et vas
pelamydum aut veteres, Maurorum epimenia, bulbi, 120
aut vinum Tiberi devectum, quinque lagonae.
si quater egisti, si contigit aureus unus,
inde cadunt partes ex foedere pragmaticorum.
Aemilio dabitur quantum licet, et melius nos
egimus. huius enim stat currus aeneus, alti 125
quadriiuges in vestibulis, atque ipse feroci
bellatore sedens curvatum hastile minatur
eminus et statua meditatur proelia lusca.
sic Pedo conturbat, Matho deficit, exitus hie est
Tongilii, magno cum rhinocerote lavari 130
qui solet et vexat lutulenta balnea turba
A. III. v] LITERATURE 73
perque forum iuvenes longo premit assere Maedos,
empturus pueros argentum murrina villas ;
spondet enim Tyrio stlattaria purpura filo.
et tamen est illis hoc utile. purpura vendit 135
causidicum, vendunt amethystina ; convenit illi
et strepitu et facie maioris vivere census,
sed finem inpensae non servat prodiga Roma.
fidimus eloquio ? Ciceroni nemo ducentos
nunc dederit nummos, nisi fulserit anulus ingens. 140
respicit haec primum qui litigat, an tibi servi
octo, decem comites, an post te sella, togati
ante pedes. ideo conducta Paulus agebat
sardonyche, atque ideo pluris quam Gallus agebat,
quam Basilus. rara in tenui facundia panno. 145
quando licet Basilo flentem producere matrem ?
quis bene dicentem Basilum ferat? accipiat te
Gallia vel potius nutricula causidicorum
Africa, si placuit mercedem ponere linguae.
declamare doces : o ferrea pectora Vetti, 150
cum perimit saevos classis numerosa tyrannos.
nam quaecumque sedens modo legerat, haec eadem stans
perferet atque eadem cantabit versibus isdem ;
occidit miseros crambe repetita magistros.
quis color et quod sit causae genus atque ubi summa 155
quaestio, quae veniant diversae forte sagittae,
nosse volunt omnes, mercedem solvere nemo.
* mercedem appellas ? quid enim scio ? ' ' culpa docentis
scilicet arguitur, quod laevae parte mamillae
nil salit Arcadico iuveni, cuius mihi sexta 160
quaque die miserum dims caput Hannibal inplet,
quidquid id est de quo deliberat, an petat urbem
a Cannis, an post nimbos et fulmina cautus
circumagat madidas a tempestate cohortes.
quantum vis stipulare et protinus accipe. quid do 165
74 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. III. v
ut totiens ilium pater audiat ? ' haec alii sex
vel plures uno conclamant ore sophistae,
et veras agitant lites raptore relicto,
fusa venena silent, malus ingratusque maritus,
et quae iam veteres sanant mortaria caecos. 170
ergo sibi dabit ipse rudem, si nostra movebunt
consilia, et vitae diversum iter ingredietur,
ad pugnam qui rhetorica descendit ab umbra,
summula ne pereat qua vilis tessera venit
frumenti. quippe haec merces lautissima. tempta, 175
Chrysogonus quanti doceat vel Polio quanti
lautorum pueros : artem scindes Theodori.
balnea sescentis et pluris porticus in qua
gestetur dominus quotiens pluit. anne serenum
expectet spargatque luto iumenta recenti ? 180
hie potius, namque hie mundae nitet ungula mulae.
parte alia longis Numidarum fulta columnis
surgat et algentem rapiat cenatio solem.
quanticumque domus, veniet qui fercula docte
conponat, veniet qui pulmentaria condit. 185
hos inter sumptus sestertia Quintiliano,
ut multum, duo sufficient ; res nulla minoris
constabit patri quam films, 'unde igitur tot
Quintilianus habet saltus ? ' exempla novorum
fatorum transi : felix et pulcer et acer, 190
felix et sapiens et nobilis et generosus,
adpositam nigrae lunam subtexit alutae;
felix orator quoque maximus et iaculator,
et, si perfrixit, cantat bene. distat enim quae
sidera te excipiant modo primos incipientem 195
edere vagitus et adhuc a matre rubentem.
si Fortuna volet, fies de rhetore consul ;
si volet haec eadem, fiet de consule rhetor.
Ventidius quid enim ? quid Tullius ? anne aliud quam
A. III. v] LITERATURE 75
sidus et occulti miranda potentia fati ? 200
servis regna dabunt, captivis fata triumphum.
felix ille tamen corvo quoque rarior albo.
paenituit multos vanae sterilisque cathedrae,
sicut Thrasymachi probat exitus atque Secundi
Carrinatis ; et hunc inopem vidistis, Athenae, 205
nil praeter gelidas ausae conferre cicutas.
di maiorum umbris tenuem et sine pondere terrain
spirantisque crocos et in urna perpetuum ver,
qui praeceptorem sancti voluere parentis
esse loco, metuens virgae iam grandis Achilles 210
cantabat patriis in montibus et cui non tune
eliceret risum citharoedi cauda magistri ;
sed Rufum atque alios caedit sua quemque iuventus,
Rufum, quern totiens Ciceronem Allobroga dixit.
quis gremio Celadi doctique Palaemonis adfert 215
quantum grammaticus meruit labor? et tamen ex hoc
quodcumque est, minus est autem quam rhetoris aera,
discipuli custos praemordet acoenonoetus,
et qui dispensat, frangit sibi. cede, Palaemon,
et patere inde aliquid decrescere, non aliter quam 220
institor hibernae tegetis niveique cadurci,
dummodo non pereat mediae quod noctis ab hora
sedisti, qua nemo faber, qua nemo sederet
qui docet obliquo lanam deducere ferro ;
dummodo non pereat totidem olfecisse lucernas, 225
quot stabant pueri, cum totus decolor esset
Flaccus et haereret nigro fuligo Maroni.
rara tamen merces quae cognitione tribuni
non egeat. sed vos saevas inponite leges,
ut praeceptori verborum regula constet, 230
ut legat historias, auctores noverit omnes
tamquam ungues digitosque suos, ut forte rogatus
dum petit aut thermas aut Phoebi balnea, dicat
76 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. III. v
nutricem Anchisae, nomen patriamque novercae
Anchemoli, dicat quot Acestes vixerit annis, 235
quot Siculi Phrygibus vini donaverit urnas.
exigite ut mores teneros ceu pollice ducat,
ut si quis cera vultum facit ; exigite ut sit
et pater ipsius coetus, ne turpia ludant.
' haec ' inquit ' cures, et cum se verterit annus, 240
accipe, victori populus quod postulat, aurum.'
Juv. Sat. vii.
A. III. v] LITERATURE 7.7
NOTES
Caesar is the Muses' only hope in an age when poets are
driven to menial trades, and to sell all their belongings (1-12) ;
and even this is better than making money by bearing false
witness (13-16). But Caesar has put an end to the poets'
troubles (17-21). If you expect help from any one else, you may
as well destroy your books at once, since rich men nowadays
will give a poet praise but no pay (22-35). Your patron makes
the most miserly provision for your recitation (36-47). Yet
you cannot get out of the habit of writing (48-52). Good poetry
cannot be produced by a man who has always to be taking
thought for his bodily needs. A patron will keep a lion, but
cannot afford to send presents to a poet (53-78). Rich Lucan
may be content with his glory, but poor Statius has to eke out a
livelihood by writing librettos for pantomimes (79-92). The age
of munificent patrons is over (93-7). Historians are no better
off than poets (98-104). Even attorneys fare no better (105-23).
It is only by making a display that an advocate can get on
(124-49). The teacher of declamation has a monotonous exis-
tence, and often has to go to law to obtain his miserable fee
(150-75). A rich man lavishes money on all kinds of luxuries,
but can only spend a pittance on his son's education (176-87).
Such luck as Quintilian's is rare, but there are many examples
of destitute and ill-used rhetoricians (188-214). The school-
master's life is the most wretched of all : he has to be a paragon
of omniscience, the guide and philosopher of his pupils, and at
the end of the year gets no more than a successful gladiator can
obtain by a single performance (2i5~end).
The general subject of this satire is the miserable state of the
professions which can in any sense be called learned. As far as
the literary profession is concerned, the state of affairs in
Imperial Rome reminds us of that in the England of the
eighteenth century, where the essential thing for a literary man
was patronage. Johnson speaks of it with the bitterness of
Juvenal, cf. The Vanity of Human Wishes, 159, 160:
There mark what ills the scholar's life assail
Toil, envy, want, the patron and the jail ;
and his Letter to Lord Chesterfield :
' Seven years, my Lord, have now past, since I waited in your
outward rooms, or was repulsed from your door ; during which
time I have been pushing on my work through difficulties, of
which it is useless to complain, and have brought it at last to the
verge of publication, without one act of assistance, one word of
encouragement, or one smile of favour. Such treatment I did
78 THE EARLY EMPIRE [A. III. v
not expect, for I never had a Patron before. The shepherd in
Virgil grew at last acquainted with Love and found him a native
of the rocks.
' Is not a Patron, my Lord, one who looks with unconcern on
a man struggling for life in the water, and when he has reached
ground, encumbers him with help ? The notice which you have
been pleased to take of my labours, had it been early, had been
kind ; but it has been delayed till I am indifferent, and cannot
enjoy it ; till I am solitary, and cannot impart it ; till I am
known, and do not want it. I hope it is no very cynical asperity,
not to confess obligations where no benefit has been received, or
to be unwilling that the publick should consider me as owing
that to a Patron, which Providence has enabled me to do for
myself.'
Line I ff. Caesare: Hadrian (princeps from A.D. 117 to 138).
tristes. Poetry though at first patronized by Dpmitian was
afterwards neglected by him (Suet. Dom. 2). Trajan's princi-
pate was favourable to philosophy and oratory (Plin. Pan. 47),
but, as far as we know, not especially so to poetry.
9. Machaerae : a praeco of the time.
12. Tragic poets of the day, who, after selling everything else,
have at last to get rid of their tragedies.
1 6. altera gallica. Just as altera Gallia means Galatia (into
which region a large number of Gauls made their way at the
invitation of the Bithynian king Nicomedes in 278 B.C.), so,
apparently, altera gallica may mean ' a Galatian shoe ', solea
being supplied.
25. Veneris marito : Vulcan (Hephaestus), the god of fire.
29. imagine macra. Asinius Pollio, the great literary patron
of the Augustan age, introduced the practice of adorning libraries
with the busts of literary men. Aspirants to such literary fame
might well be emaciated by hard study.
36. iste quein colts : the poet's patron. The poet deserts the
temples of the Muses and Apollo, where his recitations would be
open to the general public, and reserves 
