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CONTENTS.
HISTORICAL SCENES.
PAGE
BECKET AT THE COUNCIL OF NORTHAMPTON, 1164. (Short
Studies, Vol. iv.) 3
THE MURDER OF BECKET, 1170. (Ibid.). 11
CORONATION OF ANNE BOLE:eN, 1533. (Histary of Englmzd,
Ch. 5) . 26
THE DESUCTION OF TE CARTEROUSE, 1535. (Ibid., Ch. 9) 35
SOLWAY MOSS, 1542. (Ibid., Ch. 19) 53
KET'S IEBELLION, 1549. (Ibid., Ch. 9.6) . 69.
PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN JANE, July, 1553. (Ibid., Ch. 30) . 74
WYATT'S IEBELLION, 1554. (Ibid., Ch. 31) 84
THE ARRIVAL OF PHILIP IN ENGLAND, 155. (Ibid., Ch. 31) 97
THE LOSS OF CALAIS, 1557-58. (Ibid., Ch. 34) 106
rHE SURRENDER OF HAVRE, 1563. (Ibid., Ch. 41). 122
THE I'IURDER OF DARNLEY, 1567. (Ibid., Ch. 45) . 135
THE ASSASSINATION OF hIURRAY, 1570. (Ibkl., Ch. 53) . 144
THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOIEW, 1572. (Ibid., Ch. 58) 153
THE ARREST OF CAMPIAN, 1581. (Ibid., Ch. 63) 174
AN ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE THE PRINCE OF ORANGE, 1589..
(Ibid., Ch. 66) 180
THE DESTRUCTION OF TE AR*ADA IN IRELAND, 1588. (Ibid.,
Ch. 71) 186
ri CONTENTS
tIISTORICAL PORTRAITS.
PAGE
ST. HUGH O' LINCOLN. (Short Studies, Vol. ii., A Bishop of
the Twelfth Century) . 907
14.NRX, VlII. (History of Engnd, Ch. 2) 229
HUH L£TIIER. (Ibid., Ch. 6) 234
THOMS CRO»WLL. (Ibid., Chs. 6 and 17) 243
Sm HuFy GXLB. (Short St#s, Vol. i., England's
Forgotten Worthies) 255
ELXZaH. (Htory of Englatd, Ch. 60Conrltsio 0 263
ELIZABETHS TREATIENT OF HER SAILORS AFTER TfIE R5IADA.
(Ibid., Ch. 71) . .. 277
HISTORICAL SKETCHES AND
MISCELLANEOUS.
THE CURCtt OF ROIiE IN ITS VGOUR. (Shoe't Studies,
Vol. i., Times of Erasmus and Luther, Lecture i.) 285
THE DESTRUCTION OF RELICS AT THE REFORNATION, 1532-38.
(isty of England, Chs. 6 and 15} 293
Tu»OR ELa». (Ibid., Ch. 1) 300
THE REFORNTION IN SCOTLND. (St Studs, Vol. i., The
Influence of the Reformation on the Scottish Character) . 312
THE NORiANS IN IRELAND. (Histoe'y qf England, Ch. 8) 318
SP£IN £ND THE ETHERLAN. {Ibid., Ch. 51} 326
TaE OBLE 0F LFE. (Sh't Stud&s, Vol. ii., Calvinism). 339
SELF-SACRIFICE. (çbid., Vol. iii., Sea Studies} 348
NATIONAL ]NDEPENDENCE. {English "in Drland, Vol. i., Pre-
liminary) 353
HISTORICAL SCENES.
BECKET AT THE COUNCIL OF
NORTHAMPTON, 116.
I the autumn of 1164 the king once more summoned
a great council to meet him at Northampton Castle.
The attendance vas vast. Evcry peer and prelate
hot disabled was present, ail feeling the greatuess of
the occasion. Castle, town and monasteries were
thronged to overflowing. Becket only had hesitated
to appear. His attempt to escape to the continent
was constructive treason. It was more t, lmn treason.
If was a breach of a distinct promise. The storm
which he had raised had unloosel the tongues of those
who had fo complain of iii-usage in his archbishop's
court. The chancery accounts hal becn looked into,
and vast sums were round fo have been reccived by
him of which no explanation had beeu given. Who
was this man that he should throw Che country into
confusion, in the teeth of the bishops, in the teeth (as
if seemed) of the pope, in the teeth of his ow oth
given solemnly fo the king ? The object of the North-
ampton council was to inquire into his conduct, and
he had good reason fo be alarmed af the probable
consequences. He dared not., however, disobey a per-
emptory sulnmons. He came, atten,ted by a retinue
of armed knigh, and was entertained af St. Andrew's
monastery. To anticipate inquiry into his attelupted
flight, he applied for perlnission on the day of his
arrival to go fo France fo visit the pope. The king
4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
told him that he could not leave the realm until he
had answered for a decree which had been given in
his court. The case was referred to the assembled
peers, and he was condenmed and fined. It was a
bad augury for him. Other charges lay thick, ready
to be produced. He was informed officially that he
would be required to explain the chancery accounts,
and answer for money which he had applied to his
own purposes. His proud retaper was chafed fo the
quick, and he turned sick with anger. His admirers
see only in these delnands the sinister action of a
dishonest tyralmy. Oblique accusations, if is said,
were raised against him, either fo make him bend
or fo destroy his eharaeter. The ¢luestion is rather
whet.her his eonduet adlnied of explanaion. If he
had been unjust as a judge, if he had been unserupulous
as a high offieer of stae, sueh faults had no unimportant
bearing on his present attitude. He would have done
wisely fo elear himself if he eould; and if is probable
that he eould not. He refused fo answer, and he
sheltered himself behind the release whieh he had
reeeived af his eleetion. His refusal was hot allowed ;
a second summons the next day round him in his bed,
whieh he said that he was too ill fo leave. This was
on a Saturday. A respire was allowed him till the
following Monday. On Monday the answer was the
saine. Messenger after messenger brought baek word
that the arehbishop was unable fo more. The excuse
might be true--perhaps partially it was true. The
king sent two great peers fo aseertain, and in his ehoiee
of persons he gave a eonelusive answer fo the accusa-
tion of desiring fo deal unfairly wih Beeket: one was
Reginald, Earl of Cornwall, the king's unele, who as
long as Becket lived was the best friend that he had
at the court; the other was the remarkable Robert,
THE COUNCIL OF NORTHAMPTON, i i6 4 5
Earl of Leicester, named Bossu (the Hunchback).
This Robert was a lnonk of Leicester Abbey, though
he had a dispensation fo remain af the COllrt, and so
biter a Papist was he hat when the sehismaie Areh-
bishop of Colog'ne eame afterwards o London he
publiely insulted him and fore down the altar at whieh
he said mass. Sueh envoys would no have been
seleeted with a sinister pul'pose. They round hat
the arehbishop eould attend if he wished, and hey
warned him of he danger of trying he king too far.
He pleaded for one nlore day. On the Tuesday morn-
ing he undertook o be prescnt..
His knight.s had withdrawu from the lnonastery,
not daring or hot ehoosing fo stand by a prelate who
appeared o 1)e defying his sovereign. Their place
had been taken by a swarlll of mcndieants, sueh as
the arehbishop had gahered about him at Canerbury.
He prepared for the seene in whieh he was fo play a
part with the art of whieh he was so aeeomplished a
masser. He professed to expeet to be killed. He rose
early. Some of he bishops eame o see and remonstrate
with him: they eould hot more his resolution, and
they retired. Left fo himself, he said the mass of St.
Sephen, in whieh were he words : "The kings of the
earth sood up, and the rulers ook eounsel ogether
against the Lord and agains His anointed ". He then
put on a black stole and cap, mounted his palfrey, and,
followed by a few monks and surrounded by his guard
of beggars, rode af a foot's paee fo the eastle, preeeded
by his eross-bearer.
The royal castle of Northampton was a feudal palace
of the usual fornl. A massive gateway led into a
quadrangle; across the quadrangle was the entranee
of the great hall, at the upper end of whieh doors
opened into spaeious ehambers beyond. The areh-
6 SELECTIONS FROM FROUD
bishop alighted af the gare, himself took his cross in
his right hand, and, followed by a small train, passed
through the ttuadrangle, and stalked up the hall, "look-
ing like the liol-lnan of the prophet's vision" Thê
king and the barons were in one ehamber, the bishops
in another. The archbishop was going in this attitude
into the king's presence, that the court lnight sec
the person on whom they dared fo .sit in judglnelt;
but certain "Templars " warned hiln to beware. He
entere,l among his brethren, and lnoved through theln
to a chair at the upper enl of the room.
He still held his cross. The action was unusual:
the cross was the spiritual sword, and fo bear if thus
eonspieuously in a deliberative aSSêlnbly was as if a
baron had entered the eouneil in arlns. The mass of
St. Stephen had been heard of, and iii the peeuliar
telnper of lnen's lninds was rêgarded as a lnagieal
ineantation. The Bishop of Hereford advaneed and
ottbred to earry the cross for him. Foliot of London
(filits htj't¢s s'ctdi, "a son of this world ") said that
if he came thus armed into the court the king would
draw a sharper sword, and he would sec then what
his al'lllS would avail him. Seeing him still obstinate
Foliot tried fo force the cross out of his hands. The
Arehbishop of York added his persuasions; but the
Arehbishop of York peeuliarly irritated Beeket, and
was sileneed by a violent answer. " Fool thou hast ever
been," said the Bishop of London fo Beeket, "and
froln thy folly ] sec plainly thou wilt hot depart."
Cries burst out on all sides. "Fly!" some one
whispered to hiln; " fly, or you are a dead lllall."
The Bishop of Exeter ealne iii al5 the lllOl,lellt, and
exclaimed that unless the arehbishop gave way they
would all be murdered. Beeket never showed to more
advantage than in moments of personal danger. He
THE COUNCIL OF NORTHAMPTON, 116 4 7
collected himself. He saw that he vas alone. He
stood up, he appealed to thê pope, charged the bishops
on peril of their souls to excommunicate anyone who
dared to lay hands on him, and he moved as if he
intended to withdraw. The Bishop of Winchestcr
bade him resign the avchbishopric. With an elaborate
oath he swore that he would hot resign. The Bishop
of Chicheser'then said: "As our primate we wcre
bound o obey you, but you are out primate no longer ;
you have broken your oath. You swore allegiance to
the king, and you subvert the common law of the
realm. Wc too appeal to the pope. To his presenee
wo sulnmon 3"ou." " I hear what you say," was ail
le answer whieh Beeke deigned to return.
The doors from the adjoining ehamber were now
flung open. Thc ohl Earl of Cornwall, the hunehbaek
Leiecster and a nnmber of barons entered. " My
lord," said the Earl of Leieester to thc arehbishop,
"he king requires you to eome o his 1)resenee and
answer o certain things whieh will flmn be alleged
against you, as you promised yesterday to do." " My
lord earl," said Beeket, " thou knowest how long and
loyally 1 served tire king in his worldly aflifirs. For
tha cause i pleased him o promote me to le office
whieh now I hold. I did no desire this office; 1
knew my infirmifies. When I eonsened it was for
the sake of fle king alone. When I was eleeted 1
vas formally aequited of my responsibilities for ail
tha I had done as dmneellor. Thereore I ara hot
bound to answer, and I will no answer."
The reply was earried baek. The peers by a swift
vote deelared lxa the arehbishop mus be arrested
and plaeed under guard. The earls re-entered, and
Leieester approaehed him and began slowly and
reluetantly to announee the sentence. " Nay," said
8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Becket, lifting his tall meagre figure fo ifs haughtiest
height, "do thou first listen fo me. The child may
not judge his father. The king may hot judge me,
nor may you judge me. I will be judged under God
by the pope alone, fo whom in your presence I appeal.
I forbid you under nathema to pronounce your sen-
tence. And you, my brethren," he said, turning to
the bishops, "since you will obey man rather than
God, I call you too before the saine judgment-seat.
Under the protection of the Apostolic See, I depart
hcnce."
No hand was raised fo stop him. He swept through
the chamber and flung open the door of the hall. He
stumbled on the threshold, and had ahnost fallen, but
recovered himself. The October afternoon was grow-
ing into twilight. The hall was thronged with the
retinues of the king and the barons. Dinner was
over. The floor was littered with rushes and frag-
ments of rolls and broken meat. Drmghts of ale had
hot been vanting, and young knights, pages and
retainers were either loungiug on the benches or
talking in eager and ecited groups. As Becket
appeared among them, tierce voices were heard crying,
"Traitor traitor ! Stop the traitor !" Among the
loudest were Count Hamelin, the king's illegitinate
brother, and Sir Ranulf de Broc, one of the Canterbury
knights. Like a bold animal af bay, Becket turned
sharply on these two. He called Count Hamelin a
bastard boy. He reminded De Broc of some near
kinsman of his who had been hanged. The cries rose
into a roar ; sticks and knots of straw vere flung af
him. Another rash word, and he might bave been
torn in pieces. Some high official hearing the noise
came in and conducted him safely to the doo:
In the quadrangle he found his servants waiting
THE COUNCIL OF NORTHAMPTON, 64 9
with his palfi'ey; the great gare was locked, but the
key was hanging on the wall; one of them took it
and opened the gare, the porters looking on, but hot
interfering. Once outside he was received with a
cheer of delight from the crowd, and with a mob of
people about him he ruade his way bck fo the
monastery. The king had not intended fo arrest him,
but he couhl hot know this, and he was undoul)tedly
in danger from one or other of the angry men with
whom the town was crowded. Ho prepared for ira-
mediate flight. A bed was ruade for him in the chapel
behind the altar. After a hasty supper with a party
of beggars whom he had introduced into the house,
he lay down for a few hours of test. At two in the
morning, in a storm of wind and rain, he stole away
disg'uised with two of the brethren. He reached
Lincoln soon after daybreak, and from Lincoln, going
by cross-paths, and slippiug from hiding-place fo hi, le-
ing-place, he lnade his way in a fortnight fo a farm
of his own af Eastry, near Sandvich. H was hot
pursued. It was no sooner known that he was gone
from Northampton than a proclamation was sent
through the country forbidding every man under pain
of death fo meddle with him or to touch his property.
The king had determined fo allow the appeal, and once
more to place the whole question in the pope's henri.
The Earl of Arundel with a dozen peers and bishops
were despatched at once fo Sens to explain what had
happened, and fo request Alexander fo send legates fo
England fo investigate the quarrel and to end if. The
archbishop, could he have consented fo be quiet, might
have remained unmolested af Canterbm3" till the result
could be ascertained. But he knew too well the forces
which would be af work in the papal court fo wait
for ifs verdict. His confidence was only in himself.
I0 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Could he see the pope in person, he thought ha he
could influence hiln. He was sure of the friendship
of Lewis of France, who was lneditaing a fresh quarrél
wih Henry, and would welcolne his support. Hi
own spi'itual weapons would be as eflhcive across the
Chalmel as if used in England, while he would himself
be in personal securiy. One dark nig'h he wen down
with his two COlnpanions int, o Sandwich, and in an
open boat he erossed safely o Gravelines. At St.
Orner he fell in with his ohl friend the Just, ieiary de
Luei, who was returning from a mission fo the court
of France. De Luei urg'ed him fo g'o baek fo England
and wait for t, hê pope's deeision, warniug him of the
eonsequenees of persisting in a course whieh was really
treasonable, and undertaking" that the king would for-
give him if he wouhl retm'n af ouee. Entreaties and
warnings were alike thrown away. He remained and
despatehed a letter to the pope, saying briefly that he
had followed the examl)le of lais Holiness in resist, ing
the eneroaehments of princes, and had fled from his
country. Hê had bêen ealled fo answêr before the
king as if he had been a mere layman. The bishops,
who ought to bave stood by him, had behaved like
eowards. If he vas hot sustained by his Holiness, the
Churda would bê ruined, and he would hin,self be
doubly con founded.
11
THE MURDER OF BECKET, 1170.
TItE king's friends, seeing their master's perplêxity,
deterlnined to take the risk on themselves, and deliver
both him an,l their country. If the king acted, the
king migh be excommunicated, and the empire might
be laid under intcrdict, with the consequences which
everyone foresaw. For their ovn aets the peualty
would but fall upon thelnselves. Thcy did hot know,
perhaps, distinctly what they lneant to ,lo, but Solne-
thing lnight bave fo be done which the king must
condenm if they proposed it to hiln.
But being done unknown,
He would bave round it Mterwards xvell done.
hnpetuous loyalty to the sovereign was in the spirit
of the age.
Alnong t.he gentlelnen about his pel'son wholn
Henry had intended fo elnploy, eould he have re-
solved upon the instructions vhieh were fo be given
fo them, were four knights of high birth and large
estate--Sir Regilmld Fitzurse, of SOlnersetshire, a
tenant in ehief of the Crown, wholn Beeket hilnself
had originally introdueed into the eourt; Sir Hugh
de Mol'ville, eustodian of Knaresborough Castle, and
justieiary of Northumberland ; Sir Willialn de Traey,
hall a Saxon, with royal blood in him; and Sir
Richard le Breton, who had been moved fo volunteer
2 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
in the service by another instance of Becket's
dangerous meddling. Le Breton was a friend of the
king's brother William, whom the archbishop had
separated from the lady to whom he was about fo be
married on some plea of eonsanguinity. Sir William
de Mandeville and others were fo bave been joiued in
the commission. But these four chose fo antieipatê
both their eompanions and their final orders, and
started alone. Their disappearanee was observe&
An express was sent fo reeall them, and the king
supposed that they had returned. But they had gone
by separate routes fo separate ports. The veather
was fait for the season of the year, with an east wind
perhaps; and each had found a vessel without difli-
culty fo carry him across the Channel. The rendez-
vous was Sir Ranulf de Broc's castle of Saltwood, near
Hythe, thirteen nfiles from Canterbury.
The archbishop meanwhile had returned from his
adventm'ous expedition. The young king and his
advisers had determined fo leave him no fait cause
of complaint, and had sent orders for the restoration
of his vine and the release of the captured seamen;
but the archbishop would not wait for the State fo
do him justice. On Christmas Eve he was further
exasperated by the appearace af the gare of his
palace of one of his sumpter mules, which had been
brutally mutilated by Sir Ranulf de Broc's kinsman
Robert. "The viper's brood," as Herbert de Bosham
said, "were lifting up their heads. The hornets were
out. Bulls of Bashan compassed the archbishop
round about." The Earl of Cornwall's warning had
reached him, but "fight, not flight," was alone m his
thoug:hts. He, too, was probably weary of the strife,
and may have felt that he would serve his cause
more eflctually by death than by lire. On Christmas
THE MURDER OF BECKET, I17o 13
Day he preached in the cathedral on the text "Peace
fo men of good will ". There was no peaee, he said,
exeept fo men of good will. He spoke passionately
of the trials of the Chureh. As he drew towards an
end he alluded fo the possibility of his own mea'tyr-
dom. He eould seareely artieulate for tears. The
eongregation were sobbing round him. Suddenly his
face altered, histone ehanged. Glowing with anger,
with the fatal eandles in front of him, and in a voiee
of thunder, the solenm aud the absurd strangely
blended in the overvhehning sense of lais own wrongs,
he cursed the intruders iut, o his churchcs; he cursed
Sir Rnulf de Broc; he eursed Robert «le Broc for
cutting off lais mule's rail; he cursed by naine several
of the old king's |nost intimate councillors who were
af the court in Normandy. Af each tierce imprecation
he quenched a light, and dashed down a caudle. " As
he spoke," says the enthusiastic Herbert, repeating the
figure under which he had described lais master's ap-
pearance af Norçhampton, "you saw the very beast of
the prophet's vision, with the face of a lion and the
fce of a man." He had drawn the spiritual svord,
s he had sworn that he would. So experienced a
man of the world could hOt have failed fo foresee that
he was provoking passions which would no longer re-
specç his office, nd that no rising in Englaud would
now be in rime fo save him. He was in better spirits,
if was observed, fçer he h.ad dischrged his anathema.
The Christmas festival was held in the hall. Asceticism
was a virtue which was never easy fo him. He in-
dulged his natural inclinations af 11 permitted rimes,
and on this occasion he are and drank more copiously
than usual.
The next day Becket received nother warning that
he was in personal danger. He needed no friends fo
14 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
tell him that. The on]y attention which he paid fo
thêse messages was fo sênd his sêcrêtary Hêrbêrt and
his cross-bêarêr Alêxander Llêwêllyn fo France, fo
report his situation fo Lêwis and to the Archbishop
of Sens. He told Herbert at parting that he would
sêê his face no more.
So passêd at Cantêrbury Saturday, Sunday and
Monday, thê 26th, 27th and 28th of Dêcêmbêr. On
that saine Monday aftêrnoon thê four knights arrivêd
af Saltwood. Thêy wêrê êxpêcted, for Sir Ranulf
with a party of mên-at-arms had gonê fo mêet thêm.
Thêrê on thêir arrival thêy learned thê frêsh excom-
munications which had beên pronouncêd against their
host and against their friends at thê court. Thê nêws
could only havê confirmêd vhatêvêr rêsolutions thêy
had formêd.
On thê morning of thê 29th thêy rode with an êscort
of horsê along Che old Roman roa,t to Canterbury.
Thêy halted at St. Augustinê's Monastery, where they
wêrê êntertainêd by thê abbot êlect, Bêcket's old enemy,
thê scandalous Clarembald. Thêy perhaps dine,l there.
At any rate they issuêd a proclamation bMding thê
inhabitants rêlnain quiet in thêir houses in thê king's
naine, and thên, with somê of Clarembald's armed
servants in addition to thêir own party, thêy wênt on
to thê grêat gare of thê archbishop's palacê. Lêaving
their mên outsidê, thê four knights alightêd and
entêrêd thê court. Thêy unbucklêd thêir swords,
leaving them at thê lodge, and, throwing gowns over
their armour, thêy strodê across fo thê door of thê
hall. Thêir appearancê could hardly havê bêên un-
expectêd. It was now threê o'clock in thê aftêrnoon.
They had bêen somê rime in thê town, and their arrival
could hot fail to havê bêên rêportêd. Thê archbishop's
midday mêal was over. Thê servants were dining on
THE MURDER OF BECKET, xx7 o x5
the remains, and the usual company of mendicants
were waiting for their turn. The archbishop had
been again disturbed at daybreak by intimation of
danger. He had advised any of his clergy who were
afraid to escape to Sandwich ; but none of theln had
left hiln. He had heard mass as usual. He had
received his customary floggings. At dinner, he
observed, when some one remarked on his drinking,
that a man that had blood to lose needed wine fo
support him. Afterwards he had retired into an
inner rooln with John of Salisbury, his chaplain
Fitzstephen, Edward Grim of Cambridge, who was
on a visit te him, and several others, and was new
sitting in conversation with them in the declining
light of the winter afternoon till the bell should ring
for vespers.
The knights were recognised, wheu they cntered
the hall, as belonging te the ohl king's court. The
steward invited them te eat. They declined, and
desired him te infomn the archbishop that çhcy had
arrived vith a message frein the court. This was the
first communication vhich the archbisho l) had received
from Henry since he had used his naine se freely te
cover acts which, couM Henry hve anticipated them,
wouhl bave barred his return te Canterbury for ever.
The insincere professions of peace had covered an
intention of provoking a rebellion. The truth was
new plain. There was no room any more for excuse
or palliation. What course hd the king determined
on .
The knights were introduced. They advanced.
The archbishop neither spoke ner looked at them,
but continued tlking te a monk who was next him.
He himself was sitting on a bed. The rest of the
party present were on the fioor. The knights seated
6 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
themselves in çhe saine manner, and for a few moments
there was silence. Then Becket's black restless eye
glanced from one fo the other. He slightly noticed
Tracy; and Fitzurse said a few unrecorded sentences
to him, which ended wit, h "God help you!" To
Becket's friends the words sounded like insolence.
They may have meant no more than pity.
Becket's face flushed. Fitzurse went on : "' We
bring you the commnds of the king beyond the sea;
will you hear us in public or in private ?" Becket
said he cared hot. "In private, then," said Fitzurse.
The monks thought afterwards that Fitzurse ha,1
meant fo kill t, he archbishop where he sat. If the
knights had entered the palace, thronged as if was
vith men, with any such intention, they would scarcely
have left their swords behind them. The room was
cleared, and a short altercation followed, of which
nothing is known save that if ended speedily in high
words on both sides. Becket called in his clergy
again, his lay servants being excluded, and bade
Fitzurse go on. "Be it so," Sir Reginald said. "Listen
then fo what the king says. When the peace was
ruade, he put aside all his complaints against you.
He allowed you to return, as you desired, free fo your
see. You have now added contempt to your other
offences. You have broken the treaty. Your pride
has tempted you fo defy your lord and toaster fo your
own SOTOW. You have censured the bishops by whose
ministration the prince was crowned. You bave pro-
nounced an anathema against the king's lninisters, by
whose advice he is guided in the management of the
empire. You bave ruade if plain that if you could
you would take the prince's crown from him. ¥our
plots and contrivances fo attain your ends are notorîous
fo all men. Say, then, will you attend us to the king's
THE MURDER OF BECKET, 117o 1 7
presence, and thcre nswer for yourself ? For this we
are Sellt."
The rchbi.hop declared tht he hd never vished
any hurt to tl,e prince. The king had no occ.ion to
be displeased if crowds Cttlne about hîm in the towns
and cities after they had been so long dcprived of his
presence. If he had done any wrong he would make
satisfaction, but he protested against being suspectcd
of intentions which had noyer entered his mind.
Fitzurse did hot enter into an altercation with hiln,
but continucd : " The king comnmnds furthcr that you
and your clcrks rcl)tir without dclty fo the young
king's pl'esence, and swear allegiance, and promise to
amend your faults "
Thc archbishop's retaper ws rising. " I will do
whatevcr lnay be rcsonab|e," he sad; " but I tcll
you plainly the king shall have no oaths from me, 11o1"
froln any one of my clerg'y. There bas been too much
pel:ury lready. I hve absolved lnany, with God's
help, who had 1)c:ured themsclves. 1 I will bsolve
the rest when He permits."
" I understnd you fo say that you will hOt obey,"
said Fitzurse; tnd went on in the sme tone: " The
king COlnmtllds you to bsolve the bi,hops whom you
hve excolnlnunicated without his perlnission"
"The pope sentcnced the bishops," the al'chbi.hop
sid. "If you are hOt plesed, you must go fo him.
The attkir is none of mine."
Fitzurse said if had been done af his instigation,
which he did not deny; but he proceeded fo rcassert
that the king had given him permission. He had
complined af the tilne of the peace of the injury
which he had suttred in the corontion, nd the king
He was Mluding to the bishops who hd sworn to the Constitu-
tions of Clarendon.
2
18 SELECTION$ FROM FROUDE
had told him that he might obtain from the pope any
satisfaction for which he liked fo ask.
If this was all the consent which the king had given,
the pretence of his authority was inexcusable. "Ay,
ay !" said Fitzurse ; "will you make the king out fo be
a traitor, then ? The king gave you leave to excom-
municate the bishops when they were acting by his
own order ! If is more than we can bear to listen fo
such monstrous accusations."
John of Salisbury tried fo check the archbishop's
imprudent tongu.e, and whispered fo him to speak to
the knights in private ; but when the passion was on
hiln no mule was more ungovernable than Becket.
Drawing fo a couclusion, Fitzurse said to him- "Since
you refuse to do any one of those things which the
king requires of you, his final comlnands are that you
and your clergy shall forthwith depart out of this
realm and out of his dolninions, never more to return.
You have broken the peace, and the king cannot trust
you again."
Becket answered wildly that he would hot go
never again would he leave England. Nothing but
death should now part him from his church. Stung
by the reproach of ill-faith, he poured out the catalogue
of his own injuries. He had been promised restora-
tion, and instead of restoration he had been robbed
and insulted. Ranulf de Broc had laid an embargo
on his wine; Robert de Broc had cut off his mule's
rail, and now the knights had corne to menace him.
De Morville said that if he had suffered any wrong
he had only to appeal fo the council, and justice would
be donc.
Becket did hot wish for the council's justice. "I
have complained enough," he said ; "so many wrongs
are daily heaped upon me that I could hot find
THE MURDER OF BECKET, I i7 o I9
messengers to carry the tale of them. I ara refused
access fo the court. Neither one king nor the other
will do me right. I will endure if no more. I will
use my own powers as archbishop, and no child of
man shall prevent me."
" You will lay the realm under interdiet then, and
exeommunieate the whole of us ?" said Fitzurse.
"So God help me," said one of the others, " he shall
hot do that. He has exeommunieated over-many
already. We have borne too long with him."
The knighs sprang fo their fee, twist.ing heir
gloves and swinging heir arms. The arehbishol
rose. In the general noise words eould no longer be
aeeurtely heard. At length the knighs moved fo
leave the room, and, addressing the arehbishop's
atemlans, said, " In the king's naine we eommand
you fo see hat his man does no eseape"
" Do you hink I shall lly, then ?" eried the areh-
bishop. "Neiher for he king nor for any living
man will I fly. You eannot be lnore ready fo kill me
than I ara fo die .... Here you will find me," he
shouted, following them t.o the door as they venç out
and ealling after them. Some of his friends thought
that he had asked De Morville to eome baek and speak
quietly with him, but if was llOt so. He l'eurned o
his seat still exeited and eolnplaining.
"My lord," said John of Salisbury to him, "i is
strange thaç you vill never be advised. What oeea-
sion was there for you to go after these men and
exasperate them with your biter speeehes? You
would have done beter surely by being quiet and
giving them a mihler answer. They mean no good,
and you on]y eommit yourself."
The arehbishop sighed, and said, "I bave done with
adviee. I know what I have belote me."
20 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
If must bave been now past four o'clock, and unless
there were lights the room was ahnost dark. Beyond
the archbishop's chamber was an ante-room, beyond
the ante-rooln the hall. The knights, passing through
the hdl into thc (luadrangle, and thence fo the lodge,
called their lnen fo arms. The great gare was close&
A lnounted gmrd ws stationed outsi,le with orders
fo allow no one fo go out or in. The knights threw
off their cloaks and buckled on their swords. This
was the work of a few minutes. From the cathedral
tover the vesper bell was beginnin" fo sound. The
archbishop had seated himself fo recover from the
agitation of the preceding scene, when a breathless
monk rushed in fo say that the knights were arlning.
" Who cares ? Let theln arm," was all that the arch-
bishop said. His clergy were less inditIhrent. If the
archbishop was ready for death, they were hot. The
door from the hall into the court was closed and barred,
and a short respire was thus secured. The intention
of the knights, if lnay be presumed, was fo seize the
archbishop and carry him off fo Saltwood, or fo De
Morville's castle at Knaresborough, or perhaps to
Normandy. Coming back to execute their purpose,
they round themselves stopped by the hall door. To
burst if open would retluire rime; the ante-room
betveen the hall and the archbishop's apartments
opened by an oriel window and an outside stair into
a garden. Robert de Broe, who knew thê house well,
led the way fo if in the dusk. The steps were broken,
but a la,Mer was standing against the window, by
whieh the knights mounted, and the crash of the fall-
ing casernent t.old the fluttered group about the areh-
bishop that their ênemies were upon them. There
was still a moment. The party who entered by the
window, instead of turning ilitO the archbishop's room,
THE MURDER OF BECKET, I I7O 2I
first went int.o the hall t,o open the door and a,hnit
t.heir eomrades. From t.he arehbishop's room a second
passage, lile used, opened int, o t.he north-wes eorner
of the eloist.er, and from t.he eloister t.here was a wy
into ghe north t, ransepg of the eat, he,lrM. The ery
was, "To t.he ehureh. To t.he ehureh." There leasg
there would be ilnmediate safety.
The arehhishop ha,t tol,l t, he klfights that they
wouhl fin,l him where they left him. He ,li,t hot
ehoose fo shov fear, or he vas ail'Md, as some t.hought.,
of losing his mart,yrdom. He would hot, mm'e. The
bell had eeased. Thev reminded him that vespers
had begun, and that he ought to be in the eat.hedrM.
Hall yielding, half resisting, his friends swept him
down the passage into t.he eloister. His cross had
been forgotten in t, he haste. He refused fo stir t.ill
it was fet, ehed and earried before him as usual. Then
only, himself incapable of fear, and rebuking the terror
of the rest, he advanee,1 deliberately up t.he eloistev fo
the ehureh door. As he entered t.he eathedral eries
were heard from whieh if beeame plain that the knights
had hroken into the arehbishop's room, had round the
passage, and were following him. Ahnost immediat.ely
Fitzurse, Traey, De Iorville and Le Breton were dis-
eerned, in t.he twilight, eoming through the eloister in
their rlnour, with drawl] swords, and axes in their
left hands. A eompany of men-at-al'ms was behind
them. In frollt they were driving belote t.hem a
frightened floek of monks.
From t.he middle of t.he transept in whieh the areh-
bishop was sganding a single pillar rose illtO the roof.
On the eastern side of it opened a ehapel of St.. Benediet,
in whieh were the tombs of several of the old primates.
On the vest, running parallel fo the nave, was a lady
ehapel. Behind the pillar steps led up into the choir,
22 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
where voices were already singing vespers. A faint
light may have been reflected into the transept fl'om
the ehoir tapers, and eandles may perhaps have been
burning before the altars in tbe two ehapels--of light
from without through the windows at that hour thêre
eould have been seareely any. Seeing the knights
eoming on, the elergy who had entered with the areh-
bishop elosed the door and barred if. " What do you
fear ?" he eried in a clêar, loud voiee. "Out of the
way, you eowards! The Chureh of God must not be
ronde a fortress." He stepped baek and reopene«-I the
door with his own hands, to let in the trembling
wretebes who lmd been shut out.. They rushed past
him, and seattered in the hiding-plaees of the vast
sanetuary, in the erypt, in the galleries or behind the
tombs. All, or almost all, even of his elosest fl-iends,
William of Canterbury, Benediet, John of Salisbury
himself, forsook him fo shift for themselves, admitting
frankly that they were unworthy of martyrdom. The
arehbishop was left alone with his ehaplain Fitzstephen,
Robert of Merton, his old toaster, and Edward Grim,
the stranger from Cambridge--or perhaps with Grim
only, who says that he was the only one who stayed,
and was the only one eertainly who showed any sign
of eourage. A ery had bêen raised in the ehoir that
armed men were breaking into the eathedral. The
vespers eeased; the few monks assemblêd left their
seats and rushed fo t.he edge of the transept, looking
wildly into the darkness.
The arehbishop was on the fourth step beyond the
eentral pillar aseending into the ehoir when the knights
eame in. The outline of his figure may have been just
visible fo them, if light fell upon it from eandles in the
lady ehapel. Fitzurse passed fo the right of the pillar,
De Morville, Traey and Le Breton fo the left. Robert
THE MURDER OF BECKET, II70 2 3
de Broc and Hugh Mauclerc, an apostate priest, re-
mained af the door by which they entered. A voice
cried, "Where is the traitor? Where is Thomas
Becket ?" There was sîlence ; such a name could
not be acknowledged. "Where is the archbishop ?"
Fitzurse shouted. "I an here," the archbishop replied,
descending the steps, and meeting the knights full in
theface. "What do you wantwith me? I ara not
afraid of your swords. I will hot do what is unjust."
The knights closed round him. "Absolve the persons
whom you have excommunicated," they said, "and
take off the suspensions." "They have ruade no
stisfaction," he answered ; "I will hot." "Then you
shall die as you have deserved," they said.
They had hot lneant fo kill him--certainly hOt af
that rime and in that place. One of them touched
him on the shoulder with the fiat of his sword, and
hissed in his ears, "Fly, or you are a dead man "
There was still tine; with a few steps he would bave
been lost in the gloom of the cathedral, and could
have concealed himself in any one of a hundred hiding-
places. But he was careless of lire, and he felt that
his rime was corne. "I am ready fo die," he said.
"May the Church through my blood obtain peace and
liberty! I charge you in the name of God that you
hurt no one here but me." The people from the town
were now pouring into the cathedral; De Morville
was keeping them back with diflïculty af the head of
the steps from the choir, and there was danger of a
rescue. Fitzurse seized hold of the archbishop, rnean-
ing fo drag him off as a prisoner. He had been cahn
so far; his pride rose ai the indignity of an arrest.
"Touch me hot, Reginald!" he said, wrenching his
cloak out of Fitzurse's grasp. " Off, thou pander,
thou!" Le Breton and Fitzurse grasped him again,
a4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
and tried fo force him upon Tracy's back. He grappled
with Traey and flung him fo the ground, and then
stood with his baek against the pillar, Edward Griln
supporting him. He reproaehed Fitzurse for ingrati-
tude for past kindness; Fitzurse whispered fo hiln
again fo fly. "I will not fly," he said, and then
Fitzurse swept lais svor(1 over hiln and dashed off
lais cap. Tracy, rising" from the pavemelt, struck
direct, at his head. Griln raised lais arm an,1 can'ht
the blow. The arln fell broken, and the ont frien,l
round faitlhful sank back disabled against t.hc wa]l.
The sword, with ifs relnaining force, woundcd the
arehbishop above the forehead, and the blood triekled
down his face. Standing firmly with lais hands elasped,
he ben his neek for he death-stroke, saying in a low
voiee, " I ara prepared fo die for Christ and for His
Chureh " These were his last words. Traey again
struek him. He fell forward upon his knees and
hands. In that position Le Breton dealt him a bloxv
whieh severed the sealp froIn the head and broke the
sword against the stone, saying, "Take t.hat for my
Lord Willialn ". De Broc or Mauelerethe needless
feroeity was attributed fo both of t.hem--strode for-
ward from the eloister door, set his foot on the neek
of the dead lion, and spread the brains upon the pave-
ment with his sword's point. " We may go," he said ;
"the trai)r is dead, and will trouble us no more."
Sueh was the murder of Beeket, the eehoes of whieh
are still heard aeross seven eenturies of rime, and whieh,
be the final judgment upon if vhat if may, has ifs
place among the most enduring incidents of English
history. Was Becket a martyr, or was he justly
executed as a traitor to his sovereign ? Even in that
suprenle moment of terror and wonder opinions were
divided among his own monks. That very night
THE MURDER OF BECKET, 7 o 5
Grim heard one of theln say, "He is no martyr; he
is justly served". Anot.her sa.id, seareely feeling,
perhps, the lneaning of the words, "He wished fo
be king and lnore than king. Let him be king let
him be king'." Whet.her the cause for whieh he died
was fo prevail, or whether t, he saerifiee had been in
vain, hulig on t, he mswer whieh would be given fo
this molnentous luest.ion. In a few days or weeks
an answer came i, a form fo which in tlut age no
rçioinder was possible, and the only uneert.aint, y
which relnailed af, (,alt, crlury was whet,],cr if wts
lawful fo use the ordinary prayers for t.he repose of
the dead man's soul, or whether, in e(mseluenee of
t, he astounding miraeles whieh were inst;mtly worked
by his remains, t, he pope's judgm,,nt ought hot fo be
ant.ieipated, and the arehlishop be af once adored as
a saint in heaven.
26
CORONATION OF ANNE BOLEYN, 1533.
IN anticipation of the timely close of the proceedings
ai Dunstable, notice had been given in the city early
in May tlmt preparations should be nade for the
coronation on the làrst of the following month. Queen
Arme was af Greenwich, but, according fo custom, the
few preceding days were fo be spent af the Tower ;
and on the 1.0th of ]Iay she was conducted thither in
state by the lord mayor and the city companies, with
one of those splendid exhibitions upon the water which
in the dys when the silver Thames desel'ved ifs naine,
and the sun could shine down upon if out of the blue.
summer sky, were spectacles scarcely rivalled in gor-
geousness by the world-famous yedding of the Adriatic.
The river was crowdcd with boats, the banks and the
ships in the pool swarmed with people, and fifty great
barg'es formed the proeession, all blazing with gold and
banners. The queen herself was in her own barge,
elose fo that of the lord mayor, and, in keeping with
the fantastie genius of the rime, she was preeeded up
the water by "a foyst or wafter full of ordnanee, in
whieh was a great dragon eontinuMly moving and
easting wildfire, and round about the foyst stood
terrible monsters and wild men, easting tire and
making hideous noise ". So, with trumpets blowing,
cannon pealing, the Tower guns answering the guns
of the ships, in a blaze of fireworks and splendour,
Anne Boleyn was borne along fo the great archway
CORONATION OF ANNE BOLEYN, I533 2 7
of the Tower, where the king was waiting on the
stairs fo receive her.
And now let us suppose eleven days to have elapsed,
the welcome news fo have arrived af length from
Dunstable, and the fair summer lnorning of lire dawn-
ing in treacherous beauty after the long night of ex-
pectation. No bridal ceremonial had been possible;
the marriage hd been huddled over like a stolen
love-match, and the marriage feas had been eaten in
vexation and disappointlnent. These past lnortitica-
tions were to be atoned for by a coronation pageant
which the art and the wealth of the richest city in
Europe should be poured out in the most lavish pro-
fusion fo adorn.
On the morning of the 31st of May the familles of
the London citizens were stirring early in ail houses.
From Temple Bar fo the Tower the streets were fresh
strewed with gravel, the footpaths were railed off along
the whole distance, and occupied on one side by the
guilds, their workmen and apprentices, on the other
by the city constables and officials in their gaudy
uniforms, "with their staves in hand for to cause the
people fo keep good room and ortier" Cornhill and
Gracechurch Street had dressed their fronts in scarlet
and crimson, in arras and tapestry and the rich
carpet-work from Persia and the East. Cheapside, to
outshine her rivals, was draped even more splendidly
in cloth of gold and tissue and velvet. The sheriflh
were pacing up and down on their g'reat Flenish
horses, hung with liveries, and all the windows were
thronged with ladies crowding fo see the procession
pass. Af length the Tower guns opened, the grim
gares rolled back, and under the archway in the bright
May sunshine the long colulnn began slowly fo defile,
Two states only permitted their representatives fo
a8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
graee the seene with their presenee--Venice and
France. I was, 1)erhal)8 , fo make t,he most of this
isolaed counenance t.ha the French ambassador's
train forme,l the van of the cavalcade. Tve!ve
French knighs came riding foremos in surcoags of
blue vclve vith sleeves o yellow silk, heir horses
rappe«l in blue, vith whie crosses powdered on heir
hanging's. Afer theln followed a troop of English
ent.lemen, two and two, and thon the Knig'hts ot" the
Bath, "in gowns of violet, with hoo, ls purfled with
miniver like doctors". Next, perhaps af a little
interval, the abbots passed on, lnitred, in their robes :
he barons followed in crimson velvet, the bishops then,
and then the earls and marquises, the dresses of each
ortier increasing in elaborate gorgeousness. All these
rode on in pai:s. Then came a]one Audeley, lord
chancellor, and behind him the Venetian ambassador
and the Archbishop of York; the Archbishop of
Canterbury and Du Bellay, Bishop of Bayonne and
of Paris, hOt nmv with bugle and hunting-frock, but
so]elnn with stole and crozier. Next, the lord mayor,
with the city mace in hand, and Garter in his coat of
arnls; and then Lord William Howard, the Duke of
Norfolk's brocher, Mm'shal of England. The oeeers
of he queen's househohl sueeeeded hq marshal in
searle and gold, and t, he van of he proesion was
elosed by he Duke of Suffolk, as high eonsable, wih
his silver wand. I is no easy maer fo pieure o
ourselves he blazing rail of splendour whieh in sueh
a pagean mus have dr&wl along he London sgrees,
hose sree whieh now we know so blaek and
smoke-grimed, themselves then radiant with masses
of eolour, gold and erimson and violet. Yet there ig
was, and there the sun could shine upon if, and tens
CORONATION OF ANNE BOLEYN, i533 2 9
of thousands of eyes were gazing on the scene out of
the crovded lattices.
Glorious us the spectacle was, pcrhaps, however, if
passed unheeded. ïhosê eyes were watehing all for
another objeet, whieh now drew uear. In an open spaee
behind the eonstable there was seen approaching "a
white chariot," drawn by two palfreys in white lamask
which svept the ground, a gohlcn canopy borne above
if nlaking music xvith silver bells: an,l in the chariot
sat the observed of all observers, the bcautiful occa-
siou of all this glittering holnage; fortune's play-
thing of the hour, thc Qucen of England--queen ai
lastbol-ne along upon the waves of this sea of glory,
breathing the perfumed ineensc of gl'Catness which
she had risked her fait naule, her delieaey, her honour,
her self-respect fo win ; and she hml won if.
There she sat, dressed in white tissue robes, ber
fait hair flowing loose over her shouhlers, and her
temples eireled with a light eoronet of gohl and
diamonds--most beautiful--loveliest--most favoured,
perhaps, us she Seelned ai that hour, of all England's
daughters. Alasl " within the hollow round " of that
eoronet--
Kept de.th his court, and there the .ntick sut,
Scoffing her st.te nd grinning .t her pomp.
Allowing her . little bre.th, . little scene
To mon.rchize, be fe.red, nd kill with looks,
Infusing her with self .nd vain conceit,
As if the fiesh which wMled .bout her lire
Were brass impregn.ble ; .nd humoured thus,
Bored through her c.stle w.lls; nd f.rewell, Queen.
Fatal gift of greatness ! so dangerous ever so more
thau dangerous in those tremendous rimes vhen the
fountains are broken loose of the great deeps of
3 ° SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
thought ; and nations are in the throes of revolution ;
--when ancient order and law and tradition are split-
ring in the social earthquake ; and, as the opposing
forces wrestle fo and fro, those unhappy ones who
stand out above the crowd become the sylnbols of the
struggle and fall the victims of its alternating fortunes.
And what if into an unsteady heart and brain, intoxi-
cated with splendour, the outward chaos should find
its way, converting the poor silly soul into an image
of t.be saine eonfusion,--if eonseienee should be deposed
from her high place, and the Pandora box be broken
loose of passions and sensualities and follies; and af
length there be nothing left of ail whieh man or
woman ought fo value save hope of God's forgiveness ?
Ïhree short years bave yet to pass, and again, on a
summer morning, Queen Amae Boleyn will leave the
Tower of London--not radiant then with beauty on a
gay errand of eoronation, but a poor wandering ghost,
on a sad tragie en'and, from vhieh she will never
more return, passing away out of an earth where she
may stay no longer, into a presenee where, neverthe-
less, we knov that all is well--for all of usand
therefore for her.
But let us not eloud her shortlived sunshine with
the shadow of the future. She vent on in her loveli-
ness, the peeresses folloving in their earriages, with
the royal guard in their rear. In Fenehureh Street she
vas met by the ehildren of the eity sehools; and at
the corner of Graeeehureh Street a masterpieee had
been prepared of the pseudo-elassie art, theu so fashion-
able, by the merehants of the Styll-yard. A Mount
Parnassus had been eonstrueted, and a Helieon fountain
upon if playing into a basin vith four jets of Rheuish
wine. On the top of the mountain sat Apollo with
Calliope ai lais feet, end on either side the remaining
CORONATION OF ANNE BOLEYN, 1533 31
Muses, holding lutes or harps, and singing each of
them some "posy" or epigram in praise of the queen,
which was presented, after it lmd been sung, written
in letters of gold.
From Gncechurch Street the procession pssed fo
Ledcnhll, where tlere ws a spectacle in better taste,
of the old English Catholic kind, quint perhaps md
forced, but truly and even beuti[ully emblematic.
There ws again a "little moultain," which w«s hung
with red aud white roses; a gold ring ws placed on
the summit, on which, as. thc queen appeared, white
falcon was mde fo "descend as out of the sky "
"aud then incontinent came down an angel with gret
mèlody, and set a close crown of gvld upon the falcon's
head; and in the saine pageant sat Saint Anne with
all her issue beneath her; nd Mary Cleophas with
her four childl'en, of the which chihlren one ruade a
goodly oratîon fo the queen, of the fruitfulness o[ St.
Aime, trusting that like fruit should corne of her ".
With such "pretty conceits," t that rime the honest
tokens of an English welcome, the new queen was
received by the citizeus of London. These scenes
must be multiplied by the number of the streets,
xvhere some fresh fancy met her af eve W turn. To
preserve the festivities from flgng every fountain
and conduit within the wlls ran all day with wine;
the bells of every steeple were ringing; children lay
in wait with songs, and ladies with posies, in which
all the resourees of fantastie extravagance were ex-
hausted; and thus in an unblken triumphand
fo outward appearanee reeeived with the warmest
affeetionshe passed under Temple Bar, doxvn the
Strand by Charing Cross fo Westminster Hll. The
king was hOt with her throughout the day; nor did
he intend to be with her in any part of the eeremonç
3: SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
She was to reign without a rival, the undisputed
soverêign of the hotlr.
Saturday being passed in showing herself fo the
peoplê, she retired for the night fo "the king's
lnanour house af Westminster," where she slept. On
the following morning', between eight and nine o'eloek,
she retUl'ned fo the Hall, w]iere the lord mayor, the
eity eouneil and the pcers were ag"ain assembled, and
Look lier plaee on the high daïs at the top of t]ie
stairs mider the eloth of state; while the bishops, the
abbots and Çhe monks of the Abbey fOl'med in tlie
area. A railed way liad been laid with earpets aeross
Palaee Yard and the Sanetuary fo the Abbey gares,
and when all was ready, preeeded by the peel'S in
their robes of Parliament, the Knights of tlie Gai'ter
in the dress of the ordcr, she swept out under lier
eanopy, the bisho»s.. 1-'- an,l the lllOllks "solcmnly sing-
ing". The train was borne by the o1,1 Duehess
of Norfolk, her aunt, the Bishops of London and
Winehester Oli either side "bearing up the lappets
of her robe" The Èl'l of Oxford earried the erown
on ifs eushion iinmediately before her. She was
dressed in purple velvet ful'red with êl'nlilie, ber
hair eseapin" loose, as she usually wore if, under a
wreath of diamonds.
On entering the Abbey she was led to the eorona-
tion chair, vhere she sat while the train fell into their
plaees, and the preliminaries of the eeremonial were
despatehed. Then she was eondueted up to the high
altar, and anointed Queen of Eg'land, and she reeeived
from the hands of Cranmer, fresh eome in haste from
Dunstable, with the last words of his sentenee upon
Catherine seareely silent upon his lips, the golden
seeptre and St. Eward's erown.
Did any twinge of reniorse, any pang of 10ainful
CORONATION OF ANNE BOLEYN, I533 33
recollecLion, pierce aL LhaL momenL Lhe incense of
glory which she was inhaling? Did any vision fliL
across her of a sad, mourning figure which once had
sLood where she was stmding, now desolaLe, neglecLed,
sinking inLo Lhe darkening twilighL of a lire eut short
by sorrow? Who can tell? Ai such a Lime LhaL
figure would have weighed heavily upon a noble
mind, and a wise mind would have been taughL by
the LhoughL of iL thaL alLhough lire be fleeting as a
dream iL is long enough Lo experience strange vicis-
situdes of fortune. BuL Arme Boleyn was noL noble
and was noL wise,--too probably she felL nothing buL
Lhe delicious, all-absorbing, all-inLoxicating presenL,
and if LhaL plain, suIibring face presenLed iLself to her
memory aL all, we may fear thaL iL was rather as a
foil Lo her own surpassing loveliness. Two years
laLer she was able Lo exult over CaLherine's death;
she is noL likely fo have thoughL of lier with genLler
feelings in Lhe firsL glow and flush of triulnph.
We may now leave these sceues. They concluded
in the usual English sLyle, wiLh a ban(luet in the
greaL hall and wiLh all otitward signs of enjoymenL
and pleasure. There musL have been buL few persons
present, however, who did noL feel t.hat Lhe sunshine of
such a day might hot lasL for ever, and that over so
dubious a marriage no Englishman could exult with
more Lhan hall a hearL. IL is foolish to blame lightly
acLions which arise in the midsL of circumstances
which are and can be but imperfecLly known; and
Lhere may have been poliLical reasons which ruade so
much pomp desirable. Aune Boleyn had been the
subjecL of public conversaLion for seven years, and
Henry, no doubL, desired fo present his jewel fo Lhem
in Lhe raresL and choicesL setting. YeL fo our eyes,
seeing, perhaps, by Lhe light of whaL followed, a more
3
34 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
modest introduction vould have appeared more suited
to the doubtful nature of her position.
At any rtte we escape ff'on, this scene of splendour
very gladly as from something unseasonable. If would
bave been well for Henry VIII. if he had lived in &
world in whieh women eould have been dispensed with ;
so ill, in all his relations with them, he sueeeeded.
With men he eould speak the right word, he eould do
the right thing ; with women he seemed fo be under
fatal neeessity of mistake.
35
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE CHARTER-
HOUSE, 1535.
HERE we trc to tinter upou one of t.hc g]'tl]l scencs
of hi.story; a solcmu battlc fought out te) t, hc leath,
yet fought wit.hout ferocit, y, by t.he chmpious of rival
primiples. Heroic mon had falloir, ami WCl'e still
fast falling, for what was eflled heresy; ami uow
those who had inflieted deat,h o others were called
upon fo bear the saine witness fo their owu siuecrity.
England became the theat, re of a wnr between two
armies of martyrs, fo be waged, hot upon the open
field, in open act, ion, but on the stake ami ou the
scaflbld, with the uobler weapons of passive endurauce.
Each party were ready to give their blood ; each party
were ready fo shed the blood of their autagoni,st.s;
aud the sword was t.o single out ifs victims in the
rival ranks, hot as in peace amoug those whose crimes
ruade them dangerous fo societ, y, but, as on t, he field
of battle, where the most couspicuous courage most
chdlenges t.he aire of the enemy. If was war, though
uudcr t, he form of peaee ; and if we would understaud
the true spirit of the t.ime, we must regard Catholics
and Protestants as gallaut soldiers, whose deat, hs,
when they fall, are hot painful, but glorious; and
whose devotion we are equally able to admire, even
where we cannot equally approve their cause. Courage
and self-sacrifice axe beautiful alike in a enemy ami
il a friend. And while we exult in tiat chivalry
3 6 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
with which çhe Smiçhfield martyrs boughç England's
freedom wiçh their blood, so ve vill hot refuse our
admiration o those oçher gallanç men whose high
forms, in the sunset of çhe old faith, stand çransfigured
on çhe horizon, çinged with the light of ifs dying glory.
Secreçary Bedyll complained fo Cromwell of the
obsçinacy of certain friars and monks, who, he
thought, wou|d confer a service on çhe country by
dying quiet|y, lest honesç men should incur un-
meriçed obloquy in putting them fo death. Among
these, f.he brethren of çhe London Çharçerhouse were
especially mentioned as recalcitranç, and çhey were
said ai çhe same rime fo bear a high reputation for
holiness. In a narrative written by a member of this
body we a'e brought face ço face, ai their rime of
çrial, wiçh one of the few religious establishments in
England which continued ço deserve the naine; and
we may see, in the scenes which are there described,
the highest representation of sçruggles which,graduated
variously according fo character and çemper, and,
without the çragical result, may bave been witnessed
in very many of the monastic bouses. The wriçer
was a certain Maurice Channey, probably an IrishmarL
He went through the saine sufferings with the rest of
the brethren, and was one of the small fraction who
finally gave way under çhe trial. He was set aç lil)erçy,
and escaped abroad ; and, in penance for his wealness,
he left on record the touching story of his fa|l, and of
the triumph of his bolder companions.
He commences with his own confession. He had
fallen when others sçood. He was, as he says, an
unworthy brother, a Saul among the prophets, a
Judas among çhe apostles, a child of Ephraim turning
himself back in çhe day of baçtlefor which his
cowardice, while his brother monks were saints in
FALL OF THE CHARTERHOUSE, I535 37
heaven, he was doing penance in sorrow, tossing on
the waves of the wide world. The early chapters
contain a loving lingering picture of his cloister lire--
fo him the perfection of earthly happiness. Itis placed
before us, in all ifs superstition, its devotion and ifs
simplicity, the counterpart, even in minute details, of
the stories of the Saxon recluses when monasticism
was lu the young vigour of ifs lire. St. Bede or St.
Cuthbert might have found himself in the house of
the London Carthusians, and he would bave had few
questions fo ask, and no duties fo learn or fo unlearn.
The form of the buildings would have seemed more
elaborate ; the notes of the organ would lmve added
richer solenmity fo the services; but the salient features
of the scene would have been all familiar. He would
have lived in a cell of the saine shape, he would bave
thought the saine thoughts, spoken the same words
in the saine language. The prayers, the daily life,
almost the very faces with which he was surrounded,
would have seemed all unaltered. A thousand years
of the world's history had rolled by, and these lonely
islands of prayer had remained still anchored in the
stream; the strands of the ropes vhich hcld them,
wearing now fo a thread, and very near thcir last
parting, but still unbroken. What they had been
they were; and, if Maurice Chnney's description
lmd corne down fo us as the accourir of the monastery
in which Otik of Mercia did penance for his crimes,
we could lmve detected no infernal symptoms of a
later age.
His pages are filled with the old familir stories of
visions and miracles ; of strange adventures befalling
the chalices and holy wafers; of angels with wax
candles; innocent plmntoms which flitted round
brains nd minds fevered by asceticism. There are
3 8
SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
accounts of certain .f'a t res 'cl)rob i et eo"
p t¢it o--frMl brethrcn aud thc frightful catastrophes
which ensued to them. Brother Thoms, who told
stories out o[ doors, al)tul s,-¢c¢heres, was attacked
one night by the devil; and the fiend would have
strangled him but for the prayers of a companion.
Brother George, vho erave, l after the fleshpots of
Egypt, vas waiking" one day about the eloistcr wheu
he ought fo hve been at ehapel, and the great figure
upon the eross at the end of the gallery turned ifs
baek upon him as if lmng, aud drove him all but, lnad.
Brothcr John l)zdy round fmlt with his dinuer, an, l
said that he would as soon et toads--M/ra ïesl
Jstus Des no fra,l(vit c deside'io so
his cell was for three lnonths filled wiLh Loads. It' he
threw Lhem inLo the tire, Lhey hopped back fo hiln
uuscorched: if he killed theln, oLhers came to take
their place.
But Lhese bad broLhers were rare excepLions.
general Lhc house was perhaps Lhe besL ordered in
England. The hospiLaliLy was weIl sustained, the
chal'iLies were prot'use, and whaLever we may Lhink
of Lhe intel[ecL which could busy itself with fancies
seemingly so chil, lish, Lhe lnonks were true o Lheir
vows, and tl'ue to Lheir duLy, as far as thcy compre-
hended what duty lneant. Among nany good, the
prior John Hug'hton was the best. He was of au old
Eug'lish family, and had bêcn edueated af Cambrid(e
where he must have been the eontemporary of Latimer.
Af he age of twcnty-eight he took the vows as a
monk, and had been twenty years a Cart.husian af the
opening of the troubles of the Reformation. He is
deseribed as " small in stature, in figure graeeful,
eountenanee dignified". " In mamer he was most
lnodest : in elo(luenee most sweet : lu ehastity without
FALL OF THE CHARTERHOUSE, I535 39
staill." We may readily imagine his appearallee ; witll
tllat fenlinine austerity of expression whieh, as hs
been vell said, belougs so peeuliarly o the feaures of
he medioeval eeelesiasies.
Sueh was he soeiey of he lnolks o he Charer-
house, vho, in an er oo lae for fleir eoninuauee,
and guilty of being unble fo l'ead he signs of he
ilnes, were SUlnlnoned ço vage unequal batle vih
the vorld. From the eolnmeneelnent of the divorce
cause they had espoused insinetively the tlueen's side;
hey had probably, in eolnmOn wifl heir aliated
bouse a Sion, believed unwisely in t.he lun of Kent;
and, as pious Catholies, hey regarded the refol'ming
measures of he Parliamen wih dismay and eonsçerna-
çion. The year 1533, says Mauriee, vas ushered in
vih signs in heaven and prodigies upon earth, as if
he end of the vorld vas at hand" as indeed of the
monks and le monks' world he end was ruly a
hand. And then ealne the spring of 1534, wheu
he Ae was passed eutting off the Prineess Nary ri'oto
the sueeession, and requiring of ail subjees of the
reahn an oh of allegimee o Elizabeth, and a reeog-
nition of the king's lnarriage with Queen Arme. Sir
Thomas 3Iore and Bishop Fisher went fo the Tower
raher han swear; and about the saine rime the
royal eommissioners appeared af the C, harterhouse to
require the submission of the brethren. The regular
elergy through the kingdom had bent to the storm.
The eonseienee of the London Carthusians was less
elastie ; they were the fil'St and, with the exeêption of
More and Fisher, the only reeusants. " The prior did
ansver o the eolnmissioners," Iaul'iee relis us, "
he knev nothing of sueh matters, and eould hot
meddle vith thêm; and they eontinuing fo insist, and
the prior being still unable fo give other answer, he
40 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
was sent with Father Humphrey, our proctor, fo the
Tower." There he relnained for a month; and af the
end of if he was persuadcd by "certain good and learned
men" that the cause was not one for which if was law-
ful fo suttr. He undertook fo colnply, swb co(1-tione,
with some necessary reservations, and was sent home
fo the cloister. As soon as he returned the brethren
assembled in their chapter-house " in confusion and
great perplexity," and Haughton told thêm what he
had promised. He would submit, he said, and yet his
misgivings foretold fo him that a submission so made
could hot long avail. "Out hour, dear brethren," he
continued, "is hot yet corne. In the same night in
which we were set free I had a dream that I should
not escape thus. Within a year I shall be brought
again fo that place, and then I shall finish my course."
If martyrdom was so near and so iuevitable, the
remainder of the monks were af first reluctant fo
purchase a useless delay at the price of their convic-
tions. The commissioners came with the lord mayor
for the oath, and if was refused. They came again,
with the thret of instant imprisonment for the whole
fraternity ; "and then," sys Maurice, "they prevailed
with us. We all swore as we were requircd, making
one condition, that we submitted on]y so far as was
lawful for us so fo do. Thus, like Jonah, we were
delivered from the belly of this monster, this immnis
ceta, and bcgan again fo rejoice like him, under the
shadow of the gourd of our home. But if is better o
trust in the Lord tlmn in princes, in whom is no
salvation; God hud prepared a worm that smote our
gourd aud made if o perish."
This worm, as may be supposed, was the Act of
Supremacy, with the Statute of Treasons which was
attached o if. It ws rulcd, as I have "sad, that
FALL OF THE CHARTERHOUSE, 1535 4x
inadequae answers o official inquiry forlned sufficien
ground for prosecugion under these Acs. Bug ghis
inrerpretation was llOt generally known; ,,or among
those who knew if was if eertain whether ghe Crown
would avail itself of the powers whieh it thus pos-
sessed, or whether if would proeeed only against sueh
ottnders as had voluntarily eomlnitted themselves fo
opposition. In the opening of the following year
(1535) the first uncertainty vas at al1 end; if was
publiely understood that persons who had previously
given eause for suspieion lnighç be submit.ted fo
question. When this bi,ter news was no longer
doubtful, the prior ealle,l the eonvent toge,ber, an, l
gave ,hem notice fo prepare for what was eoming.
They lay already under the shadow of treason; and
he antieipated, anlong other evil eonsequenees of dis-
obedienee, the ilnlnediate dissolution of the house.
Even he, with all his forebodings, was unprepared for
the eourse whieh would really be taken with them.
" When we were all in great consternation," writes our
author, "he said fo us :
"' Very sorry am I, and lny heart is heavy, espeeially
for you, my younger friends, of whom I see so lnany
round lne. Here you are living" in your ilmoeenee.
The yoke will hot be laid on your neeks, nor the rod
of perseeution. But if you are taken henee, and
mingle among the Gentiles, you lnay learn the works
of ,hem, and having begun iii the spirit you lnay be
eonsumed in the flesh. And there lnay be others
among us whose hearts are still infirm. If these mix
again xvith the xvorld, I fear hoxv if may be with
,hem; and what shall I say, and what shall I do, if
I eannot save those whom God has trusted to my
charge ?'
"Ïhen all who were present," says Chalmey, "burst
42 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
into tears, an,l eried with one voiee, ' Let us die to-
gether in our integrity, and heaven and earth shall
witness for us how unjustly we are
"The prior answered, sadly, ' WouM, indeed,
if mighg be so; çhaç so dying we mighç lire, as living
we ,liebut they will no do fo us so grea a kindness,
nor ço çhemselves so grea an iliury. Many of you are
of noble blood : and whag I çhink hey will ,lo is çhis:
Me and çhe elder breghren çhey will kill; and they
will dismiss you çhaç are young inço a worhl whieh is
hot for you. Ij; ther@ve, it del)ed on me alo,e--
(fmy oalh will stqce for the hottseI vill throw
myself ¢br yotr sa.kes o tac ne,rcy of (od. I vill
make myse{f anathema ; and to preserve yo from
these d«,9crs , I will consent to lhe King's will. If,
however, they htve determined otherwiseif they
choose to have the consent of us allthe will of God
be donc. If one death will hot avail, we will die
all.'
"So then, bidding us prepare for the wors, that the
Lord when He knocked might find us ready, he desired
us fo ehoose each out eonfessor, and to confess our sins
one fo another, giviç us power fo grant eaeh other
absolution.
"The day after he preached a sermon in the ehapel
on the 59th Psahn'O God, Thou hast east us off:
Thou hast destroyêd us' ; coneluding with the words,
' Itis better tha we should sutir here a short penance
for our faults, than be reserved for the eternal pains
of hell hereafter';and so ending, he turned to us
and bade us all do as we saw him do. Then rising
from his place he went direct fo the eldest of the
brethren, who was sitting nearest to himself, and,
1The 60th in he English version.
FALL OF THE CHARTERHOUSE, x535 43
kneeling before him, begged his forgiveness for any
off'once which in hearç, word or deed he might have
committed against him. Thence he proceeded fo the
nexL and said the saine ; and so o the next, throug'h
us MI, we following him and saying s he did, each
from eaeh ilnploring pardon."
Thus, viçh unobtrusive nobleness, did çhese poor men
prepare thelnselves for their end; noç less beautiful
in their resoluçion, hot less descrving thc everlasting
relnembranee of mankiml, than those three huldred
who il the summer lnorning sa eomlfing their golden
hair in thc passes of Thcrlnopyl;e. We will hot regret
their eause ; thcre is no eause for whieh any man can
more nobly suflbr thal, o witness that if is beçter for
hiln o die than fo speak vords whieh he does hOt
mean. Nor, in this their hour of trial, were they left
withouç higher eolnfor.
"The third day after," t.he story goes on, " was the
mass of the Holy Ghost, and Go,l ruade know His
presenee among us. For when the host was lifted up,
there eame as if vere a whisper of air, vhieh breathed
upon our faees as ve knelt. Some pereeived if with
the bodily senses; ail felt if as if thrilled into their
hearts. And then followed a sweet, sort sound of
musie, af whieh out venerable father was so moved,
God being thus abundançly manifest among us, that
he sank down in tears, anl for a long rime eould hot
eontinue the servieewe all remaining stupefied, hear-
ing the melody, and fceling çhe marvellous eflets of
if upon out spirits, but knowing neither whenee if
eame nor whiçher if went. Only out hearts rejoieed
as we pereeived that God was with us indeed."
Comford and resolute, the brotherhood awaited
patiently the approaeh of the eommissioners ; and they
vaited long, for the Crown was in no haste fo be severe.
44 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
The statures had been passed in no spirit of cruelty ;
they vere weapons fo be used in case of extremity ; and
thcre was no attelnpt fo enforce them until forbearance
was misconstrued into fear. Sir Thomas More and
the Bishop of Rochester remained unquestioned in the
Tmver, and were alIowed free intercourse with their
friends. The Carthusian monks were left undisturbed,
although the attitude which they had assumed was
notorious, and although the prior was known fo forbid
his penitents in confession fo acknowlêdge the king's
supremacy. If the Government was ai length driven
fo severity, if was bêcause the clergy forced them to
if in spire of themselves.
The clergy had taken the oath, but they held them-
selves under no obligation fo observe it; or if they
observed the orders of the Crown in the letter, they
thvarted those orders in the spirit. The Treason Act
had for a while overawed them ; but finding that its
threats were confined fo language, that months passed
away, and that no person had as yet been prosecuted,
they fell back into open opposition, either careless of the
consequences, or believiug that the Govermnent did hOt
dare fo exert its powers. The details of their conduct
during the spring nlonths of this year I ara unable to
discover; but it was suct as at length, on the 17th
of April, provoked the following circular to the lords-
lieutenant of the various counties :--
" Right trusty and well-beloved cousin, we greet
you well ; and whereas it has corne fo our knowledge
that sundry persons, as well religious as secular priests
and curates in their parishes and in divers places within
this our realm, do daily, as much as in them is, set
forth and extol the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome,
othervise called the Pope; sowing their seditious,
pestilent and false doctrines; praying for him in the
FALL OF THE CHARTERHOUSE, I535 45
pulpit and making him a god; fo the great deeeit of
our subjects, bringing them into errours and evil
opinions ; more preferring tbe power, laws and juris-
diction of the said Bishop of Rome tlmn the most boly
laws and precepts of Ahnighty God: We therefore,
minding not only fo proceed for an unity and quietness
among our said subjects, but also greatly coveting and
desiring them fo be brought fo a knowledge of the
mere verity an,l truth, and no longer fo be seduced
vith any such superstitious and false doctrines of any
earthly usurper of God's laws--will, therefore, and
commnd you, that whensoever ye shall hear of any
sucb seditious persons, ye indelayedly do take and
apprebend them or cause them fo be apprehended
and taken, and so committed fo ward, there fo remain
without bail or main-prize, until, upon your advertise-
ment thereof fo us and fo our council, ye shall know
our further pleasure.
" HENRY R."
In obvious co,mection with the issue of tbis pub-
lication, the monks of the Charterhouse were af
lengt, h informed that they would be questioned on
the supremacy. The great body of the religious
houses had volunteered an outward submission. The
London Carthusians, with other affiliated establish-
ments, had remaned passive, a,d had thus furnisbed
an open encouragement fo disobedience. We arc in-
stinctively inclined fo censure a,, i,,terference with
persons who af worst were but dreamers of the
cloist, er; and whose innocence of outward oflbnces
we imagine might have served them for a shield.
Unhappily, behind the screenwork of these poor saints
a whole Irish insurrection was blazi,g in madness and
fury ; and in the northern English counties were some
sixty thousnd persons ready fo rse in arms. In these
46 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
great struggles men are formidable in porportion fo
their virtues. The noblest Protestants were chosen by
the Catholies for the st.ake. The fagots were already
growing whieh were fo burn Tyndal, the translator of
the Bible. It was the habit of the rime, as if is the
habit of all times of rem danger, fo spare the multitude
but fo strike the lealers, fo make responsibility the
shadow of power, to ehoose for punishment the most
etIieacious representatives of the spirit whieh if was
necessary fo subdue.
ïhe influence of the Carthusians, with that of the
two great men who were followiug the saine road fo
the saine goal, determined multitudes in the attitude
whieh they would assume, and in the duty whieh they
would ehoose. The Carthusians, therefore, were to be
ruade fo bend : or if they eould not be bent, fo be ruade
examples in their punishment, as they had marie them-
selves examples in their resistanee. They were noble
and good" but there were others in England good and
noble as they, who were not of their fold; and whose
virtues, theueeforward more re(luired by Egland than
eloistered aseetieisms, had been blighted under the
shadow of the Papaey. The Catholies had ehosen the
alternative, either fo crush the free thought which was
bursting from the soil, or else fo be crushed by if ; and
the future of the vorld could not be sacrificed fo
preserve the exotic graces of medieval saints. They
fell, gloriously and hOt unprofitably. They were not
allowed fo stay the course of the Reformation: but
their sutIrings, nobly borne, sufficed fo recover the
sympathy of after-ages for the faith which they pro-
fessed.
To return fo the narrative of Maurice Channey.
Notice of the intention of the Government having
been signified fo the order, Father Webster and
FALL OF THE CHARTERHOUSE, 1535 47
Father Lawrenee,
houses of Axhohn
three weeks after
sented themselves
tobe excused the
the priors of the two daughter
and Belville, came up to London
Easter, and, with t[aughtol, pre-
belote Cromwell wit.h an entreaty
submission. For answer to their
petition they were sent fo the Towcr, where they were
soon after joined by Father Reynol, ls, one of the re-
calcitrant monks of Sion. These four were brought
on the 26th of April before a committee of the privy
council, of which Crolnwell was one. The Act of
Suprelnacy was laid before theln, and they were re-
luired to signify thcir acccptance of if.. Thcy refused,
and two days after they were brought to trial before
a special commission. They pleaded all" hot guilty"
They had of course broken the Act; but they would
hot acknowledge that guilt could be involved in dis-
obedience to a law which was itself unlawful. Their
words in the Tower to the privy council formed t|le
marrer of the charge against them. It appears from
the record that on their examination, "they, treacher-
ously machinating and desiring to deprive the King
our sovereign lord of his title of supreme Head of the
Church of England, did openly declare, and say, the
King our sovereign lord is not suprelne ttead on earth
of the Church of England "
But their conduct on the trial, or at least the con-
duct of Haughton, spared all difficulty in securing a
conviction. The j udges pressed the prior "hot to show
so little wisdom as to maintain his own opinion against
the consent of the realm ". He replied that he had re-
solved originally to imitate the exalnple of his Master
before Herod, and say nothing. "But since you urge
me," he continued, "that I lnay satisfy my own con-
science and the consciences of these who are present, I
will say that our opinion, if if lnight go by t.h_e sutti'ages
48 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
of men, would have more witnesses than yours. You
can produce on your sî,le but the Parliament of a single
kingdom ; I, on mine, have the whole Christian world
except that kingdom. Nor have you all even of your
own people. The lesser part is with you. The lna-
jority, who seem fo be with you, do but dissemble, fo
gain favour with the King, or for fear they should lose
their honours and their dignities."
Cromwell asked him of whom he was speaking.
"Of all the good men in the realm," he replied ; "and,
when his Majesty knows the truth, I kuow well he
will be beyond measure offended with those of his
bishops who have given him the counsel which he
now follows."
"Why," said anot.her of the judges, "bave you, con-
trary fo the King's authority within the reahn, per-
suaded so many persons as you bave done fo disobey
the King and Parliament ?"
"I bave declared my opinion," he answered, "fo no
man living but fo those who came to me in confession,
which in discharge of my conscience I could hOt refuse.
But if I did hOt declare if then, I will declare if now,
because I ara thereto obliged fo God." He neither
looked for lnercy nor desired it. A writ was issued for
the return of a petty jury the following day. The
prisoners were taken back fo the Tower, and the next
morning were brought again fo thc bar. Feron and
Hale, the two priests whose conversation had been
overheard af Sion, were placed on their tria| af the
saine rime. The two latter threw themselves on the
mercy of the court. A verdict of guilty was retm'ned
against the other four. The sentence was for the usual
punishment of high treason. Feron was pardoned; I
do hOt find on what account. Hale and the Carthu-
sians were fo suiir together, When Haughton heurd
FALL OF THE CHARTERHOUSE, 1535 49
the sentence, he merely said, "This is the judgment of
the world"
An interval of rive days was allowed after the trial.
On the 4th of May the execution took place af Tyburn,
under circumstances which marked the occasion with
peeuliar meanilg. Ïhe punishnlent in cases of high
treason was very terrible. I need hot dwell upon the
fol'ni of if. Ïhe English were a hard, tierce people;
and with Lhese poor su|trers the law of the lan, l took
ils course wiLhout alleviation or interfcrcncc. ]:lut
anoLhcr feattn'e lisLilguishcl the prcsenL exccution.
For thc first rime in Eglish history ceelcsiasties
were broughL out to suflbr i their habits, wit, hout
undcrgoing the previous eel'Cmoly of degradation.
Theneeforward Lhe world were fo know that as no
sanetuary any more shouhl proteeç Lraitol's, sothe
saered office should avail as little; and Lhe hardcsç
blow whieh if had yet reeeived was thus dealt fo
superstition, shaking from ifs place in çhe minds of
all lnen the keystone of the whole system.
To the lasç nloment escape was left open, if the
prisoners would submit. Several members of the
eouneil attended them fo the elosing seene, for a final
effort Of kindness; but hey had ehosen their course,
and were noL fo be moved from iL. Haughton, as
firsç in rank, had Lhe privilege of first dying. When
on he seaflbld, in eomplianee with tlle usual eustom,
he spoke a few touehing and simple wor& to the
people. "I eall fo winess Almighty God," he said,
"and all good people, and I beseeeh you all here
present fo bear winess for me in the day of ju,lg-
ment, çhaç being here fo die, I deelare that if is from
no obstinate, rebellious spirit that I do hot obey the
King, but beeause I fear fo offend the Ma.iesty of God.
Out holy mother the Chureh has deereed otherwise
4
50 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
than the King and the Parliament have decreed, and
therefore, rather than disobey the Chureh, I ara ready
fo surfer. Pray for lne, and have merey on my
brethren, of whom I have been the unworthy prior."
He thm knelt dowll, repeating the first few verses
of the 31st Psahn, and after a few moments delivered
hilnself fo the executioner. The others followed,
undaunted. As one by one they went to their death,
the council, af each fresh horrible spectacle, urged the
survivors to have pity on themselves; but they urg'ed
them in vain. The faces of these men did hot grow
pale ; their voices did hot shake ; they declared them-
selves liege subjects of the king, and obedient chihh'en
of holy Church ; "giving God thanks that they were
held worthy to sutihr for the truth ". All died with-
out a murmur. The stern work was ended with
quartering the bodies; and the arm of Haughton
was hung up as a bloody sign over the archway of
the Charterhouse, fo awe the remaining brothers into
submission.
But the spirit of the old martyrs was in these friars.
One of them, like the Theban sister, bore away the
honoured relic and buried it; and all resolved fo
persist in their resigned opposition. Six weeks were
allowed them to consider. Af the end of that rime
three more were taken, tried and hanged, and this
still proving ineffectual, Cromwell hesitated fo proceed.
The end of the story is very touching and may be
told briefly, that I may hot have occasion fo return fo
if. Maurice's account is probably exaggerated, and is
written in atone of strong emotion; but it has al] the
substantial features of truth. The remaining monks
were left in the house; and two secular priests were
sent to take charge of the establishment, who starved
and ill-used them ; and were themselves, according to
FALL OF THE CHARTERHOUSE, 535 51
Maurice, sensual and profligate. From time fo time
they were called belote the privy council. Their
friends and relatives vere ordered to work upon
them. No eflbrt either of severity or kin,lness was
spared fo induce them to submit; as if their attitude,
so long as if was maintained, was felt .as a reproach
by the Government. Af last, four were carried down
to Westminster Abbey, fo hear the Bishop of Durham
deliver his ramons sermon against the Pope; and
when this rhetorical inanity had also failc, l, an, l as
they were thought to confirm one another in their
obstinacy, they were dispcrsed among oflter houses
the tempêr of which couhl be depended upon. Some
were sent fo the north; oflmrs fo Sion, where a new
prior had been appointed of zealous loyalty ; others
were left ai home fo be disciplined by the questionable
seculars. But nothing answered. Two round their
way into active rebellion, and being concerned in the
Pilgrimage of Grace, were hung in chains ai York.
Ten were sent fo Newgate, where nine died miserably
of prison fever and filth; the tenth survivor was
executed. The renminder, of whom Maurice was one,
went through a form of submission, xvith a mental
reservation, and escaped abroad.
So fell the monks of the London Charterhouse,
splintered to pieces--for so only couM their resistmce
be overcome--by the iron sceptre and the iron hand
which held it. They were, however, alone of their
kind. There were many perhaps vho wished fo re-
semble them, who would have imiated their example
had they dared. But ail bent except these. If if
had been otherwise, the Reformation would bave
been impossible, and perhaps it would not have been
needed. Their story claires from us that sympathy
which is the due of their exalted courage. But we
52 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
canno blame çhe Govcrmnenç. Those who know
whaç the condition of the eount.ry really was musç
feel çheir inabiliçy ço sugesç, with any çolerable
reasonableness; whaç else eould have been done. They
may regret so hard a neeessity, but they will regreg
in silenee. The king, too, was noç wit.houç feeling.
If was no mttter of in,liflçrenee fo him thaç he round
himself driven fo sueh sLern eourses with his subjeets ;
and as çlte glden splendour of his lnanhood was thus
suddenly elouding, "he eOlnlnanded all about his Courç
fo poll their hea,ls," in publie gokeu of mourning';
"and t,o ,,'ive theln example, he cause,1 his own heal
t,o be polie, l; an,l from theneeforLh his bear, l ço be
knott, ed, and fo be o more shawm "
53
OLWA¥ MO, 1542.
/. PROTRACTED iuvasion, so late in the season, was, for
lnany reasons, undesira.ble. No force lar'c enough fo
penetl'ae into the country with safety could maintain
iself more t.han a fcw davs. The Bordel"el'S had beeu
t,he chier ofl)nders; an,t t, he campMgn was fo be a
Border fOl'ay o1 a vast seale. On the 21st. of Oetober
Norfolk entercd Seotland with twenty thousand men,
and l'emained in t,he Lothians for nine davs. The
harvest, had been newly gat.hercd in: it was l'edueed
fo ashes. Farms, villages, towns, abbeys, went down
in blazing ruins; and having friuged the Tweed with
a blaek broad mourning" rira of havoe, fifteen lniles
ael'oss, and having thus infliete,l a lesson whieh, for
the pl'esent scason af least, woul, l hot bc fOlN'ottcu, lle
then withdrew. Fifteen thousand Seots hune" Ul)On his
skirts, but would hot ventul'e an engagement; and
he returned in insolent lcism'e fo Bcrwick. Here,
owing fo a want of fol'esight in thc eolmnissal'iat
,lepartnlellt., he fomd the supplies inadequate fo the
maintenance of his foliowers, and with some misgiving
lest file enelny might at.teml)t a retaliat.ion whieh, with
redueed llumbers, he lnigh$ find a dieulty in pre-
venfing, he left in gal'risol for t.lle winter a fiftll only
of his army, and, sending the resg fo their holnes, lle
rejoincd the eouneil at York.
In a despatell to Sir T. Wl'iotheslcy, on the 9th of
NOVelnber, he eonfessed his surprise at tlle Seottish
54 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
inaction, and attributed if justly fo disagreement
among themselves and want of ability in their leaders.
A further conjecture, that " the King would gladly
agree with England, but his council would not surfer
him," was less well founded. James was prescrit in
person with the Scottish force; and hot spirited, and
perhaps the more passionate from a latent knowledge
of the unwisdom of his course, hê had longed for the
excitement of a battle. He would have attacked
Norfolk while within his frontier; he would bave
pursued his retreat; he desired afterwards fo carry
tire and sword into Northumberland. But the Scot-
tish lords, eit.her retaining a wholesome memory of
Flodden, or from some other cause, refused to follow.
James exploded in anger. He called them traitors,
cowards, unworthy of their ancestors ; but fo no pur-
pose. Some were kinsmen of the Douglases, and still
resented their exile; some hated the clergy, and
carricd on their hatred to the war which the clergy
had promoted. Deaf to entreaties and indifferent to
ta.unts, they watched the English across the Tweed,
and dispersed fo their homes.
The king, deserted by his subjects, returned sullenly
to Edinburgh. Such members of the council as sharêd
his disappointment, and would humour his mood, were
ca]led together, and Beton played upon his irritation
to strike a blov which he had long meditated, and had
once already attempted in vain. The absorption of
the Church lands by the Euglish laity had not been
without an ettgct upon their northen neighbours. In
the first panic, when t.he idea was new, and the word
sacrilege was sounded in their ears, the Scottish noble-
men had united in the clamours of the clergy, and had
expected solne great judgment to mark the anger of
Heaven. But years had passed on without bringing
SOLWAY MOSS, I542 55
bhe bhreabened punishmenbs. England was sbanding
prouder and sbronger bhan ever; and even sueh good
Catholies as bile Irish ehiefs had eolnmeneed a similar
process of deglutition, lnuch to
double example broughb with ib a
worthy people began ho bhink ib
tabed; and bhe suspeeted of ble
bhe late recusanbs in the army.
bheir comfort. The
double force. Many
mighb be wisely infi-
Church were among
Beton drew up a lisb
of more blan a hundred earls, kuights and genlemen,
whom he represened o be hereies, and o mediabe
a design of selling bheir eounbry ho England. To eut
them off would be a service to Heaven ; and bheir
esbates, which would be confiscabed, would rcplenish
the deficicncies in bhe brcasury. The first bime bhis
prctty suggestion had been ruade fo James he had
rejected if with fitting detestabion ; now he told Bebon
bhat "he saw his words were truc," and that "his
nobles desired neither his honour nor his continuance"
If the cardiual and ble clergy would find hiln the
meaus of making his raid into Englaud without
bhem, and revenge their backwardness by a separate
victory, he would devote himself heart and soul ho bhe
Church's cause, and Beton should be his adviser for
ever.
The secret was scrupulously guardcd. Letters were
circulated privately among such of the nobles as were
of undoubbed orthodoxy, among the retainers and con-
neetions of he bishops and abbot.s, and among those
whose personal loyalby vould outweigh either prudence
or any oblLer inberest. The order was o meet the king
ab Loehmaben on bile night of the 24th of November.
No de,ails were given of he inended enterprise. A
miseellaneous host was smmnoned fo assemble, wibloub
eoneerb, wihout organisation, without an objeet aseer-
b.ained, or any leader mentioned but James.
56 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Ten thousand men gathered in the darkness under
this wild invitation. Tle Western Border was feebly
defended. The body of the English were at Berwiek.
The Seots found that they were expeeted on the instant,
before warning eould be given, to eross into the Marehes
of Cumberland, fo waste the country in revenge for the
inroad of Norfolk, and, if possible, surprise Carlisle.
The cardinal and the Earl of Arran would meanwhile
distract the attention of the troops af Berwick by a
"demonstration at Newark.
At midnight, more like a mob than an army, they
marcbed out of Lochmaben. Jamcs alone couhl have
given coherence fo their movements, for in his naine
only they xvere met. James, for the tïrst and last
rime in his lit'e, displayed either prudence or personal
timidity, and allowed them to advance without him.
Eacb nobleman and gençleman held togetber his per-
sonal follmvers; but no one knew in the darkness
who was present, who was absent. A shadow of
imagined eommand lay with Lord Maxwell as Warden
of the Mal'ehes ; but the King of 8eots, jealous ever of
the best-affeeted of his lords, intended fo keep the
eredit of the sueeess, yet without sbaring in the entêr-
prise. He had therefore perilously allowed the ex-
pedition fo go forward with no nominal head; and,
as soon as the border was erossed, Oliver Sinelair, one
of those worthless minions with whieh the Seottish
Court, to its misfortune, vas so often burdened, was
instrueted fo deelare himself the general-in-ehief in the
king's naine.
The arrangements had beên laid skilfully, so far as
efiieting a surprise. The November night eovered the
advanee, and no hint of the approaeh of the Seots
preeeded them. They were aeross the Esk belote
daybreak, and the Cumberland farmers, waking from
SOLWAY MOSS, i542 57
their sleep, saw the line of their corn-st, acks smoking
from Longtown fo the Rolnan wall. The garrison of
Carlisle, ignorant of the force of the invaders, dared
hot, for the first hours of the norning, leave the walls
of the city, and there was no other available force in
readiness. The Scot.s sprea,l unresisted over the
country, xvasting ai their pleasure.
But t, he English borderers were hOt the men fo
stand by quietly as soon as they ha,l recovered from
their first alarm. There were no lnen-at-arlns ai
hand; but the farmers and their latin-servants had
hut fo snaI, eh their arlns and swing into tiroir saddlcs,
and they beeame t onee "t.he Nortlmrn tlurse," falned
as t.he finesI, light eavalry in the known worhl. As
the day grew on they gathered in tens and t.wenties.
By t.he afternoon, Sir Thomas Wharton, Lord Daeres
and Lord Musgrave had eolleeted three or four lmn-
dred, who hovered about the enemy, eutting off the
st.ragglcrs, a,l driving the seattercd parties in upon
t.he lnain 1)ody. Bcing without organisation and wit.h
no one fo give ordcrs, t, he Seot, s floeked together as
t, hey eouhl, and their numbers a,l,led fo their eonfusion.
The ery rose for direetion, and in the lnidst of the
tumult, af t, he mosI, erit, ieal lnoment, Oliver Sinelair
was lifted on spears and proelaimed through the erowd
aseommander. WhowasSinelair? men asked. Every
knight and gentlcman, every eommon dan follower,
felt himself and his kindred insulted. The evening
was elosing in" the att.aeks of t.he English became
hotter; the tumult and noise inereased, "every man
ealling his own slogan"; and a t, roo 1) of Cum-
berland horse showing themselves in the dusk on
an unexpeetcd side, a shout, was raised that t, he
Duke of Norfolk was upon thmn wit, h the army of
the Tweed. A moment's thought would hae shown
58 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
them' that Norfolk could not be within thirty lniles
of Carlisle; but his naine eaused a panie, and reflee-
tion was impossible. Few or none in the whole
multitude knew the ground, and 10,000 men were
blundering like sheep, in the darkness, baek upon the
border.
But here a fresh diffieulty rose. The ide was
flowing up the Solway. They hd lost t.he route by
whieh they had advaneed in the morning, and had
strayed towar,_ls the sea. Some flung avay their arms
and strugg'led over the vater ; some were drowned;
some tan into the ruins of the houses whieh they had
burnt, and surrendered thelnselves fo women when
there vere no men o take them. The main body
wandered ai last into Solway lIoss, a morass between
Gretna and the Esk, where Wharton, who knew where
he was, had them af his nerey, and substantially he
whole army. vere either killed or ruade prisoners.
Intending to remain for several days in England, t, hey
had brought tents and stores. They had twenty-four
eannon, vith earts and amlnunition. All were left
behind and taken. Lord Maxwell refused fo turn his
baek, and fell early in the evening into the hands of
he English. " Stout Oliver vas taken without stroke,
flying full manfully." In the morning Wharton sent
a list of captures fo the king, with the names of the
Earls of Cassalis and Gleneairn, Lords Maxwell,
Fleming, Somerville, Oliphnt, and Grey, Sir Oliver
Sinelair, and two hundred gentlemen. Never, in all
he wars between England and Seotland, had there
been a defeat more eomplete, more sudden and dis-
graeeful. More lires were lost at Flodden; but ai
Flodden two armies had lllet fairly matehed, and the
Seoeh had fallcn with their faees fo their enemies. Af
Solway lIoss ten thousand men had fled belote a few
SOLWAY MOSS, 1542 59
hundred farmers, whom hey had surprised in rheir
homes. "Worldly men say la ail this came by mis-
order and fortune," said Knox ; "but whoever has the
least spunk of the knowledge of God, may as evidently
see the work of His hand in this discomfiure as ever
was seen in any of the battles left fo us in register
by the Holy GhosL" The folly of venturing such an
expedition without order or leader may accourir for
the failure ; but who shall accourir for the folly ? The
unlucky king was given over fo believe a lie. "The
cardinal had promised heaven for the destruction of
England:" and the cardinal had mistaken wholly the
intentions of heaven upon the marrer. In the dead
of the night stragglers dropped into Lochmaben, with
their raie of calamity. The king had hot slept. He
had sat still, wacllin for news; and when the
tidings came they were his death blow. With a long,
biffer cry, he exclaimed, "Oh! fled Oliver! Is Oliver
taken ? Oh! fled Oliver!" And, muttering the saine
miserable words, he returned fo Edinburgh, half para-
lysed with shame and sorrow. There other ominous
news were waiting for him. An English herald had
been af he cour for a fortnight with a message from
Henry, fo which he expected a reply. The invasion
was the answer which 3ames intended, and on the
fatal night of the rnarch t, he herald was dismissed.
On the road fo Dunbar, two of the northern refugees
who had been out in the rebellion overtook and
murdered him. A crime for which the king was but
indirectly responsible need hot have added much fo
the weight of file lost batle ; but one of the murderers
had been intimate with Beton. To kill a herald
was, by the law of arms, sacrilege, and fresh disgrace
had been brbught upon a cause of vhich his better
judgmen saw too clearly he injustice. The cardinal
60 SELEC'FIONS FROM FROUDE
came baek from fhe Border t,o eoneerf measures fo
repair the disaster of the Solway, but his presence
was unendurable. James, as well as Knox, saw in
the overwhelming cla.mit.y which had prostrated
him the ilnmediate .ju,lgment of the upper powers,
&nd, in a dreamy, half-conscious melancholy, he left
Holyrood, and wandered into File fo the disearded
minister whose advice he had so fatally neglected, the
ohl Lord Treasm'er. Kirkaldy himself was absel,t
from home. His wife received the ldng with loyal
affection; but. he ha,l no definite lmrpose in going
t, hit.her, and he wouhl hot remail. The hand of death
was ni)on hiln, and he knew i$, and he waiLed ils las
grasp with passive indiflbrenee. " My portion in this
worhl is short," he said fo ber; " I shall no be with
you fift.een days." His servant.s asked him where he
would spend his Çhris{,lnaS. " I ealmo$ ell," he sai,l ;
"bu his I eall tell--on yule day ye will be m;sterless,
and bhe reahn withoub a king."
Two boys whom Mary of (brise had borne o hiln
had died in the year preee,ling. The queen was at
Linlifltgow, expee$ing every day her t.hird eonfine-
ment. But James was veary of earth and earthly
interests. Ho showed no dcsire to see ber. Ho
went languidly fo Falkland ; and there, on the 8th of
Deeember, eame t.i,ling;s t.hat there was again an heir
to t.he erown ; that a I>rineess, known afterwards as
Mary Stuart,, had bcen l>rought into the world. But
he eould hot rally out of his apathy. He only said,
"The deil go with if. If will end as it hegun. If
eame from a lass, and if will end with a lass.'_ And
so, falling baek into his old song, " Fie fled Oliver
Is Oliver taken? All is lost1" in a few more days
he moaned away his lire. In the poeke of his dress
SOI,VAY MOSS, 154_2 6i
was found Beton's seroll, with the list of names
mu'ked for destruction.
To sueh end had the blessing ot" Ptul III., and the
cap, tlld the 8,VOl'd, and the lnidnight mass brought
af last a g'allant g'eltlelnan.
62
KET'S REBELLION, 1549.
THE eastern counties had been the scene meanwhile 1 of
another insurrection scarcely less forlnidable.
On the 6th of July, four days after the colnlnellce-
ment of thc siege of Exeter, there was a gathering of
the people for an annual festival at Wymomlham, a
few toiles from Norwich. The crowd was large, and
the men who were brought together round themselves
possessed with Olle general feeling--a feeling ofburning
indignation ai the un-English conduct of the gentlemen.
The peasant, whose pigs and cow and poultry had
been sold or had died, because the commons vere gone
where they had fed--the yeoman dispossessed of his
farm--the farm servant out of employ, because where
ten ploughs had turned the soil one shepherd now
watched the grazing of the flocksthe artisan smart-
ing under the famine prices which the change of
culture had brought with if :all these were united
in suffering; while rhe gentlemen were doubling,
trebling, quadrupling their incomes with their sheep-
fatras, and adorning their persons and their houses
with splendour hitherto unknown.
The English commons were hot a patient race. To
them it was plain that the commonwealth was betrayed
for the benefit of the few. The Protector, they knew,
wished them well, but he could hot right them for
want of power. They must redress their own wrongs
During the rising in th¢ W¢st in favour of the old religion.--A.
KET'S REBELLION, 1549 63
with their own hands. The word went out for a
rising; Robert Ket, a Wymondham talmer, took the
lead; and far and wide round Norwich, out in the
country, and over the border in Suflblk, the peasants
spread in busy swarlns cutting dowu park palings,
driving deer, filling ditches and levelling banks and
hedges. A central camp was formed on Mousehold
Hill, on the north of Norwich, where Ket established
his headquarters; and gradually as many as 16,000
men collected abou him in a calnp of turf huts roofed
with boughs. In he middle of the COlnlnon stood a
large oak-tree, where Ket sat daily fo administer
justice ; and there, day after day, the ottgnding country
geutlemen were brought up for trial, eharged with
robbing the poor. The tribunal was hot a bloody
one. Those who were round guilty were imprisoned
in the camp. Oeeasionally some gentleman would be
partieularly obnoxious, and there would be a ery fo
hang him; but Ket allowed no murdering. About
property he was hOt so serupulous. Property aequired
by enelosing the people's lands, in the code of these
early eommunists, was theft, and ought fo be eonfis-
cated. " We," their leaders proelaimed, " the king's
friends and deputies, do grant lieense fo all men fo
provide and bring into the camp ai Mousehold all
manner of eattle and provision of vietuals, in what
place soever they may find the saine, so that no violence
or injury be done fo any poor man, eomlnanding all
persons, as they tender the king's honour and royal
majesty and the relief of the eommonwealth, fo be
obedient fo us the governors whose names ensue."
To this order Ket's signature and fifty others were
attaehed; and in virtue of a warrant whieh was
liberally eonstrued, the country bouses over the whole
neighbourhood were entered. Not only were sheep,
64 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
cows and poultry driven off, but guns, swords, pikes,
lances, bows, were taken possession of in the naine of
the people. A common stock was forme,i at Mouse-
hohl, where the spoil was distributed ; and fo lnake
up for past wants, they provided themselves, in the
xvay of diet, so tbundantly that, in the rime whieh
the camp lasted, 20,000 sheep were eonsmned there,
with " infinite beefs," swans, hinds, dueks, eapons, pigs
and venison.
Çonsidel'ing" the wild eharaeter of the assemblage,
the order obsel've,l was remarkable. Chaplains were
appointed, and morning and evening serviees--here
hot objeeted to--were regularly read. On the oak-
tree, whieh was ealled the Oak of Reformation, there
vas plaeed a pulpit, where the elergy of the ueigh-
bourhood came from rime to rime, and were permitted
without obstruction to lecture the people upon sub-
mission. Among others, came Matthéw Parker, after-
wards Arehbishop of Canterbul3", who, "mounting"
into the oak, advised them fo leave off' their enter-
prise," or, if they refused, at all events hot "to waste
their vietuals," nor " fo luake the publie good a
pretext for private revenge ". The magistrates and
other local authorities were powerless. In London,
the Proteetor eould not resolve on any distinct
course of action. Of the Norfolk insurgents he was
believed distinetly to approve, and even to have been
in private communication vith their leaders. For
several weeks they were unlnolested. The eity of
Norvieh was free to them fo eome and go. The
mayor himself, partly by eompulsion, had sat with
Ket as joint assessor under the oak, and had been
obeyed when he advised moderation. The ultimate
intention, so far as the people had formed an intention,
was o give a lesson to the gentlemen and to reform
KET'S REBELLION, I549 65
the local abuses. They had no thought, like the
western rebels, of lnoving on Loudon, or lnoving any-
where. They were in permanent sessionon Mousehold
Hill, and there they seemed likely fo remain as long
as there were sheep left fo be eaten and landowners
fo be punished.
Af last, on the 31st of July, a herald appeared af
the oak, bidding all the people, in the king's naine,
depart fo their bouses, and for all that t, hey had donc
promising, without exception, a free and entire pardon.
The people shouted," God save t, he Kiug". Thcy had
]ived a month af free quarters, they had given a lesson
fo t.he gentlemen, who had seen that the Government
conld hot pl'otect them; the pardon vas a sanction
fo their enterprise, which might now fitly end. Un-
doubtedly, had the risingtel'ninated t.hus, the
commons would have gained what they desircd.
Ket, howcver, st, ood upon the word. "Pardon," he
said, was for ofllmders, and they werc no offenders,
but good servants of the comlnonwealth.
The herald replied that he was a traitor, and offered
fo arrest him. The people thought they were betrayed,
and in the midst of wild cries and uproar the mayor
drew off into the town, taking the herald with him,
and the gares were closed. This was taken af once
as a declarat, ion of war. A single night served for
the preparations, aud {he next lnorlfing Norwich was
assaulted. So tierce and resolute the people were,
that boys and young lads pulled the arrows out of
their flesh when xvounded, and gave theln fo their
own archers fo return upon the citizens. After being
repulsed again and again, a storlning party af last
made their vay through the river over a weak spot
in the walls, and the town "cas taken.
Regular arlnies under the circumstances of the now
5
66 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
victorious rebels are not always fo be restrained--an
English mob was stiI1 able tobe moderate. The Nor-
wich citizens had not been oppressors of the poor, and
pIunder was neither permitted nor attempted. The
guns and anamunition only were carried off to the
camp. The herald attempted fo address the people in
the market-place, but they bade him begone. Such
of the inhabitants as they suspected they detained as
prisoners, and withdrew fo their quarters.
By this rime the counciI were moving. The Pro-
tector proposed ai first fo go hlmseIf into NorfoIk;
but either he was distrusted by the others, or preferred
fo Ieave the odium of severe measures to them. North-
ampton was selected fo lead; and if is fo be noticed
that no reliance could be placed on levies of troops
raised in the ordinary way; Lord Sheffield, Lord
Wentworth, Sir Anthony Denny, Sir Ralph Sadler,
Sir Thomas Cornwallis, and other members of the
privy council, went with him; and their force was
composed of the personal retilmes of the lords and
gentlemen, with a company of Italians.
The Norwich citizens, by this rime alarmed at the
humour of their neighbours, received them eagerly.
Iqorthampton took the comnmnd of the town, and
the gares were again close& The next morning the
iïghting recommenced, the Italians being tirst engaged ;
and an Italian officer being taken prisoner, with the
same national hat.red of foreigners which appeared in
Devonshire, he was carried up to Mousehold, stripped
naked and hung. The insurgents having the advan-
rage, brought their cannon close fo the walls. In the
night, under cover of a heavy tire, they attempted an
assault; and though they failed, and lost three hun-
dre,-1 men, they fought so resolutely and desperately,
that Northampton renewed the offer which had been
sent by the hera.ld of free pardon.
KET'S REBELLION, I549 67
But the blood of the commons was now up for
battle. They had formed larger views in the weak-
ness of the Government. They replied that they had
not taken up arms against the king, but they would
save the commonwealth and the king from bad ad-
visers, and they would do if or die in the quarrel.
Again the next day they stormed up to t,le walls.
Struck clown on all sides, they pressed dauntlessly on:
a hundred and forty fell dead on the ramparfls, and
then Ket forced his way into Norwich, a second rime
victorious. Sheffield was killed, Cornwal[is was taken,
Northampton and his other companions fled for their
lives. In the coufusion some buildin were set on
tire, and, as a punishment to the inhabitants for
having taken part against them, the rebels this time
plundered the houses of some of the more wealthy
citizens. But they repented of having discredited
their cause. The property which had been taken was
marie up afterwards in bundles and flung contemptu-
ously into the shops of the owners.
Parallel to this misfortu-ne came the news that Henry
of France in person had af last _entered the Boulon-
naise, and that there was a fresh rising in Yorkshire,
fo which Russell's success in Devonshire was the only
counterpoise. It was characteristic of the administra-
tion of Somerset that, with hall England in flames,
and the other hall disaffected, aud now openly at war
with the most poverful nation on the confluent, he
was still meditating an invasion of Scotlnd. Of the
Lanzknechts who had been brought over, some were
in the west with R.ussell. The rest had been marched
northwards under the command of the Earl of Warwick.
But the defeat of Northampton ruade further perse-
verance in this direction impossible. Scotlmd vas af
last relinquished, left to itself or to France. Orders
68 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
were sent to Rutland, who was af Berwick, fo cross
the Tweed with such force as he had with him, to
level the works st Haddington, and, leaving there
the bodies of t, housands of lnen, and the hundreds of
thousan,ts of poun,ts which had been spent upon the
fortificat.ions, to bring off the garrison. Warwick's
destination was changed to Norwich, where he was
ordered to proceed vithout delay. The German troops
were to follow him bv forced marches.
Dudley, Earl of Warwick, was now passing into
prominence; he was the son of Edward Dudley, who
had been the instrument of the oppressions of Henry
VII., who, on t.he aeeession of Henry VIII., had taken
par in a trcasonable attempt to secure the person of
t.he young king, and had died on the seaftbld. The
fault, s of the fat, ber ha,1 hot been visited on the son.
John Dudley was elnployed early il the publie service.
He ha,t distinguished hilnself as a sohlier, a diploma-
t.ist and as an a, hniral. As Lord Lisle, a t, itle given
fo him by Henry, he ha,l eommanded the English
fleet af Spithead at the rime of the Freneh invasion
of 154,5, and he was second in eommand under Somer-
set, af, Musselburgh. Perfeet.ly free from vague
t, husiasm, in his faults and in his virtues he was alike
distinguished from the Proteetor. Shrewd, silent,
eunning and plausible, he had avoided open collision
with the unele of the king; he had been elnployed
on the northern Border, where he had done his own
work skilfully; and if he had opposed Somerset's
imprudent sehemes, he had submitted, like the test,
as long as sublnission was possible. He had the art
of gaining influence by affeeting to diselaim a desire
for it ; and in his letters, of whieh many relnain iii the
State Paper Office, there is a tone of studied modera-
tion, a seeming disinterestedness, a thoughtful anxiet.y
KET'S REBELLION, I549 69
for others. With something of the rcality, solnething
of the aflct.ation of high qualifies, with great personal
courage, and a coolness which never allowed him fo
be off his guard, he had a character well fitted to
impose on others, because, fil'St of all, it is likely that
he had ilnposed upon himselt'.
The news of the change in his destination, and of
the causes of it, reached him about the lOth of August
at Warwick. He wrote immediately to Cecil fo en-
tl'eat that Northampton might remai,t in the chier
colnmtmd. " Lord Nol'thamptol," he said, " by mis-
fortune hath received discom[ort enough, and haply
this might give him occasion to think himself utterly
diseredited, and so for ever diseoul'age him. I shall
be as glad, for my part, to join with him, yea, and
with ail my heurt to serve under him, s I wouM be
to have the whole uthority myself. I wouhl wish
that no man, for one lnisehanee or evil hap, to whieh
11 be suÇjeet, should be utterly t4jeet." Without
waiting for an nswer, and leaving the Gernmns fo
follow, he hastened fo Cambridge, whither North-
ampton lmd retired, taking with him his sons, Lord
Ambrose aud Lord Robert, Sir Thomas Palmer, Sir
Marlnduke Constble, nd a few other gentlelnen.
Rallying the remains of Northalnpton's force, he
mde af once for Norfolk. He reaehed Wymondlmm
on the 22ad of August; on the 23rd he was belote
the gares of NOl'wieh ; nd for the third rime Norroy
Herald earried in the oflr of a free prdon, with an
intimation that it was ronde for the last rime.
Ket lmd af length learnt SOlUe degree of prudence,
and was inelined to be satified with his sueeess. He
allowed the herald fo read the proelanmtiol in all parts
of the town and ealnp, he himself standing t his side ;
and he had ruade up his mind to return with him and
7 ° SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
have an iterview with Warwick, when an unlucky
urchiu who was preset flung himself into an English
attitude of impertinece, "with words as unseenfly as
his gesture was filthy". Some one, perhaps a servant
or" the herald, levelled his lmrluebuse, and shot "that
ungracious boy through the body". A cut with a
whip might have been endured or approved; af the
needless muMer shouts arose on ail sides of treachery.
In vain Ket attempted to appease the exasperation.
He could hot pacify the peoplè, and he would hot leave
them. The herld retired from the city alone, and
the chance of a bloodless termination of the rising was
af an end.
The rebels, after the second captm'e of Norwich, lmd
retained possession of it. Warwick instantly dvanced.
The gares were blown open, and he forced his way
into the market-place, where sixty men, who were
taken prisoners, were hanged on the spot. The insur-
gents, however, on their side, were hot idle. A number
of them, making the circuit of the walls, intercepted
the ammunition waggons in the rear, and carried them
off to Moushold. The canno were in front, and
were placed at the north gare; but, with little or no
powder, they were ahnost useless ; and another party
of the insurgents, with picked marksmen among them,
charged up fo the batteries, swept them clear of men
by a well-aimed shot from a culverin, and carried off
the guns lu triumph.
Another storm of the city now seemed imminent.
The force that Warwick hd with him was the saine
which had been alrady defeated; a panic spread
among thm, ,nd Warwick was urged to abandon the
town--to retreat, and wait for reinforcements. But
he ew that two days, af the furthest, would now
bring them, and he would take the chances of the
KET'S REBELLION, I549 7I
interval. Death, he said, was better than dishonour.
He wouhl hot leave Norwich till he had either put
down the rebellion or lost his lire. But so imminent
appeared the peril af that moment, that he and the
other knights and gentlemen drey¢ their swords and
kissed each other's blades, "according fo ancient custom
used among men of var in rimes of great «aner .
Happily for Warwick, the rebels did hot instantly
follow up their success, and in losing the moment they
lost ail. On the 25th the Germans came up, and he
was sale. The next morning, by a side movement, he
eut off the camp from their provisions. They vere
left "with but water to drink, and fain fo eat their
lnet without bread" ; and on the 27th the whole body,
perhaps 15,000 strong, broke up from Mousehold, set
tire fo their cabins, ami, eovered by the smoke, came
dovn from their high ground into Duflîndale. They
had mde up their minds fo fight a deeisive action,
and they ehose a ground where all advantages of
irregular levies against regular troops were lost.
On the morning of the 27th they were drawn up in
open tields vllere Warwiek eould attack af his pleasure.
Before the first shot vas fired he sent Sir Thomas
Palmer forvard, not nov to oflhr a general pardon,
for he saw tllat sueeess was in his hand, but exeepting
only one or two persons. The message vas reeeived
with a shout of refusal. The rebels opened the action
vith a round from their eannon vhieh struck dowa
the royal standard; but never for a moment had they
a chanee of vietory; the sustained tire of the Lanz-
kneehts threw their dense and unorganised masses into
rapid eonfusion. As they vavered, Warviek's horse
vere in the nfidst of them, and the tields were eovered
instntly vith a seattered and flying erowd. Ket rode
for b.is lire, and for the rime eseaped ; the rest fulfflled
7 2
SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
the misleading prophecy, and for three toiles strewed
Duiindale with their bodies: 3,500 were cut down;
one rarely hears of "wounded" on these occasions,
except among the victors. A few ouly stood their
ground; and, seeing that flight was death, and that
death was the worst they had fo fear, determined fo
sell their lires dearly. They ruade a barricade of carts
and waggons, and, with some heavy guus in the midst
of them, prepared fo fight fo the lasç. Warwick
-espected their courage and ottlered them a pardon.
They had an impression he had brought down a barrel
full of ropes and halte's, and that they were fo be
ruade over fo the mercies of the gentlemen. They said
they would submit if their lires we'e really fo be
spared ; but they would "rathcr die like men than be
strangled af the pleasure of their euemies" Warwick
declined fo parley. He brought up t.he Germans with
levelled matchlocks, and thcy threw down their arms
and s.urrendered. In this last party were some of the
ringleaders of the movement. Ho was urged fo make
an example of them ; but he insisted that he must keep
his promise. Either from policy or from good feeling
he was disincliued fo severity. " Pitying thcir case,"
he said "that measure must be used in all things ; " and
when the fighting was over, the executions, considering
the thues and the provocation, were hOt humerons. Ket
and his brother William were soon aftei" taken and sent
fo London fo be examined by the comcil. A gunner,
two of the prophets and six more were hanged on the
Oak of Reformation ; and if appears that thcre were
other prisoners wliom the Protector released. In the
autumn (but hOt till the change had taken place in
the Government) the Kets were returned fo their
own county for punishment. Robert was hung in
chains on Norwich Castle; William on the church
KET'S REBELLION, i549 73
tower af Wymondhaln. So ended the Norfolk re-
bellion, remarkable among other things for the order
whieh was observed among the people during the
seven weeks of lawlessness.
74
PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN JANE,
JUL¥, 1553.
THE death of Edward VI. was ushered in with signs
and wonders, as if heaveu and earth were in labour
with revolution. The hall lay upon the gTass in the
London gardens as red as blood. At Middleton Stony,
in Oxfordshire, anxious lips reported that a child had
been born vith one body, two heads, four feet and
hands. About the rime when the letters patent were
signed there oelile a StOl'lll sUC}l as 11o living English-
man relnembered. Ïhe summer evening gre)v blaek
as night. Cataraets of water flooded the houses in
the eity and turned the streets into rivers ; trees were
torn up by the roots and whirled through the air, and
a more awful oInenthe forked lightning--struek
down the steeple of the ehureh where the heretie
serviee had been read for the first time.
The king died a little belote nine o'eloek on Thurs-
day evening. His death vas ruade a seeret; but in
the saine hour a eourier was galloping through the
twilight to Hunsdon fo bid Mary mount and fly.
Her plans had been for some days prcpared. She
had been direeted to remain quiet, but to hold herself
ready to be up and away at a lnoment's warning.
The lords who were to elose hêr in would hot be ai
their posts, and for a few hours the roads would be
1 Embodying Edvard VI.'s device for the succession.--A.
PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN JANE, i553 75
open. The Howards vere looking for her in Nor-
folk; and thither she ws to ride at her best speed,
proclaiming her accession as she went along, and
sendiug out hcr lctters calling loyal Englishmen to
rise in her dcfence.
So Mary's secret friends had instructed lier to act,
as ber one chance. Mary, who, like all the Tudors,
was most herself iii the 1,onmnts of greatest danger,
followed a counsel boldly which agreed with hcr own
opinion; and vhen Lord Robert Dudley came in the
morning vith a company of horse fo look fol' her, she
vas far away. Relays of horses along the l'oad, and
such other precautions as could be taken without ex-
citing suspicion, had doubtless hot been overlookcd.
Far ditibrent advice had been sent to lier by the
new ambassadors of the emperor. Scheyfne, who
understood England and English habits, and who was
sanguine of hcr success, had agreed to a course which
had probably been arranged in concert with him ; but
on the 6th, the day of Edvard's death, Renard and 5I.
de Courieres, al'rived from Brussels. To Renard, accus-
tomed fo countries where governments were everything
and peoples nothing, for a single woman to proclaim
hcrself queen in the face of those who had the armed
force of the kingdom in their hands appcared like
madness. Little confidence could be placed iii hcr
supposed friends, since they had wanted resolution
fo refuse their signatures fo the instrument of her
dcposition. The emperor could hot move; although
ho might wish well to her cause, the alliance of England
was of vital importance to him, and he vould hot
compromise himself with the faction, whose success,
notwithstanding Scheyfne's assurance, he looked upon
as certain. Renard, therefore, lost nota moment in
entreating the princess hot to venture upon a course
7 6 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
from which he anticipated inevitable ruin. If the
nobility or the people desired fo lmve her for queen,
they would make her queen. There was no need for
her fo stir. The remonstrance agreed fully with the
opinion of Charles hilnself, who l'eplied to Renard's
aeeount of his eonduet with eomplete approval of if.
The emperor's power wts no longer equal fo an atti-
tude of lnenaee ; he lmd been taught, by the repeated
blunders of Reginahl Pole, to distl'ust aeeounts of
popular English sentiment ; and he disbelieved entirely
in the ability of Mwy and hêr friends fo eope with
a eonspiraey so broadly eontrived, and suppol'ted by
the eountenanee of Franee. But ]\Iary was probably
gone from Hunsdon befOl'e adviee arrived, to whieh
she had been lost if she had listened. She had ridden
night and day without a halt for a hundred toiles to
Keninghall, a eastle of the Howards on the Waveney
river. There, in sale hands, she would try the effeet
of an appeal to her eountry. If the nation was mute,
she would then eseape to the Low Countries.
In London, duriug Friday and Saturday, the death
of Edward was knovn and unknown. Everyone
talked of it as eertain. Yet the duke still spoke of
him as living, and publie business was earried on in
his naine. Oll the 8th the mayor and alderlnen were
sent for fo Greenwieh fo sign the letters patent. From
them the truth eould hot be eoneealed, but they were
sworn to seereey belote they were allowed to leave
the palaee. The eonspirators desired to have Mary
under sale eusto@ in the Tower belote the mystery
was published fo the world, and another diffieulty was
not yet got over.
The novelty of a female sovereign, and the supposed
eonstitutional objeetion fo it, were points in favour of
the altêl'ation whieh Northumberland was unwilling to
PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN JANE, I553 77
relinquish. The "device" had been changed in favour
of Lady Jane; but Lady Jane was hot fo reign alone:
Northumberland intended fo hold the teins tight-
grasped in his own hands, fo keep the power in his
own family, and fo urge the sex of Mary as among the
prominent occasions of her incapacity. England was
still fo bave a king, and that king was tobe Guilford
Dudley.
Jane Grey, eldest daughter of the Duke of Suflblk,
was nearly of the saine age with Edward. Edward
had been unhealthily precocious; the activity of his
mind had been a symptom, or a cause, of the weakness
of his body. Jane Grey's accomplishments were as
extensive as Edward's; she had aC«luired a degree of
learnino" rare in matured men, which she could use
gracefully, and couhl permit fo be seen hy others
without vanity or consciousness. Hcr character ha,1
developed with ber talents. Af fifteen she was
learning Hebrew and could write Greek; at sixteen
she corresponded with Bullinger in Latin af least
equal fo his own: but the marrer of her letters is
more striking than the language, and speaks more for
ber than the most elaborate panegyrics of admiring
courtiers. She bas left a portrait of herself drawn by
her own hand; a portrait of piety, purity, and free,
noble innocence, uncoloured, even fo a fault, with the
emotional weaknesses of humanitv. While the eficts
of the Reformation in England had been chiefly visible
in the outward dominion of scoundrels and in the
eclipse of the hereditary virtues of the national char-
acter, Lady Jane Grey had lived fo show that the
defect was hOt in the Reformed faith, but in the
absence of all faith,--that the graces of a St. Elizabeth
could be rivalled by the pupil of Cramner and Ridley.
When married to Guilford Dudley, Lady Jane had
7 8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
entreated that, being herself so young, and her hus-
hand scarcely older, she might continue fo reside with
her mother. Lady Northumberland had consented;
and the new-ruade bride remained af home ti]l a
rumour went abroad that Edwavd was on the point of
death, when she was told that she must remove fo ber
father-in-law's house, till "God should call the king to
His mercy"; her presence would then be required af
the Towev, the king having appointed her fo be the
heir fo the crown.
This was the first hint which she had received of
the fortune which was in store for ber. She believed
it fo be a jest, and took no notice of the order to
change her residence, till the Duchess of Northumber-
land came herself fo fetch her. A violent scene enued
with Lady Suffolk. At last the duchess brought in
Guilford Dudley, who commanded Lady Jane, on her
allegiance as a wife, fo return with him: and, "hOt
choosing fo be disobedient fo her husband," she con-
sented. The duchess carried her ofi and kept her for
three or four days a prisoner. Afterwards she was
taken fo a house of the duke's at Chelsea, where she
remained till Sunday, the 9th of July, when a message
was brought that she was wanted immediately at Sion
House, fo receive an order from the king.
She went alone. There was no one ai, the palace
when she arrived; but immediately after Northum-
berland came, attended by Pelnbroke, Northampton,
Huntingdon and Arundel. The Eavl of Pembroke,
as he approached, knelt fo kiss her hand. Lady
Northulnberland and Lady Northampton entered,
and the duke, as president of the council, rose fo
speak.
"The King," he said, "was no more. A godly lire
had been fol[owed, as a consolation fo their sorrows,
PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN JANE, 1553 79
by a godly end, and in leaving the world he had not
forgotten his duty to his subjects. His Majesty had
prayed on his deathbed that Ahnighty God would
protect the realm from false opinions, and especially
from his unworthy sister ; he haï! rèflècted that both
the Lady Mary and the Lady Elizabeth had been
cut off by Act of Parliament from the succession as
illegitimate ; the Lady Mary had been disobedient to
her father; she had been again disobedient to her
brother; she was a capital and principal enemy of
God's word ; and both she and her sister were bastards
born: King Henry did hot intend that the crown
should be worn by either of them; King Edward,
therefore, had, before his dcath, bequeathed if to his
cousin the Lady Jane; and, shouht the Lady Jane
die without ehildren, to'her younger sister; and he
had entreated the eouneil, for their honours' sake and
for the sake of the rèahn, to see that his will was
observe&"
Northumberland, as he eoneluded, dropt on his
klees; the four lords knelt with him, and, doing
homage fo the Lady Jane as queen, they swore that
they would keep their faith or lose their lires in her
defenee.
Lady Jane shook, eovered her face with her hands,
and fell fainting to the ground. Her first simple grief
was for Edward's deat, h ; she felt it as the loss of a
dearly loved brothèr. The weight of her own fortune
was still more agitating; when she came to herself,
she cried that it could not be ; the crown was hot for
her, she could hot bear it--she was hot fit for if. Then,
knowing nothing of the falsehoods which Northumber-
land had tohl her, she clasped her hands, and, in a
revulsion of feeling, she prayed God that if the great
place to which she was called was indeed justly hers,
8o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
He would give her grace fo govern for His service and
for the welfare of His people.
So passed Sunday, the 9th of July, af Sion House.
In London, the hope of first securing Mary being
disappointed, the king's death had been publicly
knowledged; circulars were sent out fo the sherifls,
mayors and magistrates in the usual style, announcing
the accession of Queen Jane, and the troops were
sworu man by man fo the new sovereign. Sir William
Petre and Sir John Cheke vaited on the emperor's
ambassador fo express a hope that the alteration in
the succession would hot atlçct the good understanding
between the courts o England and Flanders. The
preachers were set fo work to pacify the citizens;
and, if Scheyfne is fo be believed, a blood cernent was
designed fo stren'hen the new throne ; and Gardiner,
the Duke of Norfolk and Lord Court.enay were
directed fo prepare for death in three days. But
Northunberland would scarcely bave risked an ac of
gratuitous tyranny. Norfolk, being under attainder,
might have been put to death without violation of
the forrns of law, by warrant from the Crown ; but
Gardiner was uncondemned, and Courtenay had never
been accused of crime.
The next day, Monday, the 10th of July, the royal
barges came down the Thames from lichmond: and
af three o'clock in the afernoon Lady Jane landed at
the broad staircase af the Tower, as queen, in un-
desired splendour. A tew sca.ttered groups of spec-
tators stood fo watch the arrival; but if appeared,
from their silence, that they had been brought together
chiefly by curiosity. As the gares closed, the heralds-
at-arms, with a company of the archers of the guard,
rode into the city, and af the cross in Cheapside, Paul's
Cross and Fleet Streeç they proclaimed "that the Lady
PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN JANE, i553 8
Mary vas unlawfully begotten, and that the Lady
Jane Grey was queen ". The ill-hunlour of London
was no secret, and solne delnonstration had been
looked for in 1}[al'y's favour; but here, ag-aill, ttlere
was only silence. Ïhe hel'alds eried, "God save the
Queen!" 'ehe arehers waved their caps and eheered,
but the erovd looked on impassively. One youth only,
Gilbert Porter, whose naine for those few days passed
into Fame's trumpet, ventured fo exelaim, "The Lady
lIary has the better title". Gilb,rt's lnaster, one
" Ninian ,Sanders," denouneed the boy to the guard,
and he was seize& Yet a lnis[ortune, thoug'ht fo be
providential, in a few hours befell Ninian ,Sanders.
Going home to his house down the river, in t.he July
evening, he was overt.urned and drowned as he was
shooting Lon, lon Bridge in his wherry ; the boatlnen,
who were the instruments of providence, eseaped.
Nor did the party in the Tower l'est their fir.st
night there with perfeet satisfaetion. In the evening
lnessengers ealne in froln the easterll eounties with
news o[ the Lady Nal'y, and with letters from herself.
She had written fo Renard and Seheyfne to tell them
t.hat she was in good hand.s, and for the moment was
sale. Nhe had proelaimed herself lueen. Nhe had
sent addresses fo the peers, eommanding them on
their allegianee to eome fo her: and shê begged the
ambassadors fo tell her instantly whet.her she lnight
look fOl" assistance from Flanders; on the aet.ive
support of the elnperor, so far as she eould judge, the
mOVelnents of her friends would depend.
The alnbassadors sent a courier to Brussels for
instructions ; but, pending Charles's judgment to the
eontrary, they thought they had better leave 5Iary's
appeal unanswered till they eould see how events
would turn. There was a rumour eurrent indeed
6
Sa SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
that she had from ten fo fifteen thousand men vith
her; but this they could ill believe. For themselves,
they expected every hour fo hear that she had been
taken by Lord Warwick and Lord Robert Dudley, who
vere gone in pursuit of her, and had been put to
death.
The lords who vere with the new queen were not
so confident. They were sitting late af night in con-
sultation with the Duchess of Northumberland and
the Duchess of Suttblk, when aletter was brought in
to them from Mary. The lords ordered the messenger
into arrest. The seal of the packet was broken, and
the letter read aloud. It was dated the day be[orc,
Sunday, 9th July.
The lords, when the letter was read fo the end,
looked uneasily in each other's faces. The ladies
screamed, sobbed and were carried off in hysterics.
There was yet rime fo turn back; and had the Re-
formation been, as he pretended, the true concern of
the Duke of Northumberland, he would have brought
Nary back himself, bound by conditions which, in
her present danger, she would have accepted. But
Northumberland cared as little for religion as for
any other good thing. He was a great criminal,
throwing a stake for a crown; and treason is too
conscious of its guilt fo believe retreat from the first
step fo be possible.
Another blow was in store for him that night before
he laid his head upon his pillow. Lady Jane, knowing
nothing of the letter from Nary, had retired to her
apartment, when the Marquis of Winchester came in
fo wish her joy. He had brought the crown with him,
which she had hot sent for ; he desired her to put if
on, and see if if required alteration. She said if would
PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN JANE, 1553 83
do very well as it was. He thon told her that, before
her coronation, another crown was tobe mme for her
husband. Lady Jane started; and it seelned as if for
the first tilne the dreary suspicion crossed her nlilld
that she was, af ter ail, but the puppet of the alnbition
of the duke fo raise his faluily fo the throne. "Vill-
ehester retired, and she sat indignant till Guilford
Dudley appeared, when she told hinl that, young as
she was, she klleV that the erown of Eglaud was hot
a thing tobe tritted with. There was no l)udley in
Edward's will, an, l, belote he eouhl be Cl'OWl,ed, the
consent of Parlialnent lnUSt be fil'st aske, l and obtained.
The boy-husband Wellt whining to his nlother, while
Jal,e sent for Arundel and l'elnbroke, and told theln
that it was hot for ber fo appoint kings. ,She wouM
make her husbalM a duke if he desired if; that was
within her prerogative ; but king she wouhl hot make
him. As she was speaking, the l)uehess of Nort.huln-
berland rushed in with her son, fresh from the agita-
tion of Mary's letter. The lnother storlned ; Guilford
eried like a spoilt ehild that he would be no duke, he
xvouhl be a king- aigri, when Jalle stood firln, the
duehess bade hiln eolne away, and not share the bed
o[ ail ungrateful and disobedient wife.
The first experienee of royalty had brought small
pleasure with if. Dudley's kingship was set aside
for the momelt, and was 80011 forgotten in lnore
alarming lnatters. To please his mother, or fo paeify
his vanity, he was ealled " Your Graee ". He was
allowed fo preside in the eouneil, so long as a eouneil
remained, and he dined alone--tinsel distinetions, for
vhieh the poor wreteh had to pay dearly.
84
WYATT'S REBELLION, 1554.
ON the flight of the duke being known at the Court,
if was supposed immedfitely that he intended to pro-
claire his dtughter and Guilford Dudley. Rumour,
indeed, turned the supposition into fact, aud declared
that he had clle«l on the country to rise in arms for
(,ueen Jane. But Suttblk's plan was identical with
Wyatt's; lin had carried with him duplicate of
Wyatt's proclamation, and, accompanied by his brother,
he presented himself in the market-place af Leicester
on the morning of Monday the 29th of J«muary. Lord
Huntingdon had folloved close upon his track from
London ; but he assured the Mayor of Leicester that
the Earl of Huntingdon was coming, hot to oppose,
but to join with him. No harm was intended to the
tlueen ; he was ready to die in her defence; his object
was only to save England from the dominion of
foreigners.
In consetluence of these protestations, he was allowed
to read his proclamation ; the people were indifferent;
but he called about him a few scores of his tenants
and retainers from his own estates in the country;
and ou Tuesday morning', while the insurgents in
Kent were attacking Cowling Castle, Surtblk rode
out of Lcicester, in full armour, at the head of his
troops, intending first to move on Coventry, then to
take Kenihvorth and Warwick, and so fo advance on
1 Of Suffolk.--A.
WYATT'S REBELLION, 554
85
London. The garrison af Warwick had been tampered
with, and was reported fo be ready fo rise. The gares
of Coventry he expected to find open. He had sent
his proclamation thither the day before, by a servant,
and he had friends vithin the wMls who had under-
taken to place the town at his disposal.
The state of Coventry was probably the state of
most other tmvns in England. The inhabitants were
divided. The mayor and aldermen, the fathers of
familles and the men of property were conservatives,
loyal fo the queen, to the mass and to "the cause of
order". The young and enthusiastic, supported by
others who had good reasons for being in opposition
fo established authorities, were those vho had placed
themselves in correspondence with the Duke of Suttblk.
Suflblk's servant (his name was Thomas Rampton),
on reaching the town on Monday evening, ruade a
mistake in the first person to whom he addressed
himself, and rcceived a cold auswer. Two others of
the townsmen, however, immediately welcomed him,
and told him that "the whole place was at his lord's
commandment, except certain of the town council,
who feared that, if good fellows had the upper hand,
their extremities heretofore should be remembered ".
They took Rampton into a house, where, presently,
another man entered of the saine way of thinking,
and, in his own eyes, a man of importance. " My
lord's quarrel is right well knowlL" this person said.
"It is God's quarrel: let him corne; let him corne, and
make no stay, for this town is his own. I say to you
assuredly this town is his own. I ara it."
It was now night; no time was to be lost, the
townsmen said. They mged Ilampton to return af
once to SuItblk, and hasten his movements. They
would themselves read the proclamation at the market-
86 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
cross forthwith, and raise the people. Rampton, who
had ridden far, and was weary, wished fo wait till the
morning; if they were so confident of success, a few
hours couhl make no difl)rence : but if appeared shortly
that the "goo, l fellows" in Coventry were hot exclu-
sively un,ler the influence of piety and patriotism. If
a rising commence,l in the darkness, if was admitted
that "undoubte, l spoil and peradventure destruction
of many rich men would ensue," and with transactions
of this kiud the duke's servant was unwilling to
connect himself.
Thus the hom's wore away, and no resolution was
arrived af; and, in the meantime, the town council
had received a warning to be on their guard. Belote
daybreak the constables vere on the alert, the decent
citizens took possession of the gares, and the conspira-
tors ha,t lost their opportunity. In the afternoon
Suttblk arrived with a hundred horse under the walls,
but there was no admission for him. Whilst he was
hesitating what course fo pursue, a messenger came in
to say that the Earl of Huntingdon was af Warwick.
The plot for the revoit of the garrison had been
detected, and the whole country was on the alerg.
The people had "no desire to sec the Spaniards in
England ; but sober, quiet farmers and burgesses would
hot rise af the call of the friend of Northumberland,
and assist in bringing back the evil days of anarchy.
The Greys had now only fo provide for their
personal safety.
Su[tblk had an estate a few mlles distant, called
Astley Park, to which the party retreated from Coven-
try. There the duke shared such money as he had
with him among his men, and bade them shift for
themselves. Lord Thomas Grey changed coats with
a servant, and rode off fo Wales to join Sir James
WYATT'S REBELLION, 554 87
Crofts. Suflblk himself, xvho xvas iii, took refuge xvith
lais brothêr, Lord John, in the cottage of one of lais
galnêkeepers, where they hopêd fo remain hidden till
the hue and cry shouhl be over, aud they couhl escape
abroad.
Thê cottage was considered insecure. Two bowshots
south of Astley Church there stood in the park an old
decaying tree, in the hollow of which the father of
Lady Jane Grêy concealed himself ; and there, for two
winter days aml a night, he was left without food. A
proclamation had been put out hy Huutilgdon for
Suflblk's apprehclSiol, and the keeper, either tempted
by the rexval'd, or frightelmd by the menace against
all who should give him shêlter, broke his tl'USt--a
rare example of disloyalty--and, going fo Warwick
Castlê, undertook fo betray his master's hiding-place.
A party of troopers were dêspatched, with the keeper
for a guide; and, on arriving af Astlêy, they found
that the duke, unable fo endure the cold and hunger
lougêr, had crawled out of the tree, and was warming
himself by the cottage tire. Lord John was discovered
buried umlêr some bumlles of hay. They were carried
off af once fo the Tover, whither Lord Thomas Grey
and Sit" James Crofts, who had failed as signally in
Wales, soon after followed them.
The account of his COlffedêrates' failurê saluted
Wyatt Oll his arrival in Southwark, on the 3rd of
February. The intelligence vas being published, at
the moment, in the streets of Loudon; Wyatt himself,
at the saine time, was proclaimed traitor, and a reward
of a hundred pounds wts offered for lais capture, dead
or alive. The peril, however, was far from over;
Wyatt replied to the proclamation by wearing lais
naine, in large letters, upon his cap; the success of the
queeu's speech in the city irritated the council, who
88 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
did not choose fo sit still under the imputation of
having approved of the Spanish marriage. They
deelared everywhere, loudly and angrily, that they
had hot approved of it, and did not approve; in the
eity itself publie feeling ag'ain wavered, and fresh
parties of the train-bands erossed the water and
deserted. The behaviour of Wyatt's followers gave
the lie fo the queen's eharges against them : the prisons
in Southwark were not opened; property was re-
speeted serupulously; the only attempt af injury was
af Winehester House, ,ld there it was insf.Ct]y
repressed ; the inhabitant.s of the Boroug'h entertained
them with warm hospitality ; and the queen, notwith--
standing her eflbrts, round herself as it were besieged,
in her prineipal eity, by a handful of eommoners,
whonl no one ventured, or no one eould be trusted,
fo attaek. So matters eontinued through Saturday,
Sunday, Monday and Tues&y. The lavyers at West-
minster Hall pleaded in harness, and the judges wore
harness under their robes ; Doetor Weston sang lnass
in harness belote the queen; tradesmen attended in
narness behind their eounters. The lnetropolis, on
both sides of the water, was in an attitude of armed
expeetation, yet there was no movement, no demonstra-
tion on either side of popular feeling. The ominous
strangeness of the situation appalled even 3Iary her-
self.
By this rime the intereepted letter of Noailles had
been deeiphered. If proved, if lnore proof was wanted,
the eorrespondenee between the ambassador and the
eonspirators ; it explained the objeet of the rising---
the queen was to be dethroned iii favour of her sister ;
and it was round, also, though names were hot men-
; French mbssdor in Englnd,--A,
WYATT'S REBELLION, 1554 89
tioned, that the plot had spread far upwards among
the noblemen by whom Mary was surrounded. Evi-
denee of Elizabeth's eoml)lieity it did hot eontMn ; while,
o Gardiner's mortifieation, it showe«l t.hat Courtenay,
in his eonfessions to himself, had betrayed the guilt
of others, but had eoneealed part of his own. In an
anxiety to shiel«l him the ehaneellor pronouneed the
eipher of Court.enay's naine to be unintelligible. The
queen pltzee«l the letter in the hands of Renard, by
whom if was instmtly rez«l, and the ehaneellor's
humour xvas not improved; 3113" ha, l the mortifica-
tion of feeling that she was herself the last olziect of
anxiet.y eithcr fo him or to any of ber eouneil ; though
Wyatt was ai the gares of London the 'eouneil eould
only spend the rime in passionate reeriminations;
Paget blamed Gardiner for his rcligious intoleranee ;
Gardiner blamed Pget for having mlvised the arl'iage;
some exe]aime,1 ag'ainst Courtenay, some ag'ainst Eliza-
beth ; but of aet.ing" all alike seemed ineapable. If the
queen was in dm'er, the eouneil said, she might fly
to Windsor, or to Calais, or she mig'ht go fo the Tower.
"Whatever happens," she exelaimed fo Renard, "I aih
the wife of the prinee of Spain; erown, tank, lire,
all shall go belote I will t.ake any other husband."
The position, however, eould not be of long eon-
tinuanee. Could Wyatt onee enter London he assured
hilnself of sueeess; but the gares on the Bridge eon-
tinued elosed. Cheyne and Southwell had eolleeted
a body of lnen on whom they eould rely, and were
eoming up behin,l from Roehester. Wyatt desired fo
return and fight them, and then eross the water ai
Greenwieh, as had been before proposed; but his
followers feared that he meant fo eseape ; a baekward
movement would hOt be perlnitted, and his next eflbrt
was to aseertain whether the passage over the Bridge
could be foreed.
9 ° SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
London Bridge was then a long, narrov street.
The gare vas at the Southwark extremity; the
drawbri,lge was near the middle. On Sunday or
Momlay night Wyatt scaled the lea, ls of the gate-
house, climhed into a window and descended the
stairs into the lodge. The porter and his wife were
nodding over the tire. The rebel leader bade them
on their lires be still, and stole Mong in the darkness
to tbe chasm frolll whieb the drawbridge had been
eut away. There, looking aeross the black gulf
where the river was rolling below, he saw the dusky
mouths of four gaping cannou, and beyond theln, in
the torehlight, Lord Howard himself keeping" wateh
with the guard: neither foree nor skill eouhl make
a way into the eity by London Bridge.
The eourse whieh he should follow was deterlnined
for him. The Lieutenant of the Tower, if John
Brydges, a soldier and a Catholie, had looked over
the water with angry eyes at the insurg'ents eolleeted
within reaeh of his guns, and had asked the queen
for permission to tire upon them. The queen, afraid
of provoking the people, had hithcrto refused; on
the Monday, however, a Tower boat, passing the
Soutlnvark side of the water, was hailed by Wyatt's
sentries; the watermen refused to stop, the sentries
fired, and one of the men in the boat was killed.
The next morning (whether perlnission had been
given at last or hOt was never known) the guns on
the White Tower, the Devil's Tower and all the
bastions were loaded and aimed, and notiee was sent,
over that the tire was about to open. The inlmbi-
tants addressed themselves in agitation to Wyatt;
and Wyatt, vit, h a sudden resolution, hall felt to be
desperate, resolved to mareh for Kingston Bridge,
eross the Thames and eome baek ou London. His
WYATT'S REBELLION, 1554 91
friends in the eity promised t.o receive him eouhl he
reaeh Ludgttte by daybreak on Wednesday.
On Tuesday morning, therefore, Shrove Tuesday,
which the queen had hoped to spend more happily
than in faeing an army of insurgents, Wyatg, aceoln-
panied by hot nore than fifteen hundred lnen, pushed
out of Sout, hwarl« He had eannon wit.h hiln, whieh
delayed his mareh, but at four in t.he afternoon he
reaehed Kilgston. Thil-y feet of the bridge were
broken away, and a guard of threê hundred men
were on the other side; but thc guard fled afer
few rounds from the guns, and Wyatt, leaving his
men fo refresh themselves in the town, wen t.o work
fo repair the passage. A row of barges lay on the
opposite bank; three sailors swam across, ataehed
ropes to them and towed them over; and, the barges
being lnoored where the bridge wts lwoken, beams
and planks were laid aeross them, and a road was
ruade of sueient strengt.h to hem" the eannon and
the vamron
By eleven o'eloek a nigh he river vas erossed
and he match was resumed. The weather was still
wild, fle roads miry and heavy, and through he
winer nigh he lnOfley pary phmged along. The
Roeheser men had, mos of flem, gone home, and
those who relnained were the London deserers, gent.le-
men who had eompromised themselves oo deeply o
hope for pardon, or fanaties, who believed fley were
fighing fle Lord's bale, and some of the Proes-
an elergy. PoneY, he lae Bishop of Wineheser,
vas wit.h them; Willialn Thonlas, he lat.e elerk of
file eouneil: 8ir George Harper, Anflony Knyve,
Lord Çobham's sons, Pelham, who had been a spy of
Norflmmberland's on fle continent, and others more
or less eonspieuous in le wors period of he lae reign.
9 2 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
From the day that Wyatt came fo Southwark the
whole guard had been under arms af Whitehall, and
a number of them, fo the agitation of he Court ladies,
were stationed in the queen's ante-chamber. But the
guard was composed of dangerous clements. Sir
Humfrey l.adclitt; the lieutenant, was a " favourer of
the gospel "; and the " Hot Gospeller" himself, on
his recovery from his lever, had returned fo his
duties. No additional precautions had l>een taken,
nor does if seem that, on Wyatt's dcparture, his
lllOvelnent8 were watched. Kingston Bridge having
been broken, his immediate approaeh '*vas eertainly
unlooked for; nor was if till past lnidnight that
information eame fo the palaee that the passage had
been foreed, and that the insurR'ents were eoming
direetly baek upon London. Between two and three
in the morning" the ,lueen ,,,,'as called from her be,t.
Gardiner, who had been, with others of the eouneil,
arguing with ber in favour of Court.enay the preeed-
ing" day, was in waiting; he tohl her t.lat her barge
was af the stairs fo earry her up the river, an,1 she
must take shelter instantly at Windsor.
Without disturbing herself, the queen sent for
Renard. " Shall I go or stay ? " she asked.
"Unlêss your Majesty desire fo throw away your
erown," Renard answered, " you will relnain here till
the last extrclnity ; your flight will be known, the eity
will rise, seize the Tower and release the prisoners ;
the hereties will massaere the priests, and Elizabeth
will be proelailned qu,en."
The lords were ,livide& Gardiner insisted again
that she must and should go. The others were un-
eertain, or inelined fo the opiniou of Renard. Af lasç
Mary said that she would be guided by Pembroke and
WYATT'S REBELLION, i554 93
Clinton. If those two would undertake fo stand by
her, she would remain and see out tlle struggle.
They were hot present, and were sent for on tlle
spot. Pembroke for weeks past had certainly wavered ;
Lord Thomas Grcy believed af onê finie that he had
gained hiln over, and fo the last felt assurcd of his neu-
trality. Happily fol" Mary, happily, if must be said,
for England--for the Rcformation was hot a cause fo
be won by such enterprises as that of Sir Thomas Wyatt
--he decided on SUl)porting the queen, and pronfised
fo defend her with his lire. Af fore" o'eloek in the
morning drums wênt round the eity, ealling the
trin-bands fo an instant muster af Charing Cross.
Pembroke's eonduet determined the young lords and
gêntlemen about the Court, who with their servants
were swiftly mounted and under arms ; and by eight
more thau ten thousand men were stationed along the
ground, then an open fiehl, which slopes from Piccadilly
fo Pall Mail. The road or causeway on which Wyatt
was expected to advance ran ,early on the site of
Piccadilly itself. An old cross stood near t.he head
of St. James's Street, where guns were placed; and
that no awkward accident like that af Rochester might
happen on tlle first collision, the gentlcnlen, who formed
four squadrons of horse, were pushed forwards t.owards
Hyde Park Corner.
Wyatt, vho ought to have been af the gare of the
city two hours before, had been delayed in the mean-
tine by th breaking down of a gun in the heavy mad
af Brentford. Brett, the captain of the city desêrters,
Porter, Harper and others urged Wyatt fo leave the
gun where if lay aud keep his appoiutment. Wyatt,
however, insisted on waiting till the carriage could be
repaired, although in the eyes of everyone but him-
self the delay was obvious ruin. Harper, seeing him
94 SELECTI()NS FROM FROUDE
obstinate, stole away a second time fo gain favour for
hilnself by eal'l'yilg news fo the Court. Ponet, un-
ambitious of lnartyrdoln, told him he vould pray
God for his sueeess, and, advising Bl'ett fo shift for
himself, lnade away with others towards th sea and
çlel'lnany. It was nine o'eloek befol'e Wyatt brought
the drag'g'led remnant of his fol'Ce, wet, hulgl'y and
faint with their night match, up the Mil ri'oin Knights-
bridge. Near Hyde Park Corner a |anë turnëd off;
and here Pelnbroke had plaeed a troop of eavalry.
The insurgents Stl'ag'gled on without order. When
hall of them had passed, the horse dashed out and
eut theln iii two, and all who wel'e behind were dis-
persed or eaptured. Wyatt, earing now only fo press
forward, kept his immediatë follove.rs tog'ether, and
went straight on. The ,lueen's guns opened, and
killed three of lais lnen; btlt, lowering his head, he
dashed at t}mln and over them ; then, tsurning fo the
right, fo avoid the t.rain-bands, he struek down towards
St. Jalnes's, where his party again separated. Knyvet
and thê young Cobhans, leaving St. James's fo their
left, el'ossed the park fo Westminstèr. Wyatt went
right along the prescrit Pall-Nall, past the line of
the eitizens. 'Fhey had but to move a few stèps to
intereept his passage, close in and take him; but not
a lnall advaneed, hot a hand was liftèd; where the
way was narrow they drèv aside fo let him pass. At
Charing Cross Sir John Gage was stationed, with part
of the guard, some horse, and alnong theln Coul'tenay,
who iii the morning had been heard fo say he would
not obey orders ; he was as good a man as Pembroke.
As Wyatt came up Courtenay turned his horse towards
Whitehall and beg'an fo more off; followed by Lord
Woreester. " Fie my lord," Sir Thomas Cornwallis
eried to hiln, " is this the action of a gentleman ? " But
WYATT'S REBELLION, x554 95
de,f, or heedless, or treacherous, he galloped off; calling
"Lost, lost ! all is lost I" and carried panic to the Court.
The guard had broken af his flight, and came hurrying
behind hii. SOllle cried that Peml)roke had played
false. Shouts of h'eason rung through the palace.
The queen, who had been watchiug from the palace
gallery, alolm retained ber presence of lnind. If others
durst hot stand the trial against the traitors, she said,
she herself woul,1 go out ito t.he làeld and try the
quarrel, aud die with those that wouhl serve her.
At this momet ]çnyvet and thc Col)haros, who had
gone round 1)y the ohl palace, came 1)y the gares as the
fugitive guard vere struggling in. Infinite confusion
followed. Gage was rolled in the dirt, and three of
the judgcs with him. The guar,1 shrtmk away into
the offices and kitchens fo hide thcmselves. But
Knyvet's men ruade no atteml)t fo enter. They con-
teuted themselves with shootiug a few arrows, and
then hurried on fo Charing Cross fo rejoin Wyatt.
Af Charing Cross, however, their way was now
closed by a company of archers, who had been sent
back by Pembroke fo protect the Court. Sharp tight-
ing followed, and the cries rose so loud as fo be heard
on the leads of the White Tower. Af last the leaders
forced thêir way up the Straml ; the rest of the party
were cut up, disperscd or taken.
Wyatt himself, meanwhile, followed by three hun-
dred men, had hurried on through lines of troops who
still opened to give him passage. He passed Temple Bar,
aloug Fleet Street, and reached Ludgate. The gare
was open as he approached, when some one seeing
a number of men coming up, exclaimed, " These
be Wyatt's antients ". Muttered curses were heard
among the by-standers; but Lord Howard was on
the spot; the gares, notwithstanding the murmurs,
9 6 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
were instantly closed; and when Wyatt knocked,
Howard's voice answered, "Avaunt ! traitor ; thou
shlt hot corne in here" "I lmve kept touch,"
Wyatt exclMmed; but his enterprise was hopeless
nov. He sat down upon a bench outside the Belle
Sauvage Yttrd. Itis followers scttttered from him
among the by-lnes and streets; nd of the three
hundred, twenty-four alone remained, among whom
were now Knyvet and one of the young Cobhams.
With these few he turned t last, in the forlorn hope
tht the trMn-bnds would again open to let him
pass. Some of Pembroke's horse were eoming up.
He fought his way through them fo Temple Bar,
where a herald cried, "Sir, ye wêre best to yiêld ; the
day is gone against you; perchance ye may find the
queen merciful". Sir Maurice Berkeley was standing
near him on horseback, to whom, feeling that further
resistance was uselcss, ho surrendercd his sword; and
Berkcley, fo sve him from being cut down in the
tumult, took him up upon his horse. Others in the
saine vay took up Knyvet and Cobham, Brett and
tvo more. The six prisonêrs were carried through
the Strand bck fo Westminster, the passage through
the city being thought dangerous ; and from Whitehall
Stairs, Mary herself looking on from a window of
the palace, they were borne off iii a barge to the
Tower.
The queên had triumphed, trîmnphèd through lier
own resolution, and would now enjoy the fruits of
victory.
THE ARRIVAL OF PHILIP IN ENGLAND, 155-k
A LETTER from Philip would hve been s consolation
fo Mary lu the midst of the troubles which she had
encountered for his sake; but the lagui,1 loyer had
never writen a line fo ber; or, if he bad written, no
a lie bad reached hcr hand; oMy a ship which con=
tained despatches from him for Renard had been
taken, in the beginnin, of May, by a Frencb cruiser,
ad the thongbt that precious words of aflbction ha,_t,
perhaps, been on heir way to her and were lost was
hard fo bear.
In vain she atempted fo cheer ber spirits with the
revived ceremonials of Whitsnntide. She marched
day after day, in procession, with canopies and banners,
and bislops in gilt slippers, ronnd St. James's, round
St. Martin's, round Westminster. Serinons and masses
alternated now with religious feasts, now witb D'iges
for her father's soul. But all was fo no purpose ; she
could not cas off her anxieties, or escape from the
shadow of ber subjects' hatred, which clung fo her
steps. Insolent pamphlets were dropped in her path
and in the offices of Whitehall; she trod upon them
in the passages of the palace ; they were placed by
mysterions hands in the sanctuary of lier bedroom.
Af length, chafêd with a thousand irritations, and
craving for a husband who showed so small anxiety
fo corne fo her, she fled from London, af the beginning
of June, fo Richmond.
7
9 8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
The trials of the last six monhs had begun fo tel]
upon Mary's understanding" she was ill with hysterical
longings; ill with the passions which Gardiner had
kindled and Paget disappointed. A lady who slept
in ber room told Noailles that she could speal o no
one without impatience, and tha she believed the
whole world was lu a league fo keep her husband
from ber. She round fault wih everyone--even wiçh
the prince himself. Why had he no writen ? she
sked again and again. Why had she never re-
ceived one courteous word from him ? If she heard
of merchats or sailors arrivint from Spain, she would
send for them and luestion them; and some would
tel] ber that the prince was said fo bave little heart
for his business in England ; others terrified her with
tales of fear'ul fights upon the setm; and others brought
her news of the French squadros th were on the
watch in the Channel. She would stgrt ou of her
sleep ai nigh, picuring a thousand errors, and among
them one fo which all else were insignificant, that her
prince, who had taken such wild possession of her
imagination, had no answering feeling for herself---
tht, wih her growing years and wasted figure, she
could never win him o love her.
"The unforunate queen," wrote Henry of France,
"will lern he truh ai last. She will wake too late,
in misery and remorse, fo know tha she has filled the
realm with blood for an objec which, when she has
gained if, will bring nothing but affliction fo herself or
fo her people."
But the darkest season has ifs days of sunshine,
and Mary's trials were for the presen over. If the
statesmen were disloyal, the clergy and the universities
nppreciated her services fo the Church, and, in the
midsç of ber trouble, Oxford congrtulted her on
ARRIVAL OF PHILIP, 554 99
having been raised up for the restoration of life and
light fo England. More pleasant than this pleasant
flattery was the arrival, on the 19th of June, of the
Marquis de las Navas from Spain, with the news that
by that rime the prince was on his way.
It was even so. Philip had submitted fo his un-
welcome destiny, and six thousand troops being required
pressingly by the emperor in the Low Countries, they
attended him for his escort. A paper of advices was
drawn for the prince's use by Renard, directing him
how fo accommodate himself fo his barbarous fortune.
Neither soldiers nor mariners would be allowed fo land.
The noblemen, therefore, who formed his retinue,
were advised fo bring Spauish musketeers, disguised
in liveries, in the place of pages and lacqueys. Their
arms could be concealed amidst the baggage. The
war would be an excuse for the noblemen being armed
themselves, and the prince, on landing, should have
a shirt of mail under his doublet. As fo manner, he
must endeavour fo be affable: he would have fo hunt
vith the young lords, and fo lnake presents fo them ;
and, with whatever difficulty, he must learn a few
words of English, fo exchange the ordinary salutations.
As a friend, Renard recomlnended Paget fo him; he
would find Paget "a man of sense"
Philip, who was never remarkable for personal
courage, may be pardoned for having corne reluctantly
to a country where he had fo bring men-at-arms for
servants, and his own cook for fear of being poisoned.
The sea, too, was hateful fo him, for he sutIçred miser-
ably from sickness. Nevertheless, he was COlning, and
with him such a retinue of gallant gentlemen as the
world has rarely seen together. The Marquis de los
Valles, Gonzaga, d'Aguilar, Medina Celi, Antonio de
Toledo, Diego de Mendoza, the Count de Feria, tho
oo SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Duke of Alva, Count Egmonl and Count Horn--men
whose stories are written in the annals of two vorlds :
some in letters of glorious light, some in letters of
hlood whieh shall never be washed out while the history
of mankind survives. Wheiher for evil or good, they
were hot the meek innocents for whom Renard had at
one ime asked so anxiously.
In eompany with ihese noblemen was Sir Thomas
Gresham, eharged wih hall a million of money in
hullion, oui of ihe laie an'ivals from the Nt-w World ;
which the empe,'or, afier ttking securiiy h-oto the
London mcrehants, had lent t.he ¢lueen, perhaps to
enable ber to lnake hcr marriage palatable by the
resioration of t.he enrreney.
Thus preeiously freighted, t.he ,Spanish fleet, one
hundred and fift.y ships, large and small, sailed from
Corlllllla at the begiming of July. The voyage vas
weary and wretehed. The sea-siekness prosrated both
the prince and t.he t.roops, and fo the sea-siekness was
added the t.error of t.he Freneh--a terror, as il happened,
needless, for the English exiles, by whom the prince was
to have been intereepted, had, in the last few weeks,
melied away from the Freneh service, xvith the excep-
tion of a few who were af Seilly. Sir Peter Carew,
for some unknown reason, had vritten to ask for his
pardon, and had gone fo Italy; but the change was
reeent and unknovn, and tlle ships stole along in
silence, the orders of the prince being that nota salute
should be fired fo eaieh the ear of an enemy. At last,
on the 19th of July, the whie elift of Freshwater
were sighted; Lord Howard lay af ihe Needles with
t,he English fleet.; and on Friday, ihe 20th, at three
o'eloek in the afternoon, the flotilla was safely anehored
in SouthamlPton Water.
The queen was on her way to Winehester, where
ARRIVAL OF PHILIP, i554 IOl[
she arrived the next lnorning, and either in attendanee
upon her, or vaiting af vas
Southaml)t.on , ahnost the
enil-e peerage of England. Having ma.[e up their
lninds o endure the lnarriage, the lorls resolved fo
give Philip the weleome whieh was due fo the husband
of their sovereign, and, in the uneert.ain temper of the
people, their presenee lnight be neeessary fo proteet his
person froln insult or t'fore ijury.
It was an age of glitter, polnp and pageantry ; the
aIchors wel'o 11o soolier dowl than a bal'ge vas in
readiness, with twenty rowers il, the queen's eolours
of gl'een and white ; and Arundel, l'embroke, hrews-
bury, Derby an, l other lor, ls went off to the vessel
whieh earried the royal standard of Castile. Philip's
natural ruminer was eold and stifl; but he had been
sehooled into graeiousness Exhausted by his voyage,
he aeeepted delightedly the instant invitation to go on
shore, aml he entered ghe ba.rg'e aeeolnpanied by the
Duke of Alva. A erowd of gentlemen was waiting to
reeeive him at the landing-plaee. As he stepped out
not perhaps without solne natural nervousness and
sharp glanees round himthe whole assemblag'e knelt.
A salure was fired from the batteries, and Lord Nhrews-
bury presented him with the order of the Garter. An
ent.husiasgie eye-witness thus deseribes Philip's appear-
anee :
"Of visage he is well favoured, with a broad fore-
head and grey eyes, straight-nosed and of manly
eountenanee. From the forehead to the point of his
ehin his face groweth small. His paee is prineely, and
gait so straight and upright as he loseth no ineh of his
height; with a yellow head and a yellow beard ; and
thus to eonelude, he is so well proportioned of body,
arm, leg and every other limb to the saine, as nature
ealmOt work a more perfeet pattern, and, as I have
o2 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
learned, of the age of twenty-eight years. His Majesty
I judge to be of a stout stomach, pregnant-witted, and
of most gentle nature."
Sir Anthony Brown approached, leading a horse
with a saddle-cloth of crimson velvet, embroidered
witb gold and pearls. He presented the steed with a
Latin speech, signifying that he was his Highness's
hlaster of the Horse ; and Philip, mounting, went direct
to Southampton Church, the Eglish and Spanish
noblemen attending bareheaded, to off'er thanks for his
sale arrival. From the church be was conducted to a
house which had been furnished from the royal stores
t'or his reception. Everything was, of course, magnifi-
cent. Only there had been one single oversight.
Wrought upon the damask hangings, in conspicuous
letters, were observed the onfinous words : "Henry, by
the Grace of God, King of England, France aud
Ireland, and Supreme Head or" the Church of
England".
Here the prince was to remain till Monday to re-
cover from his voyage ; perhaps to ascertai, before he
left the neighbourhood of his own fleet, the humour of
the barbarians among whom he had arrived. In Latin
(he was unable fo speak French) he addressed the lords
on the causes which had brought him to England, the
chier among those causes being the manifest will of
God, to which he felt himself bound to submit. It
was noticed that he never lifted his cap in speaking to
anyone, but he evident.ly endeavoured to be courteous.
With a stomach unrecovered from the sea, and disdain-
ing precautions, he sat down ou the night of lfis arrival
to a public English supper ; he even drained a tankard
of ale, as an example, he said, to his Spanish coin-
panions. The first evening passed off well, ad he
retired to seek such rest as the strange land and
ARRIVAL OF PHILIP, 1554 lO 3
strange people, the altered diet, and the firing of guns,
which never ceased through the summer night, would
allow him.
Another lecture of lais new country awaited Philip
in the morning; he had eome from the sunny plains
of Castile ; from his window af Southampton he looked
out upon a steady downfall of July tain. Through
the cruel torrent he lnade lais way fo the elmreh again
fo mass, and aftervards Gardiner came fo him from
the queen. In the afternoon the sky eleared, and the
Duehess of Alva, who had aeeompanied her husband,
was taken out in a barge upon Southampton Water.
Both English and Spaniards exerted themselves fo be
l,mtually pleasing ; but the situation was hot of a kind
whieh if was desirable fo protraet. Six thousand
Spanish troops were eooped in the close, uneasy, trans-
ports, forbidden fo land lest they should provoke the
jealousy of the people; and when, on unday, his
Highness had fo undergo a publie dinner, in whieh
English servants only were allowed fo attend upon
him, the Castilian lords, many o1" whom believed that
they had eome fo England ou a bootless errand, broke
out into murmurs.
blonday came at last; the rain fell again, and the
wind howled. The baggage was sent forward in the
morlfing in the lnidst of the tempest. Philip lingered
in hopes of a change; but no change came, and after
an early dinner the trunlpet sounded fo horse. Lords,
knights and gentlemen had tltronged into the town,
from curiosity or interest, out of all the counties round.
Before the prince mounted if was reckon.ed, with
uneasiness, that as lnany as tbur thousand cavaliers,
under no command, were collected fo join the pro-
cession.
A grey gelding was led up for Philip ; he wrapped
IO4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
himself in a scarlet cloak, and started fo meet his
bride- fo complete a sacrifice the le,st congenil,
perhaps, which ever policy of state extracted from a
prince.
The train could more but slowly. Tvo mlles
beyond the gares a drenched rider, spattered with
chlk mud, was seen gttlloping towards them; on
reaching the prince he presented him with a ring
from the queen, and begged his Highness, in her
Majesty's naine, to corne no further. The lnessenger
could hot explain the cause, being unable fo spe,k
any lnguage which Philip could understand, and
visions of commotion inst.antly presented themselves,
mixed, if may be, with a hope that the biffer duty
might yet be escaped. Alv was imlnedi,tely af his
master's side ; they rcined up, nd were asking ech
othèr anxiously what shou]d next be done, when an
English lord exclaimed in French, wit.h courteous
irony: "Our Queen, sire, loves your Highness so
tenderly that she vould hot have you corne fo her
in such wretched weather ". The hope, if hope there
had been, died in its birth; before sunset, with
drenched grments and draggled plmne, the object
of so many anxieties aa'ived withi the walls of
Winchester.
To the cathedral he went first, wet as he was.
Whatever Philip of Spain was entering upon, whether
if was a marriage or a massacre, a state intrigue or a
midnight murder, his opening step was ever to seek
a blessing from the holy vafer. He entered, kissed
the crucifix, and knelt and prayed before the altar;
then, taking his seat in the choir, he remained while
the choristers sang a Te Deun laudamus, till the
long isles grew dira in the sulnmer twilight, and he
was conducted by torchlight fo the deanery.
ARRIVAL OF PHILIP, I554 IO 5
The queen was aç çhe bishop's palace, buç a few
hundred yards disçant. Philip, doubçlêss, eould have
endured çhe postponemenç of an interview till morn-
ing ; but lXIary eould hot wait, and çhe saine nighç he
vas eondueçed into the presenee of his haggard bride,
who now, afçer a life of misery, believed herself aç
çhe open gaçe of Paradise. Let çhe eurçain fall over
çhe meeçing, leç iç elose also over the wedding solem-
nities whieh followed with due splendour two days
later. There are seenes in lire whieh we regard with
piçy çoo deep for words. Theunhaply lUCCn, unloved,
unlovable, yeç with her parehed heart thirsçing for
atteçion, was flinging herself upon a breasç ço whieh
an ieeberg was warm ; upon a man fo whom love was
an unmeaning word, exeepç as the lnost bruçal of
passions. For a few lnonths she ereat.ed for herself
an açmosphere of unrealiçy. She saw in Philip the
idem of her imagination, and in Philip's feelings the
reflex of her own; buç the drem passed away--her
love for her husband remained; but remained only
ço be a torture to ber. Wiçh a broken spiriç d
bewildered undersçanding, she çurned to heaven for
eomfort.
o6
THE LOSS OF CALAIS, 1557-58.
FoR t.he last ten years the French had kept their
eyes on Calais. The recovery of Boulogne v8s an
insuflïcient retaliation for the disgrace which they
had suffered in the loss of it, while the iii success with
which the English lnaintained themselves in their
new conquest, suggested the hope, and proved the
possibility, of expelling them froln the old. The
occupation of French foress by a foreign power
w8s perpetu8l insult to the national pride; if w8s
memori8l of evil times; while it gave Engl8nd
inconvenient 8uthority in the "n8rrow se8s" Scarcely
a month had passed since Mary had been on the
throne without a hint from some quarter or other
to the English Government to look well to Calais;
and the recent plot for ifs surprise was but one of a
series of schemes which lmd been successively formed
and abandoned.
In 1541 the defences of Guisnes, Hammes and
Calais had been repaired by Henry VIII. The
dykes had been cleared aud enlarged, the embank-
ments strengthened and the sluices put in order.
But in the wasteful rimes of Edward the works had
fallen again into ruin; and Mary, straitened by debt,
by a diminished revenue and a supposed obligation
to make good the losses of%he clergy, had round
neither means nor leisure to attend to them.
In the year 1500 the cost of maintaining the three
THE LOSS OF CALAIS, I557-58 IO 7
fortresses was something less than £10,000 a year;
and the expense had been almost or entirely supported
by the revenue of the Pale. The more extended
forifications had necessitated an increase in the
garrison; two hundred men were now scarcely
sufticient fo man the works; while, owing fo bad
government, and the growing anomaly of the English
position, the vealthier inhabitants had migrated over
the frontiers, and left the Pale fo a scanty, wretched,
starving population, who could scarcely extract from
the soil sufficient for their own subsistece. While
the cost of the occupation vas becoming greater, the
means of meeting if becalne less. The country could
no longer thrive in English hands, and if was rime
for the invaders fo be gono.
The Government in London, however, seemed, not-
withstanding warnings, fo be unable fo conceive the
loss of so old a possession fo be a possibility; and
Calais shared the persevering neglect fo which the
temporal interests of the reahn were subjected. The
near escape from the Dudley treason created a
momentary improvelnent. The arrears of wages were
paid up and the garrison was increased. Yet a few
months af ter, when war was on the point of being
declared, there were but two hundred men in Guisnes,
a number inadequate fo defend even the castle ; and
although the French fleet af that rime commanded the
Channel, Calais contained provisions fo last but a few
weeks. Lord Grey, the governor of Guisnes, reported
in June, after the declaration, that the French were
collecting in strengh in the neighbourhood, and that
unless he was reinforced he was at their mercy. A
slnall detachment was sent over in consequence of
A conspiracy formed in 1556 by ttenry Dudley, Norhumber-
lnd's cousin, fo send lry fo Philip in Spin nd mko Elizboth
queen.--A.
Io8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Grey's letter; but on the 2nd of July Sir Thomas
Cornwallis infol'med the queen that t, he numbers were
sLill inadequate. "The enemy," Cornwallis said, "per-
eeiving out weakness, lnaketh daily attempts upon
your subjeet.s, who are lnueh abashed fo see thê
eourage of your enemies, whom they are hot able
fo hurt nor 3-et defend t, hemselves." He entreated
that a larger foree should be sent innnediately, and
maintained in the Pale dut'ing" the war. The charge
wouhl be great, but the peril would be greater if the
lnen were hot provided ; and, as her Majesty had been
pleased fo enLer into the Wal', her honour lnUSt be
more eonsidered than her treasure.
The arrival of the army under Pembroke removed
the immediate ground for alarln ; and after the defeat
of the French the dang'er vas supposed fo be over
altogether. The queen ws frighLened at Lhe expenses
which she was incurring, and again allowed Lhe esLab-
]ishment Lo sink below Lhe legitimate level. Lord
WenLworth was lefL aL Calais wiLh hot more than rive
hundred lnen. Grey had SOlneLhing more Lhan a Lhou-
sand aL Guisnes, but a part Olfly were English; the
rest were Burgundians and Spaniards. More un-
forLunately, also, a proclamation had forbidden the
export of corn in England, from vhich Calais had hot
been excepted. Guisnes and Hamlnes depended for
Lheir supplies on Calais, and by the middle of Lhe
winter there was an actual scarcit.y of food.
Up fo the begilming of December, noLwiLhstanding,
Lhere were no exLernal sympLoms Lo create uneasiness ;
miliLary movemelLs lay under the usual sLagnation of
winter, and except a few deLachmenLs on Lhe frontiers
of Lhe Pale, who gave Lrouble by lnarauding excursions,
Lhe French appeared to be resLing in profound repose.
On Lhe lsL of Decelnber Lhe governor of Guisnes re-
THE LOSS OF CALAIS, I557-58 Io 9
ported an expedition for the destruction of one of their
outlying parties, which had been accomplished with
olninous cruelty.
"I advertised your Grace," Lord Grey wrote fo the
queen, "hmv I purposed fo lnake a journey to a church
called Bushing, strongly fortified by the enemy, lnuch
annoying this your Majesty's frontier. If lnay please
your Ma.iesty, upon Monday last, af nine of the clock
ai night, having with me Mr. Aucher, mal'shal o[" Calais,
Mr. Alexander, captain of Newnham Bridge, Sir Henry
Palmer, my son, and my cousin Louis I)ives, with such
horselnen and f(otmen as couhl be conveniently spared
abroad in service, leaving your Mttjcsty's pieces in
surety, I took lny journey towards the sai,l Bushing,
and carried with me two camion and a stcre, for that
both the weather and the ways served well fo the
purpose, and next lnorning calne hither before &ty.
And having before our colning enclosed the said
Bushing with two hundred footnlen har, luebuziers , I
sent ail otficer fo summon the saine in the King's
Highness' and your Majesty's nanle; wheremto the
captain there, a man of good estilnation, who the
before was sent there with twelve lncn by M. Senar-
pont, captain of Boulogne, answered that he was not
lninded fo render, but would keep if with such men
as he had, which were forty in number or thereabouts,
even fo the death ; and further said, if their fortune
was so fo lose their lives, he knew that the King his
nmster had more men alive fo serve, with many other
words of French bravery. Upon this answer, I caused
the gulmers fo bring up their artillery fo plank, and
then shot off immediately ten or tvelve rimes. But
yet for all this they would hOt yield. Ai length, when
Sir Arthur Grey.
xo SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
the cannon had ruade an indifferent, breach, the French-
men ruade signs to parley, aud would gladly bave
rendered ; but I again, weighing if not meet fo abuse
your Majesty's service flerein, and having Sir tt.
PMmer there hurt, and some others of ny men, re-
fused fo reeeive them, and, aeeording fo the law of
arms, put as many of them fo t.he sword as eould be
gotten st the entry of the breaeh, and ail the test
were blown up wit.h the steeple st the rasing thereof,
and so all slain."
The law of arlns forbade the defenee of a fort hot
rationally defensible ; but it was over hardly eonstrued
against a gallant gentleman. Grey was a fieree, stern
man. If was Grey who hung the pl'iests in Oxfordshire
from their ehm'eh tovers. It was Grey who led the fiery
charge upon the Scots st Musselburgh, and, with a pike
wound, whieh laid open eheek, tongue and palate, he
pursued out the ena,. e, till, ehoked by heat, dust and
his own blood, he was near falling under his horse's feek
Three weeks passed, and still the Freneh had ruade
no sign. On the :nd an indistinct rumour came fo
Guisnes that danger was near. The frost had set in ;
the low, damp ground was hard, the dykes were frozen ;
and in sending notiee of the report fo England, Grey
said that Calais was unprovided with food; Guisnes
eontained a fev droves of eattle brought in by forays
over the frontier, but no corn. On the 27th the in-
telligence became more distinct and more alarming.
The Duke of Guise was af Compiègne. A force of
uncertain lnagnitude, but known to be large, had
suddenly appeared st Abbeville. Something evidently
was intended, and something on a scale which the
English commanders felt iii prepared to encounter.
In a hurried council of war, held at Calais, it was
resolved fo make no attempt to meet the enemy in
THE LOSS OF CALAIS, I557-58 III
the field until the arrival of reinforeements, whieh were
written for in pressing haste.
But the foes with whom they had fo deal knew
their condition, and were as well aware as themselves
that success depended on rapidity. Had the queen
paid attention fo Grey's despatch of the 22nd there
was rime fo bave trebled the garrison and thrown in
supplies; but if was vague, and no notice was taken
of if. Thejoint letter of Grey and Wentworth, written
on the 27th, vas in London in tvo days, and there
were ships at Portsmouth an,1 iii the Thames which
ought fo have been ready for sea af a moment's varn-
ing. Orders vere sent fo prepare ; the Earl of Rutland
was commissioned fo rame troops; and the queen,
though withont sending men, sent a courier with en-
couragements and promises. But, when every moment
was precious, a fatal slowness, and more fatal irresolu-
tion, hung about the movements of the Governlnent.
On the 29th Wentworth wrote again that the French
were certainly arming and lnight be looked for immedi-
ately. On the 31st the queen, deceived probably by
some emissary of Guise, replied that "she had intelli-
gence that no enterprise was intended against Calais
or the Pale," and that she had therefore counterlnanded
the reinforcelnents.
The letter containing the death sentence, for if was
nothing less, of English rule in Calais was crossed on
the way by another from Grey, in which he informed
the queen that there were thirty or forty vessels in the
harbour af Ambletue, two fitted as floating batteries,
the rest loaded with hurdles, ladders and other materials
for a siege. Four-and-twenty thousand men were in
the Calnp above Boulogne ; and their mark he knew fo
be Calais. For himself, he would defend his charge fo
I 1 2 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
the death ; but help must be sent instantly, or iL would
be Loo late Lobe of use.
The afternoon of Lhe saine day, December 31, he
added, in a post, script, LhaL flying companies of the
French were aL Lhat moment before Guisnes ; part of
the garrison had been out to skirniish, but had been
driven in by nmnbers; Lhe whole country was alive
with Lroops.
The next morning WenLworth reported to Lhe saine
purpose, that, on Lbe land side, Calais was then invested.
The sea was sLill open, and the forts aL the mout.h of
Lhe barbour on Lhe Rysbank 1 wcre yet in his hands.
Heavy siege cannon, however, Wel'e said Lobe on their
way from Boulogne, and iL was uncertain how long
he could hold them.
The defences of Calais towards the land, though in
bad repair, had been lai,1 out with the besL engineering
skill of the Lime. The counLry was intersected with
deep, muddy diLches: the roads were causeways, and
aL the bridges vere bulwarks and cannon. Guisnes,
which was Lhree mlles from Calais, was connecLed with
iL by a line of small forLs and "turnpikes ". Hamnies
lay betveen the two, equidistant fron boLh. Towards
the sea Lhe long line of low sandbills, rising in front
of Llie harbour to the Rysbank, formed a natural pier ;
and on Lhe Rysbank was the castle, which commanded
the entrance a.nd the Lown. The possession of the
Rysbank was the possession of Calais.
The approaches to Lhe sandhills were commanded by
a bulwark Lowards the south-west called the SandgaLe,
and further inland by a large work called Nevnham
Bridge. AL this lasL place were sluices, through which,
aL high vater, the sea could be let in over Lle marshes.
t A piêcê of rising ground standing bêtweên Calais and the
THE LOSS OF CALAIS, 557-58 t
If done efbctually, the town could by this means be
effectually protected ; but unfortunately, owing fo the
bad condition of the banks, the sea wat, er leake, l in from
the high levels fo the wells and reservoirs in Calais.
The night of the 1st of January the French remained
quiet; with the morning they advanced in force Ul)On
Newnham Bridge. An advanced party of English
archers and musketeers who were outside the gare
were driven in, and the enemy pushed in pursuit so
close under the walls that t.he heavy guns could not
be depressed to touch them. The English, however,
bored holes through the gates with augets, fired their
muskets through them, and so forced their assailants
back. Towards Hammes and Guisnes t.he sea was
let in, and the French, finding themselves up fo their
waists in water, and the ride still rising, retreated on
that side also. Wentworth wrote in the afternoon in
high spirits af the result of the rirst attack. The
brewers were set to work to fill their vats with fresh
water, t, hat full advantage might be taken of the next
tide. Working parties were sent to cut the sluices, and
the English commander felt contilent that if help was
on the way, or eould now be looked for, he eould keep
his charge seeure. But t.he enemv, he said, were now
30,000 st«'ong; Guise had çaken the Sandgate, and
upwards of a hundred boats were passing baekwards
and forwards to Boulogne and Anbleçue, bringing
stores and ammunition. If the (lueen had a body of
men in readiness, they must eome without delay. If
she was unprepared, " the passages should be thrown
open," and " liberty be proelaimed for all men fo eome
that wouhl bring suNeient vieçuals for themselves",
t.hus, he "was of opinion that there wouM be enough
with more speed than would be ruade by ordêr".
So.far Wentworth had written. While the pen
8
I4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
was in his hand a message reached him that the
French, without waiting for their guns, vere stream-
ing up over the Rysbank, and laying ladders against
the walls of the fort. He had but rime fo close his
letter, and send his swiftest boat out of the harbour
with if, when the eastle was won, and ingress and
egress af an end. The saine evening the heavy guns
came fron Boulogne, and for two days and nights the
town was ired upon ineessantly from the Sandbank
and from "St. Peter's Heath "
The rate of Calais was now a question of honrs;
Wentworth had but rive hundred men to repel an army,
and he was without provisions. Calais was probably
gone, but Guisnes might be saved; Guisnes could
be relieved with a great eflbrt out of the Netherlands.
On the night of the 4th Grey round means fo send a
letter through the Freneh lines fo England. "The
enemy," he said, " were now in possession of Calais
harbour, and all the country between Calais and
Guisnes." He was "elean eut off froln all relief and
aid whieh he looked fo have" ; and there was no other
way for the sueeour of Calais and the other fort.fesses
but" a power of men out of England or from the King's
Majesty, or from both," either fo force the French into
a battle or fo raise the siege. Colne what would, he
would himself do the duty of a faithful subjeet, and
keep the castle while men eould hold if.
The Court, whieh had been ineredulous of danger
till if had appeared, was now paralysed by the
greatness of if. Definite orders fo eolleet troops
were hOt issued till the 2ad of .January. The Earl
of Rutland galloped the saine day fo Dorer, where
the musters were fo lneet, flung himself into the first
boat that he round, without waiting for them, and
was half-way aeross the Channel when he was met
THE LOSS OF CALAIS, 557-58 II5
by the news of the loss of the Rysl)ank. Rutland
therefore returned fo Dover, hppy so far fo have
escaped sharing .the rate of Wentworth, which his
single presence could hot have avorte,l. The next
day, the al'd, parties of mên came in slowly frolll
Kent and Sussex ; but so vague had been {,he language
of thc proclamation that thcy ealne vi{,hou{, arlus;
and, Mthough the country was af war with Frauee,
there were no arms with whieh t,o providc theln,
eithèr in Deal, Dover or Sandwich. Again, so in-
distinct had leen Rutland's or, lors, that alt]muR-h a
few hun,lred mm did COlne iii ai last tolerably well
equipped, and the Prince of Savoy had collec/c«! some
companies of Spaniards ai Gl'avelines, and had sent
word o Dorer for the English fo joiu him, Rutland
W8 IlOV obliged fo refer o Loll«l()ll fol" perlnissioll çO
go over. On t.he 7h pel'missi«m came; iç was round
by çha{ timê, or supl)osed fo be foun,l, hat the queen's
ships were noue of theln seaworthy, and an order of
the eouneil ealne ouç o press ail eolnpe{euç mel'ehalt
ships and ail able Sealnen everywhere for {le queen's
service. Rutland eont, rived ai las{, by vigorous eflbrs,
fo eolleet a few hoys and boats, bu çhe Freneh had
now ships of war in eo-ol)el'ation wiO {hem, and he
eouhl bu{ approaeh t, he Freneh eoas{ near enough fo
see {ha{ he eould venture no nearer, and ag'ain reurn.
He wouhl have been too late fo save Calais a Oa
rime, however, even if he had sueeeeded in el'ossing.
The day preeeding, the 6{h of January, af{er a
furious eannonade, Guise had sormed he eastle. The
English had a{tempted o blow i up when {hey eouhl
no{ save i, but {heir powder {tain had been washed
with waer, and çhey failed. The Spaniards, for once
honourably eareful of English interests, ealne along
the shore frOln Gl'avelines alone, silme no one joined
6 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
them from England, and attempted in the face of
overwhelming odds to force their way into the town ;
but they were driven back, and W.entworth, feeling
that fulher resistance would lead to useless slaughter,
demanded a parley, and after a short discussion ac-
cepted the terres of surrender oflered by Guise. The
garrison and the inhabitmts of Calais, amounting in
ail, men, women ad children, to 5,000 souls, were
permitted fo retire to England with their lives, and
nothing more. Wentworth and fifty others were to
remai prisoners ; the town, with all that it contaie,1,
vs to be given up fo the conquêrors.
On tbese conditions the English laid down their
arms and the French troops entered. The spoil was
enormous, and the plmder of St. Quentin was hOt
unjustly revenged; jewels, plate and money were
deposited on the altars of the churches, and the
inhabitaut,s, crryig with them the clothes which
they wore, were sent as homeless beggars in the en-
suing week ncross the Channel.
Then only, when if was too late, the queen roused
herself. As soon as Calais had dêfinitely fallen,
the English counties were called on by proclamation
fo contribute their musters. Then al] was haste,
eageness, impetuosity; those who had money were
fo provide for those who had none, till " ordêr could
be taken "
The Vice-Admiral, Sir William Woodhouse, was
directed to go instantly to sea, pressing everything
that would ttoat, and promising indemnity to the
owners in the queen's naine. Thirty thousand mên
were rapidly on tbeir vay fo the coast ; the weather
had all along been clear and frosty, with calms and
light east winds, and the sea off Dorer was swiftly
covered with a miscellaneous crowd of vessels. On
THE LOSS OF CALAIS, I557-58 II7
the 10th came the queen's command for the arlny fo
cross fo Dunkirk, join the Duke of Savoy, and save
Guisnes.
But the opportunity whieh had been long oflred,
and long neglected, vas now altogether gone; the
ships were ready, troops ealne and .arms came, but a
change of weather eane also, and westerly gales and
storms. On the night of the 10th a gale blcw up fro,n
the south-west whieh raged for four days: sueh vessels
as eould face the sea slipped their moorings, and ruade
their way into the Thames with loss of spars and rig-
ging ; the hulls of the test strewed 1)over beach with
wreeks, or were swallowed in the quicksands of the
Goodwin.
The effeet of this last lnisfortme on the tlueen was
fo produoe utter prostration. Storms may fise, vessels
may be wreeked and excellent enterprises may surfer
hindranee by the eommon laws or eommon chances
of things; but the queen in every luNe oeeurrenee
imagined a miracle; Heaven she believed was against
her. Though Guisnes was yet standing, she ordered
Woodhouse to eolleet the ships again in t.he Thames,
"forasnmeh as the principal cause of their sending
forth had eeased "; and on the 13th she eounter-ordered
the musters, and sent home all the troops whieh had
arrived af Dorer.
Having given way fo despondeney, t.he Court should
have eommunieated with Grey, and direeted him fo
make terres for himself and the garrisons of Guisnes
and Hammes. In the latter plaee t.here was but a
small detaehment ; but at Guisnes wêre eleven hundred
men, who might lose their lires in a desperate and now
useless defenee. The disaster, however, had taken
away the power of thinking or resolving upon any-
thing.
8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
If must be said fcr Philip that he recognised more
clearly and discharged more fait, hfully the duty of
an English sovereign than the queen or the queen's
advisers. Npanish and Burgundial troops were ealled
uuder arms as fast as possible ; and when he heard of
the gale he sent ships from Antwerp and Dnnkirk to
bring aeross the English army. But when his trans-
ports arrived af Dover they round the men all gone.
Proelamations went out ou the 17th fo eall them baek ;
but two days after therê was a eounter-panie and a
dread of invasion, and the pèrplexed levies were again
told that they lnust l"elai a home. So if went on
fo the end of the mOlth; the resolution of one day
alternated with the hesit.ation of the next, and nothing
was done.
The queen's govermnent had lost their heads. Philip,
having done his own part,, did hot feel if ineumbent
on him to risk a hat.t.le with inferior numbers when
those who were more lear]v coneerned were contented
to be supine. Guisnes, therefore, and ifs defenders
were left to theiv rate.
On Thursday, the 13th, the Duke of Guise appeared
belote the gares. The garrison eould have been starved
out in a month, but Guise gave England eredit for
energy, and would hot ruu the risk of a bloekade. To
reduee the extent of his lines, Grey abandoned t, he
t.own, burnt the houses and withdrew into the eastlê.
Thê Freneh ruade their approaehes in rotin. Oll t.he
morning of Monday, t.he 17t.h, they opened tire froln
two heavily armed batteries, and by the middle of the
day they had sileneed the English guns, and lnade a
breaeh whieh they thought praetieable. A storming
party ventured an attempt; after sharp fighting the
advaneed eolumns had fo ret.reat; but as they drew
baek the batçeries re-opened, and so effeeçively that
THE LOSS OF CALAIS, 557-58
the colning on of night alone saved the English from
being driven aç once, and on the spot, from their
defenees. The valls were of the old sort, eonstrueted
when t, he art of gunnery was in ifs infaney, and brick
and stone erumbled ço ruins before the heavy eannon
whieh had eome lately into use.
[hder shelter of thê darkness eartlnvorks were
thrown up, whieh proved a betçer protection ; but the
Freneh on their side planted other bat.teries, and all
Tuesday and Wednesday the terrible bolnbal'dment
was eontinued. The ohl walls were swept away; the
diteh was ehoked with the rul)bish, and was but a
foot in ,lcpth ; the Freneh trenehes had been advaneed
close fo ifs edg'ê, and on Wednesday afternoon twelve
eompanies of Gaseons and Swiss again dashed af the
breaehes. The (aseons were the firsç; the Swiss
followed "with a st, atêly leisure" ; and a hand-fo-hand
fight began all along the English works. The guns
froln a single tover, whieh had been left standing,
eausing" loss fo the assailants, if was destroyed by
the baçteries. The fight eontinued till night, when
dm'kness as belote put an end fo if.
The em'çhworks eould be again repaired, but the
powder bêgan fo rail, and this loss was irreparable.
Lord Grey, going his rounds in the dark, t.rod upon a
sword point, and was woundêd in the foot. The day-
lighç brought the enelny again, who now sueeeeded in
making themselves toast.ets of the outer line of defenee.
Grey, erippled as he was, when he sav his men give
way, sprung fo çhe t.op of the ralnpart, "wishing God
that some shot would take him" A soldier eaught
hiln by the searf and pulled him down, and all that
was left of the garrison fell baek, earrying their
eolnmander wit.h them into the keep. The gate was
rammêd close, but Guise eould now finish his work at
x ao SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
his leisure, and had the English af his merey. He sent
trumpeter in the evening to propose a parley, and
the soldiers insisted that if reasonable terres eould be
had they should be aeeepted. The extremity of the
position was obvious, and Grey, as ve have seen, ,cas
no stranger to the law of arms in sueh cases. Hostages
were exehanged, and t.he next morning the two eom-
manders lllet iii the Freneh camp.
Better terres were offered by Guise than had been
granted to Clais--Grey, Sir Henry Pahner and a few
offieers were to eonsider themselves prisoners ; the test
of the garrison might depart with their arms, and
"every man a erown in his pnrse ". Grey demanded
that they shonld mareh out with their eolours flying;
Guise refused, and after an hour's discussion they
separated without a eonelusion.
But the soldiers were insensible to niee distinctions ;
if they had the reality, they wcre not partieular about
the forln. Grey leetured them on the duties of honour ;
for his part, he said, he would rather die under the red
cross than lose if. The soldiers replied that their case
was desperate ; they would not be thrust into bntehery
or sell their lires for vain glory. The dispute was at
ifs height when the Swiss troops began fo lay ladders
to the walls; the English refused fo strike another
blow ; and Grey, on his own rule, would have deserved
to be exeeuted had he persisted longer.
Guise's ter,ris were aeeepted. He had lived to re-
pay England for his spear wound at Boulogne, and
the last remnant of the eontinental dominions of the
Plantagenets was gone.
Measured by substantial value, the loss of Calais was
a gain. English princes were never again fo lay claire
to the erown of Franee, and the possession of a fortress
on Freneh soil was a perpetual irritation. But Calais
THE LOSS OF CALAIS, 1557-58 121
vas called the "brightest jewel in the English crown "
A jewel if was, useless, costly, but dearly prized. Over
the gare of Calais had once stood the insolenç inscrip-
tion :--
Then shall the Frenchman Calais win,
When iron and lead like cork shall swim :
and the Frenchmen had VOll if, WOII it in fair and
gallant fight.
If Spain should rise sud,lenly into her aneient
strength and tear Gibralt.ar from us, out lnortifieat.ion
wou|d be faint eompared to the anguish of humiliated
pride with whieh the loss of Calais distraeted the
subjeets of Queen Mary.
122
THE SUlïRENDER OF HAVRE, 1563.
PEhCE vas signed in France on the 25th of Match, and
notice was sent fo Warwick that the purpose of the
war being happily aCCOlnplîshed, he was expected fo
wit.hdraw from Havre.
The prince, 1 however, ws unwilling fo press matters
fo extrelnity. On the 8th of April he protested in a
second and lllore gracious message that neither by him
nor by the admiral had the town becn placed iii
English hands ; but he oflbrcd, in the naine of himself,
the queen-regent and the entire nobility of France fo
l'enev solemnly and forlnally the clause in the Treaty
of Cambray for the restoration of Calais in 156î ; fo
rcpay Elizabeth the lnoney which she laa,:l lent him,
and fo adroit the English fo free trade and intercourse
with all parts of France.
Could Elizabeth have telnperately considered the
value of these proposais she would h,ve hesitated
belote she refused them; but she was irritated af
having been outwitted in a transaction in which ber
own conduct had hot been pure. The people, with
the national blindness fo everything but their own
injuries, were as furious as the queen. The garrison
atHavre was only anxious for an opportunity of
making "the French cock cry cuck ". They promised
Elizabeth that "the least molehill about her town
should not be lost without many bloody blovs"; and
Of Cond.--A.
THE SURRENDER OF HAVRE, 1563 12 3
when a fev days later there came the certaiuty that
they would really be besieged, they pl'yed "thtt the
queen would bend her brows and wax angry af the
shalneful treason"; " the Lord Warwick and all his
people would spend the last drop of their blood before
the French should fasten a foot in the town ".
The French inhabitauts of Havre had almost settled
the difficulty fOl" thelnselves. Feeling no plêasure,
whatever they lnight affect, in having "their antient
enemies" alnong them, they opened a correspoldeuce
with the Rhingrave. A peasaut passing the gares
with a basket o" chicke,s was obsel'ved to have some-
thing under his clothes. A few sheets of white paper
was all which the guard could discover; but these,
wllen held to the fire, revealed a couspiracy fo murder
Warwick and adroit the French army. The towns-
people, men, wolncn and childrel, wcre of course
instautly expelled ; and the English garrison iu solitary
possession worked night and dy to prepare for the
ilnpending struggle.
It was with no 1)leasure that Con,lWfelt himself
obliged fo turn against Elizabeth the army which
ber own money had assisted hiln fo raise. She had
answered his proposais by seuding fo Paris a copy of
the articles which both the prince and the admira|
had subscribed. "No one thing," she said, "so much
offended ber as their unkind dealing after her friend-
ship in their extrelnity ;" while Sir Tholnas Smith,
on the other side, described Condé as a second king
of NaVal're going the way of Baal Peor, and led astray
by "Midianitish women". Yet, had Elizabcth's own
dealings been free froln reproach, if was ilnpossible
for Condé, had he been ever so desirous of it, fo make
the immediate restoration of Calais a condition of the
peace. I-Iad the war been fought out @ith the support
I2 4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
of England in the field till the Catholics had been
erushed, even then his own Huguenots would seareely
have permitted the surrender. Had he held out upon
it when the two faetions were left standing so evenly
balaneed, he would have enlisted t.he pride of Franee
against himself and his eause, and identified religious
freedom vith national degradation. Belote moving
on Havre he ruade another effort. He sent [. de
Briequelnaut to explain his position and fo renew his
off?fs enlarged fo the utlnost whieh he eould venture.
The young king wrote himself also aeeepting Elizabeth's
deelaration t.hat.her interferenee had been in no spirit
of hostility fo Franee, entreating that she would eon-
tinue her generosity, and, peaee being ruade, reeall her
forees. _'he ratifieation of the treaty of Cambray was
promised again, with "hostages ai her ehoiee" for
the fulfilment of if, froln the noblest families in
Franee.
But if was all in vain. Elizabeth af first would
hOt see Briequemaut. She swore she would have no
dealings with "the false Prinee of Condé," and desired,
if the Freneh king had any message fOl" her, that if
should be presented by the ambassador, Paul de Foix.
When de Foix waited on her with Charles's letter she
again railed ai the prinee as "a treaeherous, ineonstant,
pejured villain" De Foix, evidently instrueted fo
make an arrangement if possible, desired her if she did
hOt like the prinee's terres fo mme her mvn eonditions,
and prolnised that they should be earefully eonsidered.
Ai first she would say nothing. lhen she said she
would send her ansver throu}4"h Sir Thomas Smith;
then suddenly she sent for Briequemaut, and told him
that " ber rights fo Calais being so notorious, she
required neither hostages nor satisfaetion ; she would
have Calais delivered over ; she would bave her money
THE SURRENDER OF HAVRE, 563 125
paid down ; and she vould keep Havre till both were
in her hands".
Bricquemaut vithdrev, replying briefly that if this
vas her resolution she must prepare for var. Onee
more de Foix was ordered fo make a final eflbrt. The
council gave him the saine answer which Elizabeth had
given fo Briequemaut. He replied t.hat, the English
had no right fo deman,l Calais belote the eight years
agreed on in the treaty of Cambray were expired. The
eouneil rejoined that t.he treaty of Cambray had been
broken by the Freneh themselves in thêir attempt fo
enforee the elaims of llary Stuart, that the treaty of
Edinburgh relnained unratified, and t.hat the fortifiea-
tions af Calais and the long leases by whieh the lands
iii the Pale had been let proved that there was and
eould be no real intention of restoring if; "so that if
was lawful for the Queen fo do any manner of thing
for the reeovery of Calais; and beinff eome fo the
quiet possession of Havre wit, hout foree or any other
unlawful means she had good reason fo keep it ".
On Briequemaut's return Catherine de 5lediei lost
hOt a moment. The troops of t, he Rhingrave, whieh
had watehed Havre through the spring, were rêinforeed.
'l'he armies of the prinee and of the Guises, lately in
the field against eaeh other, wêre united under the
Constable, and lnarehed for Normandy.
In England ships were hurried fo sea; the western
eounties were allowed fo send out privateers to pillage
Freneh eomlneree; and dêpôts of provisions were
established af Portsmout.h, with a daily scrviee of
vessels between Spithead and the mouth of the Seine.
Reeruits for the garrison were raised wherever volun-
teers eould be round. The prisoners in Newgate
and the Fleet--highwaymen, eutpurses, shoplifters,
burglars, horse-stealêrs, "tall fellows" fit for serviee
i26 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
--xvere drafted into the army in exchange for the
g'allows; and the council dotermined to maintain in
Havre a const, a.nt force of six thousand mell and a
thousand pioneers, suffieient, if was hoped, with the
help of the fleet, a.ld the eomman,l of the sea, fo defy
t.he utmost whieh Franee eould do.
Every day there was now fighting under the walls
of the town, aml the firsç sueeesses were with thê
Eglish. Fifty of t.he prisoners taken af Cau,lebeeque,
who had sinee Wol:ked in the g'alleys, killed their
eaptain and earried their vessel int.o Havre. A sharp
aet.ion foih,we,l with t.hê Rhingrave, in whieh the
Frmch lost fourteen hundre,l men, an,l the English
eomparatively few.
Unf,rtunately young Tremayne was among the
killed, a speeial favourite of Elizabeth, who ha,1
distinguished himself at Leith, the most gallant of
the splendid hand of youths who had been driven
into exile in her sister's rime, and had roved the seas
as privateers. The queen was prepared for war, but
hot for the eost of war. She had resented the ex-
pulsion of the Freneh inhabitants of Havre: she had
"doubted" if they were driven from their homes
" whether God would be eontented with the rest t.hat
wouhl follow"; she was more deeply affeeted with the
death of Tremayne; and Warwiek was obliged fo
tell hêr t.hat war was a rough gaine; she must hOt
diseourage ber troops by finding fault with lneasures
indispensable fo sueeess; ['or Tremayne, he said,
"men eame there fo venture their lives for her
Majesty and their eount«'y, and must stand fo that
whieh God had appointed either fo live or die"
The English had a rig'ht to expêet t, hat they eouhl
hold the town against any foree whieh eould be brought
against thêm; while the privateers, like a troop of
THE SURRENDER OF HAVRE, 1563 127
wolves, were scouring the Channel and chasing French
traders from the seas. One uneasy symptom alone
betrayed itself: on the 7th of June Lord Warwick
reported that a strange disease had appeared in the
garrison, of which uine men had sud,lenly died.
But the intimation created little alarm. For three
more weeks the English Court remained sanguine,
and talked hOt only of keeping Havre, but of carl'ying
the war deeper into Normandy. "I was yesterday
with the Queen," wrote De Quadra on the 2nd of
July. "She sai,l she was about fo send (i,000 a[l[li-
tional troops across the Chamcl, ami the French
should perhaps find the war brought fo their own
,loors. Cecil and the admiral said the saine to me.
They have fourteen ships well armed and mamed
besides their transports, and every day they grow
more eager an«l exasperated."
But on that day news was on the way which
abridged these large expectations. "The strange
disease" was the plague ; and in the close and narrow
streets where 7,000 men were packed together amidst
foul air and filth and summer heat, if settled down fo
ifs feast of death. On the 7th of June if was first
noticed ; on the 27th the men were dyiug af the rate
of sixty a day; those who fell ill rarely recovered ;
the fresh water was cut ofl: and the tanks had failed
from drought. There was nothing fo drink but wine
and cider; there was no fresh meat, and there were
no fresh vegetables. The wifidmills were outside the
walls and in the hands of the enemy; and though
there was corn in plenty the garrisou could hot grind
if. By the 29th of June the deaths had been rive
hundred. The corpses lay unburied or floaed rotting
Spanish ambassador in England.--A.
28 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
in the harbour. The oflïcers had chietly escaped; the
common men, worse fed and worse lodged, fell in
swathes like grass under the scythe, an,] the physi-
cians died af their side.
The Prinee of Con&:, notwithstanding the last
answer fo de Foix, had written on the 26th of June
a very noble lett, er fo Elizabeth. " To prevent war,"
he said, "the King and Queen, the Prinees of the
blood, the Lords of the Couneil, the whole Parliament
of Paris, wouhl renew the obligation fo restore Calais
af the eight years' end. If was an offer whieh the
Queen of Enghmd eouhl aeeept without stain upon
her honour, and by agreeing fo if she would prove
that she had engaged in the quarrel with a ehief eye
fo the glory of God and the maintenanee of the truth."
Elizabéth had tiel'eely refused; and when this
terrible news ealne froln Havre she eould not-
would notrealise ifs meaning. She would senti
another army, she would eall out the musters, and
feed the garrison from tbeln faster than the plague
eould kill. Cost what if would Havre should be held.
It was but, a question of men, lnoney and food; and
the tal'lfishêl faine of England should be regained.
And worse and worse eame the news aeross the
water. Whên June ended, out of his seven thousand
men Warwiek round but three thousand fit for duty,
and the enemy were pressing him doser, and Iont-
moreney had joined the Rhingrave. Thousands of
workmen were throwing up trenehes under the walls,
an,1 thousands of women were earrying and wheeling
earth for them. Of tbe English pioneers but sixty
remained alive, and the Freneh eannon were already
searehing and sweeping the st, reets. Reilfforcements
were hurried over by hundreds and then by thousands.
Hale, vigorous English eountl'ymen, they were landed
THE SURRENDER OF HAVRE, I563 I2 9
on that fatal quay: the deadly breath of the de-
stroyer passed upon them, and in a few dys or hours
they fell down, and there were none to bury them,
and the eommtmder eould but eltunour for more and
lllOre 811d Ol'e.
On the llth of July bu fit'teen lmndred men were
left.. In ten dys more af the presen dettth rate
Warwick said he would bave but three hundred alive.
Ail failed except English heurt.s. " Notwithstanding
the deaths," Sir Adrim Poylfings reported, " their
courage is so good as if they be supplicd with lnen
tmd vietual they t.rust by God's hclp yet to wit.hsttud
the force of the elemy and fo render the Queen a good
aeeount thereof." Those who went across from England,
though goin', as they knew, fo all but eert,fin death,
" kept their high courage and heart for the service "
Ship after ship arrived at Havre with its doomed
freight of living me), ye Warwiek wrote that still
his numbers waned, that the newcomers wcre hot
enough fo repair the waste. The ovens were broken
with the enemy's shot, the bakers were dead of the
plague. The-besiegers by the middle of the month
were cloeing in upon the harbour mouth. A galley
sent out to keep them back was shot through and
sunk with ifs crew under the eye of the grrison.
Gn the 19th their hearts were cheered by large arrivais,
but they were raw boys from Gloucestershire, new
alike to suflbring and to arms. Cannon had been
sent for from the Tower, and oennon oeme, but they
were old and rusted and worthless. "The worst of
all sorts," wrote Warwick, " is thought good enoug'h
for this place." It was fl}e one complaint which ai
last was wrung from him.
To add fo his diculties the weather broke up in
storms. Clinton had tventy sail with him, and three
9
13o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
thousand men ready to throw in. If the fleet could
have lain outside the harbour the ships' guns could
have kept the approaches open. But a south-west
gale chained Clinton in the Downs; the transports
which sailed from St. Helen's could hot show behind
the island, and there vas a fear that the garrison, cut
off from relief, might have been overpowered in their
weakness and destroyed.
Too late for the ener«,'enc- and still with sullen un-
willingness to yield, the queen on the 20th sent over
Throgmorton to accept Condé's terres. But the French
Court was with the besieg'ing army, and knev the
condition of Warwick's troops too well to listen. The
harbour was by that time closed ; the provisions were
exhausted; the French understood their power and
meant fo use if. Warwick, ordered as he had been to
hold the place under all conditions, " was prepared to
die sword in hand" rather than surrender without the
queen's permission ; but in a few days af latest those
whom the sword and pestilence had spared famine
would make an end of. Fortunately Sir Francis
Knowles, who was in command at Port.smouth, had
sent fo the Court to say that they nmst wait for no
enswer from France ; they nmst seud powers instantly
to Warvick to make terres for himself. A general
at.tack had beeu arranged for the morning of the zth.
Lord Warwick knew that he would be unable to resist,
and with the remnant of his men was preparing the
evening belote to meet a soldier's death, when a boat
stole in with letters, and he received Elizabeth's
permission to surrender at the last extremity.
War, plague and storm had done their work, and
had done it with fatal efficacy. Clinton was chafing
helplessly at his anchorage "while the French were
lying exposed on the beach at Havre ". He could hot
THE SURRENDER OF HAVRE, I563 I3I
reach them, and they could but too effectuMly reaeh
Warwick. Knowing that fo delay longer vas to expose
the handful of noble lnen who survived with him fo
inevit, able death, and himsclf wounded and iii, he
English geueral seut at once to the Constable to make
terres. The Constable wouhl hot abuse his advantage,
and on the 29th of July Havre was restore,l to Franee,
the fev English troop. remaining being allowed to
depttrt, with t.heir arms and g'oods umnolested and at
their leisure.
The day a[ter the weather ehanged, and Clinton
arrived ço find that ail was over, and that Warwiek
himself was on board a transport ready fo sail. The
queen-mother sent M. ,le Lignerolles on board Clinton's
ship fo ask him to ,line with her. He exeused him-
self under the plea that he eould hot leave his men ;
but he said to de Lignerolles " that the plague of
dea,lly infeetion had done for them t.hat whieh all the
force of Franee eould never have done"
Thus ended tbis ulhappy enterprise in a disaster
whieh, terrible as it seemed, was more desirable for
England than sueeess. Elizabeth's favouring star had
prevente,t a eonquest from being eonsummated whieh
would have involved her in interminable war. Had if
hot been for the plague she mig'ht have heM Havre ;
but shc eould bave held it only at a eost xvhieh, belote
many years were over, xvouhl bave thrown her an
exhausted and easy prey at the feet of Philip.
The t]rst thought of Warwiek, ill as he was, on
reaehing Portsmouth was for his brave eompanions.
They had returned in miserable plight, and he wrote
fo the eouneil fo beg that they might be eared for.
But there vas no oeeasion to remind Elizabeth of sueh
a duty as this: ha,l she been allowed she would have
gone at onee at the risk of infeetion'to thank them for
I32 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
their gallant. W. In a proclamation under ber own
hand she commended the soldiers who had t'aced t.hat
terrible siege fo the care of the country ; she entreated
every gm,tleman, she comman, led every official, ecclesi-
astical or civil, in the realm fo see to their necessities
"lest God punish them for their unmercifuhess "; she
insisted with generous forethought " that no person
should have any .grudge at those poor eaptains and
soldiers beeause the town was rendered on conditions ""
"she would bave it known and understood that there
wanted no trnth, courage, nor manhood in any of
t, hem from the highest fo the lowest"; "they wouhl
bave withstood the Freneh t.o the utmost of their
lives; but it was thought the part o Christian
wisdom hot fo tempt tle Almighty fo eontend vith
the inevitable mortal enemy o the plague"
Happy wouM if bave been had the loss of Havre
ended the ealamities of the smmner. But the garrison,
seattering fo their homes, earrie,l the infeet.ion through
England. London was tainted already, and with the
heat and drought o August the pestilence in town and
village heh] on ifs deadly way.
The eruption on the skin whieh was usual v«ith the
plague does ,/ot seem t.o bave attended this visitation
of if. Ïhe filst symptom was violent lever, burning"
heat alternating with fits of shivering; the lnouth
then beeame dry, the tongue parehed, with a prieking
sen.ation in the breast and loins: headaehe followed
and languor, wit, h a desire fo sleep, and after sleep
came generally death, "for the heart did draw the
poison, and the poison by its own malice did pieree
the heart". When a man felt himself infeeted " he
did first eommend himself fo tbe highest Physieian
and eraved merey of Him ". Where he felt pain he
was blêd, and 1,e then drmk the" aq,« co-t tra pesteot, "'
THE SURRENDER OF HAVRE, 1563 133
--the plague water--buried himself in his bed, and
if possible perspired. To allay his thirst he was
allowed sorrel«vater and vo[iuice, vith slices of
oranges and lemons. Light food--rabbit, chickel or
other bil"d--was taken often and in small quantifies.
To prevent the spread of the contagion the houses and
streets and staircases were studiously cleane,l; the
windows vel"e set vide open and hung with fresh
green boughs of oak or villow; the floors were
strewed with SOl"rel, lettuce, roses and oak leaves, and
freely and frequently sprikled with spring water o1"
else with vinegar aud rose-water. Froln cellar to
garret six hours a day t.he houses were fumigated
with sandalwood aud musk, aloes, amber and cmna-
mon. In the poorest courages there were rires of
rosemary and bay. Yet no relnedy availed to prevent
the lnortality, and no precaution to check the progress
of the infection. In July the deaths in London had
beeu two huudred a week; through the following
month they rose swiftly fo seven huldl"ed, eight
hundred, a flousand, in the last week of the month
to two thousand; and at that rate with scarcely
a dilniuution the people continued to die till the
November raius vashed the sewers and kennels clean,
and the fury of the disorder was spent.
The bishops, attl"ibuting the calalnity to supernatural
causes, aud seeing the cause for the provocation of the
Almighty in the objects which excited their own dis-
pleasure, laid the blame upon the theatres, aud petitioned
the Governmeut to iuhibit plays and amuselnents.
Sir Willialn Cecil, hot charging Providence till man
had doue his part, round the occasion rather in the
dense crowding of the lodging-houses, "by reason that
the owners aud telmnts for greediness and lucre did
take ullto fohelll other ildabitants and families fo dwell
34 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
in their chambers"; he therefore ordcrc,t that "every
house or shop should have but one toaster and one
family," and that aliens and strangers shouM
relnove.
The danger Mgrmed the eouneil into lenieney to-
w«rds the tate prisoners. The Tower was empfied.
The Catholie prelates were distributed among the
bouses of their l'ivMs and sueeessors; Lady Catherine
Grey was eomlnitted fo the charge of ber father's
brother, broken in health, heart and spirit, praying,
but praying in vain, that "ber lord and husband might
be restored to lu,r," and pining" slowly towards the
grave into whieh a few yeavs later she sank.
The vietims who die, l of the plague were ehiefly
obscure.
THE MURDER OF DARNLEY, 1567.
ST. MARY'S-IN-THE-FIELDS, called commolly Kirk-a-
Field, was a roofless and ruined church, standing just
inside elle old gown walls of Edinburgh, at ghe north-
western corner of the prescrit college. Atioining ig
flmre stood a quadrangular building which had ag one
gime bclonged o tire Dominican lnonks. The north
front was huile along t.he edge of glae sh)pe which
descends o the Cowgate; ghe soufla side contained a
low range of unoccupied roolns which had been" priests'
chambers"; tire east conisted of oces and servants'
rooms ; the principal apartments in the dwelling into
which the place had been converted were iu the western
wing, which completed the square. Under the windows
there was a narrow strip of grass-plat dividing the
bouse from the town wall; and outside the wall were
gardens into which there xvas ail opeuing through the
cellars by an underground passage. The principal gate-
way faced north and led direct into the quadraugle.
Here it was that Paris round Bothwell with Sir
James Balfour. He delivered his letter and gave his
message. The earl wrote a few words in reply.
"ComInend me fo the Queen," he said as he gave the
note, "and tell her that ail will go »vell. Say that
Balfour and I have hOt slept all night, that everything
is arrang'ed, and that the King's lodgings are ready for
Bothwell's page.--A.
36 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
hiln. I have sent her a dialnond. ¥ou may say I
vould send lny heart too were if in lny power--but
she bas ig already."
A few more words passe,l, and from Bothvell Paris
vent ço Maitland, who also wroçe a brief answer. To
çhe verbal quesçion he answered, "Tell her Majesty
ço take çhe King go Kirk-a-Field"; and with these
replies the messenger rode baek flrough the night fo
his lnistress.
She was noç up vhen he arrived ; her ilnpatienee
eould noç resç çill she vas dressed, and she reeeived
him in bed. He gave his leçters and his message. She
asked if çlere was anything furher. He answered
çhaç Bothwell bade him say "he would have no test
çill he had aeeolnplished their ençerprise, and thaç for
love of herhe would train a pike all his lire" The
queen laughed. "Please God," she said, "if shall
corne fo tlut."
A few houlN laçer she was on çhe road wiçh ber
vieçim. He eouhl be moved buç slowly. She was
obliged ço resç with him çwo days aç Linliflow ; and
iç VaS llOç till the 30t.h that she was al)le fo bring him
fo Edinburgh. As yet he knew nothing of the change
of his destination, and supposed t.hat he vas going on
fo Craiglnillar. Bothwell however met t.he cavaloede
outside the gares and took charge of if. No attention
was 1)aid either fo the exclalnation or relnonstrance;
Darnley was ilfformed tbat the Kirk-a-Field house
was most convenient for him, and fo Kirk-a-Field he
was conducted.
"The lodgings" prepared for him were in the west
wing, which was divided from the test of the bouse by
a large door af the foot of the staircase. A passage
O January, 1567.--A.
THE MURDER OF DARNLEY, x567 x37
ran along the. ground floor from which a room opened
which had been fitted up for the queen. At the hea, t
of the stairs a similar passage led fil'st fo the king's
rooln--which was ilnlnediately over that of the queen
--and further on to closets and rooms for the
servants.
Here it was that Darnley was established during the
last hours whieh he was fo know on earth. The keys
of the doors were given ostcntatiously fo his grooln of
the ehamber, Thomas Nelson; the Erl of Bothwell
being already in possession of duplieates. The door
from the eellar into the garden had no lock, but the
servants were told that it eould be seeured with bolts
from within. The l'OOlllS themselves had been com-
fortably furnished, and a halMsome bed had been set
up for the king with new hangings of black velvet.
The queen however seelned to think tht they wouhl
be injured by the splashing froln Darnley's bath, and
desired that they might be taken down and changed.
Being a person of ready expedients too she suggested
that the door at the bottom of the staircase was hot
required for protection. She had it taken down and
turned into a cover for the bath-vat; "so that there
was nothilg left to stop the passage into the said
chalnber but Olfly the portal door"
After this little attention shê left her husband in
possession ; she intended herself to sleep from time to
tilne there, but her own room was hot yet ready.
The further plan was still unsettled. Bothwell's first
notioll was fo tempt Darnley out into the country some
SUlmy day for exercise and then to kill him. But
"this purpose was changed because it would be knowll ";
and was perhaps abandoned vith the alteration of the
place froln Craiglnillar.
The queen meanwhile spenf her days at ber husband's
I38 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
side, watching over his convalescence with seelningly
anxious tfibetion, and returning only fo sleep af Holy-
food. In the starry evenings, though if was midwinter,
she would go out into the garden with Lady Reres, and
"there sing and use pastilne ". Afr a few days her
apartment af Kirk-a-Field ws ruade habitable; a bed
was set up there in whieh she eouhl sleep, and par-
tieular direetions were given as to the part of the room
where if was fo stand. Paris throug some lnistake
misplaeed it.. " Fool that you are," the lueen said to
him when she saw if, " the bed is hOt fo stand there ;
move it yonder t.o the oher side." She perhaps mea.n
nothing, but the words aftel'wards seemed ominously
sig'nifieant. A powder barrel was to be lighted in that
room fo blow t.he bouse and every one in if into the
air. Ïhey had plaeed the bed on the spot where the
powder was fo stand, immediately below the bed of the
king.
Whatever she meant, she eontrived when it was
lnoved fo pass two nights there. The objeet was fo
make it appear as if in what was to follow her own lire
had been aimed af as well as her husband's. Wednes-
day, Oie 5th, she slept there, and Friday, the 7th, and
then her penanee was ahnost over, for on SatuMay the
thing was fo have been done.
Alnong t.he wild youths who followed Bothwell's
fortunes t.hree were round who eonsented fo be the
ilstrulnents--yomg Hay the Laird of Tallo, Hepburn
of Bolton, and the Laird of Ormestong'ent[emen re-
tainers of Bot.hwell's house, and ready for any desperate
adventure. Delay only ereated a risk of diseovery,
and fle earl on Friday arranged his plans for the
night ensuing.
If seelns however that af the last moment there was
an impression either that the powder migt rail or that
THE MURDER OF I)ARNLEY, 1567 139
Drnley could be more conveniently killed in a scuflte
with au appearance of accident. Lord Rober Stuart,
Abbot of St. Cross, one of James the Fifth's wild brood
of children whom the Church had provided with land
aud title, had shared in past rimes in the king's riots,
and retaining some regard for him had warned the
poor creature to be on his guard. Darnley, making
love fo destruction, toM the queen ; and Stuart, know-
iug that his own lire lnight pay the forfeit of his in-
terfel'encè, either received a hint that he lnight luy
his pardon by doing the work himself, or else denied
his words and oflbl'ed fo lnake the king lnaintain them
af the sword's point. A duel, eouhl it be mauaged,
would remove all dittàeulty ; and Bothwcll would take
eal'e how if should end.
Solnething of this kind was in eontelnpbttiou on the
Sat«lrday night, and the explosion was dcferl"ed in eon-
sequenee. The queen that evening at Holyrood bade
Paris tell Bothwell " that the Abbot of St. Cross shouhl
go fo the king's room and do what the earl knew of "
Paris earried the message, and Bothwell answered,
"Tell the Queen that I will speak fo St. Cross and
then I will see her"
But this too came to nothing. Lord Robert went,
and angry words, aeeor, ling fo some aeeounts, were
exehanged between him and Darnley ; but a siek lnan
unable to leave his eoueh was in no condition fo cross
swords ; and for Olm lnore night he was perlnitted fo
survive.
So af last came Sunday, eleven months exaetly from
the day of Rizzio's murdcr ; and Mary Stuart's words,
that she would never test till that dark business was
revenged, were about to be fulfilled. The Erl of
Murray, knowing perhaps what was eoming, yet
unable fo interfere, ha,l been long atlng for an
i4o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
opportunity to leave Edinburgh. Early that morning
he wrote to his sister to say that Lady M urray was ill
aS SS. Andrew's, and that she wished him to join her ;
the queen wiSh some reluctance gave him leave fo go.
If was a high day aS the CourS: Sebastian, one
of the nmsicians, was married in the afternoon fo
Margaret Cawood, Mttry Stuart's favourite waiting-
woman. When the service was over, the qucen took
an early supper with the Bishop of Argyle, and after-
wards, accompanied by Cassilis, Huntly and the Earl
of Argyle, she went as usual fo spend the evening
with lier husband, and professed fo intend to stay the
night with him. Ïhe hours passed on. She was
more than eommonly Sender; and l)arnley, absorbe,l
in lier earesses, pail no attent.ion fo sounds in the
room below him, whieh had he heard theln might
have disturbed his enjoymenS.
AS ten o'eloek Shat night two servanSs of Bothwell,
Powrie and PaSriek Wilson, came by order fo the earl's
apal'SlllelltS in Holyrood. Hepburn, who was waiting
there, pointed fo a heap of leather bags and Srunks
upon the floor, whieh he bade them earry fo the gare
of the gar, lens aS the baek of Kirk-a-Field. They
threw the load on a pair of paek-horses and led the
way in the dark as they were told; Hepburn himself
went with theln, and aS the gare they round Bothwell,
with Htty, Orlneston, and another person, lnUflted in
their eloaks. Ïhe horses were left standing in the
lane. The six lnen silently took the bag's on their
shouhlers and earried them to the postern door whieh
led through the town wall. Bot.hwell then went in
fo join the tlueen , and tohl the rest fo make haste
wiSh their work and finish if belote the queen should
go. Powrie and Wilson were dismissed; Hepburn
and the threê others dragg'ed the bags through the
THE MURDER OF DARNLEY, I567 I4
cellar into 5lary Stuart's room. They had intended
to put the powder into a cask, but the door vas too
narrow, so they carried if as if was and poured if out
in a heap upon the floor.
They blundered il the darkness. Bothwell, who
was listening in the room above, heard them stum-
bling aç their work, and stole down to warn theln ço
be silent ; but by thaç tilne ail was in its place. The
dark lnaSS, in which the fire-spirit lay imprisoned, rose
dilnly from the ground ; the match was in ifs place,
and thc earl glided back fo the queen's si,le.
If was now past, nidniffht. Hay and Hcpburn wcre
fo relnain with t, he powder alone. " ¥ou knov what
you have fo do," Orlneson whispered : "when ail is
«luieg al)ove, you tire çhe end of he linç and eolne
way."
Wiçh these words Ormeson psed seMthily ino
t.he gar,len. Paris, vho had been assisting iii the ar-
rangemenç, wen upstairs fo the king's room, and his
appearance was the signal conccrted beforehand for
t.he pal'ty ço break up. Boçhwell whispered a few
wor, ls in Argyle's ear; Argyle touched Paris on the
back significançly : there was a pause--the length of
a Paterlosterlwhen the ,lueen suddenly recollecçed
thaç there was a masque and a dance af the pa]ace
on the occasion of the marriage, and thaç she had
prolnised fo be present.. She rose, and with lnany
regrets that she could not sçay as she inçended, kissed
her husbald, puç a ring on his finger, wished him
good-nigh, and went. The lords followed her. As
she left the room, she said as if by accident, " Iç was
just t.his rime lasç year that Rizzio was slain "
Iii a few monents çhe gay train was gone. The
queen walked back fo the gliçtering halls in Holy-
food; Darnley was left alone with his page, Taylor,
142 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
who slep in his rooln, and his wo servants, Nelson
and Edward Seymour. Belmv in he darkness,
Bohwell's wo followers shiverêd beside he powder
heap, and listened with hushed breath till all was
still.
The king, though if, was lae, was iu uo mood for
sleep, and 5Iary's last words soundêd awfully in lais
ears. As soon as she was gone he went over "her
many speeehes," he spoke of ber sort words and her
earesses whieh had seemed sineere, "but t.he mention
of Davie's slaughtêr marred all his pleasure "
" What will she do ?" said he, "if is very lonely."
The shadow of death was ereeping over hiln ; he was
uo longer the tan,loto boy who two years belote had
eome fo Seot, land filled with idle dreams of vain
amhition. Sorrow, suflçrinR', disease and fear had
done t, heir work. That night, before or after the
queen's visit, he was said t,o have opened the Prayev-
book, and to have read over the 55th Psahn, whieh by
a strange eoineidenee was in the English serviee for
the day that vas dawning.
True or false, sueh was he tale at the tilne; and
he words have a terrible appropriaeness.
" Hear lny prayer, O Lord, and hide uo thyself from
my petiion.
" lIy heart is disquieted wit, hin me, and the fear of
deah is fallen upon me.
"Fearfuluess and trelnbling are eolue upon me, and
an horrible dread hath overwhehned lne.
:' I is not an open enemy that bath done me this
dishonour, for then I eould have borne i.
"I was even thou, my eompanion, my guide and
my own familiar friend."
Forlorn vieçim of a eruel age! Tweny-oue years
oldlnO more. AL the end of an hour he went Go bed,
THE MURDER OF DARNLEY, 567 43
with his page af his side. Ail hour later they two
were lying dead in the gardèn beyond the wall.
The exact facts of the nmrder were never known--
only af two o'clock that Monday morning a " crack"
vas heard which marie the drowsy citizens of Edin-
burgh turn in their sleep, and brought down all that
side of Balfour's house of Kirk-a-Field in a confused
heap of dust and ruin. Nelson, the sole survivor, went
fo bed and slept when he left lais toaster, and " kuew
nothing till he found t.he house falling about him";
Edward Seymom" was bloxw in pieces; but, Darnley
and his page were found forty yards away under a
tree, with " no sign of tire on them," and wit.h their
elothes seattered at their side.
Some said that they were smothered in their sleep :
some that they were taken down into a stable and
"wirried " ; solne that "hearing the keys grate in the
doors below them, they started from their beds and
were flying clown the stairs, when they were eaught
and strangled". Hay and Hepburn told one consistent
story to the foot of the seattbld: When the voiees
were silent overhead they lit the mateh and fled, loek-
ing t.he doors behind them. In the garden they round
Bothwell watehing with his friends, and they waited
there till t.he bouse blew up» when they ruade off and
saw no more. It was thought however that in dread
of torture t.hey left the whole dark truth untold ; and
over the events of that nig'ht a horrible mist st.ill hangs
unpenetrated and unpenetrable for ever.
I44
THE ASSASSINATION OF MUtRA¥, 1570.
ALTHOUGH fO the Catholics, fo the frien, ls of Mary
Stuart, fo the friends generally of anarchy and the
right of every man fo do as he pleased--a ]arg'e class
at this rime in Seotbmd--the administnztion of Murray
was in every way detest, able, yet the disint, erested in-
tegrity of his eharaeter, thê aetivity and equity of his
govermnent, had eommanded respeet even from those
who mo,s disliked hinl. They might oppose his poliey
and hate his prineiples, but personal ill-will, as he had
never deserved if from any one, had never hitherto
been felt towards him, exeept by his sister. The arrest
of Northumberland, and the supposed intention of
surrendering him fo Elizabeth, had ealled out a spirit
against hiln xvhieh had hot before existed, and an
opportunity was ereated for his destruetion whieh had
been long and anxiously watehed for.
The plot for the murder was originally formed in
Mary Stuart's household, if she herself was hot t.he
prime mover in if. The person selected for the deed
was JalneS Hamilton of Bothwellhaug'h, nephew of
the Arehbishop of St. Andrews and of the Duke of
Chatelherault. The eonduet of the Hmfiltons for the
past ten years had been uliforlnly base. They had
favoured the Reforlnation while there was a hope of
marrying the heir of their house to Elizabeth. When
this hope failed, t.hey tried to seeure Mary Stuart for
him; and when she deelined the |m_nour, thought of
ASSASSINATION OF MURRAY, 57 o i45
earrying-her off by force. 'rhe arehbishop had been
a pargy go ghe murder of Darnley. He had divoreed
Boghwell and helped ghe queen go marry him, in the
hope ghag she would ruin herself. When she vas ag
Loehleven ghe house of Hamilgon would have voged
for her deagh if gheir gigle go ghe erown had been
reeognised. Had ghey won ag Langside she was go
have repaid gheir service by marrying ghe Abbog of
Arbroagh.
A sgeady in, lifferenee go every ingeresg bug t.heir
own, a disregard of every obligagion of jusgiee or
honour, if they eould seeure ghe erown of Seogland go
gheir lineage, had given a eolisisgeney go ghe eondueg
of ghe Hamilgons beyond whag was go be round in any
ogher Seoggish family. No seruples of religion had
disgurbed ghem, no loyalgy fo gheir sovereign, no eare
or ghoughg for ghe publie ingeresgs of gheir eount.ry.
Through good and evil, ghrough grugh and lies, t.hrough
ingrigues and bloodshed, t.hey worked gheir way to-
wards ghe one objeeg of a base ambigion.
Nurray was ghe greag obsgaele. Wigh llurray pug
oug of ghe way ghe liggle aames would nog be long a
diffieulgy. For ghe preseng and for gheir immediage
eonvenienee ghey were making use of Nary Sguarg's
naine, as she for her own purposes was niaking use
of gheirs. _'he alliance would lasg as long as was
eonvenieng, and ag ghis poing ghey were uniged in a
eommon desire for ghe regeng's deagh.
Boghwellhaugh had been gaken ag Langside. His
lire was forfeiged, and he had been pardoned by lIurray,
againsg ghe adviee of ghose who knew his nagure and
ghe etteg whieh generosigy would produee upon him.
Itis lands had been eseheaged and gaken possession of,
his family were removed from his house, and piegur-
esque visions of a desolage wife driven oug ingo the
IO
I46 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
woods to wandêr shelterless bave served in the eyes
of 3Iary Stuart's admirers to justify the vengeance
of a half-lnaddened husband. But the story rests on
legend. Such indeed had been the actual rate of Lady
Murray when Mal'y Stuart was in the flush of ber
successes tfter her marriage with Darnley; but the
Castle of Hamilton was large enougq fo receive the
househohl of so near a kilSlnan of its chiefs, and
Bothwellhaugh was the willing instrulnent of a crime
which had been concerted between Mary Stuart's
followers and the sons of the Duke of Chatelherault.
Assassination was an accomplishment in his family.
John Halnilton, a notorious desperado, who xvas lais
brother or near relative, had been elnployed in France
fo lnurder Coligny, and, sinvularly enough, af that
very momelat Philip II., who valued such services,
had his eye upon hiln as a person who lnight be sent
to look aftcr--so Philip pleasantly put it--the Prince
of Orange. The cavalier would have taken with the
utmost kind]iness fo the occupation, but his reputation
for such atrocities was so notorious thaC Philip was
adviscd fo choose some one against whom the prince
would be less likely to be upon lais guard.
Edinburg-h hot oflbring convenient opportunities, an
intimation was brought to Murray, that if he would go
to Dumbarton Lord Fleming was ready fo surrender
the castle. He went as far as Glasgow, but only fo
find that he had been misled, and he returned after a
few days fo Stirling. Bothwellhaugh had been on the
watch for him af lnore than one spot upon the road,
but he had been unable fo make certain of his aire,
and he did not mean o risk a failure. Circulnstances
requiring the regent's presence again in Edinburg-h,
he left Stirling on the afternoon of the 22nd of
January, and that night slept, af Linlithgow. The
ASSASSINATION OF MURRAY, 57 o t47
town then eonsisted of oe long narrow st«'eet. Four
doors beyond the regen's lodgings was a house
belonging to the Archbishop of St. Andrews which
was occupied by one of his dependents. From the
first lmdingplace a window opened upon the street,
the staircase leading directly down from it fo t, he back
garden, ne the end of which was a lanc. A wooden
bMcony ran along" outside the bouse on a level with
the window. It was railed in front, and when clothes
were hung upon the bars they formed a convenient
screen behind which a man could easily conceal himself.
Here on the morning of tlm 2:h'd crouched Hamilton
of Bothwellhaugh. The Abbot of Arbroath had lent
him his ow carbine ; the best horse in the stables of
Hamilton Castle was at the garden gare in the lane,
a second was waiting a toile (list.anL, and ail 3" Olle vho
rode down the street in çhe direetiou of Einburgh
would have fo pass within three yards of the assassin's
hiding-plaee. The secret had hot been kept with en-
tire fidelity. Some one, it was no known who, came
o Murray's bedside belote he rose, tohl him tha
Bothwelllmugh was lying in waiç for him, and named
the house where he would be round. But Murray
was the perpetual ojeeL of eonspiraeies. He reeeived
similar warnings probably on hall the ,lays on whieh
he went abroad. He had ruade up his mind fo dang'er
as part of his position, and he had eeased fo heed if.
He had no leisure fo think about himself, and whether
he lived or died was hot of vital noment to him. He
paid just suNeient attention t.o the warning fo propose
to leave the town by the opposite gare; but when he
came ouç and mounted his horse, he round his guard
drawn up and the street hot easily passable in thaL
direetion, and he Lhought too little about the matter
fo disturb them. It was said that he would have
I48 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
started af a gallop. But the people were ail out to
look aL him. To bave ridden fast through çhe crowd
would lmve been dangerous, and so af a foot's pace he
passed in frollt of Bothwellhaugh. To miss him so
was impossible.
The shot was làred--he put his hand to his side and
said t.h,t he was wounded ; but he was able fo alight,
and lêaninR" on Lord Sempell he returned fo the bouse
whieh he had just left. He had been lait "above ghe
navel al: the buttoning of the doul)lêt" " The ball
ha,l passed t:hrou,'h him and kille,l a horse on the
or, ber side." In the eonfnsion the lnurderer eseaped.
The elothes upon t.he rail eoneealed the smoke, and
minutes passed belote the window was diseovered
from which the shot had been fired. Parties of men
xvere Oll guarl in the lane fo defend him if he was in
danger; but their help was hOt required, and in a
fev hours he himself had brought t.he news of lais
sueeess fo Hamilton Cst.le, where he was reeeived
with an eestasy of exultat.ion. Thenee a day or two
after he ruade his way fo Franee fo reeeive the t.hanks
of Mary Stuart, and fo live upon the vages of this
and other villanies.
The regent did not af first belieç'e that he was
seriously hurt, but on examination of the wound, if
was seen that he had but a few hours fo lire. His
friênds in their biffer grief rêminded him of the adviee
whieh he ha, l negleeted ai'ter Langside. He said
eahnly that "he eould never repent of his elemeney"
With the saine modest quietness with vhieh he had
lived he ruade his fev arrangements. He eommended
the king fo Sempell and Mat, and "without speaking
a reproaehful word of any man," died a little belote
midnight.
Nany a politieal a{roeity bas disgraeed the history
ASSASSINATION OF MURRAY, 57 o 49
of the British nation. If is a question whether among
them all there can be found any which was more uscless
fo ifs projeetors or more misehievous in ifs immediate
eonsequenees. If did not bring baek Mary Stuart.
If did hot open a road fo the throne fo the Hamiltons,
or turn baek the t.i,le of the tleformation. If flung
only a deeper tint of ignominy on his sister and her
friends, and if gave over Seotland fo three years of
misery.
With a perversity seareely less than the folly whieh
destroyed his lire, his memory has been saerifleed t.o
sent.inentalism; and those who ean see only in the
Protestant religion an nprising of Antiehrist, and in
the Queen of Seots the beautiful vietim of seetarian
iniquity, have exhausted upon Murray the resourees
of elotluent vituperation, and have deseribed him as
a perfidious brother buihling up his own fortunes on
tbe vrongs of his in.iured sovereign. In the eyes of
theologians, or in the eyes of historians who t.ake
their inspiration from theologieal systems, the saint
ehanges into the devil and the devil into the saint, as
the point of view is shifted from one ereed to another.
But faets prevail af last, however passionate the pre-
dileetion ; and when the verdier of plain human sense
ean get itself pronouneed, the "good Regent" will
take his plaee among the best and greatest men who
have ever lived.
Measured by years his eareer was wonderfully brief.
He was twenty-five when the English were af Leith ;
he was thirty-five when he was killed. But in rimes
of revolution lnen mature quiekly. His lot ha, l been
east in the midst of convulsions where, af any moment,
had he eared for personal advantages, a sale and pros-
perous eourse lay open fo him ; but so far as his eonduet
can be traced, his interests wcre divided only between
I50 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
duty to his count«'y, duty, as he understood it, to God,
and affection for his unfortunate sister. France tried
in vain to bribe him, for he knew that the true good
or' Scotland lay in alliance and eventual union with
its ancient enemy ; and he preferred to be used. trifled
with, or trampled on by Elizabeth to being the tl-usted
and valued friend of Catherine de Medici. In all
Europe there was not a man more prot'oundly true
to the principles of the 1R, eforlnation, o1" more con-
sistently--in the best sense of the word--a servant
of God. His house was compared to "a holy temple,"
where no foul word vts ever spoken. A chapter of
the Bible was read every day after dinner and supper
in his family. One or more lninisters of the kirk
were usually among his guests, and the conversation
chiefly turned on 8Olne serious subject. Yet no one
xvas more free from sour austerity. He quarrêlled
once with Knox, "so that they spoke hOt together
for eighteen nlonths," because his nature shrunk from
extremity of intoleranee, beeause he insisted that while
his sister remained a Catholie she should hot be inter-
dieted from the lnaSS. The liard eonvietions of the
old reformer were justified by the result. The mass
in those days meant intrigue, eonspiraey, rebellion,
murder, if nothing else xvould serve; and better it
vould have been for Mary Stuart, better for Seotland,
better for the broad welfare of Europe, if it had been
held at arm's length while the battle lased, by every
eount«'y from which it had onee beeu expelled. But
the errors of Murl'ay--if it may be so said of any
errors- deserved rather to be admired than eon-
demned. In the later differenees whieh arose between
hiln and the (lUeen, he kept at her side so long as he
eould hohl ber baek from wrong. He resisted her by
force when in mal'rying Darnley shè seêlned plunging
ASSASSINATION OF MURRAY, I57 ° i5I
into an element in vhich she or the Reformation would
be wrecked : and when he failed and in failing vas
disowned with il,sults by Elizabeth, he alone of ail
his parby never swervêd through personal resentmenb
from the even tenor of his eourse.
Afterwards, when his sister turned aside from the
pui'suib of thrones bo lu.b and erime, Murray Look no
part in the wild revenge whieh îollmved. He with-
drew frOlll ,' seêne where no honoural)le man could
remain with lire, and retul'ned only to save her from
judieial retributiolL Only ai lasb when she foreed
upon him bhe albernative of treating her as a publie
enelny or of abandoning Seotlaml to almrehy and
ruin, hê took his final post at the head of all tlmt was
good and noble alnong his eounbrylnen, and bhere meb
the rate whieh from that momenb was marked oub for
hiln.
As a ruler he was severe bub inflexibly just. The
corruption whieh had bcgun at the throne had sabu-
rated the eourts of law. In t.he short leisure whieh
he eouhl snateh frOlU his own labours he sat on trials
with the judges ; and" his presenee struek sueh rever-
enee into them bhab the poor werê nob oppressed by
false aeeusations, nor tirêd oub by long abtendanee,
nor their eauses pub off to gratify the rieh". He had
his father's virtues without his father's infirlnit.ies;
and so with sueh poor resourees as he eould eomlnaud
a home, with hollow SUppOl'b from England, and con-
eeldl'ating" upon his own pel'son the lnalignity of
political hatred and spurious sentimelt, he held on
upon his road til] thê end came and he was taken
Seobland was struek to t, he heart by his death. The
pathebie intensity of popular feeling round expression
in a ballad whieh was published af, Edinburgh imlnedi-
152 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
ately after Murray's death. If was written probably
by Robert Lord Selnpell, on whose arln he lent after
he was vounded.
The strife of faction was hushed in the great grief
which fell on ail in whom generous feeling was hOt
utterly extinguished. Those who had been loudest in
their outcries against him were shamed by his loss into
forgetfulness of thcir petty grievances, and desired
only fo revenge a crime which had a second tilne
brought dishonour upon thcir country.
153
THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW, 1572.
THE Founder of Christianity, when He sent the
Apostles into the world to preach the Gospcl, g,ve
them a singular warning. They were to be the
bearers of good news to mnkind, and yet He said
He was hot corne fo send peace on earth, but sword
--He was corne to set house against house and kin-
dred against kindred--the sou vould deliver up his
father fo death, the brother his sister, the mother /he
child; the strongest ties of natural affection would
wither in the tire of hate which His words were
about to kindle. The prophecy, which referred in
the first instance fo the struggle between the nev
religion and Judaic bigotry, has fulfilled itself con-
tinuously in the history of the Church. Whenever
the doctrinal aspect of Christianity has been pro-
minent above the practical, whenever the first duty
of the believer bas been held to consist in holding
particular opinions on the functions and nature of his
Master, and only the second in obeying his Master's
commands, then always, with a Ulfiformity lnore re-
markable than is obtained in any othêr historical
phenolnena, there bave followed dissension, an imosity,
and in later ages bloodshed.
Christianity, as a principle of lire, has been the
lnost powerful check upon the passions of mankind.
Christianity as a speculative system of opinion has
¢onverted them into monsters of cruelty. Higher
I54 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
than the angels, lower than the demons, t,hese are"
he two aspêets in whieh the religious man presens
himself in all tilnes and eouutries.
The fil'St 1)re'st of the Ileformation hC aken lle
Catholie powers by surprise. If had spread like an
epidemie fronl own fo town, and nation o nation.
No eonseientious lnan eould preend tha the Chureh
was what if ough fo be. Indiseriminae resisanee
o all ehange was no longer possible; and with no
elear pereeption xvhere o stand or where fo yield,
hall the edueated world had been swep avay by the
stream. But he first foree had spent itself. The
reforlners had quarrelled among thelnselves; the
Caholies had reeovered heart from their opponents'
divisions; the Couneil of Tren had given them
ground fo stand upon ; and with elear eonvietion, and
a unity of ereed and purpose, hey had set themselves
steadily, wih voiee and pen and sword, fo reeover
their lost ground. The enthusiasn overeame for a
rime the distinetions of llat.iOllS and ]anguages. The
Englishman, lle Frenehman, the Spaniard, he Ialian,
the Gerlnan, remelnbered only tha he was a son of
he Chureh, that he had one masser t]le Pope, and
one enelly t, he heretie and the sehismatie. In seeular
convulsions the nat;ural distress af the sight of human
suffering is seldom entirely extinguished. In the
great spiritual strugNle of the sixteenth eentury
religion ruade humanity a erilne, and the most hor-
rible atrocities were sanetified by the belief that they
were approved and eolmnanded by Heaven. 2Phe
fathers of the Chureh at Trent had enjoined the
extirpation of heresy, and the evil arlny of priests
thundered the aeeursed message from evel-y pulpit
whieh they were allowed fo enter, or breathed it with
yet more fatal poteneg in tle eon.fessional. Nor were
MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW, i572 155
the other side slow in learning the lesson of hatred.
The Lutheran and the Anglican, hovering between
t, he two extremes, might attempt forbearance, but
as the persecuting spirit grew among the Catholics
European Protestantism assumed a stronger and a
sterner type. The Catholic on the authority, of the
Church ruade war upon st)b'itual rebellion. The
Protestant believed himself COlnmissioned ]ike the
Israelites to extinguish the worshippers of images.
" No lnercy to the heretics" was the watchword
of the Inquisition ; "the idol,ters shall ,lie " was the
answering thunder of the disciples of Calvin; an,l
as t.he deat.h-wrestle spread from land to land, cach
party st.fore to outbid the other for Heaven's favour
by the ruthlessness with which they carried out its
imagined behests. Kings and stateslnen in some de-
gree retained the balance of their reason. Coligly,
Orange, Philip, even Alva himself, endeavoured af
rimes to check the frenzy of their followers; but the
lnultitude was held back by no responsibilities; their
creeds were untempered by other knowledge, a.nd they
couhl indulge the brutality of their natural appetites
without dread of the Divine displeasure ; while alike
in priest's stole or Geneva gown, the clerg'y, like
a legion of fm'ies, lashed them into wilder mad-
ness.
On land ghe chier suflrers had been ghe Proges-
tants: on ghe sea t.hey had the advant, age, and had
used ig. The privateers had for ghe most part disposed
swiftly of the erews and passengers of t.heir prizes.
Prisoners were ineonvenient and dangerous; the sea
gold no tales, and ghe dead did hot eome baek. Wigh
ghe eapgure of Brille and Flushing the blaek ltag had
been transferred fo the shore. ,Sir Humfrey Gil-
bert, following the pl'aetiee whieh he lmd leal'nt5 in
I56 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Ireland, hung the Spaniards as fast as he caught
them. The Hollanders had shown no mercy to the
priests; they had been the instruments of Alva's
Blood Council, and the measure which they had dealt
was dealt in return to them. The Prince of Orange
crossed the Rhine in July, coming forward towards
Mons. He took Ruremonde by assault, and the
monks in the abbeys and priories there were instantly
nmrdered. Mechlin opened its gares fo him, and
after Mechlin some other neighbouring towns fol-
lowed the exanple; in all of them the prince could
hOt prevent his cause from being dishonoured by the
saine atrocities.
While these scenes were in progress the admiral
and Courir Louis were preparing for the great campaign
which vas fo end in the expulsion of the Spaniards,
the death or capture of Alva, and the libertttion of the
Low Countries. For the French Goverlunent to go to
war with Spain as the ally of the Prince of Orange
would be equivalent to an open deelaration in favour
of their own Huguenots; and with examples of the
treatment of their brethren before them, the French
priests and monks had reason to be alarmed ai the
prospect of Calvinist ascendency. The Paris clergy,
confident in the support of the populace, had denounced
throughout the summer the liberal policy of the king.
One of them, de Sainte Foix, in the very Court itself,
had held out the story of Jacob and Esau to the am-
bition of the Duke of Anjou ; and the favour shown
fo Count Louis, the alliance with exeommunieated
England, aud the approaehing mal'riage of the Prin-
eess Margaret had hot tended to moderate their
vehemenee. ïhe war was pronouneed to be impious ;
the Catholie king was fulfilling a saered duty in erush-
ing the enemies of God; and those who would have
MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW, 1572 x57
France interfere fo save theln were denounced as
traitors fo Holy Church.
Yet as the weeks passed on, it seemed as if all their
exertions vould be wasted. The traditions of Franeis
I. were not dead. The opportunity for rêvenging St.
Quentin and tearing in pieces the treaty of Cambray
was splendidly alluring. The Catholie leaders, Guise,
Nevers, Tavannes, even Anjou himself, elamoured and
threatened, but Charles was earried away by the
temptatiou, and perhaps by nobler motives. Coligny
said that whoever was against thc war was no true
Frenehman, and the Court appeared fo agree with
Coligny. The Prineess Margaret's lnarriage, inde-
pendent of ifs politieal bearing, vas in itself a deflanee
of the Papaey. Pius V. had rel'used absolutely to
allow or sanetion it till the King of Navarre was
reeoneiled to the Chureh. Pius had died in the May
preeeding, but his sueeessor, Gregory XIII., had main-
tained the objection, aud though less peremptory, had
attaehed eonditions to his consent fo whieh Charles
showed no signs of submitting.
The ouly uneertainty rose from the attitude of
England. Catherine de Mediei had aequieseed in the
war, vith the proviso frmn the flrst that Franee and
England shouM take up the quarrel together. As the
Catholie opposition inereased in intensity, Elizabeth's
support beeame more and more indispensable. If the
king risked the honour of Franee alone in a doubtful
eause, and experieneed anything like disaster, what-
ever else happened his own ruin was eertain. As
soon therefore as it was diseovered that Elizabeth was
hot only playiug with the Alençou marriage, but was
treating seeretly with Alva to make her own ad-
vantage out of the erisis, the queen-mother's resolution
gave wayor rather, for resolution is not a word to
I58 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
be thrown away upon Catherine «.le Medici--she saw
that war was too dangerous fo be ventured. Religion,
in ifs good sense and in it.s bad sense, was equally a
word withou{, meaning fo ber. She hated and she
despised Calvinisln; if was a new supers{,i{,ion as
overbearing as the old, and withou{, the sanction of
traditionary existence ; it had shaken her own power
and her son's throne, and though, if if would serve
her purpose, she was ready to make use of if, she was
no less wi]ling, if it stood in ber way, {,o set, her foot
upon i{,s neck. The impatience of the Huguenots
wouhl hOt endure disappointmen{,, and *.heir own
safety was as much involved as that of the Prince of
Orange in the intended campaign. The idea of a
general massacre of the Huguenot, s lmd been long
familiar fo t, he lninds of the Catholics. If the project
on Flanders was abandoned, they knew t, hat they
would be unable fo lire in the districts of France
where they were out-numbered, and they declared
without reserve that t, hey would fall back int, o the
west, and t, here maintain their oxvn ]iberties. But
t, he reopening of the civil var was a terrible prospect.
Coliguy still had a powerful hold on t, he mind of he
king. The queen-mother xvhen she attempt, ed to
oppose him round her influence shaking; and even
she herself, as laie certainly as t, he l Oth of August,
was hesitating on t, he course which she should adopt.
On t, hat day she was still clinging to the hope that
Elizabeth might still take Alençon ; if was only when
she round distinctly that, if would hOt be, that she fell
back upon ber own cunning.
The French Court had broken up in June, fo re-
assemble in August for the marriage of the princess.
The adlniral -cent down fo Chat, illon, and while t, here
he received a warning not fo trust himself again in
MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW, 1572 159
Paris. But he dared hot, by absenting hi'mself, impair
his influence with the king. His intentions were
thoroughly loyal. He said that he wouht rather be
torn by horses than disturb again the int.ernal peaee
of Franee ; and he had been mauy rimes wihin hear-
ing of the bells of Notre Dame with fewer friends
about him than he would find asselnbled iu the eapital.
The rêtinues of the King of Navarre and the Priuee of
Condé, his ow follovers, the trains of Roehefoueault,
llontgomery and 3loutmorency, the noblemen and
geutlemen of Languedoe aud l'oitou--all these xvould
be there, and these were the men who for ten years
had held ai bay the uuited strength of Catholie France,
aud were now gathering in arms to eneounter Alva.
If evil vas inteuded towards them some other oppof
tunity would be ehosen, and personal danger, at least
for the present, he eould hot antieipate.
Thus ai the appointed rime the admiral returned to
the Court, and notwithstanding Elizabeth's trieks, he
found the king unehanged. The Duke of Guise shook
hands with him in Charles's prcsenee, and Charles
again spoke fo him with wal'mth and confidence of
the Flanders expedition. On the 18th of August the
great event came off whieh the Catholies had tried in
vain fo prevent, and whieh was regarded as the symbol
of the intended poliey of France. The dispensation
from Rome was still withheld, but the Cardinal of
Bourbon ventured in the face of its absence to offieiate
at the eeremony in the eathedral. The sister of the
king beeame the bride of a professed heretie, and
when the prineess aterwards attended mass, ber
husband ostentatiously withdrew, and remained in
the eloister. A rew more days and Coligny would
be on his way fo the army. Though England had
failed him, and might perhaps be hostile, the king
6o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
still meant fo persevere. The queen-mother had
tried ail her arts--tears, thrcats, entreaties--and at
tilnes hot without effect. Charles's instincts were
generous, but his purpose was flexible, and his
character was hall formed. His mother had ruled
him from the rime that he had left hîs cradle, and he
had no high convictions, no tenacity of principle or
vigour of will, fo contend against her. But there
was a certain element of chivdry about him which
enabled him to recognise in Coligny the noblest of
his subjects, and he ha,l a sol,lier's ambition fo emulate
lais fathêr and grandfather. The l)uke of Anjou,
xvho related afterwards the secret histo W of these
momentous days, said that whenever the king ]lad
been a]olm with the a,hniral, the queen-mother round
him aftêrwards eold and reserved towards herself.
Anjou hilnself xvent one day into his brother's cabinet ;
the king did hot speak to him, but valked up and
down the room fiugering his dagger, and looking as
if he eould have stabbed him. If the war was to be
prevented, something nmst be done, and that promptly.
Guise, notwithstanding lais seenling eordiality with
Coligny, was supposed fo be meditating misehief, and
the king, by Coligny's adviee, kept the Royal Guard
under arms in the streets. Catherine, who hated both
their houses, ealeulated that by judieious irritation she
might set the duke and the adlniral at eaeh other's
throats, and rid herself af once of both of the too
dangerously powerful subjeets. The admiral's own
deelaration had failed fo persuade the Guises that he
was innocent of the nlurder of the duke's lather--
Poltrot was still generally believed to have been
privately illstigated by him--and Catherine intimated
to the Duchesse de Nemours, the late Duke of Guise's
widow, that if she would, she might bave her revenge.
MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW, x572 x6
Were TM ". " "
Chgny kdle,l, the king xvouhl be again manage-
able. The Huguenots wouhl prol)ably take arms fo
avenge his death. After a fexv ,lays of fury a little
water vould wash the blood from the streets of Paris,
and the catastrophe xvoul«l be explainê,l fo the worM
as the last ae of the civil war.
In beeoming ae«luainted with the womeu among
whom she xvas edueated, we eease fo wonder af the
Queen of Seots" ,lepravity. To the duchesse the
assassination of the admiral was the ,lelightful grati-
fication of a laudable desire. The l)uke of Guise and
his unele the Duke of Amnale were taken into eounsel ;
an instrument was round in a lnan named Maurevert,
who ha,l t, rie,1 his han,l alrea,ly in the saine enterprise,
and having failed, was eager for a new opportunity.
He was plaeed in a house between the Louvre and t, he
Rue de Bethisi, where his intended vietim lod4"ed ;
and after waiting for two days, on the morning of
the 22nd, as the admiral was slowly valking past,
reading, Maurevert sueeeeded in shooting him. The
work vas not done effeetually; the gun was loaded
with slugs, one of whieh shattered a finger, the other
lodged in an arm. The adlniral was assisted home--
the house froln whieh the shot vas fired was reeognised
as belonging to the Guise family, and the assassin was
seen galloping out of St. Antoine on a horse known
fo be the duke's. The king, when the news reaehed
him, was playing tennis with Guise himself and
Têligny the admiral's son-in-law. He dashed ]ris
raeket on the pavement, and vent angrily fo the
palaee. Naval're and Condé came fo him to say that
their lives were in danger, and fo ask perlniSslon fo
leave Paris. The king said if was he who had been
wounded, and he would makê sueh an example of the
murderers as should be a lesson to ail postêrity. Condé
II
62 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
and all who were afrai,l might corne fo the Louvre
for protection. Charles placed a guard af Coligny's
house: he sent his own surgeon fo attend him, and
went himself fo llis bedsi,le.
The queen-mothêr and Anjou, not «laring to trust
the king out of their sight, accompanied him. The
admiral desired fo speak to Charles alone, and he sent
them out of the room. When he followed then,
they pressed him fo tell them what Coligny had said.
Charles, aftel" a pause, answered: " He said that you
two ha, l too much hand in the management of the
State ; an,l, by God's death, he spoke true"
So passed the 22nd of August. The next lnorning
Guise an,l Aumale came fo the palace fo say that if
their presence in Paris caused uneasiness, they were
ready fo leave the city; and the king bade theln go.
His words and lnanner were so completely reassuring
that the Huguenot leaders put away their misgving's.
The Vidame of Chartres still urged flight, distrusting
Charles's power to protect theln ; but Cond, Teligny,
Rochefoucault, Montgomery, all opposed him. To
retire would be fo lêave the admiral in danger. His
wound appeared only fo have increased the king's
resolution fo stand by him; and being themselves
nost anxious fo prevent disturbance and give no
cause of offence, they would hot eveu permit thêir
followers to watch in the streets. A few hundred of
them paraded in arms in the fternoon under the
windows of the Hôtel Guise; but not a single act of
violence was COlnmitted fo excuse a Catholic rising;
Cd wheu they broke up ai lfight, they left the city
ostentatiously fo the ordinary police and the Royal
Guard.
So far the queen-mother's plot had failcd. The
admirtfi was hot dead. The Huguenots had hot broken
MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEXV, 1572 63
the peace. The Guises were disgraced; an,l, if they
vere arrested, they were likely fo reveal the llallle of
their instig'ator. That saine afternoon Catherine sent
for the Count de Ret.z, Mal'shal Tavannes and the Duc
de Nevers fo the gardens of the Tuileries: all these
were members of Charles's council, ardent Catholics,
and passionately opposed to the Spanish war. After
some hours' consultation, they ad.iourned, still un-
decided what fo do, to the king's cabinet. For many
years--ever sincc his father's dcath--to get possession
of the king's person had 1)een a favourite scheme of
the Prince of Cond6 and thc admiral. They had wished
to separate him from his Italitn lnothcr, fo bring him
up a Protestant, or fo keep him, af all events, as a
security for their own safety. The conspiracy of
Amboise had been followed once, if hot twice, by
similar prqiects. The admiral especially, ever prompt
and decisive, was known throughout fo have recom-
mended such a method of cnding the civil var. That
af this particular crisis a fresh purpose of the saine
kind was formed or thought of is in itself extremely
improbable, and the Court afterwards entirely failed
fo produce evidence of such a thing. If is likely how-
ever that ilnpatient expressions tending in that direc-
tion might have been used by the admiral's friends.
The temptation may easily have been great fo divide
Charles from his Catholic advisers af a rime when he
was himself so willing fo be rid of their control, and,
af all events, past exalnples gave plausibility fo the
suggestion that if lnight be so. With some proofs,
forged or real, in ber hand that he was in personal
danger, the queen-mother presented herself fo her son.
She told him that ab the moment that she vas speaking
t, he Huguenots were arming. Sixtcen thousand of
them intended fo assenble in the morning, seize the
I64 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
palace, destroy herself, the Duke of Anjou, and the
Catholie noblemen, and earry off Charles. The eon-
spiraey, she said, exten,led throug'h France. The
ehiefs of the eongregations were wait, ing for a signal
froln Cligny to fise in every province and town.
The Catholies had diseovered the ph)t, and did not
mean fo sit still tobe murdered. If the king refused
to aet with t, hem, they wouhl ehoose another leader;
and whatever happened, he would bê himself destroyed.
Unable t,o say t.lutt the story eould hot be truc,
Charles looked im luiring'ly af Tavannes and de Nevers,
and they both eonfirmed the queen-mother's words.
Shaking his ineredulity with reminders of Amboise
and Mêaux, Catherine went on to say that one man
was the cause of all the troubles in the realm. The
admiral aspired t.o rule all France, and sheshe
admitted, with Anjou and the Guises--had eouspired
to kill him to save the king and the country. She
dropped all disguise. The king, she said, must, now
assist t, hena or all would be lost,. The flrst blow had
failed, but if must be repeated af once. The admiral,
with the rest of thê Huguenot leaders, nmst die.
A grown man, iu possession of lais senses, would
have suspect.cal the story from the proposal with wbieh
it ended. Had there been truth in if, the hands whieh
eould murder eould arrest : the eonspirators eould be
taken in their beds, and, if round guilty, eould be
legally punished. If was easy fo say however that
the Huguenots were present in such force that the
only safety was in surprise. Charles was a weak,
passionate boy, alone in the dark conclave of iniquity.
He stormed, raved, wept, implored, spoke of his honour,
his plighted word; swore af one moment that the
admiral should hot be touched, then prayed them
fo try other means. :But clear, cold and venomous,
MASSACRE ()F ST. BARTHOI,OME'V, 1572 165
Cathel'ine told him it was too late. If there was a
judicial inquiry, tire Guises would shield themselves by
telling all that they knev. They wouhl betray her;
they would betray his hrother ; and, fail"ly or unfairly,
they would hot spare himself. Ho might protesL his
innocence, but the VOl']d would hot believe hiln. For
an hour and a hall the king continued to struggle.
" You refuse, then," Catherine said at last. "If it
be so, your mother and your brother must care for
themselves. Permit us fo go." The king scow]ed at
her. "Is it that you are afraid, Sire ? " she hissed in
his ear.
"By God's death," he cried, springillg fo his feet,
" since you vill kill the admiral, kill them all. Kill
all the Huguenots in France, that none lnay be left fo
reproach me. Mort Dieu': Kill them al|."
He dashed ouL of the cabinet. A list of those who
vere fo die was instantly drawn up. Navarre and
Condé were first included: but Catherine prudently
rettected that fo kill the Bourbons would make the
Guises too strong. Five or six names were added fo
the admiral's, and these Catherine afLerwards asserted
were all that it was intendcd should sufl;er. Even she
herself pêrhaps was hot prcpared for the hovrors that
would follow when the moh were let loose upon their
prey.
Night had now fal[en. Guise and Aumale were
still lurking in the city, and came with the Duke of
Montpensier at Catherine's summons. The persons
who were to be killed were in different parts of the
town. Each took charge of a district. Montpensier
promised to sêe to the palace ; Guise and his uncle
undertook the admiral; and below these, the word
went out to the leaders of the already organised
sections, who had |)eën ,lisappointed once, but whose
166 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
hour was now corne. The Catholics vere to recognise
one another in the confusion by a white handkerchief
on the left afin and a whit.e cross in their caps. The
Royal (_luard, Catholics to a man, were inst, ruments
ready ruade for the work. Guise assemble! the ottieers :
he told them that the Hug'uenots were preparing to
fise, and that t.he king had ordered théir instant
punishlnent. The oflieers asked no questions, and
desired no better service. The business was fo begin
at dawn. Ïhe signal would be the tolling of the great
bell af the Palaee of Justice, and the iirst death was
fo be Coligny's.
Ïhe soldiers stole to their posts. Twelve hundred
lay along the Seine, between the river and the H6tel
de Ville; other eompanies watehed at the Louvre.
As the darkness waned, the queemmother went down
go the gare. The stillness of the dawu was broken
by an aeeidental pistol-shot. Her heart sank, alld
she sent otfa messenger to tell Guise to pause. But
if was too late. A minute ]ater the bell boomed out,
and the massacre of St. Barthololnew had eolnmeneed.
The admiral was feverish with his wounds, and had
hot slept. The surgeOll and a Huguenot minister,
named Malin, had passed the night with him. At the
tirst sounds he imagined that t.here was an (:nteule of
the Cat.holies at the Court; but the crash of his ovn
gare, and shots and shrieks in the court bêlow the
window, told him that, whatever was the cause, his
own life was iii danger. He sat up in his bed. " M.
Malin," he said, " pray for me ; I have long expeeted
this." Some of his attendants rushed half-dressed
into the room. "Gentlelnen, save yourselves," he
id to them ; " I eommend my soul to my Saviour."
They seattered, eseaping or trying to eseape by t.he
roofs and baleonies : a German servant Moue rcmained
MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW, 57 a 6 7
with hiln. The door was burst open imlnediately
after, and the officer who was in charge of the house,
a Bohelnian servant of Guise, and a renegade Huguenot
soldier, rushed in with drawn swords.
" Are you the admiral ?" the Bohelnian el'ied.
" I aih," replied Colig'ny ; " and, young man, 5"ou
shouhl respee my age and lny wounds : but the terln
of my lire does hot test in the pleasure of sueh as
thou."
The Bohelnian. with a curse, stabbed him in the
breast, and struck him again on the hea,1. The
window was open. "Is it doue ? " cricd Guise froln
the court below, "is it done? Fling him out that
we lnay see him." Still breathing, the athniral was
hurled upon the pavement. The Bastard of Angou-
lêlne wiped the blood from his face tobe sure of his
identity, and then kicking him as he lay, shouted,
" So far well. Courage, my brave boys now for the
test." One of the Duc de Nevers's people hacked off
the head. A rope was knotted about the ankles, and
the corpse was dragged out into the street amidst the
howling crowd. Teligny, who was in the adjoining
house, had sprung out of bed af the first disturbance,
tan down into the court, and clilnbed by a laddel" fo
the roof. From behind a parapet he saw his father-
in-law lnurdered, and, scrambling on the files, con-
cealed hilnself in a garret ; but he was soon tracked,
torn from his hiding-place, and thrown upon the
sones wigh a dagger in his side. Rochefoucault and
the test of the admiral's friends who lodged in the
neighbourhood were disposed of in the saine way, and
so colnplete was the surprise that thêre was hot thê
most faint attelnpt af resistance.
Montpensier had been no less successful in the
Louvre. The staircases were all beset. The retinues
168 SEI,ECTIONS FROM FROUDE
of the King of Naval're and t, he prince had been lodged
in t, he palaee af Charles's partieular desire. Their
names were ealled over, and as t, hcy deseended un-
arlned into the quadl'angle they were hewn in pieces.
There, in heaps, they fell beiow t, he royal window
undcr thc eyes of the miserable king, who was foreed
forwal'd bet,veen his mot.ber an,t his brot, her tha
he mighç be seen as t.he aeeompliee of t,he massael'e.
5Iost of the vietims were killed upon t, he spot. Solne
fled wounded up the st.airs, and were slauKhtered in
the presenee of t, he princesses. ()ne gent, lelnan rushed
bleeding int, o the apart.lnent of the newly-nlarried
Mal'gai'et, elung fo ber dress, and was hardly saved
by her ilt.ereession. By seven o'eloek the work
whieh (luise and his ilnmediate friends had under-
taken was finished, with but one failure. The Count
Nontgomery and t.he Vidame of Chartres lodg'ed in
the Faubourg St. Gerlnain, aeross the water, on the
out.skirts of t.he town. A party of assassins had been
sentto dispateh t.heln, but had loitered on the way fo
do some pl'ivat.e murdering on t.heir own aeeount.
When the news reaehed Montgolnery that Paris was
up, he supposed, like Coligny, t.hat the Catholies had
risen ag'ainst the Court. He tan down the river's
bank with a handful of lnen behind hiln, opposite t.he
Tuileries, intending fo eross fo help his friends ; but
the boats were ail seeured on the other side. The
soldiers shot at hiln from under the palaee. If was
said--it tests only on the wort, hless authority of
Brantomethat Charles hilnself in his frenzy snatehed
a gun from a servan and fired af hiln also. Mont-
gomery did hot wait for further explanation. He,
the Vidame, and a few others, spl'ang on their horses,
rode for t, heir lires, and eseaped t.o England.
The mob meanwhile was in full e[ioyment.. Lol,g
MASSACRE ()F ST. BARTH()I,()MEW, 1572 I6 9
possessed with the aCCUl'sed fol'mulas of the priests,
they believed tha.t the enemies of God were given into
their haffds. While dukes and lords were killing at
the Louvre, t.he bands of the seetions imitated them
with more than success ; men, WOlllell, and cven
ehildren, stl'iving whieh shoul,l be the fil'St in the
pious work of murder. Ail ç:atholie Paris was af the
business, and every Huguenot household had neigh-
botlrs to know and denounee them. Through s{reet.
an,l la,e and «lUay and eausewy the air rng with
yells and eurses, pistol-shots and erashing windows ;
the roadways were strewed with mangled bodies, the
doors vere bloeked by {le dead and dying. From
garret, eloset, roof or stable erouehing" ereatures were
tol'n shrieking out., and stabled and haeked at; boys
praetised their hands by strangling babies in their
eradles, and hea, lless bodies were t.railed along the
trottoirs. ça.rt.s st, rugg'led through the erowd eal'lTing
the dead in piles to the Seine, whieh, by speeial
Providence, was that morning in flood, fo assist in
sveeping heres 5- away. Under the sanction of the
great cause, lust, avarice, fear, malice and revenge, ail
had free indulgence, and glutted themselves to nausea.
Even {.he distinctions of ereed i{self beeame at last eon-
founded ; and every man or WOlnan who had a luarrel
to avenge, a lawsuit to settle, a wife or husband grown
ineonvenient, or a prospeet.ive inheritanee if obstaeles
eould be removed, round a ready road to the ojeet of
their desires.
Towards lnidday some of the quieter people
tempted {.o rest.ore Ol'der. A party of the town police
ruade their way to the palaee. Charles eaught eagerly
at {.heir oflbl'S of service, and bade them do t.heir utlnost
to put {.he people down; but. it was ail in vain.
soldiers, maddened with plunder and 1)lood, eould hot.
I70 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
be brought to assist, and without them nothing could
be doue. All that afternoon and night, and the next day
and the day af ter, the horrible scenes continued, till the
flalnes burnt down at last for want of fuel. The number
who perished in Paris was computed variously from two
to ten thousand. In this, as in all such instances, the
lowest estimate is probably the nearest to the truth.
The massacre was COlnpleted--completed in Paris,
only, as it proved, tobe continued elsewhere. It was
assuming a form however considerably larger than
anything which the contrivel'S of if had contemplated ;
and it became a question what explalmtion o[ such a
business shouhl be given to the Wol'hl. The ag'e was
not tender-hearted ; but scene of this kind was as yet
unprecedented, aml transcended far the worst atrocities
which had been witnessed in the Netherlands. The
opinion of Europe wouM require some accourir of it,
and the Court at first thought that hall the truth
might represent the whole. On the 24th, while the
havoc vas at its height, circulars went round to the
provinces that a qua.rrel had broken out between the
Houses of Guise and Coliguy ; that the admiral and
mauy more had been unfortunately killed, and that
the king himself had been in danger through his ettbrts
to control the people. The governors of the different
towns were commanded to repress at once any symp-
toms of disorder which lnight shov themselves, and
particularly to allow no injury tobe done to the
Huguenots. Aumale and Guise had gone in pursuit
of Montg-olnery, and at the moment were hOt in Paris.
The queen-mother used the opportunity to burden
them with the entire responsibility. But her genius
had overshot its mrk, and she was uot to escape so
easily. Guise returned in the evening to find the
odium cast upon himself. He at once insisted that
MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW, 1572 171
the eircnlars should be recalled. The Parliament of
Paris was assembled, and the king was eompelled fo
adlnit publicly t.hat the t, roops had received their orders
froln himself. The story of t.he Hug'uenot eonspiraey
was revived, systemat.ised and supported by pretended
eolffessions ruade af the nolnent of deat.h by men who
eould now otti_l- no eontradiet, ion. The Protestant,s of
the provinces, finding themselves denouneed froln the
t.hrone, were likely instantly t.o take arms fo defend
themselves. Couriers were thercfore despatehed with
second orders that thêy should be dealt wit, h as they
had been dealt, witl at Paris ; and aL Lyons, Ol'leans,
t/ouen, Bourdeaux, Toulon, Meaux, in hall the towns
and villages of Franee, the bloody drama was played
over again. The king, thrown out into the hideous
torrent of blood, beealne drunk wit.h frenzy, and let
slaughter have ifs way, till even Gmse hilnself att)eted
fo be shoeked, and interposed t.o put, an end fo if ; not
however till, aeeording to the belief of the tilnes, a
hundred thousand men, women and ehihlrel had been
miserably murdered.
The guilt of sueh enormous wiekedness may be
distinguished froln its eause. The guilt was the
queen-mother's; the cause was Catholie fanatieisln.
Catherine de lIediei had designed the polit, ieal lnurder
of a few ineonvenient persons, with a wieked expeeta-
tion that their frimds in return might kill Guise and
his unele, whose power was troublesome to her. The
massacre was the spontaneous work of theologieal
frenzy heated to the boiling point. No imaginable
army of murderers eould have been provided by the
most aeeomplished eonspirator who would have exe-
cuted sueh a work in such a way. The aetors in it
were the willing instrulnents of teaehers of religion
as sineere in their madness as then,selves. The equity
7 2 SEIECTIONS FROM FROUDE
of history requircs that mell be tried by the standard
of their tilnes. The citizens of Paris and Orlcans may
be pal'doned if they were no more enli'hcned t, hal the
overeign Pont.iffo[ Christendom and the Most Catholie
King of pin. Philip, when the news reaehed him,
is said fo have laughed for tle fil'St au,10lfly rime in
his life. He was happy in being saved from a com-
hination which had threatened him with the loss of
his Low Counries. But adeeper source of gratification
to him was the public evidence that his brother-in-law
no longer inten,led to tamper with heresy, that France
was in no further danger of following England into
schism, and that the seamlcss robe of the Saviour was
hot to 1)e parted alnong His executioners.
At Rome, in the circle of the saints, the delight was
evcn more mfl»oun,led. Where the bloo, l was flowing
the voice of humanity couhl hot utterly be stifled, and
expressions of displeasure began early to be heard. In
the Holy City flere was a universal outpouring" of
thanksgiving to the Father who had taken pity on
His chiMren. The cannon xvere fired at St. Angelo,
the strees were ilhuninated, Pope Gregory with his
cardinals walked in procession from sanctuary to
sancuary to offer their sacrifice of adoring gratitude.
As, for an act of hostiliy committed rive centuries
before, a prophet of Israel commanded the extermina-
tion of an entire nation ; as t.hel fle baby was hot
spared ai the breast, the mother with child, the aged
and the sick vel'e slaughtered in their bedsall mur-
dered ; as the hideous fury was extended fo the cattle
in he fiehl, and all living things were piled together
in a gory mass of carnage: so anoOer slaughter of
soerce inferior horror had again been perpetrated in
the naine of religion, and the Vicar of Christ, like a
second Samuel, bestowed upon the deed the espccial
MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW, 572 73
blessing of the AhnighLy. The scene of Lhe massacre
vas pained by tire Pope's orders, wih an inscril)ion
immoralising his own gratification and al)proval. He
struck a commemorative medal, with on the one side
his own image, on the other the destroying Angel
imnolatin" the Huguenots. He despatehed Crdinal
Orsini fo Paris fo eongrat.ulate the king; and the
assassins of Lyons, on whose hands the blood of the
innoeents was seareely dry, knelt belote the holy man
in the eat.hedral as he passed through, and reeeived his
apostolie blessing. Sueh was thc ju,lt'ment upon the
lnassaere in thc Catholie worhl, where no worMly
interests obseured t, he elearness of t.he saere, l vision.
174
THE ARREST OF CAMPIAN, 1581.
DURING the session of Parliament Campian was hid-
ing in London, printiug his Te Reasos foï bei'lg a
U, tholic, which were to complete t.he conversion of
England. He had a friend liviug on the Harrow
Road, whom he ofteu visited. His walk led him
past the Tyburu gallows, and, instinct telling him
what might one day befall him there, he touched
his hat to the ugl 3" thing whenever he veut by. The
Ten. Ee(sos came ou, throwing Oxford, among
other places, into an ecstasy of enthusiasm; and
Campian and Parsons, who hd been in London a]so,
then went into the country fo the house of Lady
Stonor, near Heuley. The publication of the book
had increased the determination of the Government
to disarm and punish ifs aut.hor; but the persecutiou
had creatcd much general pity for the hunted Jesuits.
Notwithstaudig the threatened penalties, some Pro-
testauts were round, of the milder sort, who concealed
them from thcir pursucrs ; and t.he care of t.heir friends
and the wilful blindness of the country gentlcmen had
hitherto served to screeu them. But the search was
now growiug hot, and greater precaution had become
necessary.
At Lyford, near Abingdon, twenty mlles from Hen-
ley, there was an ancient "moated grange," the abode
of a Mr. Yates, a Catholic who was in confincment lu
London. His wife was at home, and with her were
THE ARREST OF CAMPIAN, 58 75
eigh Brigiine nuns, who had gone o Belgium on
tshe deatsh of Queen [al'y, bug hml reurned on finding
la hey had no perseenion o fear, and were now
lingering" ou heir lives and heir devot.ions in his
Berkshire malmr house, wih he knowledge and eon-
sen of he queen. The ladies, hearing ha Calnpian
was in le neighbourhood, were exrelnely anxlous
fo receive the communion from him. They had vo
priests in const.an attendance. They were hOt in
want of Lhe saeramenLs, and the house being notorious
and likely o be watehed, his appearanee there was
LhoughL unneeessary and imprudent.
Parsons had resolved o return alone fo London.
His eompanion he proposed o send o Norfolk, where
the CaLholies were numerous and eoneealment would be
easy. The nuns however were pressing, and Campian
was anxious o please Lheln : and FaLher Robert gave
reluetanç eonsenL, on eondiLion LhaL his sLay should not
be protraeted beyond one day and night.
To Lyford therefore he went, on Wednesday, the
12th of July. He was reeeived with Lender enthusiasm.
The long summer evening vas passed in eonferenees
and eolffessions, and absolutions and pious tears. Mass
was said aL dawn, and the devoLions were protraeted
throug'h the morning- an early dinner followed, and
the dangerous visiL was safely over. Campian and
Elnerson mounted and rode away aeross the eount. W
Their road led them near Oxford. IL was hard for
Lhem o pass the plaee fo whieh so many melnories
atLaehed Lhem withouL pausing o look at it. They
lingered, and put up their horses aL an alehouse, where
Lhey were soon surrounded by a erowd of sçudents.
The saine afLernoon some Catholic genflemen happened
o eall aL Lyford, and hearing t.haL they had so nearly
missed Campian, one of them followed, and overLook
176 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
him and begged him to return. The students added
their entreaties. If Campian would but relnain af
Lyford on Sun«lay, hall Oxford, they said, wouhl ride
over to hear him preach. The ferai)ration was strong.
Knowing his weakness, Parsons had placed him under
Emerson's authority: but Emerson vanted strength,
and clamour and ent.reaty prevailed. He gave the
required permission, and himself went on upon his
way ; while Caml)ian "turned gain by the road that
he came," promising fo follow in the ensuing week.
The expected sermon became of course the talk of the
university. An ffent of Leicester, named Eliot, was
in Oxford at the rime with a warrgnt in his pocket for
Campign's pprehension. He gave notice to magis-
trate, collected a posse of constables, and on Sunday
morlfing early concealed theln in the neighbourhood
of the grange; vhilst he himself vent boldly to the
gare, and pretending to be a Catholic requested fo be
admitted to mass. The nuns and the Catholic visitors
had for two days enjoyed to the full the presence of
their idolised techer. The untlgy only remained,
and then he was to leave them indeed. The students
had crowded over as they promised, and Eliot passed
in as one of them. Mass was celebrated. They all
communicated: and then followed the last sermon
which Campian was ever to preach.
The subject was the tears of Jcsus at the aspect of
Jeruslem, Jerusalem that murdered the prophets and
stoned them that were sent to ber. England was that
Jerusalcm, and he and his fellows were the prophets.
The Protestants on their side could sing the saine song.
Campian, though not past middle age, could remember
the lnartyrs af Oxford, and the burlfing of those four
hundred mechanics af whom if pleased him fo scofl:
Who was to choose between the witncsses ? But the
THE ARREST OF CAMPIAN, 1581 77
dreams of hysteria are fo the dreamers the inspiration
of the Ahnighty. He was never lllOl'e brilliant, his
elotlUellee being subdued and softened by the sense
that his end was near. Eliot--Judas Eliot as he was
a[terwards ealled--glided out belote lle had ended. A
few minutes after a servant rushed into the assembly
fo say t.hat the doors were beset by arlned nlen.
Those who are aeluainted wit, h English manor
houses nmst have seen often narrmv st, ail'cases piere-
ing the walls, and eells hollowed out in the seelning
solid masonry. "rhese places were the priest,s' ehamlel'S
of the days of the perseeution, where in su|den a|al'lnS
they eould be eoneealed, lnt.o one of thell Canpian
and the two ehaplains were instant.ly hurried. The
entranee, seareely fo he deteeted by t, hose who knew
where fo look for if, was in llrs. Yates's roonl behind
the bed eurtains. The eOllStables wit.h E|iot af their
head were admitted, searehed every ilaee, and eouhl
find nothing. The nlag'istrate who was in attendanee
apologised fo lrs. Yates, and was about fo withdraw
his lnen, when Eliot, who llad seen Campian there
witll his own eyes, and knew t.llat no one had left the
house, produeed t, he eouneil's warrallt, and insisted on
a further seareh. If was eontinued till dal'k, but still
without sueeess. The brave 3Ifs. Yates showed no
anxiety, begged file eonstables fo remain for the night,
entertained thenl llospitably, and dosed them heavily
with aie. Sound slulnber followed ; Campian and his
two eompallions were brought out of their hiding-plaee,
and af t, hat moment might bave easily eseaped, but
enthusiasm and prudenee were ill eompanions. A
"parting of friends" was neeessary, and " last words,"
and tears and sobs, at Irs. Yates's bedside. The mur-
mur of voiees was lleard below-stai, and disturbed
the sleepers in the hall. The t, hree priest.s were again
12
I78 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
hurried into the wall, and af daybreak t,he seareh was
renewed. Again if was unsuccessful. The magist.rate,
an unwilling instrument throughout, was about fo
depart wit.h a sareast,ie remark to Eliot on the aeeuraey
of his information ; they were deseending the stairease
for the last rime, when Eliot, striking t.he wall, heard
something mmsual in the sound. A servant of t.he
bouse who was af his side beeame agit, ated. Eliot
ealled for a lnattoek, dashed in the plaster, and round
the lnen that he was in seareh of lying side by side
upon a narrow bed. They had eonfessed their 8ins fo
each other. They had said thcir Fiat volt«otas
Three rimes they ha,l invoked St,. John as Campian's
patron saint,. But St. Jo]m had left them fo their
rate. Campian was taken out wit, hout violence, and
was carried first fo Alderlnaston, thc house of Humfrey
Forster, the Sheriff of Berkshire. Forster, who, like
most English gentlemcn, was more than hall a Catholic,
received him rather as a guest than a prisoner, but
was obliged to commmficate with the council, and
received orders to send him up af once. The sympathy
which prot,ected him in the country did hot extcnd fo
London. Ho was broug'ht into the city in his lay
disguisc, wearing cap and feather, buff jerkin and
velvet, hose, his feet tied nnder his horse's belly, and
his arms pinioned behind his back. A placard was
fastened on his head, with the words, " Campian, the
seditious Jesuit" He was led along through a yelling
crowd fo the Tower gare, whcre Sir Owen Hopton
received him, and his lodging for the nighg was "Lift, le
Ease "--a narrow cell at one end of the torture chambcr,
underground, entirely dark, wherc he could neither
stand nor lie at length.
The next day the council directed that some ber,ter
lodging should be provided for hiln. Neit,her the
THE ARREST OF CAMPIAN, 58 I79
queen nor Leicester had forgotten the brilliant youth
who had flattered them at Oxford. The earl sent for
Carnpian ; and being" introduced into a private room,
he found himself in the presence of Elizabeth herself.
She wished to give him a chance of saving himself.
She asked whether he regarded her as his lawful
sovereign. The relaxation of the Bull allowed him to
say that he did. 8he asked whether he thouR'ht that
the Bishop of Rolne could lttwfully excommunicate ber.
A distinct declaration of loyalty, a frank repudiation
of the temporal pretensions of thc Pope, wcre all that
was required of him. He would hot make either.
He said that he was no umpire between parties so far
above him, he eould not deeide a question on whieh
the learned were divided. He would pay her Majesty
what was hers, but he must pay fo Goal what was
God's. He was returned t.o the Tower with lireetions
that he shouhl be kindly treated.
AN ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE THE PR.INCE
OF ORANGE, 1582.
ORANGE wt. well understood fo be the soul of the
revolt. Could Orange be relnoved, Phi[ip feared little
either Alenç.on or any other person, and as ail êttbrts
fo gain him over ha,1 been t.ried in vain, his lire had
been sough£ for SOlne years pas£ by the indirect means
whieh are eifler murder or legit.ima£e exeeution aeeord-
ing fo the eharaeter of the vietim. Boflwellhaugh,
v«ho killed Murray, had been elnployed fo assassilmte
him in 1573, and pal'ty ai'ter par£y of' English Çatholie
offieers had tried if. af£erwards. In 1579 a youth
in£rodueed himself fo Don Bernardino, in London,
with a letter of eredit t'rom a merehant of lElrug'es.
He said that he was in possession of a poison whieh if
rubbed on thê lining of a man's hat would dry up his
brain and would kill him in ten days, and if
ambassador approved, he was ready fo try ifs ette£s
upon the Prince of Orange. Don Bernardino, hOt
expeeting mueh resul£, yet gave him his blessing, and
bade him do his best. Other experiments more promis-
ing were tried aftcrwards, but llOlle had hitherto suc-
ceeded. Finally Philip declared the prince outlawed,
and promised a public reward fo any one who would
put him out of the way in the service of God and his
country. The king's plcasure being ruade known, Don
Pedro Arroyo, father of one of the royal secretaries,
announced that he knew a man who would make the
ATTEMPT TO MURDER ORANGE, 1582 181
venture. Philip offered eighty thousand dollars, vith
the order of St. Iago; aud the reward being held
sufficieut, Don Pedro gave in the naine of Gaspar de
Anastro, a Spanish merchant af Antverp. A formal
contract was ,h'awn out and signed, and Anastro
watche,l ail opportunity fo strike the blow.
Finding however that he coul,l get the job ,lole
cheaper, and clear a sure of money withouç peril to
himself, the merchant pretended that "his courage
was weak," tmd asked if he might employ a sub-
stitute. Philip had no object.iol,; provi, led the prince
vas killed the means were of no consequênce, and hê
left Anstro to manage as he plcased. In his house
was a lad eighteen years old, the son of a sword
cutler at Bilbao, lmmed Juan Jaureguy. Ignorant,
superstitious, under-size, l and pa.ltry-looking, Jaure-
guy was known go t.he cashier, Don Antonio Venero,
fo be a boy of sinffular audacity; and a present of
three thousand dollars, an! the persuasion of tht chap-
lain, a Dominican priest, worke,l hiln into a proper
state of rein,l. An :l:/s Dei was hung- about his
neck; a wx taper and a drie,1 toad were stutd in
his pocket,, an,l he was tohl that they wouhl ren,ler
him invi,ible. A Jesuit caIechi.m was given him for
his spiritual comi'ort., and Parma promised that if the
charms faile, l, and he was taken, he would compel his
release by the threat of hauging every prisoer in his
banals. Thus equipped and encouraged, and commend-
ing himself and his enterprise t,o the Virgin and the
angel Gabriel, he prepared for the dee, l. The quali-
fications for successful polit.ical assassins are singularly
rare. Jmreguy however possessed them all. Sunday,
the 18th--28th of March was Alençon's birthday.
Ant«verp wa.s to be illuminated in the evening, and
the st.reets aud squares were expected fo be crowded.
i82 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Some little jars had been felt already between the
States and the French. Alençon vas known to be
impatient ot' the prince's control, and the Spaniards
ealeulated that if the murder eouhl be aeeomplished
when the people were collected and excite,l there
wouhl be an instant suspicion of treachery, and that
an «tt.ack upon the French and a universal massacre
of the citizens in retaliation by their allies xvouhl be
a hot improbttble conse, luence.
The plot was ingeniously laid, and had all but suc-
ceeded. The prince had dine,l in his own house.
He had risen from the table, and had passed with
his son, Count Maurice, and a fcw friends into an-
other room, where he xvas .seated on a low chair.
Jaureguy had int.ro,luce,l himsel[ among the servants,
pretending that he want.ed fo present a petition. He
approached Orange so close as fo be aMe to touch
him, and tlmn snatching a pistol from under his cloak
fired if full in the prince's face. Af the moment of
the shot the prince was rising from his seat, an,l
happened to be turning his head. The ball entered
undcr t.he rig'ht car, passed through the roof of his
mouth, and went out below the left eye. He stag-
gcred and fell. The assassin tried fo draw a dagg'er,
and finish his work, but he had overloaded his pistol:
which had broken his thumb in the recoil. An instant
later, an,l before he could speak, hall a dozen swords
were through his body. All was imlnediately con-
fusion. A cry of horror rung" through the city.
Suspicion fell, but too naturally, where the Spaniards
expected. Shouts were heard of " Kill the French,
kill the French," and had Jaureguy vaited till night
when the [ëte Imd commenced, Alenq.on and Iris suite
xvould have probably been slaughtered on the spot.
Orange himselï had swooned, and was at first sup-
TTIïMPT TO MURDIïR ORANGE, I58a I83
posed to be dcad. He recovered consciousness how-
ever in rime to allay the woi'st alarm. Believing
that he had but a few lninutes fo lire, and anticipating
the direction which popular fury might assume, he
sent fOl" the burgolnaster, and assured hiln that fo
his certain knowledge it was the work hOt of France,
but of Spain. The assassin was identified by papers
round about his person. Anastro, when the police
went for him, had fled, but Antonio Venero was
taken, and af once COlffessed, and before dark-
ness fell the t«'uth was known throughout the
city.
The prince lay in extreme danger, and but fol" his
extraordinary eahnness, the wound would bave been
eertainly mortal. One of the large arteries of the
throat had l)een divided, whieh the surgcons were
ulmble fo tic. Again and again the bleeding" burst
out, and his death was every nloment expeeted.
Daily bulletins were 8ellt fo England, and the
delighed Catholies watehed eagerly for the news
whieh was fo make their satisfaction eomplete.
" The Prince was gasping when the post left,"
wrote )iendoza on the 4th--lht.h of April. "The
physieians gave no hope, and the Queen hears that
all is over. Ve lnay assume his death as certain,
and we ean but give iufiite thanks to God that He
has thus ehastised so abominable a heretie and rebel."
" We bave news from Antwerp of the 9th--19th,"
he wrote a week aftel'. " The Prinee was still alive,
two surgeons holding the woun, l closed with their
fingers, and relieving one anoher every hour. On
the 7th--17th, eoneeiving that in human l'eason it
was hOt possible for him to live, they laid open his
right eheek in the hope of reaehing the injnred rein.
We lnay suppose if to be the good providence of God
18 4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
fo increase his agonies by prolonging lais life. The
pain which he suflbred, they say, is terrible. In the
opinion of t.hose here, a few hours must now bring
flI1 ell[|."
Mary Stuart's gratification was no less than that of
the Spanish ambassador. "I bave heard," she said,
"t, hat an artery is cut, and that t.he Prince is in
danger. I praise God for t.his His mercy o the
Church, and fo the King my brother, the Church's
chier protector."
Equally great, was the consternation in Protestant
England, and beyond all in the quecn. Ill as it had
pleased ber to use ]aire, nonc knew better than she the
value of William of Na.sau. Her own lire had been
t, hreatened as often as ]ris, and lais rate, when he was
thought to be dyiug, appeared but a foretaste of
her own. The tir,st news entirely overwhehned ber.
The realm had its own fears. The very thought of a
sudden vacancy of the throne was simply appalling;
and in the midst of her terrors, Bu'hley had to re-
lnind ber of the duty which she had so long" refused
fo perform of naming a successor. In her first ex-
citelnent, her thov_ghts turned into the stereotyped
track. She swore she would send for Alençon and
marry him; and Walsingham, who knew what would
follow, and feared that a fresh affront, to France might
be fatal, prevent.ed ber wit, h difl]culty from sending a
gentleman of ber househohl fo recall the duke into
the realm.
Both hopes an,] fears were this rime disappointed.
The prince's fine constitut, ion and admirable courag'e
gave him a chance of recovery when a weaker person
must have died. Once more Philip had failed, but he
nursed lais purpose; anti the Catholic faith, which bas
influenced human character in so many curious ways,
ATTEMPT TO MURDER ORANGE, I 582 1 8 5
was singularly productive of men who would risk their
lives fo deliver the Church from an enemy.
On the 2nd--12th of May, Orange returned thanks
for his recovery in the cathedral at Antwerp.
186
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA IN
]RELAND, 1588.
I'r is rime fo return fo the flying Arlna, la.
When Howard bore up for the Forth the Spaniards
for the first, time breathed freely, and began fo exalnine
into their condition. An inquiry vas held on board
the Scen M«,'ti into the causes of their misfortunes.
Oflïeers who had shown eowardiee in action were
degraded, and set fo row in the galleasses ; and Don
Chrisobal de Avila, eaptain of the Sent« Ba'b(q'a,
vs hanged. The stores had probably been injure, l
by the salt water whieh had ronde its way through
the shot-holes. In solne ships the wine as well as
the water-easks had been piereed, and it was found
neeessary to reduee the allowanees throughout the
fleet. Eight ounees of bread, hall a pint of wine
and a pint of waer vas all that eould be attbrded
for eaeh man. Sidonia promised two thousand ducats
to a Freneh pilot if he would bring the Armada info
a Spanish port. Calderon sketehed a ehart of the
route which he submitted to the duke's council. The
wounded began to ftil rapidly, and each day in every
galleon there was the sa(l Cel'enlolly of flinging the
dead into the sea. Cahleron's ship contained the
medicines and delicacies for the sick, and, passing
,laily from galleon fo galleon, he knew the condition
of them ail.
O[" the hun,h'e,l and flfçy sali which h,l left Corufia,
DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, 588 x87
a hundred and twenty could still be counted when
Howard left them. For rive days they vere in the
gale vhich he met on his way back fo the Thames,
and which he described as so peculiarly violent. The
Ulmsual coll brought with it fog and lnist, and amidst
squalls and driving showers, and a sea growing wilder
as they passed the shelter of the Scotch coast, they lost
sight of each other for nearly a week. On the 9tb--
19th of August the sky lifted, and Calderon round him-
self vith the Almira,te of Don Martinez de Recaldc,
the galleon of Don Alonzo, the S, Mcrcos and twelve
other vêssels. Siek signals were flying all round, and
the sea was so high that if was seareely possible t.o
lowcr a boat. The large ships were rolling heavily.
Thcir wounded sail.s had been split by the gusL, and
mast.s and 3al'ds carried away. That night it again
blev lmrd. The fog elosed in once more, and the
next morning Calderoll was alone in the open sea
without a sail in sight, having passed between the
Orkneys and the Shetlands. Reealde gin| da Leyva
had disappeal'ed with their consorts, having as Cal-
deron eonjeetured gone north. He himself stood on
west and south-vest. On the 12th.--22nd he saw a
number of sails on the horizon ; on the 13th--23rd he
round hilnself with Sidonia and the body of the fleet,
and Sidonia signalled fo him fo eome on board. Obser-
vations shoved t.hat they vere then in 58 ° 30' north
latitude. Their longitude they did hot know. They
were probably a hundred and fifty toiles west north-
west of Cape Wrat.h. Sidolfia asked anxiously for
Reealde and da Leyva. Calderon eouhl but say
vhere he had last seen them. He supposed that they
had gone to the Faroe Isles or fo Ieeland, vhere there
were.Gerlnn fishing stations whieh hd a trade with
Spain.
I88 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Again a couucil was held. The sickness had become
frightful. Those who had escaped unwoundcd were
falliug ill fron want and cold, and the vounded vere
dying by hundreds, the incessant storms nmking care
and attention impossible. Cahleron and the French
pilot insisted that af all costs and hazards they must
keep off the Irish coast. Dicgo Florez, distressed for
the misery of the mon, fo whose suflbrings want of
water had becomc a fcarful aggravation, imgined
that along the west shore thcre lnust be a harbour
somewhcre ; and that thcy would lld test and sheltcr
among a hospitable Catholic people. The Bishop of
Killaloe, a young Fitzmaurice, and a numbcr of Irish
friars were in the fleet. Diego Florez had possibly
heard them speak of t.heir country and countrymen,
and there were fishing counections between Cadiz
and Valencia and Galway, which he and many others
must bave known of, though they had hot been oaa
the coast in person. But the Irish thcmselves were
with Alonzo da Leyva, and Sidonia happily took the
opiuion of the pilots. The day was fine and the sick
were dividcd; those w]fich could be moved wcre
transferred wherever there was most room for them,
and as Cah]eron passed fo and fro among the galleons
with lais mcdicincs and his arrowroot, he was received
evcrywheve with the eager question, whcre was Alonzo
da Leyva ? Thcre was scarcely a mail vho did hot
forger his own wrctchedness in anxicty for the idol of
theln ail.
The ealm had been but an interlude in the storm.
The saine night the wild vest wind came down OlCe
more, and for clcven consecutive days they vent on
in their miscry, unable to communicate exccpt by
signals, holding fo the occan as far as their sailing
powers vould let them, and seeing galleou after
DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, 1588 I89
galleon, O«luendo's among them, falling away fo lee-
ward alnidst driving squalls and tain, on thê vast
rollêrs of thê Atlantie. An island, whieh ho supposed
to be tên leagues froln the eoast, Calderon passêd
dangêrously near. Il was perhaps Aehill, whosê
tremendous elitI; fall sheer two thousand feet into
the sea, or perhaps Innisbofil or hmishark. On the
4th--14th of Septêmber, he with Sidonia and fifty
vessels, fifty-two ships only out of a hundrêd and
flfty, leaking through every sêam, and their weary
erews ready to liê down and die from exhaustion,
erawled past the Blaskets, and were oui of danger.
And wherê wêrc all thê test? Thiriy, large and
slnall, had been sunk or takeu in the Chanlml. Therê
remained nearly seventy to be still aeeounted for.
Don Martinez and «la Leyva, with rive and twênty
of them, had steered north after passing ihe Orkneys.
They went on to latitude 62 °, lneaning, as Cahleron
had rightly eonjêetured, to makê fol" tbe settlemcnt in
Ieeland. They had suttçred so severely iu the aetion,
that they probably doubied their ability to reaeh Spain
at all. Thê storms however, whieh grêw worse as the
air beealnê eohler, obliged them to abandon thêir
intention. One galleon was drivên on the Faroe
Isles; the test tm'ned about, and, probably lnislêd
by the Irish, ruade for the Shannou or Galway. As
they braeêd fo thê wind, their torn rigging gave way;
spar after spar, sail after sail, was earried away.
Those whieh had sutthred most dropped first to lee-
ward. A seeond was lost on thê Orkneys; a third
fell down the eoast of Seotland, and driftêd on the
Isle of Mull. If was onê of the largest ships in thê
whole fleet. The commander (his naine is unknown)
was a grandee of the first rank, always "served in
silver". He had ruade his way into some kind of
9 o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
harbour where he was sale from the elmnents;
the Irish Seols of the Weslern Isles were t, empted by
the reports of t.he wealth whieh he had with hiln.
The fainting erev eould hot defend themselves, and
the ship was fired and burnt, with ahnost every one
that it eontained.
Their eompanions holding a better, but only rather
better course, rolled along upon the baek of Ireland,
groping for the hoped-for shelter. The eoming of the
Spauiards had been long dreamt of by t.he Irish as the
era of their deliveranee from tyranny. Il had been
feared as their lnost serious danger by the seanty
O
English garrison. The result of t.he fight in the
Channel, if known ab all, was known only by vague
report; and t.he country was throvn into a fermenl
of excitenent, when, in lhe firsl week of Septeml)er,
Spanish sails were reported in numbers as seen along
the western eoast, off l)onegal, off Sligo, in Clew Bay,
at the moulh of the Shmmon ; in faet everywhere.
Al first there was a universal panie. Seven ships
were at Carrigafoyle. The 3layor of Limeriek, in
sending word of their appearanee to the eouneil,
eonverted them into seven score. Twenty-four men
were said fo have landed al Tralee. Sir William
Fit.zwilliam, who had returned tobe deputy, and was
more infirm and incapable than ever, deseribed them
as twenty-four galleons. Rumour gradually took more
authentie form. Beyond doubt, Spaniards were on
the eoast, distressed, but likely notwithstanding tobe
extremely dangerous, if they were allowed to land in
safety, and fo distribule arms and powder among
Irish elans. With one consent, but without eommuni-
caling with eaeh other, the English offieers seem
have eoneluded lhal there was but one course for
them go pursue. The party ab Tralee were Sidonia's
DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, 1588 91
household servants, who had been driven into the hay
in a small frigate, ha,l surrendered, and had been
broughr on shore hall dead. They begged hard for
lire: they had friends af Waterford, flmy said, who
would pay a handsome ransom for them. But fear
and weakness eould no attbrd to be lnagnanimous.
Sir Edward Denny, who eOlnlnanded af Tralee Casfle,
gave orders for their exeeution, and they were all puç
fo the sword.
Two days belote, wo large galleons had rounded
the point, of Kerry, and had put into Dingle. They
belonged o Reealde's squa,lron: one or" them was the
Al»ir««te herself, with Don 3Iartinez on board, who
was dying from toil and anxiety. They wanted water ;
they had hOt a drop on board, but the &'egs of the
putrid puddle whieh t|ey had brought with theln
from Spain; and they sent boats on shore fo beg
for a supply. If was t.he saine Dingle where Sanders
and Fitzmauriee had landed eight years belote, with
proeessions and ineense, and the Papal banner dis-
played--the saered spot of Catholie Ireland. Now
le ships of the 3Ios Catholie King, whieh had eolne
fo fig'h the h-ish batfle as well as their own. pleaded
in vain o be allowed fo fill their water-easks. The
boats' erews gave so pireous an aeeounr of Yleealde's
condition, the Catholie cause was so elearly now the
losing one, that i was deeided they should have no
relief af Dingle. If was already a spo of tragieal
memory fo the Spaniards. The boats were seized, the
men who had landed imprisoned, and those on board
the galleons, hunted ah'eady within a hair's-breadth of
destruction, and with death making daily havoe among
theln, hoisted heir ragged sails, and went again fo
sea.
Another galleon of a thousand tons, named 0"
9: SELECT[ONS FROM FROUDE
L(uly of the Ros(try, which Cahteron had xvatehed
sadly falling away before the waves, had also nearly
weathered the headland of Kerry. She ha,l all but
escaped. Clear of the enormous clifi: of the Blasket
Islands, she had no more fo fear from the sea.
Between the Blaskets and the mainland there is a
passage which is sale in moderate weather, but the
gale, which had slightly moderated, had risen again.
The waves as they roll in froln the Atlantîc on the
shallowing shores of Ireland boil alnong the rocks in
bad weather with a fury unsurpassed in any part of
the ocean. Strong tidal cm'rents add to the danger,
and when Or Lady qf t]te tlosa,'y entered the sound,
if was a cauldron of boiling foam. There were
scarcely hands to work the sails. Out of seven
hundred, rive hundred were dead, and most of the
survivors were geutlemen, and belote she was hall
way through she struck among the breakers upon the
island. A maddened oflicer tan the pilot (a Genoese)
through the heart," saying he had done it by treason"
Some of the gentlemen tried fo launch a boat, but no
boat could lire for a moment in such a sea. The
pilot's son lashed himself to a plank, and was washed
on shore alone of the whole company, and all the rest
lay among cannon and doubloon chests amidst the
rocks in Blasket Sound.
The saine 10th of September witnessed another and
lnore tremendous catastrophe in Thomond. The seven
ships in the lnouth of the Shanlon sent their cockboats
with white tlags into Kilrush, asking perlnission for
the men fo corne on land. There were no English
there, but there were local authorities who knew that
the English would hold theln answerable, and the
request was refused. Here, as everywhere, the
Spaniards' passionate cry was for water. They
DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, i588 193
oftbre,l a butt of wine for every cask of waer ; they
ofibred money in any quautity that the people could
ask. Finally, they oflhred the Sheriffof Cltre "a great
ship, with all its ordnance and furniture." for license
fo tttke as much water as would serve their vants.
All was in vain. The Sheriff was afraid of an English
gallows, and hot one drop could the miserable men
obtain for themsclves by prtyer or purchase. They
were too feeble t.o attempt force. A galleass landed
a few men, but they were driven back empty-handed
so abandoning and burning one of the galleons which
was no longer seaworhy, the other six went despair-
ingly out into the ocean again. But if was only to
encounter their rate in a swifter form. They were
caught in the saine gale which had destroyed Oe
Lady of the Rosa'vy. They vere dashed to pieces on
the rocks of Clare, and out of all their crews a hundred
and fifty men struggled through the surf, fo be carried
as prisoners immediately fo Galway.
Two other galleons were seen af the Isle of Arran.
The end of one wts unknown, save that if noyer
returned to Spain. The other, commanded by Don
Lewis of Cordova, who had his nephew and several
other Spanish nobles with him, threatened fo founder,
and Don Lewis, trusting fo the Spanish connections
of Galway, carried her up opposite to the town, and
sent a strong party, or what would have been a strong
party, had it been composed of healthy men and not
of tottering skeletons, fo the quay. They were ruade
prisoners on the spot, and Don Lewis, under whose
eyes they were taken, offered to surrender, if he could
have a promise of lire for himself and his companions.
The nmyor said that they must give up their arms.
While they were hesitating, they saw the Irish snatch-
ing the chains and tearing off the clothes of their
3
I94 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
comrades, and with feeble hands they attempted fo
weigh their anchor and go back into the bay. But
if could hot be. They dropped af their work, and
could hOt rise agaiu. The mayor took possession of
the ship, and sent the crew into the castle, so exhausted
that they could hot swallow the food which was given
them, " but cast if up again "
Other vessels went on shore af different points of
Counemara. Sir Richard Bingham, the governor of
Connaught, sent round orders that every one who
came fo land alive must be brought into Galway.
Armed searching prties were detached through Clare
and Connemra fo see that the command was obeyed ;
and several hundred lmlf-dead wretches were added
to those who had been already taken. Bingham was
a fine soldier and a humane man, nd that he could
see but one way of dealing with so lrge and so
dangerous body of prisoners, must be accepted s
some evidence tht nothing else could have been easily
done with them. Rest nd food would only give
them back their strength, and the feeble garrisons
were soerce in sufficient strength fo restrain the Irish
alone. Directions were therefore given that they
should be 11 put to deth, and every one of the un-
fortunate creatures was deliberately shot or hanged,
except Don Lewis and nine others, whose ransoms, it
ws hoped, might be round valuable. George Binghm,
Sir Richard's son, or brother, went up into Mayo fo
see the saine work done there also; and "thus," wrote
Sir Richard himself, "having in,de a clean dispatch
of them, both in town and country, we rested Sunday
all day, giving praise and thnks to Ahnighty God
for her Mjesty's most happy success and deliverance
from her dangerous enemies ". Don Lewis, with his
nephew, and the rest whose lives had been spared,
DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, 1588 195
were ordered to Drogheda, tobe carried thence to
England. Don Le,vis only arrived: the others either
died on the road, or being unable fo march, were kil]ed
by their escort fo save the trouble of carrying them.
Young Bingham's presence proved unnecessary in
Mayo. The natve Irish temselves had spared him
all trouble in inquiring after prisoners. The fear
that they might show sympathy with the Spaniards
was well founded, so long as there was a hope that
the Spaniards' side mip.-ht be the winning one; but
as the tale of their defeat spread abroad, and the
knowledge with it that they were too enfeebled to
defend themselves, the ries of a common creed and a
common enmity fo England were hot strong enough
fo overcolne the temptation to plun,ler. The Castillan
gentlemen were richly dressed, and their velvet coats
and gold chains were an irresistible attraction. The
galleon of Don Pedro de Mendoza had ruade Clew
Bay in a sinking state, and was brought up behind
Clare Island. Don Pedro went ashore with a hundred
compamons, carrying his chests of treasures with him.
The galleon was overtaken by the gale of the 10th of
September, which had ruade the havoc af the mouth
of the Shannou. She was dashed on the rocks, and
all who had been left on board were drowned. "Dow-
dany O'Malley, chier of the island," completed the
work, by setting upon Don Pedro and the test. They
were killed fo the lastman, and their treasure taken.
A consort of Don Pedro was driven past Clare
Island into the bay, and wrecked af Burrishoole. The
savages floeked like wolves to the shore. The galleon
went fo pieces. The crew were flung on the sands,
some drowned, some struggling still for lire: but
whether they were dead or alive ruade no difference
to the hungry rascals who were watching fo prey
I96 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
upon them. A stroke of a club broughç ail fo a
common state, and, stripped of the finery whid had
been their destruction, they were left fo the wash of
the ride.
More appallinff still, like the desolation eaused by
sonne enorlnous flood or earthquake, was the seene
between Sligo and Ballyshannon. A glanee af the
map will explain why çhere was a concentration of
havoe on those few toiles of eoast. The eoas of Mayo
t.rends direetly wesçward from Slig'o for seventy toiles,
and erippled vessels, whieh had fallen upon a lee shore,
were met by a wall of eliff, streehing aeross çheir
course for a degree and a hall of longitude. Their
offieers had possibly heard that çhere was shelter
somewhere in çhe bay. Many ships were observed
for days hoverinff between Rossan Point and Killala;
but without experieneed pilots they eonld hot have
round t.heir way in the finest weaher among the
shoals and islands. They too were overtaken by the
saine great storm. The numbers that perished are
unknown ; there are no means fo disçinguish beween
those that foundered out in deep water and those that
went fo pieces on the beaeh. The aetual seene, how-
ever, as deseribed by two English witnesses, was as
frightful as hunmn eye ever looked upon.
" When I was a Sligo," wrote Sir Geofli'ey Fenton,
"I nmnbered on one strand of less than rive toiles in
length eleven hundred dead bodies of men, whieh the
sea had driven upon the shore. The country people
told me the like was in oher places, though not to the
like lmmber."
Sir William Fitzwilliam ruade a progress ço the west
eoast from Dublin shortly after. " _As I passed from
Sligo," he said, "I held on towards Bundroys, and so
Bundroys Castle, ai the mouth of the Erne.
DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, 1588 '97
to BallyshannoI, the uttermost part of Connaught that
way. I went to see the bay where some of those ships
were vrecked, and where, as I heard, lay hot long
before twelve or thirteen hundred or" the dead bodies.
I rode along upon that strand near two miles, but left
behind me a long toile or more, and then turned off
from the shore, leaving before me a lnile an,l better;
in both vhich places they said that had seen if there
lay as great store of the tituber of wrecked ships as
was in that place which myself had viewed ; being, in
my opinion, more thym would have built tive of the
greatest ships that ever I sauT, besides mighty great
boats, cables and other cordage answèrable thereunto,
and some such masts for bigness and length as I never
saw any two could make the like."
The sea was hot answerable for all. The cruelty of
nature was imitated by the cruelty of man, and those
lines of bodies showed gashes on them hot mme by
rock or splintered spar. "The miseries they sustained
upon this coast," wrote Sir George Carew, "are fo be
pitied in any but Spaniards. O" those that came fo
the land by swimming or enforeed thereto by famine,
very near three thousand were slain." "They were so
miserably distressed eoming fo land," reported another,
"that one man, named Melaghlin M'Cabbe, killed eighty
with his gallovglass axe." The nobler or wiser O'Neil
wrung his hands over the disgraee of his country, but
eould hot hinder it; and the Engli.sh looked on with a
hot unnatural satisfaction af vork whieh was dissolving
in murder an alliance xvhieh they had so mueh cause
fo fear.
"The blood whieh the Irish have drawn upon them,"
said 8if George Carew, "doth assure ber Majesty of
better obedienee fo corne, for, that friendship being
broken, they have no other stranger fo trust to This
198 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
people was very doubtful before the victory was known
to be her Majesty's, but when they saw the great dis-
tress and weakness Chat the enemy vas in, they did
hot only put as many as they eould to Che sword, but
are ready with ail their forces to attend the deputy in
any service. The ancient love betveen Ireland and
Spain is broken."
"God," concluded Fenton, " hath wrought for her-
Majesty against these idolatrous enemies, and suflred
this nation fo blood their hands upon them, vhereby,
if may be hoped, is drawn perpetual difldence between
Che Spaniards and them as long" as this memory en-
dureth."
The harvest was reaped by Che Irish. Sir Richard
Bingham and his kindred were ai hand fo glean Che
ears Chat were left. Including Che execution af Gal-
way, Bingham claimed fo bave killed eleven hundred.
"Divers gentlemen of quality" had been spared for
their ransom, but special orders came down from
Dublin to execute all, and Che gentlemen followed Che
rest. Of Che whole number Chat fell into Che hands
of Che English, Don Lewis of Cordova was Che only
sm'vi vor.
Such was Che face of Che brilliant chivalry of Spain ;
Che choicest representatives of Che most illustrious
familles in Europe. They had rushed into Che service
wit.h an emotion pure and generous as ever sent
Templar fo Che sepulchre of Christ. They believed
Chat they were Che soldiers of Che Almighty. Pope
and bishop had commended them fo Che charge of Che
angels and Che saints. The spell of Che names of Che
apostles had been shattered by English cannon. The
elements, which were deemed God's peculiar province
--as if fo disenchant Christendom, were disenchant-
ment possible, of so fond an illusion--whirled them
DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, I588 199
upon a shore which the waves of a hundred million
years had ruade the most dangerous in the vorhl;
there as they crawled hall dro',vned through the surf
fo fall into the jaws of the Irish wolves.
One more tragical story remains tobe told. When
Galderon recovered the main body of the fleet off Gape
Wrath, and the anxious question was asked him froln
every ship, Where was Alonzo de Leyva ?--it was hot
for de Leyva's sake alone, though no officer in the
Arnmda was more loved and honoured : if was because
the freight of the vessel which bore him ',vas more than
usually precious. The noblest youths in Gastile, whose
families had been hardly persuaded fo let them aCCOln-
pany the expedition, had been placed specially under
Don Alonzo's care. His ship had been in the thickest
of every fight. She had suffered severely and could
hot bear ber sails. She had not gone north with
Recalde when Calderon left her; but with another
galleon she had drifted away to leeward. With ex-
treme difficulty she had cleared the extreme point of
Mayo, but unable to go further she had lnade lier way
into Blacksod Bay, and anchored outside Ballycroy.
That she had reached so intricate a spot undestroyed
',vas perhaps explained by the presence on board of
young Maurice Fitzgerald, the son of Sir James "the
traitor," whose pirate habits may have taught him many
secrets of the western coast. Fitzgerald died while
she lay there, and "was cast into the sea in a cypress
chest with great solemnity ". Iç was the country of
the MacWilliams, the home and nesç of the famous
Granny O'Malley. Fourteen Italians were set on shore
to try the disposition of the people. They fell in with
one Richard Burke, called "the Devil's Hook" or
"Devil's Son," perhaps one of Granny's own brood, who
robbed them and took them prisoners. This ",vas on the
oo SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
9th of September. In the storm of the 10th the ship,
which had left her best anchors at Calais, fell belplessly
on shore. The sea was broken by a headland which
covers the bay; de Leyva and his companions reached
the sands, and were able to carry arms with them.
They found an old castle at no great distance from the
water and attempted fo put if in a state of defence.
Poeport said that Sidonia himself was in this party.
Bingham was making haste fo the spot vhen he heard
that they had re-embarked in another galleon, and
were beating out again to sea. The south-west wind
was still so heavy that if was thought impossible they
could escape. Many shots were heard from the ong
the night after they sailed, and the ship with all it con-
tained was supposed to have gone to the bottom. The
galleon was left fo be plundered. Casks of wine and
oil were rolled on shore. Trunks and mails of the
young hidalgos were dragged out and rifled by the
cxperienced "Devil's Hook," and the sands of Ballycroy
were streved vith velvcts and gold brocade. The
sheriff calne to the rescue in the (lueen's naine; but -
the jackals were too strong for him, or the constables
put on jackals' skins and scralnbled with the rest for
the prey. Not a rag or a coin was rescued.
Mcanwhile the shots were hot de Leyva's, but came
from anotber straggler which was dashed in pieces
upon the rocks of Erris. De Leyva, finding the wind
heading him, had determined to run back and try
for Scotland, trusting rather to the humanity of the
heretic James tllan to the orthodox cruelties of the
Irish. He fell in vith a second galleon off" the coast,
and the last of the ïour galleasses, and together they
laboured hard to draw off from the shore. But Rossan
Point stood out too far for them fo clear, and they
nlade for Callibeg" or Killibeg llarbour. The g.'allcass
DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, I588 EEoI
got in "sore broken," bu still able to float. The
two galleous tan on the rocks at the opeuing, and
de Leyva was wreeked a second rime.
Agaiu, however, no lires were losk Fourteen hun-
dred men from the ships got sale on land. The
galleess eontaiued six hundred lnore, ,ud they were
ell well provMed with arms. Arms, however, were
not food; and they were starving. The Bishop of
Killaloe and an Irish friar who had been with Don
Alonzo, aml had been saved with the test, undertook
that they should be hospiably treated, and æ few
hundreds of them marehed inland with the bishop for
a guide. They fell in with a pargy of Anglo-lrish
seut by Fitzwilliam from the Pale, and led by two
brothers nalned Ovington. If was night: the Oving-
tons fell upon them, killed twenty and wounded lnore.
In the moruing they fouud they were dcaling with
meu who were hall dcad already. The Spaniards had
laid down their harquebuses and had hot strength to
lift them again. " The best," it was observed, "seemed
fo earry some kind of majesty; the test were men
of great ealling." Perhaps natural pity--perhaps t.he
fear of O'Neil who was in the neighbourhood--perhaps
respeet for the bishop, so far influeneed the Ovington.s
that they did hOt kill them. They eontented them-
selves with stripping some of them naked and letting
them go.
In the extreme north of Ulster--where O'Neil and
O'Donnell were still virtual sovereigns, where the
MacSweenies ruled under them with feudal authority
and appear lu the Elizabethan maps as giants sitting
in mail upon their lUOUntains, battleaxe lu haud--the
fear of the English was less felt ghan in other parts
of Irelaud. O'Neil, who was furious af the savagery
which had been perpetrated on the coast, when ho heard
2o2 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
of these new comers sent oMer that t.he strangers should
be hospitably entertained; ad, escaped out of the
hands of the Ovingtons, both the prty thtt they had
falleu in with and those which remained af Callibeg
were supplied with food, and allowed fo rest and
recover themselves. O'Neil was not af the rime in
rebellion. Fitzwilliam sent a command that every
Spaniard who had landed should be taken or killed.
O'Neil sheltered, fed and clothed his guests till they
had recovered strength, and then pretended, that they
were too powerful for hiln fo meddle with. If was
suspected that he meant to use their services in an
insurrection, and two thousand sohliers were shipped
in hot haste from England fo make head against
them.
But if the Irish chief had any such intention, de
Leyva did not encourage if. His one thought was to
escape, if escarpe were possible, from a country which
had been the scelle of such horrible calamities to Spain,
and to ctrry back the precious treasures which had
been intrusted fo his care. Either for this reason, or
influenced privately by threats or promises from Fitz-
william, MacSweeny Banag'h, on whom he Spaniards
depended for their meat, began after a few weeks fo
shorten the supplies. The galIeass af Callibeg--she
was called the G-erona--was hot hopelessly unsea-
worthy. The October weather appeared fo have
settled, and Don Alonzo had repaired her so far that
he thought she could carry hiln safely fo the western
isles of Scotland. She would hold but half the party ;
but many of the Spaniards had round friends in Ulster
who undertook to take care of them through the
winter months, and had no objection to be lei-'t behind.
The rest, with Don Alonzo af their head, prepared fo
tempt once more the fortunes of the sea. He had
DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, 1588 203
been hurç in çhe leg by a cpstan when the glleon
went on the rocks, ,nd vas still unble to walk. He
ws crried on board; mad in the middle of October
the Ge,'ona sailed. She crept along the cotst for
severl dys wit, hout misdventure. Rossn Point
was p,ssed sfely, nd Tory Island, nd Lough Swilly,
nd Lough Foyle. The vorst of the voyage was
over; a few hours more and they would lmve been
snved. But the doom of the Armd vas oll them.
They struck upon rock off Dunluce ; the galleass
broke in pieces, and only rive out of the whole
number were sved. Thrice wrecked, Don Alonzo
nd the young Castillan lords perished t lst. Two
hundred nd sixty of t,heir bodies were wshed shore
and committed undistinguished to the grve.
With this concluding ctstrophe the tragedy of the
Arnmd in Irelnd ws ended. It vs calculted that
in the month of September lone, before de Leyv and
lfis companions were added to the list, eight thousand
Spanitrds perished between the Gimat's Causewy nd
Blsket Sound : eleven hundred were put to death by
Binghaln ; three thousand were nmrdered by the Irish ;
the rest, more fortunte, were drowned.
IIISTOIICAL PORTRAITS.
207
ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN.
BISlIOP HUGO came into the xvorld in the mountain-
ous country near Grenoble, on the borders of Savoy.
Abbo Adam dwells with a certain pride upon his
patron's parentage. He tells us, indeed, sententiously
ha it is better to be noble in morals than to be noble
in blood--tha to be born undistinguished is a less
misforbune than fo lire so--but he regards a noble
family only as an honourable setting for a nature
which was noble in itself. The bishop was one of
three children of a Lord of Avalon, and was born in
a castle near Pontcharra. His mother died when he
was eigh years old; and his father, having lost the
chier inerest which bound him to lire, divided his
estates beween his two other sons, and withdrew with
bhe libtle one into an adjoining monastery. There was
a college attached fo it, where the children of many
of the neighbouring barons were educated. Hugo,
however, was from the first designed for a religious
lire, and mixed little with the other boys. " You, my
little fellow," his tutor said to him, "I ara bringing
up for Christ: you musb hOt learn fo play or brifle."
The old lord became a monk. Hugo grew up beside
him in the convent, waiting on him as he became
infirm, and smoothing the downward road ; and mean-
while learning whatever of knowledge and practical
piety his preceptors were able fo provide. The life,
if is likely, was hot wanting in ausçerity, but the
o8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
comparatively easy rule di,1 hot saisfy Hugo's aspira-
tions. The theory of "religion," as the conventual
systen in ail its forms was termed, was the conquest
of self, the reduction of the entire nature to the control
of the better part of it; and as the seat of self lay in
the bo,ty, as temptation to do wrong, then, as ahvays,
lay, directly or indirectly, in the desire for some bodily
indulgence, or the dread of some bodily pain, the
method l>m'sued was the inuring of the body fo the
hardest fare, and the producing îndifference fo cold,
]ronger, pain, or any other calamity which the chances
of lire couhl inflict npon it. Men so trained could play
their part in lire, whether high or low, with wonderfnl
advantage. Wealth had no attraction for them. The
world could give them nothiug which they had learnt
to desire, and take nothing froln them which they cared
fo lose. The ordelS, however, differed in severity ; and
af this time the highest discipline, moral and bodily,
was to be round only among the Carthusians. An
incidental visit with the prior of his own convent to
the Grande Chartreuse determined Hugo to seek ad-
mission into this extraordinary sociey.
If was no light thing which he was undertaking.
The majestic situation of the Grande Chartreuse itself,
the loneliness, the seclusion, the atmosphere of sanctity
which hung around it, the mysterious beings who had
ruade their home there, fascinated his imagination. A
stern old monk, to whom he tlrst communicated his
intention, supposing that he was led away by a passing
fancy, looked 'imly at his pale face and delicate limbs,
and roughly told hiln that he was a fool. "Young
man," the nonk said to him, "the men who inhabit
these rocks are hard as the rocks themselves. They
bave no mercy on their ovn bodies and none ou others.
The dress will scrape, th_e flesll from your bones. The
ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN a9
discipline will tear the bones themselves out of such
frail limbs as yours."
The Carthusians combined in themselves the severi-
ries of the hermits and of the regular orders. Each
ruera ber of the fraternity lived in his solitary cell in
the rock, meeting his companions only in the chapel,
or for instruction, or for the business of the house.
They are no meat. A loaf of bread was given fo every
brother on Sunday morning at the refectory door,
which was fo last him through the week. An occa-
sional mess of gruel vas all that vas allowed in addition.
His bedding vas a horse-cloth, a pillow and a skin.
His dress was a horse-hair shirt, covered ot, tside with
linen, which vas worn night and day, and the white
cloak of the order, generally a sheepskin, and uulined
--all else was bare. He was bound by vows of the
strictest obedience. The order had business in ail
parts of the world. Now some captive was fo be
rescued from the Moors; now some earl or king had
been treading on the Church's privileges; a brother
was chosen fo interpose in the naine of the Chartreuse :
he received his credentials and had fo depart on the
instant, with no furniture but his stick, to walk, it
nfig,'ht be, to the furthest corner of Europe.
A singular instance of the kind occurs incidentally
in the present narrative. A certain brother Einard,
who came ultimately fo England, had been sent fo
Spain, fo Granada, fo Africa itself. Returuing through
Provence he fell in with some of the Albigenses, who
spoke slightingly of the sacraments. The hard Car-
thusian saw but one course to follow with men he
deemed bels fo his Lord. He was the first fo urge
the crusade which ended in their destruction. He
roused the nearest orthodox nobles fo arms, and Hugo's
biographer tells delightedly how the first invasions
4
IO SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
were followed up by others on a larger scale, and "the
lrute an,l pestilent race, unworthy of the naine of men,
were eut away by the toil of the faithful, and by God's
lnercy desroyed."
" Pitiless to themselves," as the old monk said, "they
hd no pity on any other man," as Einard afterwards
was himself fo feel. Even Hu t, rimes disapproved
of their extreme severity. "God," he sid, alluding fo
SOlnC cruel action of the society, "God tempers his
anger vith compassion. When he drove Adm from
Paradise, He ai least gave him a cot of skins- nmn
knows hot what mercy means."
Einard, after this Albigensi»n aflfir, was ordered
in bhc midat of a biffer winer fo repair fo Denmark.
He xvas a very aged manda hundred years ohl, his
brother monks believedbroken ai any rate with age
»nd toil. He shrank from the journey, he begged fo
be spared, and, when the command was persisted in, he
refused obedience. He was instantly expelled. Hall
clad, amidst t.he ice and show, he wandered from one
religious house o anot.her. In »ll he was refused
admission. Ai last, one biffer frosty night he appeared
penitent ai the gare of the Chartreuse, and prayed fo
be forgiven. The porter vas forbidden fo open Vo him
till morning, but left the old m»n Vo shiver in the ShOW
throug]l the darkness.
" By my troth, brother," Einard said the next day
fo him, "had you been a bean last night between my
teeth, hey would have chopped you in pieces in spire
of e.
Such were çhe monks of çhe Çlmrçreuse, gmong
whom çhe son of çhe Avlon noble desired ço be en-
rolled, as çhe highest favour which could be shown him
upon earçh. His peçition was ençerçined. He was
gllowed ço enlisç in fhe spirituel rmF, in whieh he
ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN 2iI
rapidly distinguished himsel f ; and at thc end of twenty
years he had ac(luired a naine through France as the
ablest member of the worl,l-famed fl'aternity.
It was af this rime, SOlnewhere about 1174, that
Henry II. conceived t.lae notion of introducing the
Carthusians into Eng'land. In the premature stl'ugle
to whieh he had eommitted himsêlf with the Chureh
he had been hopeless|y worsted. The Constitutions of
Clarendon had been torn in pieces. He had himself,
of his own accord, donc penanee at the shrine of the
mm'dered Beeket. The haughty sovereign of England,
as a sylnbol of the sineerity of his submission, had
knelt in the ehpter-house of Cantel'bury, presenting
voluntarily there his bare shonlders to be tlogged by
the monks. His humiliation, so far from degrading
him, had restored him to the attbetion of his subjeets,
and his endeavour theneeforward was to purify and
reinvigorate the proud institut.ion against whieh he
had too rashly matehed his strength.
In pursuanee of his polie 5, he had applied to the
Chartreuse for assistance, and hall a dozen monks,
among them brother Einard, whose Demnark mission
was exehanged for the English, had been sent over
and established ai, Witham, a village hot far frolll
Frome in Somersetshire. Suttieient pains had not
been taken to prepare for their reeeption. The Car-
thusians were a solitary order and required exclusive
possession of the estates set apart for their use. The
Saxon population were still in occupation of their
holdings, and, being Crown temmts, saw themselves
threatened with evietion in favour of foreigncrs.
Quarrels had arisen and ill-feeling, and the Carthusians,
proud as the proudest of nobles, and eonsidering that
In eoming fo England they were rather eonferring
favours than reeeiving them, resented the being eom-
:2 1:2 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
pelled to struggle for tenements vhich they had not
sought or desired. The first prior threw up his oice
and returned to the Chartreuse. The second died
immediately after of chagrin and disgust; and the
king, vho was then in Normandy, heard fo his
extreme mortification that the remaining brethren
vere threatening to take staff in hand and match back
fo their homes. The Couut de 3Iamqenne, fo whom
he communicated his distress, mentioned Hugo's naine
to him. It was determined to senti for Hugo, aud
Fitzjocelyn, Bishop of Bath, with other venerable
persons carried the invitation to the Chartreuse.
To Hugo himself, mealxvhile, as if in preparation for
the destiny vhich was before him, a singular experience
was at that moment occurring. He was now about
i'orty years old. It is needless to say that he had duly
pracised the usual austerities prescribed by his rule.
Whatever discipline could do to kill the carnal nature
in him had been carried out to its utmost harshness.
He was a man, however, of great physical strength.
His flesh was hot entirely dead, and he was going
where superiority to worldly telnptation vou]d be
specially required. Just before Fitzjocelyn arrived
he was assailed suddenly by emotions so extremely
violent that he said he wou]d rather face the pains of
Gehenna than encounter them again. His mind was
unaffected, but the devil had him af advantage in his
sleep. He prayed, he flogged himself, he fasted, he
confessed; still Satan was allowed to buffet him,/md,
though he had no fear for his soul, he thought his body
vould die in the struggle. One night in particular the
agolly reached its crisis. He lay tossing on his uneasy
pallet, the angel of darkness trying vith all his allure-
ments to tempt his conscience into acquiescence in evil.
An angel from above appeared to enter the cell as a
ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN 2l 3
specçaçor of çhe conflicç. Hugo imagined haç he sprung
Go him, clutched him, and wresçled like Jacob with him
fo exçorç a blessing buç could noç succeed, and tç lasç
he sank exhausted ou çhe ground. In çhe sleep, or çhe
unconsciousness which followed, an aged prior of çhe
Charçreuse, who htd admitçed hiln as a boy ço çhe ordor,
had died and htd since been oenonised, seemcd ço lean
over hiln as he lay, and inquired çhe cause of his disçress.
He said tlmt he vas affiicçed ço agony by çhe law of
sin çhat vs in his melnbers, an,l unless some one aided
hiln he would perish. The sainç drcw from his breasç
what appeared to be a knife, opened bis body, drew a
fiery mss of someçhing [rom çhe bowels, and flung iç
ouç of çhe door. He awoke and found t.hat iL was
morning and thaç he was perfecçly cured.
"Did you never feel a return of these motions of
çhe flesh ?" asked Adam, when Hugo related çhe sçory
ço him.
"NoL never,"Hugo answered, "but never Lo a degree
çhat gave me çhe slighçesç t.rouble."
"I havc been particular," wrote Adam afterwards,
"t.o relaçe Lhis exactly as it happcned, a false accounç
of iL having gone abroad thaç if was çhe Blessed Vil'in
who appeared insçead of the prior," and thaç Hugo
was rclieved by an operation of a less honourable
kind.
Visiouary nonsense çhe impatient reader may say ;
and had Hugo become a dreamer of çhe cloister, a
persecuçor like Sç. Dominic, or a hysçerical fnaçic
like Ignatius Loyola, we nfight pass by if as a morbid
illusion. Dub there never lived a man o whom çhe
word morbi,1 couhl be applied wiçh less propriety. In
the Hugo of Avalon wiçh WhOln we are now ço become
acquainçed, we shll see nothing but the suuniesç
cheerfulness, strong masculine sense, inflexible purpose,
2 4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
uprightness in word and deed; with an ever-flowing
stream of genal and buoyant humour.
In the story of the temptation, therefore, we do but
see the final coquest of the selfish nature in him,
which left lais nobler qualities free fo sct, wherever he
might fin,1 himself.
Fitioeelyn , ant.ieipatiug diflîeulty, had brought with
him the Bishop of Grenoble fo support his petition.
He was reeeivêd at first with universal elamour. Hugo
was the brightest jewel of the or, let; Hugo eould hot
be pared with for any prince on earth. He himself,
entirely happy where he xvas, autieipated nothing but
trouble, but left his superiors to deeide for hiln. At
lengt.h sense of duty prevailed. The brethren felt that
he was a shining light, of whieh the world must hot
be deprived. The Bishop of Grenoble relnin,led them
that Christ had left heaven and COlne fo earth for
sinners' souls, and that His example ought to be
imitated. If was arranged that Hugo xvas to go, and
a few weeks later he was at Witham.
Hê was weleomed there as ail angêl from heaven.
He round everything in confusion, the fexv monks
living in wattled huts in the forest, the village still in
possession of its old oeeupauts, and bad blood and
diseontent on all hands. Thê first diffieulty was to
enter upon the lands without wroug fo the people,
and the history of a large eviet, ion in the twelft.h
centm3 will hot be without its instruetivêness even
af the present day. One thing Hugo was at once
dêeided upon, that the foundation would hot flourish
if it was built uloon injustice. He repaired fo Henry,
and as a first step indueed him to off'er the t, enants
(Crown serl's or villeil,s) either entire elffranehise-
men or fanns of equal value, on any other of t.he
royal manors, to be seleeted by themselves. Solne
ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN 2I 5
chose one, solne the other. The next thing vas coln-
pensation for improvemènts, houses, farm-buildings
nd fenees ereeted by the people at their own expense.
The Crown, if it resumed possession, nmst pay for
these or wrong would be donc. "Unless your Miesty
satisfy these poor mèn to the last obol," said Hugo to
Henry, sve cannot take posses.non.
The king eonsented, and the people, when the prior
earried baek the nevs of the al'ralgemeut, were
satisfied to go.
But this was hot all. Many of them vere removing
no great distanee, and eouhl earry with theln the
materials of their houses. Hugo resolved that they
should keep these things, and again marehed off to the
court.
"My Lord," said Hugo, " I ara but a new eomer in
your reahn, and I have already enriehed your Miesty
with a quantity of eottages and farln-steadings."
"Riches I eould well have spared," said Henry,
laughing. " You have almost lnade a begg'«r of me.
What ara I to do vith old hut.s aud rotten tilnber ?"
" Perhaps your Majesty will give t.hem t.o me," sai«l
Hugo. "If is but a trifle," he added, when the king"
hesitated. " It is my first request, and only a slnall
one,
"This is a terrible fellow that we have brought
among us," laughed the king; "if he is so poverful
with his persuasions, what will he do if he tries force ?
Let it be as he says. We must hot drive him to
extrelnltleS.
Thus, wiçh the good vill of all parçies, and no
wrong" done to any man, the tirst obsçaelcs were
overeome. Ïhe villagers wènt away happy. The
monks entered upon their lands amidst prayers and
blessing's, the king himself being as pleased as any
216 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
one ai his first experience of the character of Prior
Hugo.
Henry had soon occasion to see more of him. He
had promised to build the monks a bouse and chapel,
but between Ireland, and Wales, and Scotland, and
his dominions in France, and his three mutinous sons,
he had many troubles on his hands. Time passed and
the building was hot begun, and Hugo's flock grew
mutinous once more ; tvice he sent Henry a reminder,
twice came back fair words and nothing more. The
brethren began to hint that the prior vas afraid of
the powers of this world, aud dared not speak plainly
and oue of them, Brother Gerard, an old monk with
hig'h blood in his veins, declared that he vould himself
go and tell Henry some unpleasant truths. Hugo had
discovered lu his interviews with him that the king
ws no ordinary man, "vbr
scrutabilis.fere ani,m4". He ruade no opposition, but
he proposed to go himself along with this passionate
gentleman, and he, Gerard and the aged Einard, who
ws mentioned above, went together as a deputation.
The king received them as " colestes angelos"--
augels from heaven. He professed the deepest rever-
ence for their characters, and the 'eatest anxiety fo
please them,-but he said nothing precise and deter-
mined, and the fiery Gerard burst out as he intended.
Carthusian monks, it seems, considered themselves
entitled to speak to kings on entirely equal terres.
" Finish your vork, or leave it. my Lord Kiug," the
proud Bm'gundian said. "It shall no more be any
coucern to me. You have a pleasant reahn here in
England, but for myself I prefer to take my leave of
you and go back to my desert Chartreuse. You give
us bread, and you think you are doing a great hing
for us. We do hot need your bread, It is beter for
ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN 27
us fo return fo our Alps. You coun money lost
which you spend on your soul's health ; keep iç then,
since you love if so dearly. Or rather, you cannoç
keep if ; for you nust die and let if go fo oçhers who
will noç thank you."
Hugo tried fo check the stream of words, but
Gerard alltl Einard were both older than he, and
refused fo be restrained.
"lege; vi(lere.s l)hilo.sophatem-" the king vas
apparently meditating. His face did hot alçer, nor
did he speak a wor, l till the Cart.husian had done.
"And whaç do you think, my good fellow," he said
af lasç, ai'ter a pause, looking up, and t.urning fo
Hugo- "will you forsake me çoo ?"
"My Lord," said Hugo, " I ara less desperate t, han
my brothers. You have much work upol yolr hands,
and I can feêl foi" you. When Goal shall please, you
vill bave leisure fo attend fo us."
" By my soul," Henry answered, "you are one that
I will never pttrt vith while I lire."
He sent workmen af once fo Withaln. Cells and
chapel were duly built. The trouble tlnally passed
away, and çhe Carçhusiala priory taking roof became
çhe English nursery of çhe order, which rapidly
spread.
Hugo himself continued there for eleven years,
leaving if from rime fo çime on business of the Church,
or summoned, as happened more and nore frequently,
fo Henry's presence. The king, who had seen his
value, who knew çhat he could depênd upon him fo
speak the truçh, consulted him on the most serious
affairs of State, and, begimailig wit, h respect, became
familiarly anal ardently açtached to him. Witham
however relnaine«l his home, and hé returned fo if
always as fo a retreat of perfect enjoyment. His cell
28 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
and his dole of veekly bread gave him as entire
satisfaction as tire most luxuriously furnished villa
could attbrd to one of ourselves ; and long after, when
he was cflled elsewhere, and the cares of the great
worl, l fell more heavily upon him, he looked fo an
annual month at Witham for test of mind and body,
and on eoming there he wotfld piteh away his grand
dress and jure 1) iuto his sheepskin as we moderns put
on our shooting jaekets.
While he remaine,l prior he lived in perfeet sim-
plieity and uubroken health of mind and body. The
faine o{ his order spread f,st, and xvith its light the
inseparal)le shadoxv of superstition. Witham beeame a
place of pilgrimage ; miracles vere sai,:l to be worked
by involuntry effiuenees from its occupants. Then
and always Hugo thought little of lniraeles, turned
his baek on thmn for the most part, nd diseouraged
them if hot as illusions yet as matters of no eonse-
quenee. St. Paul thought one intelligible sentence
containing truth in it was better tlmn a hundred in
an unknown tong'ue. The prior of Wit.ham considered
that the only miracle worth speaking of was holiness of
lire. "Little I," writes Adam (pa,rv M tes ego), "observed
that he worked many mircles himself, but he paid
no attention to them." Thus he lived for eleven
years wifl as much rational happiness ,s, in his
opinion, humm nature was capable of experiencing.
When he lay down upon his horse-rug he slept like a
child, undistm'bed, save that at interw, ls, as if he was
praying, he muttered a composed " Amen " When he
awoke he rose and went about his ordinary business:
cleming up dirt, washing dishes and such like, being
his favourite early occup,tion.
The powers, howevervho, according tothe Greeks,
are jealous of human felicitythought proper, in due
ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN 2I 9
tilne, to disturb the prior o[ Withaln. Tovards the
end of 1183 Walter de Coutances was promoted from
the bishopric of Lincoln to the archbishopric of Rouen.
The see lay vacant for two years and a hall, and a
successor had nov to be provided. A great council
was sitting at Ensham ou business of the reahn ; the
king ridiu" over every morniug from Woodstock. A
deputation of" canons fron Lincoln came to learn his
pleasure for the filling up the vacancy. The canous
vere directêd fo lnake a choice for themselves and
were unable fo agree, for the hot ulmatural reasoll
that each canon considered the fittest persou to be
himself. Some olle (Adam does uot luention the
naine) suggested, as a vay out of thê difficulty, the
election of Hugo of Witham. The canons being rich,
vell to do, and of the modern easy-going sort, .laughed
at the suggestion of the poor Carthusiau. They round
to their surprise, however, that the king vas cm-
phatically of tht saine opiuiou, and that Hugo and
uobody else was the person th«t he iutended for
theln.
The king's pleasure was theirs. They gave their
rotes, and dêspatched a dêputation over the dowus to
COmlnand the prior's iustaut presence at Ensham.
A difficulty rose where it vas least expectêd. Not
only was thê "Nolo episcopari" in Hugo's case a
genuine feeling, hot only did he regard vorldly
promotiou as a thiug hot in the least attractive to
him; but, lu spire of his regard for Henry, he did
not believe that the king was a proper person fo
nominate the prelates of the Church. He tohl the
canons that the electiou was void. They must return
to their owu cathedral, call the chapter together,
invoke the Holy Spirit, put the King of Englmd
out of thèir minds, and consider rathêr the King of
220 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
kings ; and so, and not otherwise, proceed with their
choice.
The canons, wide.eyed with so unexpected a recep-
tion, retired with their answer. Whether they complied
with the spirit of Hugo's direction may perhaps be
doubted. They, however, assembled af Lincoln with
the proper forms, and repeated the election with the
external conditions which he had prescribed. As a last
hope of escape he appealed to the Chartreuse, declaring
himself unable fo accept any office without orders
from his superiors ; but the authorities there forbade
hin fo decline; and a fresh deputation of canons
having corne for his escort, he mounted his mule with
a heavy heart and set out in their company for
Winchester, where the king was then residing.
A glimpse of the party we are able fo catch upon
their journey. Though if was seven hundred years
since, the English September was probably nmch like
what it is at present, and the down count T cannot
have materially altered. The canons had their palfreys
richly caparisoned with gilt saddle-cloths, and servants
and sumpter horses. The bishop elect strapped his
wardrobe, his blanket and sheep-skin, af the back of
his saddle. He rode in this way resisting remonstrance
till close to Winchester, when the canons, afraid of
the ridicule of the court, slit the leathers without his
knowing if, and passed his baggage to the servants.
Consecration and installation duly followed, and if
was supposed that Hugo, a humble monk, owing his
promotion fo the king, would be becomingly grateful,
that he would become just a bishop, like anybody
else, complying with established customs, moving in
the rcgular route, and keeping the waters smooth.
All parties were disagreeably, or rather, as if
turned out ultimately, agreeably surprised. The first
ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN 22I
intimation which he gave that he had a will of his
own followed instantly upon his admission. Cor-
ruption or quasi-corruption had gathered already
round ecclesiastical appointments. The Archdeacon
of Canterbury put in a claire for consecration fees,
things in themselves without meaning or justice, but
implying that a bishopric was a prize, the lucky
winner of vhich was expected fo be generous.
The new prelate held no such estimate of the nature
of his appointment--he said he would give as much for
his cathedral as he had given for his mitre, and left
the archdeacon fo his reflections.
No sooner was he established and had looked about
him, than from the poor tenants of estates of the see
he heard coinplaints of that most ancient of English
grievances--the gaine laws. Hugo, who himself
touched no meat, was not likely fo have cared for
the chase. He was informed that venison must be
provided for his installation feast. He told his people
fo take from his park what was necessary--three
hundred stags if they pleased, so little he cared for
preserving them; but neither was he a man fo have
interfered needlessly vith the recognised amusements
of other people. There must have been a case of real
oppression, or he would not have meddled with such
things. The offender was no less a person than the
head forester of the king himself. Hugo, failing fo
bring him fo reason vith mild methods, excom-
municated him, and left him fo carry his complaints
fo Henry. If happened that a rich stall was ai the
moment vacant af Lincoln. The king wanted if for
one of his courtiers, and gave the bishop an opportunity
of redeeming his first offence by asking for if as a
favour fo himself. Henry was ai Woodstock; the
bishop, af the moment, was af Dorchester, a place in
SEI,ECTIONS FROM FR()UDE
his diocese flfirLeen toiles off: On recciving Henry's
letter Ghe bishop bade the mcssenger eal'ry back for
answer Ghat prebendal stalls vere hot for courtiel:s
bug for priess. The king mus final ohcr means of
rewar, lilig empol-al serviees. Henry, wiGh some
experienee of he pride of eeelesiasfies, was unprepared
for so abrup a lnessage--Beeke himself had been less
insolent--and as he had been personally kind Go Hugo,
he was hur as well as oflbnded. He sen again o
desire him go eome o Woodsoek, and prêpared, when
he arrived, t,o show him t.haG ]le was seriously dis-
pleased. Then followed one of file lnOS sinffular
seenes in English hisol-y--a flfing" veriably Grue,
whieh oaks sfill sanding iii WoodsGoek Park may
have winessed. As soon as word was brough gha
he bishop was a fle park gae, l-Ienry mouned his
horse, rode wifl his reinue ino a glade in Ghe fores,
where he alighed, sa down upon Glle ffround wifla
his people, and in flis position prepared Go reeeive
fle erilninal. The bishop approaehed--no one rose
or spoke. He salued file king ; there was no answer.
Pausing for a lnomenG, he approaehed, pushed aside
genfly an earl vho was sit.ring a Henry's side, and
hilnself ook his plaee. Silenee sfill eonfinued. A
las Henry, looking up, ealled for a needle and flaread ;
he had hur a finger of lais lefG hand. I was wrapped
wifl a srip of linen rag', le end was loose, and he
began o sew. The bishop waehed hiln hrough a
few sfiehes, and flaen, wih he umos eomposure,
said Go him--" Qa s'i4bis es wdo cog.atis ttds
de Fdes4d " "your Highness now reminds me of
your eousins of Falaise ". The words sounded innoeeng
enough--indeed, enfirely unmeaning. Alone of the
pary, Henry undersood he allusion; and, over-
whelmed by he asonishing imperfinenee, he elenehed
ST. HUGH OF LINCOI,N 223
Iris hands, Sl'uggled hard go congin hilnself, and then
rolled on the ground in conwflsions of lugher.
" Did you hear," he sid fo his people when ag lasg
he round words "did you hear how flfis wrech
insulged us ? The blood of my ncesgor the Conqueror,
as you know, was noue of the puresç. His mot,hot
was of Falaise, whieh is famous for is leather work,
and vhen flfis mocking genleman sav me siching
my finger, he sid I ,vas showing my pal'enLage."
" My good sir," he eontimed, Lurning fo Hugo,
"whL do you men hy exeommuniea.ting my head
foresLer, uid when I make a smll l'equesL of you,
why is iL t.haL you uoL only do noL eome Lo see
me, bue do noL send me so mueh as civil
IISXVr "
" I knoxv myself," answered Huo, gravely, " o be
indebLed Lo your Higqmess for my lLe promotion. I
eonsidered Lhag your Highness's soul would be in
danger if I was round wuging in Llie lisehare of
lny dufies; and gherefore iL was hng I used elle
censures of Lhe Çhureh when I held flem neeessary,
and LhaL I resisLed n improper aLLempL on your pnrL
upon a sLI1 iu my Lledrl. To waiL ou you on
sueh subjeeL I floughL superfluous, sinee your High-
ness approves, as a mat.Ler of course, of whaLever is
righLly ordered in your realm."
WhsL eould be done wiLh sueh a bishop ? No one
knew berger flmn Henry Lhe Lrufl of wh Hugo was
saying, or Lhe worfl of sueh a man t.o himself. He
bde Hugo proeeed wifli fle foresLer as he pleased.
Hugo hd him publiely whipd, flen absolved him,
and gave him his blessing, and round in him ever
aller a fasL and fiLhful friend. The courtiers asked
for no more sLalls, and all was well.
In Chureh maLgers in his own dioeese he equaHy
aa4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Look his own way. NoLhing could be more unlike
Lhan Hugo fo the canons whom he round in possession ;
yet he somehow bent them ail fo his will, or carried
their wills with his own. "Never since I came fo .the
diocese," he said fo his chaplain, " have I had a quarrel
with my chapter. If is hOt that I ara easy-going--
sure eni reverd pipere nordacior (pepper is hot
more biting than I can be). I often fly out for small
causes; but they take me as they find me. There is
hOt one who distrusts my love for him, nor one by
vhom I do not believe myself fo be love&"
Af table this hardest of monks was the most agree-
able of companions. Though no one had practised
abstinence more severe, no one less valued if for its
own sake, or hul less superstition or foolish senti-
ment about it. It was, and is, considered sacrilege
in the Church of Rome fo faste food before saying
mass. Hugo, if he saw a priest who was fo oflïciate
exhausted for want of support, and likely fo find a
diflïculty in getting through his work, would order
him fo eat as a point of duty, and lectured him for
want of faith if he affected to be horrified.
Like ail genuine men, the bishop was an object of
special attraction to children and animals. The little
ones in every bouse that he entered were always round
clinging about his legs. Of the attachment of other
creatures fo him there vas one very singular instance.
About the rime of his installation there appeared on
the mere af Stow Manor, eight toiles from Lincoln, a
swan of unusual size, which drove the other male
birds from off the vater. Abbot Adam, who fre-
quently saw the bird, says that he was curiously
marked. The bill was saffron instead of black, vith
a saffron tint on the plumage of the head and neck;
and the abbot adds he was as much larger than other
ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN 225
swans as a swtm is larger than a goose. This bird, on
the occasion of the bishop's first visit fo the manor,
was brought fo him fo be seen as a curiosity. He
was usually unmanageable and savage ; but the hishop
knew the way to his heart ; fed him, and ttught him
fo poke his head into the pockes of his frock fo look
for breadcrumbs, which he did hot fail fo find there.
Ever after he seemed fo know instinctively when the
bishop was expected, tlew trumpeting up and dowu
the lake, slapping the water with his wings; when
the horses appro,ched, he would march out upon the
grass fo meet them strutted af the bishop's side, and
would sometimes follow him upstairs.
If was a miracle of course fo the gencral mind,
though explicable enough fo those who have observed
the physical charm which men who take pains fo
understand animals are able fo exercise over them.
We have seen him vith King Henry ; we vill now
follow him into the presence of Cur de Lion.
Richard, if will be remembered, on his return from
his captivity plunged into war with Philip of France,
carrying out a quarrel which had commenced in the
Holy Land. The king, in distress for money, had
played tricks with Church pat.ronage which Hugo had
firmly resisted. Afterwrds an ohl claim on Lincoln
diocese for sonne annual services was suddenly revived,
which had been pretermitted for sixty years. The
arrears for all that t.ime were called for and exacLed,
and the clergy had fo raise among themselves 3,000
marks: hard measure of this kind perhaps induced
Hugo fo look closely into further demands.
In 1197, when Richard was in Normandy, a pressing
message came home from hiln for supplies. A council
was held af Oxford, when Archbishop Hubert, who was
:6 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
chancellor, required eaeh prelate and great nobleman
in the king's naine fo provide three hundred knights
af his own cost, to serve in the war. The Bishop of
London supported the primate. The Bishop of Lincoln
i'ollowe, l. Being a stranger, he said, and ignorant on
his arrival of English laws, he had ruade it his business
fo st,udy them. The see of Lincoln, he was aware,
was bound fo military service, but it was service in
Englan,l and hot abroad. The demand of the king
was against the liberties which he had sworn to
defend, and he vouhl rather die than betray thenl.
The Bishop of Salisbuw, gathering" courage from
Hugo's resistanee, took the saine side. The eouneil
broke up in eonfusion, and the arehbishop wrote fo
Riehard fo say t.hat he was unable fo raise the required
force, and that the Bishop of Lineoln was the cause.
Richard, who, with most noble qualities, had the retaper
of a fiend, replied instantly with an order fo seize and
eonfiseate the property of the rebellious prelates. The
Bishop of Salisbury was brought upon his knees, but
Hugo, fearless as ever, swore that he would exeom-
munieate any man who dared fo exeeute the king's
eommand; and as it was know that he would keep
his word, the royal oflïcers hesitated fo act. The king
wrote a second rime more fiereely, threatening death if
they disobeyed, and the bishop, not wishing fo expose
them to trouble on his aeeount, determined fo go over
and eneounter the tempest in person.
Af Rouen, on his vay to Roche d'Andeli, where
Richard was lying, he was eneountered by the Earl
Marshal and Lord Albemarle, who implored him fo
send some eoneiliatory message by them, as the king
was so furious that they feared he might provoke the
anger of God by some violent act.
The bishop deelined their assistance. He desired
ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN 227
them merely to tell the king that he was coming.
They hurried back, nd he folloved af his leisure.
The scene that ensued was eveu stranger than the
interview already describe,l with Henry in t, he parl
af Woodstock.
Coeur de Lion, when he arrived nf, Roche d'An, leli,
xvas hearing mass in the church. He was sitting in
a great chir af the opening into the choir, vith the
bishops of Durham and Ely on either side. Church
ceremonials must have beeu conducted with less stiff
propricty than af present. Hugo advanced calmly and
ruade the usud obeisance. Richard said nothing, 1)ut
frovne¢l, looked sternly af him for a moment, and
turned ava.y.
"Kiss me, my Lord King," said the bishop. If
was the ordinary greeting between the sovereign and
the spiritual peers. The king averted his face still
further.
" Kiss me, my Lord," said Hugo again, and he
caught C¢eur de Lion by the vest and shook him,
Abbot Adam standing shivering behind.
"5ron mer¢isti--thou hast hot deserved if," growled
Richard.
"I have deserved if," replied Hugo, and shook him
harder.
Had he shown fear, Cur de Lion would probably
have trampled on him, but who could resist such
marvellous audacity? The kiss was given. The
bishop passed up fo the altar and became absorbed
in the service, Coeur de Lion curiously watching him.
When mass was over there was a formd audience,
but the result of if was decided already. Hugo declared
his loyalty in everything, save what touched his duty
fo God. The king yiehted, and threv the blamc of thc
quarrel on the too complaisant primate.
228 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Even this was llOt ail. The bishop afterwards
requested a private interview. He toht Riehard
solemnly t.hat he was uneasy for his soul, and admon-
ished him, if he had anything on his eonseienee, fo
eonfess if.
The king said he was eonseious of no sin, save of
a certain rae against his Freneh enemies.
" Obey God !" the bishop said, "and God will humble
your enemics for you--and you for your part take
heed you offend not Hinl or hurt your neighbour.
I speak in sadness, but rmnour says you are unfaithful
fo your «lueen. ''
The lion was tamed for the monent. The king
«mknowledged nothing but, restrained his passion, only
observing" afterwards, "If all bishops were like lny
Lord of Lineoln, not a prince among us eouhl lift his
head against them"
HENRY VIII.
I" Henry VIII. had died previous fo the first agitation
of the divorce, his loss would have been deplored as
one of the heaviest lnisfortunes whieh had ever befallen
the country; and he would have left a naine whieh
wouM have taken its place in history by the side of
that of the Black Prinee or of the eomlueror of Agin-
eourt. Left at the most tryin age, vith his eharaeter
unformed, vith the means af his disposal of gratifying
every inclination, and married by his lninisters when
boy fo an uuattraetive womau far his senior, he had
lived for thirt, y-six years almost without blame, and
bore through Egland the reputation of an upright
aud virtuous king. Nature had been prodigal to him
of her rarest gifts. In person he is said to have re-
selnbled his grandfather, Eward IV., who was the
handsomest man in Erope. His rotin and bearing
vere prineely; and amidst the easy freedom of his
address, his manner remaiued majestie. No knight
in Egland eould match hiln in the tournament exeept
the Duke of Suflblk ; he drew with ease as strong a
bow as was borne by any yeoman of his guard; and
these powers were sustained in unfailil|g vigour by
a temperate habit and by constant exereise. Of his
intelleetual ability ve are no left to judge from the
suspieious panegyries of his eontemporaries. His
state papers and letters may be plaeed by the side of
those of Wolsey or of Crolnwell, and they lose nothing
-30 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
in the colnparisoll. Though they are broadly diftrent,
the perception is equally clear, the expression equally
powerful, and they breathe throughout an irresistible
vigour of purpose. In addition to this he had a tlne
nmsical taste, carefully cultivated; he spoke and
wrote in four languages; and his knowledge of a
multitude of other subjects, with which his versatile
ability lntde him conversant, would have formed the
reputation of any ordinary man. He was among the
best physieians of his age; he was his own engineer,
inventing impl'ovements in artillery, and new eon-
struetions in ship-building; and this hot with the
eondeseending ineapaeity of a royal amateur, but
with thorough worknanlike understanding. His
reading was vast, espeeially in theology, whieh has
been ridieulously aseribed by Lord Herbert to his
father's intention of edueating him for the areh-
bishoprie of Canterbu W ; as if the seientifie mastery
of sueh a subjeet eouhl have been aetluired by a boy
of twelve years of age, for he was no more when
he beeame Prinee of Wales. He must bave studied
theology with the full lnaturity of his intelleet; and
he had a fixed and perhaps unfortunate interest in
the subjeet itself.
In all direetions of hulnan aetivity Henry displayed
natural powers of the highest order, at the highest
streteh of industrious eulture. He was "attentive,"
as if is ealled, " to his religious duties," being present
at the serviees in ehapel two or three rimes a day
with unfailing regularity, and showing to outward
appearanee a rem sense of religious obligation in the
energy and purity of his lire. In private he was
good-humoured and good-natured. His letters fo his
seeretaries, though never undignified, are simple, easy
and unrestrained ; and the letters written by theln t.o
HENRY VIII. 231
hiln are similarly plain and businesslike, as if the
writers knew that the persoll whom they were ad-
dressing disliked eompliments, and chose ço be treated
as a man. Again, froln their eorrespondenee with
one another, when they deseribe interviews with him,
we gather the saine pleasant impression. He seems
to have been always kind, always eonsiderate; in-
luiring illtO their private eoneerns with gelmine
interest, and willning, PS P consequence, their warln
and unaffeeted aççaehlnellç.
As a ruler he had been eminently populm: All his
wars had been sueeessful. He had the splendid tastes
in whieh the English people lnost delighted, and he
had substantially aeted out his own theory of his duty
whieh was expressed in the following words :--
" Seripture taketh princes to be, as if were, fthers
a.nd nul'ses ço their subjeets, and by Seripture it
appeareth that it appertaineth unto the office of
princes to see that right religion and true doctrine be
lnaintained and taught, and that their subjeets lllay
be well ruled and governed by good and just laws;
and to provide and eare for thenl that ail things
neeessary for them lnay be plenteous; and that the
people and eolnmonweal lnay inerease; and to defend
them from oppression and invasion, as well within the
realm as without; and to see that justice be adlninis-
tered unto them inditIrently; and to hear benignly
ail their eomplaints; and to show towards them,
althoug'h they otIënd, fatherly pity. And, inally, so
fo eorreet them that be evil, that they lud yet rather
save çheln çhan lose them if it were hot for l'espeeç of
justice, and maintenance of peaee and good order iii
the eommonweal."
These prineiples do really appear to have deter-
lnined Henry's conduct in his e,rlier years. His
a3a SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
social adminis6ra6ion we have already pa.rtia.lly seen.
He had more than once been tried with insurrection,
whieh he had soothed down without bloodshed, and
extinguished in forgiveness; and London long reeol-
lceted the great seene whieh followed "evil Mayday,"
1517, when the apprentiees we brough6 down fo
Westminster Hall fo reeeive their pardons. There
had been a dangerous riot in the streets, whieh lnighç
have provoked a lnild Government o severity; but
the king eontented hinself with punishing the rive
ringleaders, and four hundred other prisoners, after
being paraded down the streets in white shirts with
halters round their neeks, were dismissed vith an
admonition, Wolsey weepiug as he pronouneed it.
Itis certain that if, as I said, he had died before the
divorce was mooted, Henry VIII., like thaç Rolnan cnl-
peror said by Taeitus fo have been cose,su o,n,tiu,n
(tigus 4peri is.i l)erasset, vould have been
considered by posterit.y as formed by Providence for
çe oenduct of the Reformation, and his loss would
bave been deplored as a perpetua.1 calalnity. We must
allow hiln, therefore, the benefit of his past oereer, and
be oereful to member i when interpreting his later
actions. Noç many men would have borne t.hemselves
çhrough he saine çrials with he saine inegriy;
the eireumstanees of those grials had hot tesçed the
truc defeets iii his moral constitution. Like all princes
of the Plantageneç blood, he was a person of a most
intense and imperious will. His ilnpulses, in general
nobly direeted, had never known contradiction; and
late iii life, when his eharaeter was formed, he vas
foreed inço collision with diNeulties with whieh
experienee of discipline had noç fitted hiln o eontend.
Edueation had donc mueh for him, but his naçure re-
quired lnore correction ]lall his position had permitted,
HENRY VIII. a33
whilst unbroken prosperity and early independence
of control had been his most serious misfortune. He
had capacity, if his trainino" had been equal to if, to
be one of he greaes of men. Wit, h ail his fauls
abou hiln he was sill perhaps t.he grêaes of his
eonemporaries; and he man bes able of all living
Englishlnen o govern Eng'land, had beên sel fo do iL
by he eondit, ions of his birth.
HUGH LATIMER.
THE father of Latilner vas a solid English yeolnan,
of Thurcaston, in Leicestershire. " He had no lands of
his own," but he rented a farm "of four pounds by the
year," on which "he tilled so much as kept hall a
dozen men "; " he had w'dk for a hundred sheep, and
meadow ground foi" thirty cows " The world pros-
pered with him; he was able go save money for his
sons' education and his daughters' portions; but he
was freehanded and hospitable ; he kept open house
for his poor neighbours; and he was a good citizen,
too, for "he did find the king a harness with himself
and his horse," redy go do battle for his country if
occasion called. His family were brought up " in
godliness and the fear of the Lord "; and in all points
the old Latimer seems go have been a worthy, sound,
upright man, of the grue English mettle.
There were several children. The reformer was
born about 1490, some rive years after the usurper
Richard had been killed at Bosworth. Bosworth being
no great distmce from Thurcaston, Latimer the father
is likely go have been present in the battle, on one
side or the other--the right side in those rimes it was
no easy matter go choosebut he became a good
servant of the new Governmentand the little Hugh,
when a boy of seven years old, helped go buckle on
his trmour for hiln, " wheli he went to Blackheath
HUGH LATIMER 9_35
field ". Being a sohlier himself, the old gentleman
was eareful to give lais sons, whatever else he gave
theln, a sound soldier's training. " He was diligent,"
says Latimer, "to teaeh lne fo shoot with the bow"
he taught me how to draw, how fo lay my body in
the bow--not fo draw with strength Of arm, as other
nations do, but with the strength of the body. I had
my bows bought lne aeeording fo lny age and strength ;
as I inereased in these, my bows were ruade bigger and
bigger." Under this edueation, and in the wholesome
atmosphere of the farlnhouse, the boy prospered well;
and by and by, showing signs of promise, he was 8ell
to sehool. \Vhen he was fourteen, the promises so far
having been fulfilled, his father transferred hiln to
Cambridge.
He was soon known af the university as a sober,
hard-working student. Af nineteen he was eleeted
fellow of Clare Hall; af twenty he took lais degl-ee,
and beealne a student in divinity, when he aeeepted
quietly, like a sensible llaala, the doetrines whieh he
had been brought up fo believe. At the rime when
Henry VIII. was writing against Luther, Latimer
was fleshing his maiden sword in an attaek upon
Melanehtlmn; and he relnained, he said, till he was
thirty " in darkness and the shadow of death " About
this Lilne he beeame aequainted with Bilney, whom
he ealls " the instrument whereby God ealled hiln
fo knowledge ". In Bilney, doubtless, he round a
sound instruetor ; but a eareful reader of his serinons
will see traces of a teaehing for whieh he was indebted
fo no human toaster. His deepest knowledge was
that whieh stole llpon him uneonseiously through the
experienee of lire and the world. His words are like
Where the Cornish rebels came to an end in 1497.--Bacon's
History of Henry the Seventh.
236 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
the clear impression of a seal; the account and the
result of observations, taken first hand, on the con-
dition of the English men and vomen of his rime, in
all ranks aml classes, from the palace fo the prison.
He shows large acquaintance with books--with the
Bible most of all; vith patristic divinity and school
divinity, and history, sacred and profane; but if
this h.ad been ail he would hOt have been the Latimer
of the Reformation, and the Chureh of England vould
hot, pêrhaps, bave been here to-day. Like the physi-
eian, fo whom a year of praetieal experienee in a
hospital teaehes more than a lire of eloset study,
Latimer learnt the mental disorders of his age in the
age itself ; and the seeret of that art no other man, hoxv-
ever good, h.owever vise, eould have taught him. He
was hot an eeho, but a voiee ; and he drew Ms thoughts
fresh from the fountain--from the faets of the era in
whieh God had plaeed him.
He beeame early famous as a preaeher af Cambridge,
from the tirst "a seditious fellov," as a noble lord
ealled him in later lire, highly troublesome to unjust
persons in authority. " None, exeept the stiff-neeked
and uneireumeised, ever vent away from Ms preaehing,
it was said, without being affeeted with high detesta-
tion of sin, and moved fo all godliness and virtue."
And, in his audaeious simplieity, hê addressed himself
always to his individual hearers, giving his words a
personal applieation, and often addressing men by
naine. This habiç brought him first into diffienlty in
1525. He was preaeMng before the university when
the Bishop of Ely eame into the ehureh, being eurious
to hear him. He paused till the bishop was seated;
and, when he reeommeneed, he ehanged his subjeet,
and drev an ideal pieture of a prelate as a prelate
ough.t fo be ; the features of whieh, though h.e dld hOt
HUGH LATIMER 237
say so, were strikingly unlike those of his auditor.
The bishop complained fo Wolsey, who sent for
Latimer, and inquired what he had said. Latimer
repeated t.he substance of his sermon; and other con-
versation then followed, vhieh showed Wolsey very
elearly the nature of the person with whom he was
speaking. No eye saw more rapidly than the eardinal's
the differenee bctween a true man and an impostor;
and he replied fo the Bishop of Ely's accusations by
grant.in" the offender a lieeuse fo preaeh in any ehureh
in Englaud. "If the Bishop of Ely eannot abide sueh
doctrine as you bave here repeated," he said, "you
shall preaeb if fo his beard, let him say what he will."
Thus fortified, Latimer pursued his way, eareless
of the university authorities, and probably defiant of
them. He was still orthodox in points of theoretie
belief. His mind was praetieal rather than speeulative,
and he was slow in arriving af conclusions whieh had
no immediate bearing upon action. No charge eould
be fastened upon him definitely eriminal: and he was
too strong fo be erushed by that eonpendious tyranny
whieh treated as an aet of heresy the exposure of im-
posture or delinqueney.
On Wolsey's fall, however, he would have eertaildy
been sileneed: if he had fallen into the hands of Sir
Thomas lXIore he would have perhaps been prematurely
saerificed. But, fortunately, he found a fresh proteetor
in the kiug. Henry heard of him, sent for him, and,
with instinctive reeognition of his eharaeter, appointed
him one of the royal ehaplains. He now left Cam-
bridge and removed fo Windsor, but only fo treat his
royal patron as freely as he had treated the Cambridge
doetorsnot wih any absence of respect, for he was
most respeetful, but with that hig'hest respeet whieh
dares fo speak unweleome truth where the truth seems
a38 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
fo be forgotten. He was ruade chaplain in 1530--
during the new persecution, for vhich Henry was re-
sponsihle by a more thau tacit acquiescence. Latimer,
with no authority but his ovn conscience, and the
strong certainty that he vas on God's side, threw him-
self between the spoilers and their prey, and wrote fo
the king, protesting against the injustice which was
crushing the trllest men in his donlinions. The letter
is too long o iusert ; the close of if may show ho,a, a
poor priest couhl date fo address the ilnperious Henry
VIII. :--
"I pray fo God t, hat your Grace may take heed of
the worldly wisdom which is foolishness before God;
that you lnay do that [which] God COmlnandeth, and
hot thag [which] seemeth good in your own sight, with-
out the word of God ; that your Grace lnay be found
acceptable iii His sigh, and one of the members of His
Church ; and according fo tlle office that He hath called
your Grace unto, you lnay be round a faithful minister
of His gifts, and hot a defender of His faith: for He
will no bave it defended by man or man's power, but
by His word only, by the vhich He hath evermore
defended it, and that by a way far above man's
pover or reason.
"Wherefore, gracious King, remember yourself;
have pity upon your soul; and think that the day is
even af hand when you shall give account for your
office, and of the blood that bath been shed by your
sword. Iii which day, that your Grace may stand
steadfastly, and hOt be ashamed, but be clear and
ready in your reckoning, and bave (as they say) your
q ,iet us est sealed with the blood of our Saviour Christ,
which only serveth af that day, is my daily prayer fo
Him that suflçred death for our sins, which also
prayeth to His Father for grace for us continually;
HUGH LATIMER -39
fo whom be all honour and praise for ever. Amen.
The Spirit of God preserve your Grace."
These words, which conclude an address of almost
unexampled grandeur, are unfortunately of no intcrest
fo us, except as illustrating the character of the priest
who wrote them, and the kiug fo whom they were
written. The hand of the persecutor was hot stayed.
The rack and the lash and the stake coninued fo claire
their victims. So far if was labour in vain. Bt the
letter remains, fo speak for ever for the courage of
Latimer: and fo speak something, too, for a prince
that could respect the nobleness of the poor yeoman's
son, who dared in such a cause fo write fo him as a
man to a man. To bave writteu af all in such a strain
was as brave a step as was ever deliberately ventured.
Like most brave acts, if did hOt go unrewarded: for
Henry remained ever after, however widely divided
from him in opinion, his unshaken friend.
In 1531 the king gave him the living of West
Kingston, in Wiltshire, whcre for a rime he now retired.
Yet it was but a partial rest. He had a special license
as a preacher from Cambridge, which continued fo him
(with the king's express sanction)the powers which
he had received from Wolsey. He might preach in
any diocese fo which he was invited: and the repose
of a country parish could hOt be long allowed in such
stormy rimes fo Latimer. He had bad health, beiug
troubled with headache, pleurisy, colic, stone; his
bodily constitution lneeting feebly the demands which
he was forced fo make upon it. But he struggled on,
travelling up and down, fo London, fo Kent, fo Bristol,
wherever opportunity called him; marked for de-
struction by the bishops if he was betrayed into
an imprudent word, and himself living in constant
expectation of death.
240 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Ag lenggh ghe Bishop of London believed ghag Lati-
mer vas in his power. He had preached af St. Abb's
in the eity," at the request of a eompany of merehants,"
in the beginning of the winter of 1531 ; and soon after
his return to his living he was informed that he +as
to be eited before Stokesley. His friends in the
neighbourhood wrote fo him, evidently in great alarm,
and more anxious that he might elear hilnself than
expecting that he would be
indeed, had ahnost ruade up
coming.
The eitation was delayed
al)le to do so; he himself,
his lnind tha the end was
for a fev weeks. It was
issued at last, on the 10th of January, 1531-32, and was
serve,l by Sir Walter Hungerford, of Farley. The
offences with which he was charged were certain "ex-
cesses and irregu]arities" hot specially defined; and
the pracice of the bishops in such cases was no to
confine the prosecution to he acts committed ; but fo
draw up a series of articles, on which it was presumed
tha the orthodoxy of the accused person was open fo
suspicion, and o question him separately upon each.
Laimer was first examined by Stokesley; subsequently
at various rimes by he bishops collectively; and finally,
when certain formulas had been submited fo him,
which he refused to sign, his case was transferred fo
Convocation. The Convocation, as we know, were
then in ditîàculty with their prenmnire ; they had con-
soled themselves in their sorrow with burning the body
of Tracy ; and they would gladly have taken further
comfort by buruing Latimer. He was submited fo
he closes cross-questionings, in the hope ha he
would colnmit himself. They fel that he was the
mos dangerous person to them in the kingdom, and
they laboured with unusual patience to ensure his con-
viction. With a common pcrson they would bave
HUGH LATIMER -4t
rapidly succeeded. But Latimer was in no haste fo
be a martyr; he vouhl be martyred patient]y when
the rime was corne for martyrdom; but he felt that
no one ought "fo consent fo die" as long as he couhl
honestly live; and he batîted he episcopal inquisitors
with their own weapons. He has left a most curious
account of Olm of his interviews with them.
"I was once in examination," he says," before rive or
six bishops, where I had much turmoiling. Every week,
thrice, I came fo examination, and many snares and
traps vere laid fo get something. Now, God knoweth,
I was ignorant of the law; but that God gave me
answer and wisdom what I should speak. It was Goal
indeed, for else I had never escaped them. At the
last I was brought forth fo be examined into a chamber
hanged with arras, where I was before wont fo be
examined, but now, af this rime, the chamber was
somewhat altered : for whereas before there was wont
ever fo be a tire in the chimney, now the tire was
taken away, and an arras hanging hanged over the
chimney ; and the table stood near the chimney's end,
so that I stood between the table and the chinmey's
end. There was among these bishops that exalnined
me one with whom I had been very familiar, and took
him for my great friend, an aged man, and he sat next
the table end. Then, among all other questions, he
put forth one, a very subtle and crafty one, and such
one indeed as I could hOt think so great danger in.
And when I would make answer,' I pray you, Master
Latimer,' said he, 'speak out; I am very thick of
hearing, and here be many that sit far off'. I
marvelled at this, that I was bidden fo speak out, and
began fo misdeem, and gave an ear fo the chimney;
The process lasted through ;anuary, February and March.
I6
-42 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
and, sir, there I heard a pen walking in the chimney,
behind the eloth. They had appointed one there fo
write all mine answers ; for they made sure work that
I should hot sta from them: there was no staling
from them: God »vas my good Lord, and gave me
answer; I could never else have escgped if. The
question was this: ' MasSer Latimer, do you no think,
on your conscience, that you have been suspeced of
heresy ?'--a subtle quesiona very subtle question.
There was no holding of peace would serve. To hold
my peace had been fo grant myself faulty. To answer
was every way full o1( danger. But God, which hath
always given me answer, hdped ,ne, or else I could
never have escap.ed ik Ostendite milt4, nunisa
ce,sîs. Shew me, said he, a penny of the tribute
money. They laid snares fo destroy him, but he over-
turneth them in their own traps."
The bishops, however, were hot lnen who were nice
in their adherence to the laws ; and i would have gone
ill with Latimer, notwithstanding his dialectic ability.
He was excommunicaed and imprisoned, and would
soon bave fallen into worse extremities; but at the
last moment he appealed fo fle king, and the king,
who knew his value, would hot allow him fo be sacri-
tced. He hd refused fo subscribe the articles proposed
fo hin. Henry intimated fo the Convocation that if
was not his pleasure that the marrer should be pressed
rurther; they were fo content themselves wifl a general
submission, which should be ruade to the archbishop,
without exacting more special acknowledgments. This
»vas the reward fo Latimer for his noble letter. He
»vas absolved, and returned fo his parish, though
snatehed as a brand out of the tire. Soon after, the
ride turned, and the Reformation entered into a new
phase.
43
THOMAS CROMWELL.
A CLOUD resçs over çhe youth and early lnanhood of
Tholnas Cromwell, çhrough which, ouly aç int, ervals,
we caçch glimpses of auçhcnçic facçs; and çhese fcw
fragments of reality seem rathcr fo 1)elong fo
romance çhan ço çhe actual life of a man.
Cromwell, çhe m«lles mon(-«choru,m, was of good
English family, belongilg fo the Cromwells of Lin-
colnshire. One of çhese, probbly a younger broçher,
moved up ço London and conducted n iron foundry,
or oçher business of thaç description, aç Putney. He
married a lady of respectable COlmecçions, of whom
we know only çhaç she was sisçer of the wife of
gençleman in Derbyshire, buç whose nnme does hot
appear. The old Cromwell dying early, the widow
was re-married ço a cloçh merchanç; and çhe chihl of
çhe firsç husband, vho ruade himself so greaç a naine
in English sçory, meç with çhe repuçed forçune of a
sçepson, and became a vagabond in the wide world.
The charç of his course wholly fails us. One day in
laçer life he shook by çhe hand an old bell-ringer
Sion House before a crowd of courçiers, and tohl them
thaç "çhis man's father had given hiln luany a dinncr
in his necessiçies ". And a strange random accounç is
given by Foxe of his having joined a party in au
expediçion to Rome ço obtain a renewal from the
Pope of certain immuniçies and indulgences for
town of Bosçon ; a sçory which derives some kind of
:44 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
credibility from ifs connection with Lincolnshire, but
is full of ineoherenee and unlikelihood. Folloving
still the popular lêgend, we find him in the autumn
of 1515 a raggêd stripling at the door of Freseobaldi's
banking-house in Florênee, begg'ing for help. Freseo-
baldi had an establishment in London, with a large
eonneetion there; and seeing au English face, and
seemingly an honest one, he aske,l the boy who and
what he was. "I ara, sir," quoth he, "of England,
and my lac is Thomas Cromwell; my father is a
poor man, and by occupation a eloth shearer; I ara
strayêd from my country, and ara now eome into Italy
with the camp of Frenehmen that wêre overthrown af
Garigliano, where I was pag'e fo a footman, carrying
after him his pike and burganet." Something in the
boy's manner was said fo have attraeted the banker's
interest ; he took him into his house, and after keeping
him there as long as he desired fo stay, he gave him a
horse and sixteen dueat.s fo help him home fo England.
Foxe is the first Eng'lish authority for the story ; and
Foxe took if from Bandello, the novelist; but if is
eonfirmed by, or harmonises with, a sketeh of Crom-
well's early life in a letter of Chappuys, the imperial
ambassador, fo Chaneellor Granvelle. "Master Crom-
well," wrote Chappuys in 15,35, "is the son of a poor
blaeksmith who lived in a small village four toiles
from London, and is buried in a eommon grave in the
parish ehurchyard. In his youth, for some offenee,
he was imprisoned, and had fo leave the country.
He went fo Flanders, and thenee fo Rome and other
places in Italy."
Returning fo England, he lnarried the daughter of
a woollen dealer, and beeame a partner in the business,
Where he was known among the English of the day as lIaser
FriskybM1.
THOMAS CROMWELL 245
where he amassed or inherited a considerable fortune.
Circumstances afterwards brought him, while still
young, in contact with Wolsey, who discovered his
merit, took him into service, and, in 1525, employed
him in the most iml)ortant work of visiting and
breaking up he small monasteries, which the Pope
had granted for the foundation of the new colleges.
He was engaged wih this business for wo years,
and was so eflïcient that he obtained a, unpleasant
notoriety, and coml)laints of his co,duct founl their
way fo the king. Nothing came of these complaints,
however, aml Cromwell remaincd with thc cardinal
till his rail.
It vas then that the truly nol)le nature which vas
in him showcd itsclf. H accompanie, l his toaster
through his dreary confinement af Esher, 1 doing ail
that man couhl do fo soften the outward vretchedness
of if; and af the meeting of Parliamcnt, in which he
obained a star, he rendred hiln a still more gallant
service. The Lords had passed a bill of impeachlnent
against Wolsey, violent, vindictive and lnalevolent.
It was o be submitted to the Colnmons, and Cromwell
prepared fo attempt an opposition. Cavendish has
left a most characteristic description of hi. leaving
Esher at this trying rime. A cheerless November
evening was closing in with rain and ,torm. Wolsey
was broken down with sorrow and sickness ; and had
been unusually tried by parting vith his retinue,
whom he had sent home, as unwilling o keep them
attached any longer fo his fallen fortunes. When
they were all gone, "My lord," says Cavel(lish,
" returned o his chamber, lamenting the departure of
1 A dmp, unfurnished house belonging to Wolsey, where ho ws
ordered fo remaiu till the Govrnmeut hud determined upon their
course towrds him.
246 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
his servants, making his moan unto Master Cromwell,
who eomforted him the best he eould, and desired
my lord to give hiln leave fo go fo London, where
he would either lnake or mar before he eame again,
which vas always his common saying. Then after
long eommuuieation with nly lord in secret, he de-
parted, and took his horse and rode to London; at
whose departing I was by, whom he bade farewell,
and said, ye shall hear shortly of me, and if I speed
vell I will hot rail to be here again within these two
days." Ho did speed well. "After two days he
eame again with a lnueh plcasanter eountenanee, and
meeting with me 1)clore he eamc to my lord, said
unto me that he had adventured fo put in bis foot
where he t«'uste,1 shortly to be better regardcd or ail
were done." He had stoppcd the progress of the
impeaehlnent, in the Lower House, and vas ansvel'ing"
the artieles one by one. In the eveniug he rode down
fo Esher for instructions. In the morning he was
again at his plaee lu Parliament; and he eoudueted
the defenee so skilfully, t, hat finally he threw out
thc bill, saved Wolsey, and himself "grew into sueh
estimation in every man's opinion, for his honest
behaviour in his lnaster's eause, that he was esteemed
the most faithfullest servant, [and] was of all men
greatly eomlnended"
Henry adlnired his ehivalry, and perhaps his talent.
Ïhe loss of Wolsey had left hiln without any very able
man, unless we my eonsider Sir Thomas lIore sneh,
upon his eouneil, and ho eould not ealeulate ou l|ore
for support in his anti-Roman poliey; he was glad,
therefore, to avail himself of the serviee of a man
who had given so rare a proof of fidclity, and who
had been trained by the ablest statesman of the age.
1'o Wolsey Cromwell eould tender no more serviee
THOMAS CROMWELL OE47
excepç as a friend, and lais warm friend he rcmained
ço Ghe lasç. I-Ie became çhe lin2"s secl'eçary, repre-
sençing Ghe Governmenç in Ghe House of Commons,
and was aG once on çhe high roa, l Go power. If we
please we may call him ambiGious; buç an ambiGious
man would scarcely bave pursued so refined a policy,
or have calculaçed on çhe admiraGion which he gained
by adhering Go a fallen minisçer. He did noç scck
greatness--greatness rather sought him as the llllAl ill
Eugland most fit fo bear it. His business was to
prepare the measures which were fo be sublnittcd
fo Parlialnent l>y the Government,. His influence,
therefore, grcw necessarily with the rapidity wiGh
which events were ripening ; and when Ghe conclusive
step was taken, and t.he king was married, the virtual
conduct of the Reformation passed into his hands.
His Protestant tendencies were unknown as yet,
pcrhaps, even ço his own conscience ; nor ço the last
could he arrive af any certain spcculative convictions.
He was lrawn towards the Pl'ot, cstant, s as he rose
into 1)ower by thc integvity of his nature, which
compclled him to trust onlythose on the sincerity
of whose convict, ions he could depcnd.
Meanwhile (1540) the minisçer who, in the conduct of
çhe mighty cause which he was guiding, had stooped ço
dabble in these muddy waters of içrigue, was reaping,
wiGhin and withouç, çhe harvesç of his errors. The
consciousness of wrong broughç wit.h iG t.he conscious-
ness of weakness and moody alternations of retaper.
The Griumph of lais enemies stared him in çhe face,
and rash words ,lropped from him, which were hot
allowed ço fatl upon the ground, declaring whaç he
would do if çhe kig were çurned from the course
of the Reformaçion. Carefully hi,s antagonists at
48 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
the council board had watched him for years. They
had noted down his public errors; spies had reported
his most confidential language. Slowly, but surely,
the pile of accusations had gathered in height and
weight, till the tiine should corne to make them public.
Three years before, when the northern insurgents
had demanded Cromvell's punishlnent, the king had
answered t, haç he laws were open, and were equal ço
high and low. Let an aeeuser eome forward openly
and prove la he Privy Seal had broken he laws,
and he should be punished as surely and as truly as
he lneanest eriminal. The ease against him was elear
at last; if brought forward in the lnidst of the king's
displeasure, the charges eould hOt rail of attent.ive hear-
ing, and the release froln t.he detested lnatrimony might
be idenified wih t, he pulfishlnen of the au,hot of if..
For struek down Crolnwell should be, as his toaster
Wolsey had been, o fise no more. Not only was he
hated on publie grounds, as fle leader of a revoluion,
but, in his lnultiplied offiees, he had usurped the func-
tions of he eeelesiast, ieal courts ; he had mixed hilnself
in he private eoneerns of families ; he had interfered
beween wives and husbands, fahei's a.lld sons, brot.hers
and sisers. In his enorlnous eorrespondenee he appears
as the universal referee--the resouree of all weak or
injured persons. The lnad Duehess of Norfolk chose
him for her pat.ron against the duke. Lady Burgh,
Lady Pari-, Lady Hungerford, alike lnade him the
ehalnpion of their domestie wrongs. Justly and un-
jusfly he had dragged down upon himself the animosity
of peers, bishops, elergy and gentlelnen, and their day
of revenge was conle.
On the lOt.h of June he attended as usual at the
lnorning sitting of t, he House of Lords. The privy
council sat in the afternoon, and af three o'clock the
THOMAS CROMWELL a49
Duke of Norfolk rose suddenly ai the table: "My Lord
of Essex," he said, "I arrest you of high treason." There
were witnesses in readiness, who came forward and
swore fo have heard him say "that, if the King and
all his reahn would turn and vary from his opinions,
he would fight in the ficld in his own person, vith his
sword in his hand, agaiust the King and all others;
adding that, if he lived a year or two, he trusted fo bring
things to that frame that it shouhl hot lie in the King's
pover to resist or let it" The words "were .instified
fo his faee" It was enough. Letters were inst.antly
written fo the ambassadors ai forei'n courts, desiring"
them fo make known the blow whieh had be«'n struek
and thc eauses which had led to if.. The twilight of the
summer evening round TholnaS Cromwell within the
walls of that grim prison whieh had few outlers exeept
the seaflbhl ; and far off: perhaps, he heard the pealing
of the ehureh bells and the SOllgS of revelry in the
streets, with whieh the eiLizens, short of sight, and
bestowin on him the usual guerdon of tran.seendent
merit, exulted iii his fall. "The Lord Crolnwell," says
Hall, "teint in the eouneil ehamber, was suddenly
apprehended and eolnmitte, l fo the Tower of London ;
the whieh lnany lamenred, but more rejoieed, and
speeially sueh as either had been religious men or
favoured religious persons: for they bamlueted and
triumphed together that night, lnany wishing that
that day had been seven years belote, and some, fear-
ing lest he should eseape, although he were imprisoned,
eould nor be lnerry; others, who knew noçhing but
tl'Uth by him, both lamented hiln and heartily prayed
for him. But this is true, that of eertain of the eleEy
he was detestably hated ; and speeially of sueh as had
borne swing, and by his means were put fron if ; for
indeed he was a man that, in all his doings, seelned
a5o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
no fo favour any kind of Popery, nor eould llOç al»Me
he snuffing pride of some prelates."
The first inention was o bring him fo trial, but a
parliamentary attainder was a swifter proeess, beter
suited fo the retaper of the vietorious reaetionists.
Five lomanists but a few days previously had been
thus senteneed under Cromwell's direetion. The re-
trilmt, ion was only the more eomplete whieh rendered
baek fo him the saine measure whieh he had dealt fo
ohers. The bill was brought in a week after his arrest.
Only one person had the courage or the xvish fo
speak fol" Cromwell. Cranmêl', the first o eome
forwar, l on behalf of AireA Boleyn, ventured, tir,st and
alone, to throw a doubt on the treason of t.he Privy
Seal. "I heal'd yesterday, in your Graee's eouneil,"
he wrote fo the king, "that the Earl of Essex is a
traitor; yet who eannot be sorrowful and amazed
tha he should be a traitor agains your Iajesty--he
whose snrety was only by your $Iajesty--he who loved
yonr lje.sty, as I ever thought, no less than God--
he who studied alvays fo set forwards whatsoever
vas your lIa.jesty's will and pleasure--he t.hat cared
for no man's displeasure t.o serve your 3Iajesty--he
that was sueh a servant, in my j udgment, in wisdoln,
diligenee, faithfulness and experienee as no prinee in
this reahn ever had--he that was so vigilant to pre-
serve yonr Ila.iesty from ail t, reasons, that few eould
be so seeretly eoneeived but he deteeted the saine in
the begitming !--I loved him as my friend, fol" so I
took him to be; but I ehiefly loved him for the love
whieh I thoug'ht I saxv him bear ever towards your
(Iraee, singularly above all others. But now, if he be
a traitor, I ara sorry that ever I loved or trusted hiln;
and I ara very glad that his treason is discovered in
THOMAS CROMWELL 25 I
rime; but yet, again, I ara very sorrowful ; for who
shall your Grace trust hereafter if you may hot trust
hiln ? Alasl I lainent your Grace's chance herein. I
wot hot whom your Grace may trust."
The intercession was bravely ventured ; but it was
fruitless. The illegal acts of a minister who had been
trusted with extraordinary poxvers were too patent
for denial; and Cranmer himself was forced into
a passive acquiesce,me, xvhile the enemies of the
Reformation worked their revenge. Heresy tnd
truth, treason and patriotism ! these arc words which
in a war of parties chanp,ed their mcaning with the
alteruations of success, till rime aud rate have pro-
nounced the last interpretation, and human opinions
and sympathies bend to the deciding judgment. But
while the struggle is still in progress--while the
partisans on either si, le exclailn that truth is with
them, and error xvith their antagonists, and the lninds
of this man and of that lllall are so far the only arbitrs
--those, at such a rime, are l'lot the least to be coin-
mended who obey for thcir guide the law as it iu fact
exists. Men there are who need no such direction,
who follow t.hcir own course--if may be to a glorious
success, it may be to as glorious a death. To such
proud natures the issue to themselves is of trifling
moment. They live for their work or die for if, as
their Ahnighty Father wills. But the lav in a free
country cannot keep pace with genius. If reflects the
plain sentiments of the better order of average men;
and if if so happen, as in a perplexed world of change
it will happen and must, that a stateslnan, or a
prophct, is beyond his age, and in collision with a
law which his COlmCieuce forbids him to obcy, he
bravely breaks it, bravely defies it, and either wins
the victory in his living person, or, more o[ten, wins
a5a SELEC'FIONS FROM FROUDE
if in his death. In fairness, Cromwell should have
been tried; but if would have added nothing fo his
ehanees of eseape. He eould uot disprove the aeeusa-
tions. He eould but bave said that he had done right,
not wrong--a plea whieh vould have been but a fresh
erime. But, in the deafening StOl'm of denuneiation
whieh burst out, the hastiest vengeanee was held the
greatest justiee.
For eight years his intluenee had been supreme with
the king--suprelne in Parlialnent--supreme in Con-
voeation; the nation, in the ferment of revolut.ion,
was absolutely eontrolled by him ; and hê has left the
print of his individual genius st.amped indelibly, while
the lnetal was af white heat, into the eonstitution of
the eountry. Wave after wave has rolled over his
work. Rolnanisln flowed baek over if under Mary.
Puritanism, under another even grander Cromwell,
overwhehned if. But Romanism ebbed again, and
Puritanism is dead, and the polity of the Chureh of
England remains as if vas left by its ereator.
And hot in the Chureh only, but in all departments
of the publie serviee, Cromwell was the sovereig'n guide.
In the Foreign Offiee and the Home Offiee, in Star
ChaInber and af council table, in dockyard and law
eourt, Crolnwell's intelleet presided--Cromwell's hand
eeeuted. His gigantie eorrespondenee remains fo
witness for his varied energy. Whether if was an
alnbassador or a eOlnlnissioner of sewers, a warden
of a eompany or a tradesman vho was injured by the
guild, a bishop or a heretie, a j ustiee of the peaee, or
a serf erying for elnaneipat.ion, Crolnwell was the
universal authority fo whom all offieials looked for
instruction, and all suflbrers looked for redress.
Hated by all those who had grown old in an earlier
THOMAS CROMWELL 253
system--by the vealthy, whose interests were touched
by his reforms--by the superstitious, whose prejudices
he vounded--he vas the defendcr of the veak, the
defender of the poor, defender of the "fatherless and
forsaken "; and for his work, the long maintenance
of if has borne vitness that if vas good--that he did
the thing which England's true interests required to
be done.
Of the mamer in vhich that work vas done if is
less easy fo speak. Fierce lavs fiercely executed--
an unflinching resolution which neither danger could
daunt nor saintly virtue movc to mercy--a long list
of solemn tragedies--weigh upon his memory. He
lmd taken upon himself a ta.k beyond the ordinary
strength of man. His diflàculties could be overcome
only by inflexible persistence in the course which he
had mrked out for himself and for the State; and
he supported lais weakness by a determination which
imitated the unbemling fixity of a lav of nature. He
pursued au object, the excellence of which, as his
mind sav it, transcended all other considerations--the
freedom of England and the destruction of idolatT :
and those who from any motive, noble or base, pious
or impious, crossed lais path, he crushed, and passed
on over their bodies.
Whether the saine end could have been attained by
gentler methods is a question which nmny persoas
suppose they can answer easily in the affirmative.
Some diffidence of judgment, hovever, ought fo be
taught by the recollection that the saine end was
purchased in every other counta T which lmd the
happiness fo attain fo if at all, only by years of
bloodshed, a single day or veek of which caused
larger human misery than the whole period of the
administration of Cromwell. Be this as if will, his
254 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
aire was noble. For his actions he paid with his life ;
an,l he followed his victims by the saine road vhich
fley had trodden befol'e hin, fo file high t«'ibunal,
where if may be lat great nam'es vho on earth have
lived in lnoral emniy may learn a last fo understand
eaeh offset.
55
SIR HUMFRE¥ GILBERT.
SOME two toiles above the port of Dartmouth, once
among the most important harbours in England, on a
prqiecting angle of land which runs out ino the river
af the head of olle 0[' its most beautiful reachés, there
has stood for some centuries the Manor House of
Greenavay. The water runs deep ail the way to it
from the sea, and the largest vessels may ride with
safety within a stone's throw of the windows. In
the latter hall of the sixteenth century there must
have met, in the hall of this mansion, a party as
remarkable as could have been round anywhere in
England. ttumfrey and Adrian Gilbert, with their
half-brother, Walter Raleigh, here, when liftle boys,
played af sailors in the reaches of Long Stream ; in
the summer evenings doubtless rowing down with the
ride to the port, and wondering at the quaint figure-
heads and carved prows of the ships which thronged
if; or climbing on board, and listening, with hearts
beating, fo the mariners' tales of the new earth beyond
the sunset. And here in later lire, matured men,
whose boyish dreams had become heroic action, they
used again fo meet in the intervals of quiet, and the
rock is shown underneath the house where Raleigh
smoked the first tobacco. Another remarkable mai L
of whom we shall presently speak more closely, could
not rail to bave ruade a fourth at these meetings. A
sailor boy of Sandwich, the adjoining parish, John
256 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Davis, showed early a genius whieh eould not have
escaped the eye of such neighbours, and in the atmo-
sphere of Greenavay he learned tobe as noble as the
Gilberts, and as tender and delicate as Raleigh. Of
this party, for the present, we confine ourselves to the
host and owner, Humfrey Gilbert, knighted afterwards
by Elizabeth. Led by the scenes of his childhood to
the sea and to sea adventures, and afterwards, as his
mind unfolded, to study his profession scientifically,
we find hiln as soon as he was old enough to think
for himself, or make others listen fo hiln, " amending
the gl'eat errors of uaval sea eards, whose eommon
fault is to make the degree of longitude in every
latitude of one eolnlnon bigness "; inventing instru-
ments for taking observations, studying the form of
the earth, and eonvineing hinself that there was a
north-west passage, and studying the neeessities of his
eountry, and diseovering the remedies for them in
eolonisation and extended markets for home manu-
faetures. Gilbert was examined before the Queen's
Majesty and the Privy Couneil, and the reeord of his
examination he has himself left to us in a paper vhieh
he afterwards drew up, and strange enough reading it
is. The most admirable eonelusions stand side by side
with the wildest eonjeetures.
Homer and Aristotle are pressed into serviee to prove
that the oeean runs round the three old eontinents, and
that Ameriea therefore is neeessarily an island. The
Gulf Stream, whieh he had earefully observed, eked
out by a theory of the prbnqn nobile, is ruade to
demonstrate a channel to the north, corresponding to
Magellan's Straits in the south, Gilbert believing, in
common with almost every one of his day, that these
straits were the only opening into the Pacific, and the
land to the south was unbroken to the Pole. He
SIR HUMFREY GILBERT 257
prophesies a market in the east for our manufactured
]inen and calicoes :
The Easterns greatly prizing he saine, as appeareth in Hester,
where the pomp is expressed of the grea King of India, Ahasuerus,
who matched he coloured clothes wherewith his houses and tents
were apparelled, with gold ,nd silver, as part of his greatest treasure.
These and other such arguments were the best
analysis which Sir Huln[rey had fo offer of the spirit
which he felt fo be working in hiln. We lmy think
what we please of them; but we tan have but olte
thought of the great grmd words with which the
memorial concludes, and they alone would explain the
love which Elizabcth bore him :--
ever, therefore, mislike with me for taking in hand any laudable
and honest enterprise, for if through pleasure or idleness we pur-
chase shame, the pleasure vanisheth, but the shame abideth for
ever.
Give me leave, therefore, without offence, always fo live and die
in this mind: that he is not vorthy to live at all tlmt, for fear or
danger of death, shunneth his country's service and his ovn honour,
seeing that death is inevitable omd the lame of virtue immortal,
wherefore in this behalf mutare vel timcre sperno.
Two voyages which he undertook af his own
cost, which shattered his fortune, aud failed, as they
naturally lnight, since inefficient help or mutiny of
subordinates, or other disorders, are inevitable con-
ditious under which more or less great men must be
content fo see their great thoughts mutilated by the
feebleness of their instruments, did hOt dishearten
him, and in June, 1583, a last fleet of rive ships sailed
from the port of Dartlnouth with comlnission from
the queen fo discover and take possession from latitude
45 ° fo 50 ° north--a voyage noç a little noteworthy,
there being planted in the course of if the first English
colony west of the Atlantic. Elizabeth had a forebod-
ing that she would never see him again. She sent
7
a58 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
him a jewel as a last token of her favour, and she
desired Raleigh fo have his pieture taken belote he
went.
The history of the voyage was written by a Mr.
Edward Hayes, of Dartmouth, one of the prineipal
aetol's iu it, and as a eomposition it is more remark-
able for fine writing than any very eommendable
thought in the author. But Sir Humfrey's nature
shines through the intinnity of his ehronieler ; and in
the end, indeed, Mr. Hayes himself is subdued into a
better lnind. He ha, l lost money by the voyage, and
we will hope his higher nature was only under a
temporary eelipse. The fleet eonsisted (it is well fo
observe the ships and the size of them) of the Delight,
120 tons; the barque Raleig], , 200 tons (this ship
deserted off the Land's End); the Golde, Hide and
the Swallow, 40 tons eaeh ; and the Sqteir.rel, whieh
was ealled the frig'ate, 10 tons. For the uninitiated
in sueh matters, xve lnay add that in a vessel the
size of the last, a member of the Yacht Club would
eonsider that he had earned a elub-room immortality
if he had ventured a run in the depth of SUlnlner from
Cowes to the Channel Islands.
We were in ail (says l[r. l:[ayes) 60 men, among whom we had
of cvery faeulty good ehoiee. Besides, for solaee of out own people,
and allurement of the savages, we were provided of music in good
variety, noç omitting the least toys, as moEris daneers, hobby horses,
and lçay-like eoneeits fo delight the savage people.
The expedition reaehed Nevfoundland without
neeident. St. John's was taken possession of, and a
eolony left there; and Sir Humfrey then set out
exploring along the Ameriean eoast fo the south, he
himself doing all the work in his little 10-ton eut.ter,
the service being too dangerous fol" the larger vessels
SIR HUMFREY GILBERT :259
fo venture on. One of these had remained af
John's. He was now accompanied only by the Deliglt
and the Gol«le Hinde, and these two keeping" as near
the shore as they dared, he spent what remained of the
summer examinmg every creek and bay, marking" t, he
soumtings, taking the bearings of the possible harbours,
and risking his lire, as every hour he was obliged fo
risk if in sueh a service, in thus leading, as if were,
the forlorn hope in t.he eomluest of the New World.
How dangerous if was we shall presently see. If. was
towards the end of August.
The evening vas fuir and pleasant, yet hot without token of
storm to ensue, and most part of this Wednesday night, like the
swan that singeth before her death, they in the Dclight continued
in sounding of drums and trumpets and fifes, also winding the
cornets and hautboys, and in the end of their jollity left with the
battell and ringing of doleful knells.
Two days after came the storm; the Delight
struck upon a bank, and went down in si?.'ht of the
other vessels, which were unable to render her any
help. Sir Humfrey's papers, among other things,
were all lost in ber; af the time considered by him an
irreparable misfortune. But if was little natter, he
was never fo need them. The Golden Hi,_de and the
Sqd.rrel were now left alone of the rive ships. The
provisions were running short, and the summer season
was closing. Both crews were on short allowance;
and with much difficulty Sir Humfrey w£s prevailed
upon fo be satisfied for the present with what he had
done, and to lay off for England.
So upon Saturday, in the Mternoon, the 31st of August, we
changed our course, and returned bck for England, at which very
instant, even in winding about, there passed alo.ng between us and
the land, which we now forsook, a verv lion to our seeming, in
shape, hair and colour ; hot swimming after the nmnner of a beast
a6o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
by moving of his fret, but rather sliding upon the water with his
whole body, except his legs, in sight, neither yet diving uncler and
again rising as the manner is of vhales, porpoises and other fish,
but confidently showing himself without hiding, notvithstanding
hat we presented ourselves in open view and gesture to amaze
hi2n. Tbus he passed Mong, turniug his head o and fro, yawning
and gaping wicle, with ougly demonstration of long teeth and glaring
eyes; and o bidde us farewell, coming right against the Itindc,
he sent forth a horrible voice, roaring and bellowing as cloth a lion,
which spectacle we all beheld so far as we were able to discern the
saine, as men prone fo woncler ai every srange thing. \Vhat
opinion ohers had thereof, and cbiefly the General himself, I for-
bear to deliver. But he took it for Bonmn Ornent, rejoicing that he
was fo war against such an enemy, if it were the devil.
We have no doubt that he did think it was the
devil ; mon in those days believing really that evil was
more than a prineiple or a neeessary accident, and that
in ail heir labour for God and for right they must
make their aeeount fo have fo fight with the devil in
his proper person. But if we are to eall if superstition,
and if çhis vere no devil in the fol'n of a roaring lion,
but a mere great seal or sea-lion, it is a more innocent
superstition to impersonate so rem a power, and it
requires a bol,ler heart to fise up against it and defy it
in its living terror, than fo sublimate it away into a
philosophieal prineiple, and fo forger to bat.tle with it
in speeulating ou its origin aud nature. But o follow
the brave Sir Humfrey, whose work of fighting with
the devil was now over, and who was passing to his
rewar, l. The 2nd of September the genel'al rame on
board the Golden Hide "fo make merry with us"
He greatly deplored the loss of his books and papers,
but he was full of confidence from what he had seen,
and talked wit.h eagerness and warmth of the nexv ex-
pedition fol" the following spring. Apoeryphal gohl-
mines still oeeupying the mimls of Mr. Hayes and
others,_they were persuaded tlmt Sir Humfrey was
SIR HUMFREY GILBERT 6
keeping fo himself some sueh diseovery whieh he had
secretly ruade, and they t«'ied hard fo extract if from
hiln. They could make nothing, however, of his old,
ironical ansvêl'S, and their sorrow af the catastrophe
which followed is sadly blendcd with disappointlnent
that such a secret should have pêrishêd. Sir Hulnfrey
doubtless saw America with other eyes than theirs, and
gold mines richer than California in ifs huge rivêrs
and savalmahs.
Le,ring the issue of this good hope (bout the gold) (continues
Mr. ttayes) fo God, who only knoweth the truth thereof, I will
hsten to the end of this tragedy, which nust be knit up in the
person of our Generl, nd as it was God's ordinance upon him,
even so the vehement persuasion of his friends could nothing avril
fo divert him from his wi!ful resolution of going in his frigte ; and
when he was entreted by the captoEin, toaster and others, his well-
wishers in the Hinde, hot to venture, this was his answer--"I
will hot forsake ny little company going honewards, with whom
I have passed so many storms and perils"
Two-thirds of the way home thêy met foul weather
and terrible seas, " brêaking short and pyralnid-wise".
Men vho had all their lires "oeeupie,l the sea" had
never seen if lnore outrageous. " We had also upon
out mainyal'd an apparition of a little fier by night,
whieh seamen do eall Castor and Pollux."
Monday, the ninth of Sepember, in the Mernoon, the frigte
ws ner cst wy oppressed by wves, but t tht time recovered,
nd giving forth signs of joy, the GenerM, sitting bMt with a book
in his hnd, cried unto us in the lfinde so oIten as we did
approch within hearing, " We are s ner fo heaven by se s by
lnd," reiterting the sme speech, well beseeming soldier re-
solute in Jesus Christ, nd I cn testify that he was. The slne
Monday night, bout twelve of the clock, or hot long fter, the
frigte being hed of us in the Golden Hinde, suddenly her
lights were out, whereof as it were in moment we lost the sight ;
and withl our wtch cried, " The General was cast away," which
ws too true.
262 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Thus faithfully (concludes Mr. Hayes, in some degree rising
above himself) I have related this story, wherein some spark of the
knight's virtues, though he be extinguished, may happily appear;
he remaining resolute to a purpose honest and godly as was this, fo
discover, possess and reduce unto the service of God and Christian
piety those relnote and heathen countries of America. Such fs the
infinite bounty of God, vho from every evil deriveth good, that
fruit nmy grow in rime of our travelling in these North-Western
lands (as has it hot grown ?), and the crosses, turmoils and afflic-
tions, both in the prepartion and execution of the voyage, did
correct the intemperate hunmurs, which bcfore we noted to be in
this gentleman and ruade unsavoury and less delightful his other
manifold virtues.
Thus as he was refined and ruade nearer unto the image of God,
so it 101eased the Divine wil! to resume him unto I-]imself, whither
both his and every other high and noble mind have always aspired.
8uch was Sir Humfrey Gilbert; still in the prime
of his years when the Atlantic swallowed him. Like
the gleam of a landscape lit suddenly for a moment
by the lightning, these few seenes flash down to us
aeross the eenturies: but what a life must that have
been of whieh this was the eonelusion': We have
glilupses of him a few years earlier, when he won his
spurs in Ireland--won them by dceds whieh fo us
seeln terrible in their ruthlessness, but whieh won the
applause of Sir Henry bidney as too high for praise
or even reward. Chequered like all of us with lines
of light and darkness, he was, nevertheless, one of a
ree whieh has eeased to be. We look round for
them, and we can hardly believe that the saine blood
fs ttowing in our veins. Brave we may still be, and
strong perhaps as they, but the high moral graee
whieh ruade bravery and strength so beautiful fs
departed from us for ever.
263
ELIZABETH.
WttILE the danger 1 lasted the queen had not shown to
advantage. Sir Francis Walsingham, hot once only,
but at cvery trying crisis of ber lire, had to describe
her comluct as "dishonoural)lc and dangerous"--
dishonoural)le, because she never hesitated fo break
a promise when to keep it was inconvenient; and
dangerous, from the universal distrust which she had
inspired in those who had once relied upon her. But
her disposition to compromise, her extreme objection
to severity or coercion, were better suited fo conciliate
defeated enemies. Whether it vas policy, or that,
like Hamlet, she "lacked gall," she nevcr remembered
an injm3". She fought with treason by being blind
toit, and ruade men loyal in spire of themselves by
persistent.ly trusting them.
Her manners were eminently popular. She was
hard of feature and harsh of voiee: "her humours,"
as Sir T. Heneage expressed it, "had not grown weak
with age"" but she was free of aeeess to her presenee,
quiek-witted and familiar of speeeh vith men of all
degrees. She rode, shot, jested and drank heer; spat
and swore upon occasions; swore hot like "a eomfit-
maker's wife," but round, mouth-filling oaths whieh
vould have satisfied Hotspur--the hulnan eharaeter
showing always through the royal robes, yet with the
Of the Ctholic conspircy in 1572.--A.
264
SELECTION$ FROM FROUDE
queenly dignity never so impaired that liberties could
te ventured in return.
The public policy of the reahn was in the main
directed by Burghley, but his measures were af
tilnes liable to be suspended or reversed. She had a
second ear always open to Catholic advisers--pen-
sioners, some of them, of Spain--in the household and
the cabinet. Her ladies of the bedchamber were for
the lnost part the friends and correspondents of Mary
Stuart. Her favourite courtiers, men like Lord Oxford
and Lord Henry Howard, were the most poisonous
illstruments oI" Spanish intrigue. Her "new minion,"
as he was spitefully called abroad, Leicester's rival, Sir
Christopher Hatton, was a Catholic in ail but the
naine. The relations of Elizabeth with these persons,
however insolently remarked upon by the refugees
and malignants, were never generMly misunderstood,
and if regretted, were regretted only for public reasons
by her wiser statesmen.
Leicester, no doubt, she would have liked well to
marry. Leicester had been an objecb ab one rime of
grave suspicion, and even Cecil's mind once misgave
him, on the ambiguous position in which this nobleman
stood tovards his sovereign. But the Spanish ambas-
sador de Silva inquired curiously into the scandais
which were flying, and satisfied himself that they
were without foundation. And the absolute silence
afterwards of Mendoza, on a subject Oll which hatred
would have ruade him cloquent, i,s a further and
conclusive answer fo the charges of Allcn and Sanders.
Leicester continued till his death an object of excep-
tional regard. Hatt, on, a handsome, innocent, rather
absurd pcrson, was attached fo her on the footing of
a hunmn lapdog, and he repaid her caresses vith a
genuine devotion, ridiculous only lu the language in
ELIZABETH 265
which if was expressed. Elizabeth had nicknames for
every onê who was about ber person" Burghley was
lier "spirit"; Leicester her "sweeç Robin"; Oxford,
lier " boar "; Hatton, lier "Lidds," lier "sheep," her
mouton, Anglicised into " Mutton ". The letters ad-
dressed to ber by statesmen are remarkable for the
absence of formality, for language ot'ten of severe and
startling plaimmss, unseasoned with a compliment.
She kept lier intelligence foi- Burghley and Walsing-
haro, and gave lier folly fo the favourites. Thê liard
polit.ician of the cabinet exacted in th6 palace the lnost
profound adulation" she chose fo be adored for her
beauty, ad complimented as a 1)aragon of perfection.
Her portraits are usually without shadow, as if
ber features radiated light. ,Sometimes she was re-
presented in more than mortal character; as an
Artemis with bow and crescent ; as the Heathen Queen
of love and beauty; as the Christian Regina Coeli,
whose nativity fell close fo her own birthday, and
whose functions as the virgin of Protestantism she
was supposed to supersede. Whên she appeared as a
mere woman, she was painted in robes, which if is to
bê presumed that she actually wore, broidered with
eyes and ears as emblematic of omnipresence--or
with lizards, crocodiles, serpents and other monsters,
emblematïc, whatever they meant besicles, of her own
extraordinary faste.
Hatton tells lier when he is writing fo her, that "to
see lier was heaven, and the lack of her was hell's
forment." " Passion ovêrcomes him," as he thinks upon
lier swêetness. Leicester "is but hall alive" when hê
is absent from "hêr most blêssed presênce ". Even in
business of State she was hot proof against flattery.
September 8th. Elizbeth ws born September 7th.
266 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Mendoza could divert her af any tilne from disagree-
able subjects by turning the conversatiou upon her
persoual excellences. Sir John Smith, when sent on
a visit fo the Court of France, round it prudent fo
dispraise the queen and ladies there fo her Majesty's
advantage.
And there were no attentious which more certainly
brought substmtial wages. The public service was
conducte,1 most thriftily--ministers of Stte had their
reward in doing thê business of thê country. Wal-
singham spent his private fortune in bis office, and
ruined himself. Sit" Henry Sidnêy decliued peerage,
his vice-royalty in ]reland having left him crippled
with debt. Sir &unes Crofts excused his accepting a
pensiou from Spain on tbe ground that the queen
allowed bim nothing as controller of her househohl.
Lord Burgbley has left on record in his own haud-
writiug that the grants which he had received froln
his lnistress had not covered his expenses in attending
upon her: tht he had sold lands of his own fo
lnaintain his state af Court, aud that the fêes of his
treasurership did uot equal the eost of his stable. But
the largesses withhehl from stateslnen were givên
lavishly fo thê favourites and flatterers. Their offiee,
perhaps, being ignominious, required a higher salary.
Leieester, who iuherited nothing, his father's estates
having been eonfiseated, beealne the wealthiest noble-
man in England. Sineeures, grants of laml and high
plaees about the Court rêwarded the attbetion of
Hatton. Monopolies, whieh lnade their fortune "to
the utter uudoing of thousands of her Majesty's
subjeets," were heaped on them and others of their
kind--eheap presents whieh eost the queen nothing.
To Hatton was given also the Naboth's vineyard
of his neighbour, the Bishop of Ely--the present
ELIZABETH 267
ttatton Garden, so named in memory of the transac-
tion. 1
Without family ries, with no near relations, and
without friends save such as were loyal fo her for
their country's sake rathcr than hcr own, Elizabeth
concealed the dreariness of her lire from herself in the
society of these human playthings, who flattered ber
faults and humoured her caprices. She vas the more
thrown upon them because in her views of government
she stood equally alone, and among abler men scarcely
found one to sympathise with hcr. She appears in
history the champion of the Reformat.ion, the first
Protestant sovereign in Europe, but if was a position
into which she was driven forward in spire of herself,
and when she found herself there, if brought ber neither
pride nor pleasure.
In her birth she was the symbol of the revolt from
the Papacy. She could hot reconcile herself with
Rome vithout condcmning the marriage from which
she sprung" but her interest in Protestantism was
limited fo political independence. She mocked at Cecil
and "his bl'others in Christ". She aflhcted an interest
in the new doctrines, only when the Scots or the Dutch
vere nccessary fo her, or when religion could serve as
an excuse fo escape an unwelcome marriagc. When
the Spanish ambassador complained of the persecution
of the Catholics, she answered that no Catholic had
suffered anything who ackuowledged her as his lawful
sovereigni and that in spiritual matters she believed
as they did. Fanatics, Puritan or Papist, she despised
with Erasmian heartiness. Under her brother and
1 The reluctance of the bishop fo part with his property called out
the celebrated letter in which "the Proud Prelte" was told tht if
he did not instantly comply with the queen's wishes "by God she
would unfrock him '"
68 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
sister she had witnessed the alternate fruits of the
suprmnacy of the two theolog'ical factions. She was
determined fo hold them both under the law, which
fo her had more true religion in if than cartloads of
creeds and articles. Puritanism drev ifs strength from
the people. The Popish priests were a regiment of the
Bishop of Rome. She vould permit no authorit.y in
England which did hot centre in herself. The Church
shouhl be a department of the State, oanised by
Parliament and ruled by the national tribunals. The
moderates of both parties could meet and worship
under its ambiguous formulas. There shouht be no
conventicles and no chapels, fo be nurseries of sedition.
Zealots who couhl not be satisfied lnight pay a fine for
their precision, and bave their serinons or their sacra-
ments af home.
She never ceased fo hope that foreign princes would
see things as she saw them. To the intelligent lati-
tudinarian his principles appear so obviously reasonable
that he cannot understand why they are hot univêrsally
accepte& Elizabeth desired only a general peace, out-
ward order and uniformity, with liberty fo every one
fo think in private as he pleased. What could any
man in his senses wish for more ? So long as there
was no Inquisition, she could hot see why the Calvinists
should refuse fo hear Mass. So long as their subjects
would conform fo the established ritual, kings might
well be satisfied fo leave opinion alone. If was to
this consummation thttt ber foreign policy was always
directe& It vas for this reason that she always resisted
the advice of Burghley and Walsingham fo put herself
af the head of a Protestant League. Unwillingly and
af long intervals she had sent secret help fo the Prince
of Orange and the Prince of Condé--not however fo
emancipate the Low Countries, or change the dynasty
ELIZABETH 269
of France, but only fo prevent the triumph of t, he spirit
of the Council of Trent, and fo briug Philip and
ouse of Valois ço ext, end over Europe a govermnenç
analogous ço her own.
Evençs were çoo stron" for her. Her çheory ws
t, wo cençuries before içs çime; and nations can only be
governed on principles wif.h which they sympaçhise
çhemselves. Yeç Elizabeth may be fairly crediçed
wit, h a general rectitude of purpose; and for
immediat, e purpose of keeping England quieç and
prcventing civil war, she was acting prudently and
successfully. She could hot forger that she was a
sovereign of a divi,led people, and that ail her suject.s,
as long as thcy were loyal, were entit, led to have
t, heir prejudices respect, ed. The Anglo-Catholics and
Catholics were still three-quarters of the population
unit, ed in sympat, hy, unit, ed in the hope of seeing the
ohl creed restored in its fulness, and as yet only
diflbring in a point of order. Ail alike were thriving
un,ler the peace and prospering in their worldly com-
forts, while France and Flanders were torn in pieces by
civil war. If she had struck openly into the quarrel,
Germany would probably bave followed, and Roman-
ism might perhaps bave been driven back behind the
Alps and Pyrenees; but as, in doing so, she would
have created t, he deepest resent«nent in England, the
attempt, might also bave cost her her own throne,
and she might have been herself more successful
provoking rebellion than Mary Stuart or the emissaries
of the Pope. Her first duty was fo her own people,
and both for herself and England there were pro-
tecting conditions which war would forfeit, but which
would hardly fail ber as long as she remained at peace.
In fighting out ber long quarrel with Spain and
270 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
building her Church sysem ou of he broken masonry
of Popery, her eoneluding years passed away. The
grea men who had upheld t.he hrone in the days
of her peril dropped one by one into he grave.
Walsingham died soon af ter he defeat of the Armada,
ruined in fort, une, and weary of his ungraeful service.
Hunsdon, Knowles, Burghley, Drake, folloxved at brief
intervals, and their mi,stress was lef by herself, sand-
ing as i seemed on he pilmaele of eal-hly glory, ye
in all t.he loneliness of greaness, and unable o enjoy
the honours whieh Burghley's poliey had won for her.
The firs place among he Proesant powers, whieh
had been so often ottbred her and so often refused,
has been foreed upon her in spige of herself. "She
was Head of he Naine," bu it gave her no pleasure.
She was he last of her race. No Tudor would sit
again on he English throne. Her own sad propheey
was fulfilled, and she lived o see ghose whom she
mos trused urning heir eyes o he rising sun.
Old age was eoming upon ber, bringing wih it
perhaps a eonseiousness of failing faeulties; and
soliary in he midst of splendour, and friendless
among he eirele of adorers who swore they lived
bu in her presenee, she grew weary of a lire whieh
had eeased o inerest her. Siekening of a vague
disease, she sough no help from medieine, and tlnall 3,
refused to ake food. She eould no test in her bed,
bu sa silent on eushions, saring ino vaeaney wih
fixed and sony eyes, and so a last she died.
Her eharaeer I have lef o be gahered from ber
aeions, from her letters, from he eolnnmnieations
beween herself and her minisers, and from he
opinions expressed freely o one another in private
by hose miuisers hemselves. The many pcrsons
with whom she was brough ino confidential re-
ELIZABETH 27I
lations during her long reign noted down what she
said fo them, and her words have been brought up in
judgment a'ainst her" and there have been extremely
few men and women in this world whose lives would
bear so close a scrutiny, or who could look forward fo
being subjected fo if without shame and dismay. The
lnean thoughts which cross the minds and ai one
rime or other escape t'fore the lips of most of us, were
observed and remelnbered when proceeding froln the
Inouh of a sovereign, and rise like accusing spirits
in authentic i'righti'ulness oui of the private drawers
of statesluen's cabinets. Common persons are sheltered
by obscurity ; t.he larg'est portion of their faults they
forger themselves, and others do hot care fo recollect"
while kings and queens are at once refused the
ordinary allowances for human weakness, and pay for
their great place in lire by a trial before posterity
more severe it is fo be hoped than awaits us ail at
the final judgment bar.
Thi. too ought to be borne in mind- that sovereigns,
when circumstauces becone embarrassing, may hot,
like unvalued persons, stand aside and leave others
fo deal with them. Subjects are allowed fo decline
responsibility, to refuse to undertake work which
they dislike, or fo lay down ai any rime a burden
which they find too heavy for t.heln. Princes born fo
govern find their duties cling to them as their shadows.
Abdication is offert practically impossible. Every day
they must, do some act or forln SOlne decision from
which consequences follow of infinite moment. They
would gladly ,lo nothing if they might, but it is hot
permitt, ed fo them. They are denicd fhe alternative
of inaction, which is so often the best safeguard
against doing wrong.
Elizabeth's sit, uation was from the very first ex-
aTa SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
tremely trying. She had few relations, none of any
weight in the State, and those whom like Hunsdon and
Sir Fraucis Knowles she took into her cabinet, derived
their g'reatness from herself. Her unlucky, it nay be
almost called culpable, attachment to Leicester lnade
marriage unconquerably distasteful fo ber, and ber dis-
appointment gave an additional twist to ber natural
eccentricities. Circmnstances more than choice threw
lier originally on the side of the Reformation, and
when she told the Spanish ambassadors that she had
been forced into separation from the Papacy against
her will, she probably spoke but the truth. She was
identitled in ber birth with the cause of independence.
The first battle had been fought over ber cradle, and
ber right to be on the throne tm'ned morally, if not in
law, on the legitimacy of Queen Catherine's divorce.
Her sister had persecuted her as the child of the woman
who had caused ber mother so much misery, and her
friends therefore had naturally been those who were
most ber sister's enemies. She could hOt bave sub-
mitted to the Pope without condenming her father, or
admitting a taint upon her ovn birth, while in Mary
of Scotland she had a rival ready to take advantage
of any concession which she might be tempted to
nlake.
For these reasons, and not from any sympathy with
the views either of Luther or Calvin, she chose ber
party at lier accession. She round herself eompelled
against ber will fo beeome the patron of hereties and
rebels, in whose objeets she had no interest, and in
vhose theology she had no belief. 8he resented the
neeessity while she submitted to it, and her vaeillations
are explained by the reluetanee with whid eaeh sue-
eessive step was foreed upon her, on a road whieh she
detested. It would bave been easy for a Protestant to
ELIZABETH .73
be decided. It would have been easy for a Catholic to
be decided. To Elizabeth the speculations o[ so-called
divines xvere but as ropes of sand and sea-slime leading
fo the moon, and the doctrines for which they were
rendiug each other fo pieces a dream of fools or en-
thusiasts. Unfol'tunately ber keenness of insight was
hot combined with any profound concern for serious
things. She saw through the emptiness of the forms
in vhich religion presented itself to the world. She
had none the more any larger or deeper conviction of
her own. She was without the inellectual emotions
which give human character its consistency and power.
One moral quality she possessed in an eminent degree"
she was supremely brave. For thirty years she was
perpetually a mark for assassination, and her spirits
were never at%cted, and she was never frightened
into cruelty. She had a proper contempt also for
idle luxury and indulgence. She lived simply, worked
hard, and ruled her household with rigid economy.
But her vanity was as insatiable as if vas common-
place. No flattery was too tawdry to find a welcome
with her, and as she had no repugnance to false words
in others, she was equally liberal of them herself.
Her entire nature was saturated with artifice. Except
when speakiug some round untruth Elizabeth never
could be simple. Her letters and her speeches were
as fantastic as her dress, and her meaning as involved
as her poliey. She was Ulmatural even in her prayers,
and she earried her affeetations into the presenee of
the Almighty. She might doubt legitimately whether
she ought fo assist an Earl of Murray or a Prince of
Orange when in arms against their sovereign" but her
seruples extended only fo the fulfillnent of ber promises
of support, when she had herself tempted them into
insurrection. Obligations of honour were hot only
8
:74 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
occasiomflly forgottcn by her, but she did hot seem
fo understand vhat honour lneant.
Vain as she was of her own sagaeity, she never
modified a course reeolmnended fo her by Burghley
without injury both fo the realm and fo herself. She
never chose an opposite course without pluuging into
em|)arrassmeltS, froln vhich his skill and Walsinghaln's
vere barely able to extrieate he: The g'reat results
of her reign were the fruits of a poliey whieh was hot
her own, and whieh she starved and lnutilated when
energy and eolnpleteness were most ueeded.
That she pushed no luestion fo extremities, that,
for instalme, she refused fo allow the succession to the
erown fo be determined, and permitted the Catholies
fo expeet the accession of the Queen of Seots, has been
intêrpreted by the resul into wisdoln. 8he gained
tilne by if, and her hardest problêms were those
whieh rime alone eould resolve satisfaetorily. But
the fortune whieh stood her friend so often never
served her better than in lengthening her lire into old
tge. Had the Queen of Seots survived her, her legaey
fo England would have been a desperate and dreadful
civil var. And her reluetanee was no result of any
far-sighted or generous ealeulation. She wished only
to reign in tluiet till her death, and was eontented fo
leave the next generation fo settle ifs own ditIieulties.
Her tenderness towards eonspirators was as remarkable
as if was hitherto unexampled; but her unwillingness
fo shed blood extended only fo high-born traitors.
Unlike her father, xvho ever struek the leaders and
spared the followers, Elizabeth could rarely bring
herself fo sign the death-warrant of a nobleman;
yet without eompunetion she eould order Yorkshire
peasants fo be hung in seores by martial law. Merey
was the quality with whieh she was most eager fo be
ELIZABETH 75
credited. She deligh,ed in popularity with the multi-
Lu,le, an,l stu,lied the conditions ot" it ; buç she uçtercd
no word o blalne, she rather thanked the perpetrators
for good service donc fo the commonwealth, when
Essex sent in his report of the women and children
who were stabbed in the caves of Rat, hlin. She was
remorseless when she ought to have been most forbear-
ing, and lenient when she ought fo have been stern;
and she owed her safety and her sueeess fo the
ineapaeity and the divisions of her enemies, rather
t.hal to wisdom and resolution of her own. Time was
ber friend, tilne and the weakness of Philip; and the
fairest fcature in ber history, the Olm relation in whieh
from first fo last she showed sustained and generous
feeling, is that whieh the perversity of history bas
seleeted as the blot on her eseuteheon. Beyond and
beside the politieal causes whieh influeneed Elizabeth's
attitude towards the tneen of Seot, s, ta'ue human pity,
truc kindness, a truc desire fo save ber from herself,
had a real place. From the day of Mary Stuart's
marriage with Franeis II. the Eng'lish throne was the
dream of her imagination, and the means to arrive af
if her ulmeasing praetieal study. Any eontemporary
European sovereign, any English sovereign in an
earlier age, would have deemed no means nnjustifiable
fo remove so perilous a rival. How it would bave
fared with her after she came fo England, the rate of
Edward II., of Riehtrd, of Henry VI., of the Princes
in the Tower, and, later yet, of the unhappy son of the
unhappy Clarenee, lnight tell. Whatever might bave
been the indirect advantage of Mary Stuart's prospec-
tive title, the danger from ber presenee in the reahn
nust have infinitely exeeeded if. She was "the bosom
serpent," "the thorn in the flesh," whieh eould hot be
plueked out ; and after he rebellion of the North, and
:Z76 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
the discovery of the Ridolfi conspiracy, neither Philip
nor Alva expected that she vould be permitted fo sur-
vive. It seems as if Elizabeth: remembering her own
danger in her sister's lire-rime, had studied fo shov an
elaborate tenderness fo a person who was in the saine
relation fo herself. From the beginnin to the end no
t, race tan be round of personal animosity on the part of
Elizabet.h ; on the part of Mary no t, race of anything
save the fiercest hatred.
But this, like ail other questions connected vith the
Virgin Queen, shouhl be rather studied in her actions
than in the opinion of the historian who relates them.
Actions and words are carved upon eternity. Opinions
are but forms of cloud created by the prevailing
currents of the moral air. Princes, who are credited
on the wron side with the evils which happen in
their reigns, have a right in equity fo the honour of
the good. The greatest aehievemen in English history,
the "breaking the bonds of Ilome," and the establish-
ment of spiritual indcpendenee, was eompleted without
bloodshed under Elizabeth's auspices, and Elizabeth
nay have the glory of the work.
277
ELIZABETH'S TREATMENT OF HER SAILORS
AFTER THE ARMADA.
THE greatest service ever donc by an E.glish fleet
had been thus successfully aCCOlnt)lished 1)v nlell whose
wages had hot been pal(1 froln the rime of their
engagement, half-starved, with their clothes in rags
and falling off their backs, anal so ill-f,)uml in the
necessaries of war that they had eked out thcir
8nllllllllitioll by what thcy could take in action from
the enemy hilnself. " In the desire for victory they
had hot stayed for the spoil of any of the ships that
they lamed." There was no prize-moncy coming fo
them fo reward their valour. Thcir oxvn country was
the prize for xvhich they had fought and conquered.
They had earned, if ever Englishlncu had earned any-
whcre, the highest honour and the highest recompense
which the Govermnent could bestow.
The rexvard xvhich in fact they received will be
very briefly told. Food had been provided, aml was
sent doxvn the river on the 9th--19th of August. The
one month's victuals ta ken in at Plymouth on the
23rd of June had been stretched over seven weeks.
The three days' rations with which the fleet had left
the Forth had been ruade fo serve for eight days.
Entire crexvs had thus been absolutely famishing.
The next point fo be determined was, if the ships
werc fo be paid off, or were fo remain in commission.
278
SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
"Sure bind, sure find," was t,he opinion of Lord
Howard. If was st,ill possible that t,he Armada might
return. " A kingdom was a great, wager, and seeurity
was &mgerous, as they would have round had hot
God been their friend." Drake " would not advise
her Majesty to hazard a kingdom with saving a little
charge" "The Prince of Parma," he said, " was a
bear robbed of his whelps ; and for his eredit's sake,
being so good a soldier, vould try fo do solnething."
The queen, on the other hand, thought of nothing but
the expense, and was only eager fo stop the drain on
the exehequer at the earliest possible moment,. The
quest.ion was answered, and the uneertainty aTas
ended, by causes independent of t,he will either of
herself or ber advisers. The straiu of the last few
mont.hs was taken off; and wit.h it the spur to the
hearts and spirits of the exhausted seamen. Even ai
Plymouth short food and poisonous drink had brought
dysenery amont hem ; and in one vessel, "the El'z«t-
beth Jonr_ts, whieh had done as well as any ship in any
service had ever done," there had been " a dangerous
infection from the beginning". Want of food, want
of eloçhes, want of thê relief, whieh if hey had been
paid t.heir va¢es , t,hey might have provided for them-
selves, had ag(dravated çhe tendeneies fo disease, and
a frightful morality noxv set in through the entire
fleet. Boaçloads of poor fellows were earried on shore
ai Nargae, and were laid down fo die in the st,rees,
"there being no plaee in he town t,o reeeive theln "
The otlàeers did what t,hey eould. Howard's and
Drake's purses were freely opened--some sort of
shelter was provided ai last in barns and outhouses;
but çhe assistanee vhieh they eould provide out of
their personal resourees was alçogeçher inadequate.
" If vould grieve any man's hearç," wroe Lord
ELIZABETH AND HER 8AILORS. a79
Howard, " to sec lnen who had served so valiantly
fo die so miserably."
The fear of Parma's coming soon died away. In a
few days lmWS came that the camp at Dunkirk was
broken up, tlle stores takell out of the transports, and
the sailors paid off: the pinnaces sent in pursuit of
the Arlnada returned with clear tidings that if had
passed westward round the Orkneys; but the havoc
among t.he brave lnen who ha,1 driven if from the
shores of England bêcame daily more and lnore terrible.
Thêy sickened onê day: thcy died the next. In the
battlê bcfore Gravelines not sîxty in all had been
killed: before a month was out there was hardly a
ship which had enough men left fo weigh the anchors.
If was characteristic of the helplessncss af heahluarters
produced by Elizabeth's hardness, that, notwithstanding
the disorder was traced definitely fo the 1)oisonous beer,
if continued fo be served out. Nothing better vas
allowed till if was consumed. The sick retluired fresh
mcat a.nd vegetables. Within a few hom as they
were of London, they continue,l to be dieted with the
usual salt bêef and fish. The lnen expected th;tt, af
least, after such a service they would be paid their
wages in full. The queen was cavilling over the
accounts, and vould givê no orders for lnoney till she
had delnanded the lneaning of every penny that she
was charged. If was even necessary for Sir John
Havkins fo remind the Government that the pay of
those who died was still due fo their relatives.
From the severe nature of the service, Lord Howard
had ben obliged fo add fo he nmnber of officers. He
was challenged for tlle extra pay, and was obliged to
petition for some slnall assistanee froln thê ¢lueen in
defraying if himself. "The mat, ter is hot great," he
said. " Five hundrêd pounds, with the help of my own
a8o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
purse, will do ig. However ig fall oug, I musg see ghem
paid."
There had been expenses in he flee whieh eould
no be avoided, and in t,le destitution in whieh he had
been lef, Howard had used t,hree t.housand pisoles ou
of he t.reasure aken in he ship of Pedro de Valdez.
So keen ail aeeoun was exaeed of hin t.ha he Lord
Adlniral of England, he eomlueror of t,he Armada,
had o defend hinself agains a eharge of peeulaion.
"I did ake them," he wrot,e o Walsingham, "as I old
you I would: for, by Jesus, I had no hree pounds
lef in he xvorld, and have no anything eould ge
money in London--lny plat,e was gone belote. Bu I
will repay i wit.hin en days afer lny eoming home.
I pray yon le her lIa.jesy know so ; and, by he Lord
God of Heaven, I had no one erown more, and had i
no been mere neeessit.y I would no have ouehed one ;
bu if I had no solne fo have besowed upon some
poor miserable meu, I should have wished myself ou
of he world."
The wors meanness was ye to eome. A surcharge
appeared in the aeeount,s of six hundred and went,y
poun.ls for "exraordinary kinds of vieual, wine,
eidel', sugar, oil and fresh fish," dist, ribut,ed among
he ships while a Plymough, by he order of Howard
and Drake. The Lord Admiral explained ha a few
delieaeies had been hough neeessary for he relief of
men who, being siek or wounded, lnigh be unable o
digest sali meat. He admitted that, he had done what
was unusual ; he said that he had ma,le t.he allowanees
"in regard of the great«ess of t.he service, for the
eneouragelnent of those on whose forwardness and
eourage sueeess depended ". He might have added
that t,heir legit, imate food had been stolen froln theln
by the queen's own negleet. He petitioned hulnbly
ELIZABETH AND HER SAILORS. 28i
ha she would pass he charge. I is uncerain
wheher she consened or no. I is certain çha a
furher sure for çhe saine purpose Lord Howard fel
obliged fo take upon himself. He sruek the enry
ouç of his aeeoun book. "I will myself make satisfac-
tion as vell as I may," he said, "so ha her lIajesty
shall noç bê eharged wiçhal."
Lord Howard perhaps, as a noblelnan whose façher
had reeeived large benefaeçions from çhe Crown, and
o whom he queen afterwards was moderaçely liberal,
might be expeeçed o eonçribue a a t, ime of diffieuly
ou of his privaçe resourees. The saine excuse will no
eover he treatlnenç of Sir John Hawkins, who owed
not, hing fo any erowncd head, and was he arehiteeç of
his ovn forunes. Havkins had hot only been aç the
head of he loekyards, but he had been t.he person
employed in eolleeing t.he ships' eolnpanies, and afçer-
wards in settling the wages with theln. No English
vessels ever sailed on of porç in better condition. No
English sailors ever did t.heir duy beçer. Bu Eliza-
beth had ehanged hêr mind so often in he spring,
engaging seamen and çhen dismissing them, and hen
engaging ohers, that beween charges and diseharges,
he aeeounts had naturally grmvn inçrieae. Htwkins
vorked hard ço elear them, and spen his own fortune
freely o make the figures saçisfaeto W ; but. she, who
had been hersêlf he cause of the confusion, insised on
an exaeness of statemen whieh i ,cas diflàeul if no
impossible o give; and Hawkins, in a peçiion in
vhieh he deseribed himself as a ruined man, sued for
a yea.r's respiçe fo disenangle t.he disorder.
The wo staesmen fared no beer who had furnished
the brain of England, while the flee had been is righ
arm. Burghley and Walsingham were the soul of t.he
poliey vhieh had plaeed Elizabeth in triulnph a las
aaa SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
at the head of Protestant Europe. For them, in the
hour of victory, there was only abuse, scattered
freely and in all presences. They who had never
wavered, who had steadily advised a single course,
who had never ceased to urge the necessity of pro-
viding in time for exigencies xvhich they knev fo be
approaching--they if was who were ruade responsible
for what had been wanting in the service, and for
the shifts of purpose which had been the cause of
the neglect. AI1 irresolutions alld St;K,_, Cecil
wrote to Walsingham, "are thrown upon us two in
all her speeches to everybody. The wrong is intoler-
able."
H[STORICAL SKETCHES AND
MISCELLANEOUS.
285
THE CHURCH OF ROME IN ITS VIGOUR.
IqEVER in ail their history, in ancient times or
modern, never that we knov of, have mankind
thrown out of themselves anything so grm(l, so useful,
so beautiful, as the Catholic Church once was. In these
tines of ours, well-regulated selfishness is the recog-
lfised rulc of action--every one of us is expected fo
look out first for himself, and take care of his own
interests. Af the thne I speak of the Church ruled
the State with the authority of a conscience; and
self-interest, as a lnotive of action, was only nalned
fo be abhorred. The bishops and clergy were regarded
freely and simply as the immediate lninisters of the
Almighty; and they seem fo lne to have really
deserved that high estimate of their character. If
vas not for the doctrines which they taught only,
or chiefly, that they were held in honour. Brave
men do hot fall down before their fellow-mortals for
the words which they speak, or for the rites which
they perform. Wisdom, justice, self-denial, nobleness,
purity, high-mindedness--these are the qualifies be-
fore which the freeborn races of Europe bave been
contented fo bow; and in no order of men were such
qualities fo be found as they were found six hundred
years ago in the clergy of the Catholic Church. They
called themselves the successors of the apostles. They
claimed in their Master's naine universal spiritual
authority, but they ruade good their pretensions by
286 SEI,ECTIONS FROM FROUDE
theholiness of their own lires. They were allowe,1
to rulc bccause they dcserved to rule, an,1 in the
fulncss of reverence kings and nobles bent before a
power which was nearer to God than their own.
Over prince and subject, chieftain and serf, a body
of unarmed defenceless nlen reigned supreme by the
magie of sanetity. They tamed the fiery northern
warriors wbo had broken in pieees the Roman empire.
They taught them--they brought them really and
truly to believethat they had immortal souls, and
that they wouhl one day stand at the awful judgment
bar and give aeeount for their lires there. With the
brave, the honest and the goo, l--with those who had
not oppressed the poor nor removed their neighbour's
landmark--with those who had been just in all their
dcalings--with t.hose who had foug'ht against evil, and
hM tried valiantly to do their Master's will--at that
great day it would be well. For cowards, for profli-
gates, for those who |ived for luxury and pleasure
and self-indulgence, there was the blackness of eternal
death'.
An awful conviction of this tremendous kind the
clergy had etthctually instilled into the mind of
Europe. It was hot a PERHAPS; it was P certainty.
It was hot a form of words repeated once a week at
church" it was an assurance entertained on all days
and in all places, without any particle of doubt. And
the ett?ct of such a belief on lire and conscience was
simply immeasurable.
I do hOt pretend that the c|ergy were perfect.
They were very far from perfect at the best of rimes,
and the European nations were never complete|y
submissive to them. It would not have been well
if they had been. The business of human creatures
in this planer is not summed up in the most excellent
CHURCH OF ROME IN ITS VIGOUR a8 7
of priestly eateehisms. The world and its eoneerns
continued fo interest men, though priests insisted on
their nothingness. They could hot prevent kings
from quarrelling with each other. They could hot
hinder disputed successions, and civil feuds, and
wars, and political conspiracies. What they did do
was to shelter the weak froln the strong.
In the eyes of the clergy the serf and his lord
stoo,l on the common level of sinful humanity. Into
their ranks high birth was no passport. They were
themselves for the most part chihlrel of the people;
and the son of the artisan or peasant rose to the mitre
and the triple crown, just as nowadays the rail-splitter
and the tailor becolne presidents of the Republic of the
West.
The Church ws essentially democratic, while af the
saine rime it had the monopoly of learning; and all
the secular power fell fo it which lerning, coin-
bined with sanctity and assisted by superstition, can
bestow.
The privileges of the clergy were extraordinary.
They were hot menable fo the common laws of the
land. While they governed the laity, the laity had no
power over them. From the throne downwards every
secular office was dependent on the Church. No king
was a lawful sovereign till the Church placed the
crown upon his head: and what the Church bestowed
the Church clamed the r]ght fo take away. The
disposition of property was in their hands. No will
could be proved except before the bishop or hs ocer ;
and no will was held vMid if the testator died out of
communion. There were magistrates nd courts of
law for the offences of the 1Mty. If a priest committed
a crime, he was a scred person. The civil power
could hOt touch him ; he was reserved for his ordinary.
:z88 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Bishops' colnmissaries sat in town and city, taking
cognisance of the moral conduct of every man and
woman. Offences against lire and property were tried
here in England, as now, by the common law; but the
Church Courts dealt with sins--sins of word or act. If
a man was a profligate or a drunkard ; if he lied or
swore; if he did hot corne fo communion, or held
unlawful opinions; if he was idle or unthrifty; if he
was unkind fo his wife or his servants; if a child was
disobedient go his father, or a father cruel fo his child ;
if a tradesman sold adulterated wares, or used false
lneasures or dishonest veights--the eye of the parish
priest was everywhere, and the Church Court stood
always open fo examine and fo punish.
Imagine wht a trelnendous power this lnust have
been! Yet iç existed generally in Catholie Europe
down to the eve of the Refol'mation. If eould never
have established itself at ail unless aç one rime it had
worked benefieially--as çhe abuse of iç was one of the
most façal causes of the Chureh's fall.
I know nothing in English history mueh lnore
striking than the answer given by Arehbishop Warham
to the eomplaints of the English House of Commons
afçer the fall of Cardinal Wolsey. The House of
Commons eomplained that the elergy ruade laws in
Convoeation whieh the laiçy were exeolnmunieated if
çhey disobeyed. Yet the laws ruade by the elergy,
the Comnons said, were often at variance with the
laws of the reahn.
What did Warham reply ? He said he was sorry
for the alleged diserepaney ; but, inasmueh as the laws
ruade by the elergy were always in eonformity with
the will of God, the laws of the reahn had only tobe
altered and then the ditfieulty would vanish.
What must bave been the position of the elergy in
CHURCH OF ROME IN ITS VIGOUR 2 9
the fulness of their power when they couhl speak thus
on the eve of their prostration ? You ]lave only fo
look from a dist, ance at any old-fashioned cathedral city,
and you will see in a moment the medieval relations
betveen Church and State. The cathedral is the cîty.
The first object you catch sight of as you approach is
the spire tapering into the sky, or the huge towers
holding" possession of the centre of the landscape--
majestically beautiful--imposig by mere size amidst
the large forms of Nature herself. As you go nearer,
the vastness of the buihling impresses you more and
more. The puny dwelling-places of the citizens creep
af its feet, the pinnacles are glittering in the tints of
the sunset, when down below among the streets and
lanes the twilight is darkelfing. And even now, when
the towns are thrice their ancient size, and the houses
have stretched upwards from two storeys fo rive ; when
the great chimneys are vomiting their smoke among
the clouds, and the temples of modern indust.ry--the
workshops and the factories--spread their long fronts
belote the eye, the cathedral is still the governing form
in the picturethe one object whieh possesses the
imagination and refuses to be eclipsed.
As that cathedral was fo the old tovn, so was the
Church of the middle ages to the secular institutions
of the world. Its very neighbourhood was sacred;
and its shadov, like the shadow of the apostles, was
a sanctuary. When I look at the new Houses of
Parliament iii London, I see in them a type of the
change which has passed over us. ïhe House of
Commons of the Plantagenets sat in the chapter-house
of Westn,inster Abbey. The Parliament of the Reform
Bill, five-and-thirty years ago, debated in St. Stephen's
Chapel, the abbey's small dependency. Now, by the
side of the enormous pile which has risen out of that
9
9o SELECTIONS FRObl FROUDE
chapel's ashes, the proud minster itself is dwarfed into
ilsignificance.
Let us turn fo anorher vasr feature of the middle
ages--I mean the lnOnasteries.
Some person of especil and exceptional holiness
has lived or died at a particula" spot. He has been
listinguished by his wis, lom, by his piety, by his active
benevolênce ; and in an age when co\iurers and witches
were supposed fo be helped by the devil to do evil. he,
on his part, has been thought to bave possessed in
larg'er tneasure tlmn eommon men the favour and the
grace of Hcavcn. Blessed influences hang about the
spot which he ha. hallowed by his presence. His
relics--his household possessions, his books, his clothes,
his bones, retain the shadowy sanctity which they
received in having once belonged fo him. We all set
a value, hot wholly unreal, on anything which has
been the property of a remarkable man. At worsr, it
is but an exaggeration of narural reverence.
Well, as nowadays we build monuments fo great.
men, so in the middle ages they builr shrines or
chapels on the spots which saints had ruade holy, and
conmmnities of pions people gat.hered together ¢here
--beginnin/a" with the personal friends the saint had
left behind hiln--to try to live as he had lived, fo do
good as he had done good, and to die as he had died.
Thus arose religions fraternitiescompanics of men
who desired .o devote thcmselves to goodness--to give
up pleasure, and amusement, and self-indulgence, and
fo spend rheir lives in prayer and works of charity.
These houses became centres of pions beneficence.
The monks, as the brotherhoods were called, were
organised in diflrent orders, vith some variety of
fuie, lmt t.he broad principle was the saine in all.
They were to lire for orhers, hot for themselves.
CHURCH OF ROME IN ITS VIGOUR 29I
They took vows of poverty, that they might hot be
entangled in the l)ursuit of lnoney. They took vows
of chastity, thatthe care of a family might hot distract
them froln the work which hcy h,l undertaken.
Their eflbrts of chtrity were hot limite, l fo this world.
Their days were spent in hard bodily ltbour, in study,
or in visiting the sick. At night they were on the
stone-floors of their chapels, hohlilg up thcir withered
htmls to heven, interceding for the poor souls who
wcre suflbring in purgatory.
The worhl, as it always will, pdd honour to excep-
tiomd excellence. The system sprea,l to the furthest
lilnits of Christen,lom. The rcligious bouses bec,mm
plces of refuge, where lnen of noble birth, kings and
queens and emperors, warriors and statesmen, retired
to lay down their splendid cares, and end their days
in peace. Those with whom the world ha,] dealt
hardly, or those whom it had SUl'feited with its
unsatisfying pleasures, those who were disappointed
with earth, aml those who were filled with passionate
aspirations after heaven, alike round a haven of rest
in the quiet cloister. And, gradually, lands came to
them, and wealth, and social dignityall grate[ully
extended to men who deserved so we]l of thcir fel]ows ;
while no landlords were more popular than they, for
the sanctity of the monks sheltered their dependents
as well as themselves.
Travel now through Ireland, and you will see in the
wildest parts of it innumerable relnains o[ religious
houses, which had grown up among a people who
acknowledged no rule among themselves except the
sword, and where every chief ruade war upon his
neighbour as the humour seized him. The monks
among the O's and the Mac's were as defenceless as
sheep among the wolves; but the wolves spared them
292
SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
for their eharaeter. In sueh a eountlT as Ireland
then was, the monasteries eould hOt have survived for
a generation but for file enchanted atlnosphere xvhieh
surroundêd them.
Of authority the religious orders were praetieally
independent. They were amenable only fo the Pope
and fo their own superiors. Here in England, the
king eould hOt send a eommissioner fo inspeet a
lnonastery, nor even send a polieemm to arrest a
eriminal who had t.aken shêlter within ifs walls.
Arehbishops and bishops, powcrful as they were, found
their authority eease when they entered the gares of
a Benedietine o," Dominiean abbey.
No utterly have rimes ehanged, that with your
utlnost exertions you will hardly be able fo pieture fo
yourselves the Catholie Chureh in the days Of ifs
greatness. Out sehool-books tell us how the Emperor
of Germany hehl the stirrup for Pope Gregory the
Seventh fo mount his mule; how out own English
Henry Plantagenet walked barefoot through the
streets of Canterbury, and knelt in the ehapter-
house for the monks to flog him. The first of these
incidents, I was brought up fo believe, proved the
Pope tobe the man of Sin. Anyhow, they are both
facts, and not romances; and you may form some
notion from them how high in the world's eyes the
Church lnust have stood.
And be sure if did hot achieve that proud position
without deserviug if. The Teutonic and Latin princes
were hot credulous fools; and when thêy sublnitted,
if was fo something stronger than themselvcs--
stronger in limb and lnusele, or stronger in intellect
and character.
293
THE DESTRUCTION OF RELICS AT THE
REFORMATION, 1532-38.
EvEr]" monastery, every parish church, had in thosc
days its special relics, its spccial images, its spccial
something, to attract the interest of the peol)le. The
reverencc for the remaius of noble aud pious men, the
dresses which they had lVOl'll, or the 1)odies in vhich
their spirits had lived, was in itself a nat«wal and pious
emotion : but if had 1)een petrifie,l into a dogma ; and
like every or.ber imaginative feeling which is sulnnitted
o hat bad process, if had become fdsehood, a mcre
superstition, a sul)stitute for pict, y, hot a stimulus to
if, anal a perpetual occasion of frau,l. The people
brought oflSrings to the shrines where if was supposed
that the relics were of greatest potency. The clergy,
fo secure the offering's, invented the relics, and invented
the stories of t.he wonders which had been worked by
them. The greatest exposure of these things took
place af the visitation of the religious bouses. In
the meantime, Bishop Shaxton's unsavoury inventory
of what passed under the naine of relics in the diocese
of Salisbury will furnish an adequate notion of these
objects of popular veneration. There " be set forth
and commended unto the ignorant people," he said,
"as I myself of cerf.aih which be ah'eady corne fo my
hands, bave pcrfect knowledge, stinking boots, mucky
combes, raggcd rochettes, rotten girdlcs, pyl'd purses,
great bullocks' horns, locks of hair, and tîlthy rags,
294 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
gobbetts of wood, under the naine of parcels of the
holy cross, and such pel{'ry beyond estimation"
Besides matters of this kind, there were images of
the Virgin or of thc saints ; above all, roods or cruci-
fixes, of especiM potency, the virtues of which had
begun to grow uncertain, however, to sceptical Pro-
testants; and from doubt, to denial, and from lenial
to passionate hatred, there were but a few brief steps.
Ïhê most f«mous of the roods was that of Bxley in
Kcnt, whieh use, l fo smile and 1)ow, or frown and
shake its head, as its worshippers were generous or
elose-handcd. The fortunes and misfortunes of this
image I shall by-and-by bave to relate. There was
another, however, at 1)overeourt, in Suflblk, of seareely
inferior faine. This image was of sueh power that
the door of the ehureh in whieh it stood was open at
all hours to ail eomers, and no hu,nan hand eould
close it. Dovereourt therefore beeame a place of
great and lucrative pilgrimage, mueh resorted to by
the neighbours on all occasions of diffieulty.
Now it happened that within the circuit, of a few
toiles t.here lived four young men, to whom the
virtues of the food had beeome greatly questionable.
If it eould work miracles, it must be capable, so they
substanee;
thought, of proteeting ifs own a.nd they
agreed fo apply a praetieal test whieh would deter-
mine the extent of its abilities. Aeeordingly tlobert
King of Dedham, Robert Dcbenham of Eastbergholt,
Nieholas Marsh of Dedhaln, and Robert Gardiner of
Dedham, "their eouseienees being burdened to see
the honour of Almighty God so blasphemed by sueh
an idol," started off" " on a wondrous goodly nighL "
in February, with hard frost and a elear full moon,
ten toiles aeross the wolds, to the ehureh.
The door was open, as the legend deelared: but,
DESTRUCTION OF RELICS, 1532-38 295
nothing daunted, they entered bravely, and, lifting
down the "idol" from ifs shrine, with ifs eoat and
shoes, and the store of tapers whieh were kept for
the serviees, they earried if on their shoulders for a
quarter of a toile from the plaee where it, had stood,
" without any resistaneo of the said idol" There,
setting if on the g'round, they st.ruek a light, fastened
the tapers t.o the body, «md, with the help of them,
sacrilegiously burnt the image clown fo a heap of
ashes ; the ohl dry vood "bla.zing so brimly" thtt it
lighted them a full mlle of their way home.
For this night's performance, which, if the devil is
the ft.her of lies, ws stroke o[" honest work tginst
him and his family, the world rewrded these men
after the usuel fashion. One of them, Robert Gardiner,
escaped the serch which ws mde, tnd disppeared
till better times', the remttining three were swinç,'im,',
in ehains six months laçer on the seene of their exploit.
Their rate was perhaps inevitable. Men who date fo
l>e the first, in great movements are ever self-immolated
vietims. But I suppose that it. was better for them
tobe bteaehing ou their gibbets than erawling at the
feet of a wooden food, and believing if fo be God.
These were the first Paladins of the 1Reformation ;
the knights who slew the dragons and the enehanters,
and ruade the earth habitable for eommon flesh and
blood. They were rarely, as we lmve said, men of
great abilit.y, still more rarely men oF "wealth and
station"; but men rather of elear senses and honest
hearts.
8ix years had passed sinee four brave Suflblk
peasants had burnt the food ttt Dovereourt; and for
their reward had reeeived a gallows and a tope. The
high powers of Sta.te were stepl)ing noxv along the
296 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
road which these men had pioneered, discovering,
after ail, that the road was the right road, and that
the reward had been altogether an unjust one. The
"materials" of monastie religion were the rem or
eounterfeit relie.s of rem or eounterfeit saints, and
images of Christ or the Virgin, supposed fo vork
miraeulous eures upon pilgrims, and hOt supposed,
but aseertained, fo bring in a pleasant and abundant
revenue fo their happy possessors. A speeial inves-
tigation into the nature of these objeets of popular
devotion was now ordered, with results vhieh
more than any other exposure disenehanted the
people with superstition, and eonverted their fait.h
into an elually passionat.e ieonoelasm. Af Hales in
Woreestershire was a phial of blood, as famous for ifs
powers aml properties as t.he hlood of St. Januarius
af Naples. The phial was opened by the visitors in
t.he presenee of an awe-stl'uek lnultitude. No lniraele
punished the impiety. The mysterious substanee was
handled by profane fingers, and was round fo be
a mere innoeent gum, and hOt blood af all, adequate
fo work no lniraele either fo assist its worshippers or
avenge its violation. Another rare treasure was pre-
served af Cardig'an. The story of Out Lady's taper
there bas a pieturesque vildness, of whieh later ages
may admire the legendary beauty, being relieved by
three eenturies of ineredulity from the neeessity of
raising harsh alternatives of t.ruth or falsehood. An
image of the Virgin had been round, if was said,
standing af the mouth of the Tivy river, with an
infant Christ in her lap, and the taper in her hand
burning. She was carried fo Christ Church in Cardi-
gan, but " would not tarry there ". She returned
again and again to the spot where she was first found ;
and a chapel was af la.st built there fo receive and
DESTRUCTION OF RELICS, 532-38 297
shelter her. In this ch8pel she remained for nine
years, the taper burning, yet hOt eonsuming, çill some
rash Welshman swore an oath by lier, and broke
and the taper ab onee went out, and never eould be
kindled again. The visitors had no leisure for senti-
ment. The image w8s çorn from ifs shrine. The
tEEper was round fo be a pieee of l»ainted vood, and
on experiment was proved submissive fo a last
eonflagration.
Kings are said to find the stop , short one from
deposition fo the seaftbld. The un,leified images passed
by a svift transition t.o t, he ltalnes. The Lady of
Woreesçer had been laçely despoile«l of ber apparel.
" I trust," wrote Latilner fo t.he vieeerent, that "your
lordship will bestow our great.sibyll fo some good
purpose--ut l)e'eat memorbe cm .,:oit--she hat.h
been the devil's instrument fo bring" many, I fear, fo
eternal tire. She hersclf, with her old sisIer of
Walsingham, lier younger sister of Ipswich, with t.heir
two other sisters of Doncaster and Penrice, wouhl
make a .iolly muster in Smithfield. They would
hOt be all day in burning." The hard advice was
taken. The objects of the passionate devotion of
centuries vere rolled in carts to London as huge dis-
honoured lumber; and the eyes of the citizens were
gratified with a more innocent immolation than those
with vhich the Church authorities had been in the
habit of indulging them.
The fate of the rood of Boxley, again, was a famous
incident of the rime. At Boxley, iii Kent, there stood
an image, the eyes of which on fit occasions " did stir
like a lively thing" The body bowed, the forehead
frowned. It dropped its lower lip, as if fo speak.
The people saw in this prticular rood, beyond all
others, the living prescnce of Christ, and oItring's in
:z98 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
superabundant measure had poured in upon the monks.
It happened that a l'ationalistic commissioner, looking
closely, discovered symptoms of motion at the back of
the figure. Suspicion caused inquieT, and inquiry
exposure. The mystery had a natural explanation in
maehinery. The abbot and the elder brethren took
refuge in surprise, and knew nothing. But the fact
was patent; anal the unveiled fraud was of a kind
which might, be useful. "When I ha,1 seen this
st, range olieet," said the diseoverer, " and eonsidering
that the inhabitants of the eounty of Kent ha, l in
rimes past a great dcvotion to the saine image, and
did keep eontinual pilgrimage thither, by the a, lviee
of others that were here with me, I did eonvey the
said image unto Maidstone on the market day; and
in the chier of the market rime did show it openly unto
all the people then being present, to see the false,
erafty and subtle handling thereof, to the dishonour
of God aud illusion of the said people; who, I dare
say, if the late monastery were fo be defaeed again
(t.he Kin"s (Iraee hot o)nded), they would either
pluek it down to the ground, or else burn if ; for they
have the said marrer in wondrous detestation and
hatred."
But the food was hot allowed o be forgotten after
a single exhibition: the imposture was g'ross, and
would furnish a wholesome comment on the suppres-
sion, if it was shown off in London. From Maidstone,
therefore, it vas taken to the palaee at Whitehall, and
perrormed belote the Court. From the palaee it was
earried on to its last judgment aud exeeution at
Paul's Cross. It was plaeed upon a stage opposite the
pulpit, and passed through its postures, while the
Bishop of Roehester leetured upon it iii a sermon.
When the erowd was worked into adequate indigna-
DESTRUCTION OF RELICS, i53a-38 a99
tion, the scaffold was lnade fo give way, the image
fe|l, and in a few moments was torn in pieces.
Thus in all parts of England superstition was at-
tacked in ifs strongholds, and destroyed there. But
the indignation whieh was the natural recoil from
credulity wou|d hOt be satisfied wit, h the destruction
of ilnages. The idol was not, hing. The -uilt was hot
wit,h the wood and stone, but in t, he fraud and folly
whieh had practised vith t.hese brute instruments
ag'ainst the souls of men. In Scotland anl the Net, hel'-
lands t.he work of retribution was aceomplishe,1 by a
rising" of the people thelnselves in armcd l'evolution.
In England the readiness of the Government spared
the need of a popular explosion ; the lnonasteries were
hot saeked by mohs, or the priests murdered ; but the
saine fiereeness, the salue hot spil'it of ang'er, was abroad,
though eonfined within the restraint, s of the law. The
law if.self gave etthet, in harsh and sanguinary penalties
fo the rage whieh had beên kindled.
3oo
TUDOR ENGLAND.
Br these measures 1 the money-making spirit was for
a rime driven back, and the country resumed ifs
natural coursc. I ara hot concerned fo defend the
economic wisdoin of such proceedings ; but they prove,
I think, conclusivcly, tlmt the labouring classes owed
their advantttges hot fo the condition of the labour
markct, 1)ut to the care of the Stae; and that when
the State rclaxed its supervision, or failed to enforce
its rcgulations, the labourers, being lcft to the market
chances, sank instantly in the unequal strug'gle with
capital.
The Government, however, remained st.rong enough
to hold its ground (except during the discreditable
interlude of the reig'n of Edward VI.) for the first
three-luarters of the century ; and until that rime the
working classes of this country remained in a condition
more than prosperous. They enjoyed an abundance
far beyond what in general falls to the lot of that
order in long-settled countries ; incolnpa-ably beyond
what the saine class vere enjoying t that very time
in Germany or France. The laws secured them ; and
that the laws were put in force we bave /he direct
evidence, of successive Acts of the legislature justifying
the general policy by ifs success: and ve htve also the
indirect evidence of the contented loyalty of the great,
body of the people af a rime when, if they had been
Interfering with the rights of property on behalf of the poor.--A.
TUDOR ENGLAND 3oi
discontented, they held in their own hands the means
of asserting what the law aeknowledged fo be their
right. The Government had no power fo compel sub-
mission fo injustice, as was proved by the rate of an
attempt fo levy a "benevolence" by force, in 1525.
The people resisted with a determination against which
the Crowu commissioners were unable fo contend, and
the scheme ended with an acknowledgment of fault
by Henry, who retired with a good grace from an
impossible position. If the peasantry had been suf-
fering under any real grievances we should no bave
fai]ed fo ]lave hear, l of them whcn he religious rebel-
lions furnishcd so fait an opportunity fo press those
grievances forward. Coml)laint was lou,1 enough when
complaint was j ust, under the Somerset protectorate.
The incolnes of the grea nobles cannot be deter-
mined, for they varied probably as much as they vary
now. Under Henry IV..the average income of an
earl was estimated st £2,000 a year. Under Henry
VIII. the great Duke of Buckingham, the wealthiest
English peer, had £6,000. And the income of the
Archbishop of Canterbury was rated at the saine
amount. Bu the establishmens of such men were
enormous; their ordinary retinues in rime of peace
consisting of many hundred persons; and in war,
when the duties of a nobleman called him fo the field,
although in theory his followers were paid by the
Crown, yet the grants of Parliament were Oll so small
a scale that the theory was seldom converted into fact,
and a large share of the expenses was paid often out
of private purses. The Duke of Norfolk, in the
Scotch War of 1523, dèclared (hOt complaining of
but luerely as a reason why he should receive support)
that he had spent all his private means upon the army ;
and in the sequel of this history we shall find repeated
3o9_ SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
insfanees of knig'hfs and gentlemen vohmtarily ruining
themselves in the service of heir eounfry. The people,
hot universally, buf generally, were animaed by a
frue spirif of steriee ; by a true eonviefion fhaf fhey
were bound fo hink firsç of Eng'land, and only next
of fhemselves" and unless we ean bring ourselves o
un,:IersLaiM Lhis, we shall never un, lersLand whaL
Enland xvas under the reins of the Plantaenets
and Tudors. 2'he expenses of the Court under Henry
VII. were a little over t;14,000 a year, out of whieh
were defrayed the whole eost of the king's establish-
ment, the expenses of entertMning foreign ambassadors,
the wages and maintenance of the yeomen of the guard,
the reLilme8 of servants, and all ,eeessary outlay no
ineurred for publie business. Under Henry VIII.,
of whose extravaganee we have heard so mueh, and
whose Court was the most magnifieent in the world,
these expenses were £19,894 16s. 8d., a slnall sure
when eompared with the present eost of the royal
establishmeut, even if we adop the relative estimate
of twelve o one, and suppose it equal o £240,000 a
year of our money. But indeed it was hot equal o
£240,000 ; for, although the proportion held in artieles
of eommon eonsumption, articles of luxu W were very
dear indeed.
Passing down from the king and his nobles o the
body of the people, we find that the ineome qualifying
a eounLry genLleman fo be justice of the peaee was £20
a year, and, if he did his duty, his office was no sineeure.
We remember Justice Shallow and his elerk Davy,
with his novel theory of magisterial law ; and Shallow's
broad features have so English a east about them hat
we may believe there were many sueh, and tha the
duty was hot always very exeellently done. Bu the
Justice Shallows were hot allowed fo repose upon their
TUDOR ENGLAND 3o3
dignity. The .justice of the peace was required hot
only to take eognisanee of open ottbnees, but fo keep
surveillanee over all persons within his distriet, and
over himself in his own turn there was a surveillanee
no less sharp, and penalties for negleet prompt and
peremptory. Four rimes a year he was to make
proclamation of his duty, and exhort all persons to
eomplain against him who had oeeasion.
Tu-enty pounds a year, and heavy duties fo do for
if, represented the eondition of the squire of the parish.
By the 2nd of the 2nd of Henry V., " the wages" of a
parish priest were limited to £5 6s. Bd., exeept in
eases where there was speeial lieense fronl the bishop,
when they might be raised as high as £6. Priests
were probably something better off under Henry
VIII., but the stature remained in foree, and marks
an approaeh at least to their ordinary salary. The
priest had enough, being unlnarried, fo supply him in
eomfort with the neeessaries of lire. Ïhe squire had
enough to provide moderate abundanee for hilnself
and his family. Neither priest nor squire was able to
establish any steep difference in outval'd advantages
between himself and the eommols among whom he
lived.
The habits of all elasses were open, free and liberal.
There are two expressions eorresponding one fo the
other whieh ve frequently meet with in old writings,
and whieh are used as a kind of index, marking
whether the eondition of t.hings was or was not what
it ought fo be. We read of "merry England "--when
England was hot merry, things were hOt going well
with it. We heur of "the glory of hospitality,"
England's pre-eminent boast, by the rules of whieh all
tables, from the table of the twenty-shilling freeholder
to the table in the baron's hall and abbey refeetory,
3o4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
were open af the dinner hour to all comers, without
stint or reserve, or question asked: fo every man,
according fo his degree, who chose fo ask for if, there
was free rare tXll-I free lodging; bread, beef and beer
for lais dinner ; for his lodging, perhaps Olfly a mat of
rushes in a spare corner of the hall, with a billet of
wood for a pillow, but fl'eely offered and freely taken,
the guest probably faring much as his host fared,
neither worse nor better. There vas little fear of an
abuse of such license, for suspicious characters had no
leave fo wander af pleasure; and for any man found
af large, and unable fo give a suffieient aeeount of
himse]f, there were the ever-ready parish stoeks or
town gaol. The "glory of hospit.ality" lasted far down
into Elizabeth's rime; and then, as Calnden says, "eame
in great bravery of building, to the marvellous beauti-
fying of the realm, but fo the deeay " of what he
valued more.
In sueh frank style the people lived, hating three
things with all their hearts" idleness, want and
eowardiee; and for the rest, earrying their heart.s
high, aud having their hands full. The hour of rising,
winter and summer, was four o'eloek, with breakfast
af rive, after whieh t.he labourers went to work and
the gentlemen fo business, of whieh they had no little.
In the eountry every uuknown faee vas ehallenged
and exalnined--if the aeeoullt given was insufl]eient,
he was brought before the justiee ; if the village shop-
keeper sold bad wares, if the village eobbler ruade
"unhonest" shoes, if servants and masters quarrelled,
all was fo be looked fo by the justiee; there was no
fear lest tilue shouhl hang heavy with him. Af twelve
he dined ; after dinner he went huuting, or to his farm,
or fo what he pleased. If was a lire unrerined, perhaps,
but eoloured with a broad, rosy English health.
TUDOR ENGLAND 305
Of the education of noblemen and gentlelnen we
have conra,licGory accounGs, as might be expecGed.
The universiGies were well filled, by the sons of yeomen
ehielty. The eosG of supporGing them aG Ghe eolleges
was little, and wealthy men Gook a pride in helping
forward any boys of promise. Il seems elear also, as
Ghe Ret'ormation drew nearer, while thc elergy were
sinking lower and lower, a marked ehange fol" Ghe
berger beeame perceptible in a porGion al least of Ghe
laiGy. The more ohl-fashioned of Ghc higher ranks
werc slow in moving; for as late as Ghe reign of
Edward VI. thcrc were pcers of parliamenG unable Go
read ; but, on the whole, Ghe invcnGi(m of prinGing, and
the general fermenG whieh was eommcneing all over
the worhl, had produeed marked effeeGs in ail elasses.
Henry VIII. himself spoke four languages, and was
well read in Gheology and hisGory; and the high
aeeomplishmenGs of More and Sir T. Elliott, of Wyatt
and Cromwell, were buG the expression of a temper
whieh was rapidly sl)reading, and whieh gave oeeasion,
among other Ghings, Go the following refleetion in
EraslnUS. « Oh, sGrange vicissitudes of hmnan things,"
exelaims he. " HereGofore Ghe heart of learning was
among sueh as profes_sed religion. Now, while they
for the lnOSt part give Ghelnselves up vet.ri 1.txui
pec¢i,-«qt¢e, the love of learning is gone from them
to seeular princes, the court and Ghe nobility. May
we noG justly be ashamed of ourselves ? The feasts of
priesGs and divines are drowned in wine, are filled
wiGh seurrilous jesGs, sound wiGh intemperaGe noise
and tulnulG, flow wiGh spiteful slanders and tlefamation
of oflers ; while al princes' tables nodcst disputaGions
are held eoneerning things whieh make for learning
and piety."
A letter to Thomas Cromwell from his son's tuGor
20
3o6 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
vill not be without interest on this subject ; Cromwell
vas likely to bave been unusually carcful in his
children's training, and we need not suppose that all
boys were brought up as prudently. Sir Peter Carew,
for instance, being a boy aU about the saine rime, and
giving trouble aU the High School at Exeter, was led
home to his father's house at Ottery, coupled between
two fox-hounds. Yet the education of Gregory Crom-
well is probably hot far above vha many young men
of the middle and higher ranks vere begiming to
reeeive. Heu W Dowes xvas the tutor's naine, beyond
whieh faet I know nothing of him. His letter is as
follows :--
"After that it pleased your mastership to give me
in eharge, hot only to give diligent attendauee upon
Master Gregory, but alsb fo instruet him vith good
letters, honest mamers, pastyme of instrulnents, and
sueh other qualities as should be for him meet and
eonvenient, pleaseth it you fo understand that for the
aeeomplishlnent thereof I have endeavoured myself by
all ways possible to exeogitate hov I lnight most profit
him. In vhieh behalf, through his diligence, the sue-
eess is sueh as I trust shall be to your good eontentation
and pleasure, and to his no small profit. But for cause
the smmner was spent in the service of the wild gods,
[and] it is so mueh fo be reg'al'ded after what fashion
youth is brought up, in vhieh tilne that that is learned
for the lnost part will hot be vholly forgotten in the
older years, I think it my duty fo aseertain your
mastership how he spendeth his rime. And fil'SU after
he hath heard mass he taketh a leeture of a dialogue
of Erasmus' Colloquies, called Pietas Peceq'ilis, wherein
is deseribe,1 a very pieture of one that should be virtu-
ously brought up ; and for cause if is so neeessary for
him, I do hot only eause him to read if over, but also
TUDOR ENGLAND 307
fo practise the precepts of the saine. After this he
exerciseth his hand in writing one or two hours, and
readeth upon Fabyan's Chro; i«Ic as long. The residue
of the day he doth speud upon the lute and virginals.
When he rideth, as he doth very oft, I tell him by the
way some hisfory of the Romans or fhe Greeks, which
I cause him to rehearse again in a Cale. For his
recreation he useth o hawk and hunt and shoot in
his long bow, which frameth and succeedcth so well
with him that he seemeth fo be thereuuto given by
laLure."
I bave spoken of Lle organisaLion of the country
population, I have ow to speak of that of the towns,
of the trading classes and lnamffacturing classes, the
regulations respectiug which are no less remarkable
and no less illu,qLrative of Lhe naLional character. If
the tendency of Lrale fo assume aL last a rotin of mere
sclf-interesL 1)e irresisLible, if poliLical economy repre-
sent the laws fo which in the end iL is force,1 to submit
itself, the nation spare,l no eflbrts, either of art or
policy, o defer o the last momenL the unwelcolne
conclusion.
The namcs aml shadows linger abouL London of
cerLain ancient societies, the members of which lnay
still occasionally be seen in quaint gilt barges pursuing
their own ditficult way among the swarming steamers ;
when on certain days, the traditions concerning which
are fast dying out of memory, the Fishmonger.s' Com-
pany, the Gol([miths' Company, the Mercers' Company,
make procession dovn the river for civic" feastings at
Greenwich or Blackwall. The stately tokens of ancient
honour still belong fo them, and fhe remnants of
ancient wealth and patronage and power. Their
charters may be read by curious antiquaries, and the
bills of rare of their ancient entertainments. Eut for
308 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
what purpose they were called into being, what there
was in these associations of eommon trades fo surround
with gilde,1 insignia, and how they came fo be possessed
of broad lands and Chureh preferlnents, few people
now eare fo think or to in«luire. Trade and traders
bave no dignity any more in the eyes of any one,
except what money lends fo them ; an, l these outwar, l
symbols seareelv rouse even a passin. feelin of euri-
osiLv. And yeL these eompanies were once something
more than names. They are ail which now remain of
a vast org'a.nisation whieh once penetrated the entire
tra,lin lire of Englandan oganisation set on foot
to remise that most neeessary, if most diNeult, condi-
tion of eomnereial excellence under whieh man should
dcal faithfully with his brot.her, and ail vares offered
for sMe, of whatever kind, should honestly be vhat
they pret.end t.o be. I spoke of t.he military prineiple
whieh direeted t.he distribution and the arrangemênts
of land. The analogy will best explain a state of
thingçs in whieh every occupation was treat.ed as the
division of an arlny:, regiments being quartered in
every town, eaeh with it.s own self-eleeted oNeers,
whose duty was fo exereise authority over all persons
professing the business fo whieh they belonged; who
were to sec that no person undertook fo supply articles
whieh he had hot been edueate,l fo mannfaeture; who
were fo determine the priees af whieh sueh articles
ougt justly fo be sold: above all, who were fo take
eare that the eommon people really bought at shops
and stalls what they supposed themselves fo be bny-
ing; that eloth put up for sale was çl'Ue eloth, of truc
texture and full weight ; that leather was sound and
well tanned; wine pure, measures honest; flour un-
mixed with devil's dustwho were generally fo look
o it that in all eontraets between man and man for
TUDOR ENGLAND 309
the supply of mm's necessities, what we cMI honesty
of dea[ing should be truly and faithfully observed. 1
An organisation for this purpose did onee rcMly exist
in England," reM[y trying fo do the work whieh it
was inteudcd fo do, as hall the pages of out early
statutes witness. In London, as the metropolis, a
eentrM eouneil sat for every braneh of trade, and this
eouneil was in eommunieation with the ehaneellor and
the Crow. If was composed of the highest and most
respeetable members of the profession, and ils offiee
was to determine priees, fix wages, arnmge the rules
of apprentieeship, ara[ liseuss ail dctails eomeet.ed
with the business on whieh lcgislatiou might be re-
quired. Further, this eouneil reeeived the reports of
Throughout the old legislation morality went along with
po]itics and economics, and formed the lire and spirit of them.
The Iruiterers in Lhë streets were prohibited from selling lolums and
apples, because the apprentices played dice with theln for their
wares, or because the temptation induced children and servants to
steal money to buy. When parlialnent came fo be held regularly
in London, an Order of Council fixed the rates which the hotel-
keeper might charge for dinners. 5Iesses were served for four ai
twopence per head ; the bill of rare providing bread, fish (sal$ and
fresh), two comses of meat, ale, with tire and candlcs. And the
care of the Government did hot cease with their meals, and in an
anxiety that neither the burgesses nor their servants should be led
into sin, stringent orders were issued against street-walkers coming
near their quargers.--Guildh«ll MS. Journ«ls 12 and 15.
The sanitary regulations for the eity are peeuliarly interesting.
The seavengers, eonstables and olïieers of the wards were ordered,
"on pain ot death," fo see ail streets and yards kept elear of dung
and rubbish and all other filthy and eorrupt things. Carts vent
round every 5Ionday, Wednesday and Saturday to earry off the
litter front the bouses, and on each of those days twelve buekets of
water vere drawn for " every person," and used in eleaning their
rooms and passages.
Partieular pains were taken to keep the Thames elean, and at
the mouth of every sewer or watereourse t.here was a strong iron
grating two feet deep.--Guild]cll 3IS. Journal 15.
u And hOt in England Moue, but tlnougltout Ettl'ope.
3o ELECTIONS FROM FROUI)E
the searchers--high officers taken froln their own body,
whose business was to inspeet, in eompany vith the
lord mayor or some other eity dignitary, the shops of
the respeetive traders; to reeeive eomplaints, and to
examine into then. In eaeh provincial town local
eouneils sat in eomeetion with t, he munieipal authori-
ries, who fulfilled in these plaees the saine duties ; and
their report.s 1,ein" forward(,,1 to the central body, and
eonsidere«l by them, represent.ations on all neeessary
mattors were then nade to the privy eouneil; and
by the pl'ivy eouneil, if requisite, were submitted fo
Pal'liament. If these repl'esent.atiols were judged to
require legislative interferenee, the statut.es whieh
were passed in eonsequenee were retul'ned through
the ehaneellor fo the mayors of the various towns
and eities, hy whom they were proelaimed as law.
No person was allmved to open a trade or to eom-
lnenee a manufacture, either in London or the provinces,
unless he had lb'st served his apprentieeship ; unless
he eouhl prove fo the satisfaction of the authorities
that he vas competent in his craft; and unless he
submitted as a marrer of eourse to their supervision.
The legislature had undel'taken hot fo let that indispens-
able task go wholly unattempted, of distributing the
various funetions of soeiety by the rule of eapaeity:
of eompelling every man to do his duty in an honest
following of his proper ealling, seeuring to him that
he in his tm'n should hot be injured by his neighbour's
misdoings.
The Stat.e further promising for itself that all
able-bodied men should be round in work, and hot
allowing any man to work at a business for whieh
he was unfit, insisted as its natural rig'ht that ehildren
should hot be allowed to grow up in idleness, to be
returlmd af lnature age upon its hands. Every ehild,
TUDOR ENGLAND 311
so far as possible, vas to be trained up in solne busi-
ness or ealling, "idleness being the lnother of ail
sin," and the essential duty of every man being to
provide honestly fol" himself and his family. The
edueative theory, fOl" sueh it was, was simple but
efthetive- if was based on the single prineiple that,
next to the knowledge of a lnan's dut, y to (lod, and
as a lneans towal'ds doing that duty, the fil'st eondition
of a wort, hy lire was the ability to maintain it in
independenee. Varieties o[" inapplieable knowledg'e
might be g'ood, but they Wel'e hot êssential; sueh
knowledge might be Icft to tle leisure of after yeal'S,
or if might be dispensed with without vital injury.
Ahility to labour eouhl hot be dispensed with, and
this, therefore, the State felt it to be its own duty to
see provided; so reaelling, I eannot but think, the
heart of the whole lnattel'., q'he ehildl'el of those
who eould attbrd the small entranee fees were ap-
prentieed to trades, the l'est vere appl'entieed to
agrieult.ure; and if ehihlren were round growing up
idle, and their fathers or their fl'iends failed to prove
that they vere able to seeure them an ultimate main-
tenanee, t, he nayol's in towns and t.he magist.rates in
the eountry had authority to take possession of sueh
ehildren, and apprentiee them as they saw fit, that
when they grew up " they lnight hot be driven" by
want or ineapaeity " to dishonest eourses "
ueh is an outline of çhe organisation of English
soeiety un«ler the Plantagenets and Tudors. A detail
of the working of the trade laws would be beyond
my present purpose. It is obvious that sueh laws
eould be enforeed only under eireumstanees when
production and populat, ion remained (as I said before)
nearly stationary ; and if would be madness fo attelnpt
to apply t.hem fo the ehanged eondit.ion of the present.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND.
I" we look back on 8cotland as if stood in the fil'St
,luarter of the sixteent.h century, we see a country in
which the o1,1 feu,lai organisation continued, so far
as if generally aflcted the people, more vigorous
than in any other part of civilised Erope. Esewhere
the g'rowt, h or" t.rade an,1 of large towns had created
a mid, lle class, with an organisation of their own,
indcpendent of the lords. In Seotland the towns
were still seanty and poor; sueh as they were, they
were for the most part under the eontrol of the great
nobleman who happeued fo lire nearest fo them; and
a people, as in auy sense iu,lependent of lords, knights,
al»bots or prelates, under whose rule they were born,
had as yet no existence. The tillers of the soil (and
the soil was very miserably tilled) lived under the
shadow of the eastle or the monastery. They followed
their lord's fortunes, fought his battl, beliéved in
his polities, and supported him loyally in his sius or
his good deeds, as the oese might be. There was
lnueh moral beauty in the lire of those tilnes. The
loyal attaehment of man fo man--of liege servant fo
liege lordof all forms under whieh hmnan beings
ean lire and work together, has most of graee and
humanity about, if. If oelmot g on without mutual
eonfidenee and aflbetionlnUt.ual benefits given and
reeeived. The length of time whieh the system
lasted proves that in the main there lnUSt have beelt
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 33
a line fidelity in the people--truth, justice, genel'osity
in their leaders. History brings dow lnany bad
stories to us out of those rimes; just as in these
islands nowadays you lnay find bad instances of
the abuses of rights of loroperty. You may find
stories--too lnany also--of husbands ill-using their
wives, and so on. Yet we do hot therefore lay the
blame on marriage, or suppose that the institution of
property on the whole does more harm than good.
do hot doubt that down in thtt feudal system SOlne-
where lie the roots of some of the tinest qualities in
the European peoples.
nO lnuch fol" the temporal side ot' the marrer; and
the spiritual was not ver 3" unlike i. As no one lived
independently, in our modêrn sense of the word, so
no one thought independently. The nlinds ot" men
were looked after by a Church which, for a long rime
also, did, I suppose, very largely fulfil the purpose
for which it was intended. It kept alive and active
the belief that the world was created and governed
by a just Being, who hated sins and crimes, and
steadily punished such things. It taught men that
they had ilnlnortal souls, and that this little bit of lire
was an entirely insignificant portion of their real
existence. It taught these truths, indeed, along with
a great deal which we now consider to have been a
lnistake--a great many theories of earthly things
which have since passed away, and special opinions
clothed in outward [orms and ritual observances
which we here, most of us at least, do not think
essential for our soul's safety. But lnistakes like
these are hurtful only when persisted in in the face
of fuller truth, after truth has been discovered. On}y
Edinburgh, iqovember, 1865.--A.
2t4 ELECTI()NS FROM FROUDE
a very foolish nan wouhl now uphold the Ptolemaic
asronomy. ]3u the Ptolelnaic astronolny, when firs
invened, was bsed on rel if incolnplee observations,
and formed a groundwol"k vit.hout which furher
progress in h science would have been probbly
impossible. The heol"ies nd cerelnonils of he
Catholic Church suied well wih an age in which
little vas kllowil alibi llluch was imagined" when
supestition was active anal science was hot yet born.
When I ara tohl here or anywhere that the Middle
Ages were rimes o lnere spiritual darkness and
pricstly oppl'ession, with the other usual formulas,
I sty, as I said before, it" the Catholic Chul'c], for
those mmy centul'ies that if veigned supvelne over
al[ men's consciences, was no better than the thing
which we see in thc genevation which immcdiately
preceded the Re formation, it couhl hot have existed
af ail. You might as vell al'gue that the old fading
tree could never have been green and young. In-
stitutions do hot live on lies. They either lire by the
truth and usefulness which there is in them, or they
(lo hot live at al[.
So things went on for several hundl'ed years. There
were scandals enough, and crimes enough, and feuds,
and murders, and civil wars. Systelns, however good,
cannot prevent evil. They can but compress if within
moderate and tolerable limits. I should conclude, how-
ever, that, measuring by the average happiness of the
masses of the people, the medioeval institutions were
very well suited for thc inhabitants of t.hese countries
as they then vere. Adam Smith and Beltham them
selves couhl hardly have mended theln if they had
tried.
But rimes change, and good things as well as bad
grow old and have fo die. The heart of the lnatter
THE REFORMA'FION iN CO'I'I,AND 3 1 5
which the Catholic Church had taught vas the fear of
God; but the language of if and the forlnulas of if
were ruade up of hmnan ideas ami notions about things
which the mere increase of human knowledge gradually
lna,le incre,lible. To trace the reason of this would
lea, l us a long way. If is intelligible enough, but if
wouhl take us into subjects better avoided here. If
is enough fo sa 3- that, while the essence of religion
l'emains the saine, the mode in which if is expressed
changes and laits changed--chalges as living languages
change and become dêad, as institutions change, as
fOl'mS of govêl'mnent change, as opinions on all things
in heaven and carth change, as hall the theorie. held
af tlfis rime aluong ourselves will probal)ly change--
that is, the outward and lnortal parts of them. Thus
the CaLholic formulas, insead of living" symbols, became
dead and powerless cabalistic signs The religion lost
its hohl on the conscience and the intellect, and the
effect, siugularly enough, appeared in the shepherds
belote if lnade itself felt among the flocks. From the
see of St. Peter to the far molmsteries in the Hebrides
or the Isle of Arran, the laity were shocked and
scandalised af the outrageous doing's of lfigh cardinals,
prelates, priests and lnonks. If was clear enough that
these great personages thelnselves did hot believe what
they taught; so why should the people believe if ?
And serious lnen, fo whom the fear of God was a living
reality, began to look into the lnatter for thelnselves.
The first steps everywhere wcre taken with extreme
reluctance ; and had the popes and cardinals been wise,
they xvould bave taken the lead iii the inquiry, cleared
their teachiug of ifs lumber, and taken out a new lease
of lire both for if and for thelnselves. An infallible
pope and ail iufallible council might bave done sonae-
thing in this way, if good sense had been among the
316 SE LECTIONS FROM FROUDE
attributes of their omniscience. What they did do was
somcthing very difl'crent. If ws as if, when the new
astronolny began fo be taught, the professors of that
science in all the universities of Europe had met
together and decided that Ptolemy's cycles and epi-
cycles werc eternal verities; that the theory of the
rotttion of the earth was and must be a damnable
héresy; and had invited the civil authorities to help
theln in puting dow by force ail doctrincs but their
own. This, or something very like if, was the position
ttken up in theology by the Council of Trent. The
bishops as,sembled there did hot reason. They decided
by vote that certain things wcre true, and were fo
believed; and the only arguments which they con-
descended fo use were tire and faggot, and so on. How
iL fared vith them, and with this experiment of theirs,
we all know tolerably well.
The eflbct was ve T dittrent in dittrent countries.
Here, in Scotland, the failure vas lnost marked and
complete, but the way in which it calne about was
lu lnany ways peculiar. In Gerlnany, Luther was
supported by princes and nobles. In England, the
Rcforlnation rapidly mixed itself up with poIitics and
,[ucstions of rival jul'isdiction. Both in England and
(ermany the revolution, wherever i established if.self,
was accepted early by the Crown or the Government,
and by theln legally recognised. Here, if was far
othervisc: the Protestantisln of Scotland was the
creation of the commons, as in tUl'n the commons
be said to have been created by Protestantism. There
were nmny young high-spirited men, belonging o the
noblest falnilies in the country, who were among the
earliest to rally round the Reforlning preachers; but
authority, both in Church and State, set the other way.
The congregations who g'athcred in the fields around
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 37
Wishart and John Knox were, for the most part,
farmers, labourers, artisans, tradesmen, or the slnaller
gent.ry ; and t.hus, for the first rime in Seot, land, there
was ereated an organisat.ion of men det,ehed from the
lor,ts and from the Chureh--brave, nohle, resolute,
daring peol)le , bound together by a sacrod cause, un-
reeognised 1» 5- the leaders wholn they had followed
hit,herto with undouhting allegiance. That spirit whieh
g'rexv in rime fo be the ruling power of Seotland--that
whieh forlned eventually ifs laws and ifs ereed, and
,letermined ifs ai'ter fortunes as nation--had its first
g'erm in these half-outlawed wandering" cong'regations.
In this if was that the Reformation in Seotlm,1 differcd
from the Reformation in anv or-ber part of Europe.
Esewhere it round a mi,ldle elss existing--ereate, l
already by t, rade or by other eauses. It raised and
clevate,l them, but it did hot materially attçet their
politieM eondit.ion. In Seotland, t.he eommons, as
an or-anised hody, were simply ereated by rclig'ion.
Belote the l%eformation t.hey ha, l no politieal exist-
ence: and therefore it has 1)een that the print of their
origin has gone so deeply into their soeial constitution.
On theln, and theln only, the burden of t.he work of
the Rêformation was event.ually thrown; and when
they trimuphed af last, it was inevitable that both
they and it should reaet one upon the or.ber.
318
THE NORMANS IN IRELAND.
VHEN the vave of the Norman invasion first rolled
aeross St. George's Channel, the sueeess was as easy
and appeared as eolnplete as William's eonquest of
the ,Saxons. There was no unity of purpose among
the Irish ehieftains, no national spirit whieh eould
support a sustained resistanee. The eountry was open
and undefeluled, and after a few feeble struggles the
eontest eeased. Ireland is a basin, the eentre a fertile
undulating plain, the edges a fringe of mountains that
forln an ahnost unbroken eoast line. Into these
highlands the Irish tribes were driven, where they
were allowed fo retain a partial independenee, under
eondition of paying tribute ; the Norman immigrants
dividing among themselves the inheritanee of the
dispossessed inhabitants. Strongbov and his eom-
panions beeame the fendal sovel'eigns of the island,
holding their estates under the English Crown. The
eolnmon law of England was intro, lueed; the king's
writ passed eurrent from the Giant's Cuseway to
Cape Clear; and if the leading Norman families had
relnained on the estates whieh they had eonquered,
or if those who did relnain had retained the eharaeter
whieh they brought with them, the entire country
would, in all likelihood, have settled down obediently,
and at length willingly, under a rule whieh if would
have been without power fo resist.
An expeeta, tion so natural was defeated by two
THE NORMANS IN IRELAND 319
causes, alike unforeseen and perplexing. The northern
nations, when they overran the Roman empire, vere in
search of holnes; and they subdued only fo colonise.
The feu(lai system bound the noble fo the lands
which he possessed; and a theory of ownership of
estates, as consisting lnerely in the receipt of rents
from other occupants, svas alike unheard of in fact,
o and l'epugnaut fo the priuciples of feudal society.
To Ireland belongs, among ifs other misfortunes, the
credit of having tirst given birth fo alsentees. The
descendants of the fit,st invaders preferred fo regard
their inheritance, hot as a theatre of duty on wl,ich
they were fo resi,le, but as a possession which they
might farm for their in,lividual advantage. They
managed their properties by agents, as sources of
reveuue, leasinff them even among the Irish them-
selves; and the tenantry, deprived of the supporting
presence of their lords, and governed only in a merely
mercenary spirit, transferred back their allegiance fo
the exiled chiefs of the old race. This was one grave
cause of the English failure; but serious as it svas,
if would hOt bave suflàced alone fo explain the full
extent of the evil. Some most poverful families
rooted themselves in the soil, and never forsook if;
the Ger:ddines, of Munster and Kildare ; the Butlers,
of Kilkelmy ; the De Burghs, the Birmilghams, the De
Courcies, and many others. If these had been united
among themselves, or ha,l retained their allegiance fo
England, their iufluence could hot have been long
opposed successfully. Their several principalities
vould have formed separate centres of civilisation;
and the strong system of order would have absorbed
and superseded the most obstinate resistance which
could have been offered by the seattered anarchy of
the Celts.
32o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Unfortunately, the materials of good were converted
into the worst inst.ruments of evil. If an objection had
been raised to the colonisation of America, or fo the
COmlUeSt of India, on the ground that the character of
Englishmen wouhl be too weak fo contend successfully
against that of the races with wholn they would be
brought into contact, and that they wouhl relapse into
barbarism, such an alarm wouhl have seemed too pre-
posterous tobe entertained; yet, prior to experience,
if wouM have been equally reasonable fo expect that
the nodern Englishman would adopt the habits of the
Hindoo or the Mohiean, as that the fiery knights of
Normandy would have stooped fo imitate a race whom
they despised as slaves; tlmt they would have flung
away their very knightly names to assume a barbarous
e«luivalent ; and vould so utterly have east aside the
eonnnanding features of their northern extraction, that
their ehildren's ehildren eould be distinguished neither
in soul nor body, neither in look, in dress, in language,
nor in disposition, from the Celts whom they had
subdued. Sueh, however, was the extraordinary
faet. The Irish who had been eonquered in the field
revenged their defeat on the minds and hearts of their
eonquerors ; and in yielding, yielded only to fling over
their new masters the subtle spell of the Celtie dis-
position. In vain the Government attempted to stem
the evil. Stature was passed after stature forbidding
the "Englishry" of Ireland fo use the Irish language,
or intermarry with Irish families, or eopy Irish habits.
Penalties were multiplied on penalties; fines, for-
feitures, and at last death itself, were threatened for
sueh offenees. But all in vain. The stealthy evil
erept on irresistibly. Fresh eolonists were sent over
fo restore the system, but only for themselves or their
ehildren tobe swept into the stream: and from the
THE NORMANS IN IRELAND 32
cenury which succeeded the con,luest till the reign of
the eighth Henry, the strange phenomenon repeated
itself, generation after generation, battling the wis,lom
of statesmen, an,l paralysing every eflbrt af a reme, ly.
Here was a diculty which no skill could contend
ag'ainst, and which was increased by the exertions
which were ruade fo oppose if. The healthy elements
which werê introduced to leaven the ohl became them-
sêlves infected, and swelled the mass of evil; and the
clearest observers were those who were most dispose,l
fo ,lespair. PopcT bas been the sca.pegoat which, for
thc last three centuries, bas borne the reproach of
Irêlan,l ; but belote Popet T had ceased fo be the faith
of the worhl, the problem had long presented itself in
ail ifs hopelessness .... There was no true care for
the common wealthat was the especial peculiarity by
which the higher classes in Ireland were unfortunately
distinguished. In England, t, he last consi,lerat.ion of
a noble-minded man was his personal advantage; Ire-
land was a theatre for a universal scramble of selfish-
ness, and the inva, lers caught the national contagion,
and became, as the phrase went, ipss Hibe'tis
ltibertiores.
The explanation of this disastrous phenomenon lay
part.ly in the circumstances in wbich they were placed,
part.ly in the inhercnt tendencies of human nature
itself. The Norman nobles entered Ireland as indê-
pendent adventurers, who, each for himself, carved
out his fortune with his sword; and, unsupported as
they were from home, or supported only af precarious
intervals, divided from one another by large tracts of
country, and surrounded by Irish dependents, it was
doubtless more convenient for them fo govern by
humouring the habits and traditions fo which their
vassals would most readily submit. The English
2I
322 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
Government, occupied with Scotland and France, had
no leisure fo maintain a powerful central authority;
and a central disciplinarian rule enforced by the
sword was contrary fo the genius of the age. Under
the feudal system, the kings governed only by the
consent and with the support of the nobility ; and the
maintenance at Dublin of a standing military force
would have been regarded with extreme suspicion in
Englan,1, as vell as iu Ireland. Hence the attitirs of
both countries vere, for the most part, administered
undcr the saine forms, forms which were as ill suîted
fo the waywardness of the Celt, as they met exactly
the stronger nature of the Saxon. At intervals, when
the Government was exasperaed by unusual outrages,
some prince of the blood vas sent across as viceroy;
aud hall a century of acquiescence in disorder would
be followed by a spasmodic severîty, whi6h irritated
without subduing, ami forfeited atlction while it
failed to terrify. At all other rimes, Ireland was
governed by the Norman Irish, and these, as the
years went on, were tempted by their convenience fo
strengthel fhemselves by h-ish alliances, to identify
their interests vith those of the native chiefs, lu order
to conciliafe their support; to prefer the position of
wild and independent sovereigns, resting on the attach-
meut of a people whose affections they had gained by
learning to resemble them, to that of lnilitary lords
over a hostile population, the representatives of a
distant authority, on which they could not rely.
This is a partial account of the Irish difficulty. We
must look deeper, however, for the full interpretation
of if; and outward circumstances never alone suffice
to explain a moral transformation. The Roman
military colonists relnained Roman alike on the Rhine
and on the Euphrates. The Turkish conquero-s caught
THE NORMANS IN IRELAND 323
no infection from Greece, or from the provinces on the
Danube. The Celts in En'land were absorbed by the
Saxon invaders ; and the Mogul an,t t.he Anglo-Indian
alike have shoxvn no têndeney fo assimilate with the
Hincloo. When a marked type of human eharaeter
yields belote another, the ehange is owing fo some
element of power in that other, whieh, eomin" in
eontaet with elements weaker than itself, subdues
and absorbs them. The Irish spirit, whieh exereised
so fatal a faseination, was enahled fo trimnph over
the Norlnan in virtue of representino" eel'tain 1)crennial
tendeneies of hummity, whieh are latent in all man-
kind, and whieh opportunity lnay af any momelt
develop. If xws hot a national spirit--the elans
were never united, exeept by some comlnon hatred;
and the norlnal relation of the ehieN towards eaeh
other was a relation of ehronie war and hostility. If
was rather an impatienee of eontrol, a deliberate
preferenee for disorder, a deterlnination in eaeh in-
dividual man fo go his own way, vhether if was a
g'ood way or a bad, and a reek]ess hatred of industry.
The result vas the inevitable one--oppression, misery
and wrong. But in detail faults an,t graees were so
interwoven, that the offensiveness of the evil was
disguised by the eharm of the good; and even the
Irish viees were the eounterfeit of virtues, eontrived
so eulmingly that if was hard to distinguish their true
texture. The fidelity of the elansmen fo their leaders
was faultlessly beautiful; extravaganee appeared
like generosity, and improvidenee like unselfishness :
anarehy disguised itself under the naine of liberty;
and war and plunder were deeorated by poetry as t.he
honourable oeeupation of heroie natures. Sueh were
the Irish with whom the Norman comluerors round
themselves in eontaet ; and over them all was thrown
3)_4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
a peeuliar imaginative graee, a eareless atmosphere of
humour, SOlnetilnes c,-a-- sometimes melancholy, always
attraet.ive, whieh ai onee disarmed t.he hand whieh
was raiscd to strike or punish theln. These spirits
were dangel'OUS neighbours. 3Ien who first entered
the eountry ai mature age might be fortified by ex-
perience agMnst their influence, but on the young they
nust have exerted a eharln of fatal poteney. The
rosier-nurse first ehanted the spell over the eradle in
wild passionate melodies. It was breathed in the ears
of the gl'owing boy by the minstrels who haunted the
halls, and the lawless at.traetions of disorder proved
oo strong fro" the manhood whieh was trained among
so perilous assoeiations.
For sueh a eountry, therefore, but one form of
government eould sueeeed--an effieient military des-
poisln. The people eould he wholesomely eontrolled
only by an English deputy, sustained by an English
army, and armed with arbit.rary power, t.ill the in-
veterate turbulenee of their tempers had died away
under repression, and they had learnt in their in-
proved eondition the value of order and rule. This
was the opinion of all statesmen vho possessed any
rem knowledge of Ireland, from Lord Talbot under
Heu W VI. to the lai.est vieeroy who attempted a
milder method and found it rail. " If the King were
as wise as Solomon the Sage," said the report, of 1515,
" he shall never subdue the wild Irish to his obedienee
without dread of t.he sword and of the miht and
strengh of his power. As long as they may resist
and save their lires, they will hot obey the King."
Ufortunately, although English statesmen were able
to see the eourse whieh ought tobe followed, it had
been too iueonvenient to pursue that eourse. They
had put off the evil day, preferring to elose their eyes
THE NORMANS IN IRELAND
against the lnischief instead of grappling with it
resolutely; and thus, af the opening of the sixteenth
century, vhen the hitherto neglected barbarians were
about fo become a sword in the Pope's hands fo fight
the battle against the Reformation, the " King's Irish
enenfies" had recovered all but absolute possession
or" the island, and nothing remained of SÉl'Oll'bo'v'8
eOl(lUeSts save the shadow of a titular sovereignty,
and a country stl'engthened in hostility by the mcal,s
which had been used to subdue it.
326
SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS.
THERE was (1567) one plague-spot in the Spanish
elnl)ire--olm damning exception fo the splendid ortho-
doxy of the subjects of the Castilian prince. Political
ingenuity has as yet contrived no schelne of govern-
lnent which on the whole works better than monarchy
by hereditary succession. To choose a ruler by the
accident of birth is scarcely less absurd in theory than
the lnethod so much ridiculed by Plato, of selection
by lot : yct the necessity of stability, and the difilculty,
hitherto unsurmoulted, of finding any principle of
elcction which vill work long without confusion,
have brought men to acquiesce in an arrangement
for which reason has nothing fo ul'ge; and fo provide
a relnedy for the mischief otherwise inevitable by
crecting a sovereignty of law, supreme alike over
monarch and subject, and by restricting the priviieges
of the Çl'OIvn within strict constitutional limits.
The evil of the hcreditary principle appears in ifs
most aggravated form, when, through royal intermar-
riages, two nations have bcen tied together which
have no natural connection either in language, habit
or tradition; espccially when they are situated at a
grcat distance from one anothcr, and when a country
bcfore independent is governed by the deputy of an
alicn sovcrcign.
Such was the position of the densely peopled group
of provinces on the lnouth of the Rhine, under the
SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS 327
Spanish prince. Their own dukes, long the equals
of the proudest of the European sovereigns, had
beeome extinet. ïhe title and the authority had
lapsed fo a monareh who was ignorant of their lan-
guage, indittbrent fo their eustoms, and with interests
of his own separate from, and perhaps opposite fo,
theirs. IL was the more neeessary for them fo insist
on their established hereditary privileges, larger,
happily for them, than those xvhieh bound the hands
of any other duke or king. So long as thesc rights
remained unviolated the Netherlands had given little
eause fo their new sovereign fo eomplain of their
loyalty. The people had round their advantage in
being attaehed to a powerful monarehy, whieh pro-
teeted them from their dangerous neighbours. ïhey
had paid for the eonneetion by eontributing freely
with their wealth and blood to the greatness of the
empire of whieh they were a part.
They had endured without eomplaining oeeasional
exeesses of the prerogative, but they had endured
them as permitted by themselves, hot as eneroaeh-
ments whieh they were unable to resist. The ob-
servanee of the eoronation oat.h was not left fo the
authority of eonseienee, and the monareh was without
power to peijure himself however great might be his
desire. Eery provinee had its own j urisdietion--its
separate governor, by whom its military strength
was administered ; every town had its eharter and its
munieipal eonstitution, and against the will of the
eitizens legally deelared no foreign garrison might
be admitted within their valls; oppression was im-
possible until the eivil libelies whieh the king had
sworn to respeet were first invaded and erushed.
Thus the provinees were thriving beyond all other
parts of Europe. Their great eities were the marts of
3a8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
the vorld's commerce--their traders eovered the seas,
and the produce of their looms was exposed for sale in
every market-place in Christendom. Their merchants
were sueeeeding to the wealth and the importanee
whieh were fading from Gcnoa and Veniee ; and their
sovereigns had been long eareful to eoneiliate the
loyalty of subjeets so emineutly useful. The burghers
of Bruges and Antwerp had done more for Charles
V. lu his long" grapple with Franee than the mines of
Mexieo and Peru; and uutil the provinees felt t.he
first shoek of the religious eonvulsion, no question
had risen fo overeloud the pride of the Flelnings in
the glories of their imperial toaster.
Where the minds of men were in sueh aetivity the
doetrines of the Reformation readily round entrance ;
yet notwithstanding, with skilful handling, the eol-
lision might have been avoided between the people
and the Crown, and the Netherlands might have
been hehl loyal, hot only to the Spanish Crown but
to the See of Rome. As in England, the movement
began tlrst among the artisans and the smaller trades-
mon. The possession of wealth inelines men every-
where to think well of the institutions under whieh
they have prospered, and the noblemen and opulent
eitizens of Flanders aud Brabant were little inelined
to trouble themselves with new theories. They were
Catholies beeause they had been born Catholies, but
they hcld their relig'iou with those uueonseious lirai-
rations whieh are nceessitated by oeeupation in the
worhl. The modern Englishman eonfesses the theoretie
value of poverty, the danger of riches, and the para-
lnount elaims upon his attention of a world beyond
the grave ; yet none the less he regards the aeeumula-
tiou of wealth as a personal and national advantage.
He labours to inerease his own ineome; he believes
SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS 329
that he does well if he leaves his falnily beyond the
neeessity of labouring for their livelihood; he remis
and respects the _Nermon Oll the Mount ; he condelnnS
and will even 1)unish with lnOdera(iol those vho
impugn ifs inspirat.ion ; yet in the praet.ieal Old)inions
which he professes and on which he acts, he directly
eontradiets it.s pl'eeepts. The att, itude of the wealt.hy
NeLherlander towards the Catholie faith was very
lnuch thê saine. He did hot wish fo becolne a Pro-
restant. He was rcady fo t.reat the profession of
Protestantisln as a eonsidcrablc ottçnee; but as thc
Publiean was nearer the kingdOln of heaven t.han the
Pharisee, so the lnanufaeturers of Çlhent were pro-
teeted froln fanaticisln by their worldliness. They
were willing to eontime Catholies t.hemselves; and
to lnaintain the Catholie Chureh in all its (lio-nity and
honour; but they did not dêsil'e to ruin themselves
and their eountry by thê dêath or exile of their most
industrious workmen.
Bêtween this point of view and that of the Spanial'l
there was an irreeoneilable dittl'enee. The Cat.holie
religion vas of eourse true, pal'amount--or whatevêr
else it wished fo be ealled; but they believed in it as
established reli'ions alvays are beliêved in by men
vho have nmeh êlsê of a useful kind to t.hink about.
To the Spaniard, on thê othêr hand, his religion vas
the all in all. It did hot change his naturê--beeausê
his mind was fastened on the theologieal aspêet of it.
He was eruêl, sensual, eovetous, unserul)ulous. In his
hunger for gold hê had extel'lninatêd wholê faces and
nations in the New World. But his a.variee was like
the aval'iee of thê spendthrift. Of thê eareful con-
centration Of his faeulties in t.he pursuit of wêalth by
industrious methods, he was ineapablê. The daily
oeeupation of thê Fleming was with his ledgèr or his
33 ° SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
factory--the Spaniard pasoed from the mass and the
confessional to the hunting-field, the tilt-yard or the
field of battle.
The most important of the national characteristics
were combined in the person of Philip II. The energy,
the high-mettled spirit, the humour, Che romance, the
dash and pover of the Spanish character lmd no place
in him. lIe was slov, hesitating, and in COllllllOll
matters uncertain. Il'hot deficient in personal courage,
he was without military taste or military ambition.
But he had few vices. ])ul'ing his marriage with
Mary Tudor, he indulged, if is sai«l, in some forbidden
pleasures ; but hc ha«l no natural tendencies fo excess,
and if he did hot forsake his faults in this way, he
was forsaken by them. He was lnoderate in his
habits, careful, busines.like, and usually kind and
conciliatory. He could under no circumstances have
been a great man; but with other opportunities he
might have passed muster among sovereigns as con-
siderably better than the average of them: he might
have received credit 'or many negative virtues, ,nd
a conscientious application fo the common duties of
his office. Ho was one of those lilnited but hOt ill-
lneaning men, to whom religion furnishes usually
a healthy principle of action, and who are ready and
eager fo submit to its authority. In the unfortunate
conjuncture at which he was set fo reign, what ought
fo have guided him into good becalne the source of
those actions which have ruade his naine infamous.
With no broad intelligence fo test or correct his
superstitions, he gave prominence, like the rest of his
countrymen, fo those particular features of his creed
which could be of Slnallest practical value to him.
Ho saw in his position aud in his convictions a call
from Providence to restore through Europe the shak-
SPAIN AND THE NEYHERLANDS 33
ing fabric of the Church, and he lived to shmv that
the lnost cruel curse which can afltict the world is the
tyranny of ignorant conscientiousness, and that there
is no crilne too dark for a devotee fo perpetrate under
the seeming sanction of his creed.
Charles V., in whom Burgundian, German and
Spalfish blood were mixed in equal proportions, was
as much broadcr in his sylnpathies than Philip as he
was superior to him in intellecb. He too had hated
heresy, but as Emperor of Germany he had been
forced fo bear with it. His edict for the suppression
of the new opinions iii the Netherlands was as cruel
as the most impassioued zealot could desire, and af
rimes and places the persecution had been as sanguin-
ai T as in Spain: but it was limited everywhere by
the unwillingness of the local magistrates fo support
the bishops; in some of the states if vas liever
enforced af all, and ever)'where the emperor's diffi-
culties with France soon compelled hiln fo let if drop.
The var outlived him. The peace of Cambray round
Philip on the throne ready fo take advantage of the
leisure which af last had arrived. Charles, in his
dying instructions, commendcd to his son those duties
which he had hilnself neglected. He directed him fo
put away the accursed thing, fo rebuild the House of
the Lord, which, like another David, he was hilnself
unfit fo raise. Philip received the message as a
Divine command. When the emperor died he was
at Brussels. He had ten thousand Spanish troops
wibh hiln, a ready-made instrument for the work.
He set himself af once fo establish more bishops iii
the provinees, with larger inquisitorial powers. If
was hot fo be t.he fault of the sovereign if the bill
of spiritual health was hot as elean in his northern
dolninions as in Arragon and Castile.
332 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDÊ
But each year of delay had lnade the problem more
diflieult of solugion. Progesgangism, while it left the
higher elasses ungouehed, had sprea.d like a eontagion
alllOllg ghe commons. The congl'egations of argisans
in every gl'eat OU-ll and seaport lmlnbered their gens
of t]mu.sands. Tire lllelllbers of gheln were t.he ver 3'
flowcr of ghe provincial indusgry; and lhe ediels
eonteml)laged lhcir exgel'minagion by miliga W fOl'Ce,
aefing as ghe uneongrolled insgl'Ulneng of improvised
illegal gribunals. The ordinary local eourgs were go
be superse,led by mere margial law; and ghe Negller-
land noldes did nol ehoose Go surrender thelnselves
bound hand and foot go Spanish despogisln. ïheir
eonslitut, ional right.s onee suspended for lheir spiritual
purg'agion, lnighg be losg for ever; and wighoug pro-
fessing any sylnpaghy wit.h heresy, wigh he mos
eagel" deelaragion thal they desired as ar, lengly as
Phi lip lbhe l'e-esgablishlneng of orghodoxy, they refused
Go allow the loeation of foreign g'arrisol!s among ghem.
They elailned lheir righl go deal with their own
people by gheir own laws; and Philip, art.er a bursg
of passion, had been eompelled Go yiehl. Ïhe Spanish
troops were Sellg holne, and ghe king, leaving his
sistel', the Duehess of Parlna, go do her besg withoug
lhem, retul'ned o Madrid, go bide his rime. Seven
yeal'S passed belote an opporgunigy arrived go reopen
lhe question. The eg'eng 3iargareL assisge,l by ber
faithful lninisger, lhe Bshop of An'as, laboured
siduously Go do her brogher's pleasure. Nogwigh-
standing ghe opposigion, she round insgrulnents more
or less willing go enforee the ediegs--solne sharing
Philip's bigot. W, some anxious Go filld favour in his
eyes. Men eapable of greag and prolonged eflbl'tS of
resisganee are usually slow Go eolnmenee sgrug'g'les of
which t, hcy, berger than any ole, foresee ghe probable
SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS 333
conse,[uences. Year after year some hundreds of poor
men were raeked, and hang'ed, and burnt, but no
blessing followed, and tlhe evil did hot a.bate. The
lnoderate Catholies, whose hunuu,ity had hot been
ext.in'uished by their ereed, beeame Lutherans in
their reeoil froln eruelties whieh they were unable fo
prevent.; and Lut, heranism, faee o faee wit.h it.s
feroeious enemy, developed quiekly into Calvinism.
The hnnted worklnen either passed into France fo
t.heir Huguenot. brothers, or took service with the
privateers, or migrated by thousands into Engqan,l
with their families, earrying wit.h them t.hcir art.s a,l
indnst.ries. Faetories svere elosed, trade ws paralyse, l,
or was transfel'red froln the Seheldt fo t.he Thames.
"çhe spirit of disafletion went deeper and dceper into
t, he people, and the hard-headed and indifl?rent lnan
of business was eonverted by his losses into a pat.riot..
To the pet.itions for the moderation of the ediets the
Duehess of Parma eould answer only that she ha, l no
power, or t.hat she lnUSt eonsult her brother ; and t.he
nol)lenen, who had first interposed fo prevent, the
eontinuanee of the Spaniards anlol,g" them, beg'an fo
eonsult what further st.eps might ho possible. Fore-
lnOSt among these were the St.adt.holders of the
difl?rent provinces; William of Nassau, Prinee of
Ormge; Count Egmont, the hel'O of Gravelines and
St. Quentin ; Iontigny, Horn, and t.he Iarquis Bel'g-
hen. The Prince of Orange was still under thirty
and capable of new impressions, his friends were
middle-aged men, unlikely fo change their ereed, but
unwilling" fo sit by and see their fellow-eount.rymen
murdered. Something t.hey were able fo eflet for a
tilne, by impeding the action of their own courts ; but
local remedies were partial and diffieult fo earry out.
The vague powers of the bishops superseded the laws
334 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
of the states, and the laws themselves had been
formed in Catholic rimes when heresy was univer-
sally regarded as a serious offence: the Stadtholders
could not alter them without open revoit against the
sovereign, which as yet they had hOt coutemplated.
They could but solicit Philip therefore to moderate
the violence of the administration, and suspend the
edicts till milder measures had been tried.
Such advice to the King of Spain was like the
carnal policy of the children of Israel in making
terres with the idolaters of Canaan. What fo him
were the lives and industries 6f his subjeets eom-
pared fo their immortal souls ? Better that the Low
Countries were restored fo the oeean from whieh
they had been reeovered, better that every man,
woman and ehihl shouhl perish from off the land,
than that he should aeknowledge or endure as his
subjeets the enemies of God. To him the man
who endeavoured fo proteet a heretie was no less
infanous than the heretie himself. Compared vith
the service of the Almighty, the rights of the
provinees were mere forms of man's devising; aud,
with a purpose hard as the flinty pavement of his
own Madrid, he temporised and gave doubtful
answers, and marked fhe naine of every man who
petitioned to him for lnoderation, t.hat he might
make an example of him when the rime for if
should eome.
Af length, driven mad by heir own sufferings,
eneouraged by the attitude of their leaders, and by the
apparent absence of any foree whieh eould eontrol them,
the eommons of the Netherlands rose in rebellion,
saeked ehurehes and eathedrals, burnt monasteries,
killed monks when they eame in their way, set up
their own serviees, and broke into the usual exeesses
SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS 335
which the Calvinists on their side considered also
supremely meritorious.
The Stadtholders put them down everywhere, used
the gallows freely, and restored order; but the thing
was done, the peace had been broken, and Philip had
the plea at last for which he lmd long waited--that
his subjects were in insurrection, and required the
presence of his own troops fo bring them fo obedience.
An army small in number but perfect in equipment
and discipline, vas raised from among the choicest
troops which Spain and Italy couhl provide. The
ablest living sohlier was chosen to command them.
The Duchess of Parma was superseded, and the
military govermnent of the Netherlands was en-
trusted fo Ferdinand of Toledo, Duke of Alva.
The naine of Alva lins descended through Protestant
tradition in colours blak as if he had been dipped in
the pitch of Cocytus. Religious history is partial in
ifs verdicts. The exterminators of the Canaanites are
enshrined among the saints, and had the Catholics
corne off victorious, the Duke of Alva would have
been a second Joshua. He xvas now sixty years old.
His lire from his boyhood had been spent in the field,
and he possessed all the qualities in perfection which
go fo the making of a great commander and a great
military administrator. The one guide of his lire
was the law of his country. He was the servant of
the law and not its master, and he was sent to his
new government to enforce obedience fo a rule which
he himself obeyed, and which all subjects of fhe
Spanish Crown were bound to obey. His intellect
was of that strong practical kind which apprehends
distinctly the thing to be done, and uses vithout
flinching the appropriate lneans to do it. He xvas
proud, but with the pride of a Spaniard--a pride
336 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
in lais race and in his count,ry. He vas ambitious,
lmt if was hot an ambit,ion which touched his loyalty
fo creed or king-. In hiln çhe Spain of the sixteenth
century foun,l its truest and most complete represen-
tative. Careless of pleasure, earêless of his lire,
telnperate in his personal habits, without passion,
without ilnag'inat,ion, with nerves of steel, and with
a supreme conviction that the duty of suhjeets was
fo obey t, hose who were set over thelnsueh was
t.he ramons, or infamous, l)uke of Alva, when in
lnne, 1567, in t.he saine month when Nary 8tuart
was shut up in Loehleven, he set out from Italy for
the Nethêl'lands. He took with him ten thousand
sohlieçs, eomplet, e in t.he ess«,ntials of an army, even
to two thousand eourtestms, who were under military
,liseipline. He passed over )Iont Cenis t, hrough Savoy,
Brg'un,ly and Lorraine. In the middle of August he
was at Ïhionville; belote September he had entered
Brussels.
The Prince of Orange, vho knew the meaning of
his eoming', had provided for his safety, and had re-
t, reated with his four 1)rothers into Gerlnany. Egmont,
eonseious of no crime exeept of having desire,l fo serve
his country, remained wit.h Count Horn fo reeeive
t, he new governor. In a few weeks they round
themselves arrested, and wit.h t.heln any nobleman
or gentlemau t, hat Alva's arln eould reaeh, vho had
signed the petitions fo the king. Proeeeding" fo
business with eahn skill, t, he duke distribut.ed his
troops in garrisons alnong the towns. With a sum-
mary eolnmand he suspended the local magistrates
and elosed t.he local courts. The administrat.ion of
the provinces was ruade over fo a eouneil of whieh
he xvas hilnself president, and froln whieh there was
no appeal. Tribunals eomm{ssioned by this body
8PAIN AND THE NETHERLAND8 337
were ereeted ail over the country, and so swift and
steady were their operations, that in three months
eighteen hundred persons had perished af the stake
or on the seaftbld.
Deprived of their leaders, and stupefied by these
prompt and dreadful measures, the people ruade little
resistanee ; a few partial eflbl'tS were instantly erushed,
and their one hope was then iii the Prince of Orange.
The prinee, aeeepting Alva's measures as an open
violation of the eonstitution, without ,liselailning his
allegianee fo Philip, af onee deelarêd war against his
representative, raising money on the eredit of his
own estates, and gathering eontributions wherever
hatred of Catholie tyranny opened a purse fo him.
He raised two atomes in Germany, and while he
himself prepared fo eross the Meuse, his brother,
Count Louis, entered Friesland. Fortune was af
first favourable. D'Aremberg, who was sent by
Alva fo stop Louis, blundered into a position where
even Spanish troops eould not save him froln disaster
and defeat. The patriots won the firs battle of the
war, and d'Aremberg was killed, l Bu the brief
flood-tide soon ebbed. Alva waited only to send
Horn and Egmon fo the seaflbld, and took the field
in person. Count Louis' military ehes was badly
furnished, and soon empty. The Germans would no
fight without pay, and Louis had no money fo pay
them with. As Alva advaneed upon them they fell
baek without order or purpose, till they entrapped
themselves in a peninsula on the Ems, and there, in
three miserable hours, Count Louis saw his entire
foree mowed down by his own eannon, whieh the
Spaniards took a the first rush, or drowned and
Bale of Heiliger Lee, lIay 23, 1568.
22
33 8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
smothered in the tideway or the mud. The duke's
loss, if his own report of he engagemen was true,
was but sevell 1111311.1 The account lnoM5 favoural)le
fo the patriots does hot raise if above eighty. Count
Louis, with a fcw stragglers, swam tlle river and
ruade his way o his brother, for whose fortune so
tremeudous a eatastrophe was no favoural)le omen.
Thc Gerlnan states, already lukewarm, beeamê fl'eez-
ing in thcir imliIt)reuee. Maximilian forbadc Orange
o lcvy t.roops within tlle empire. ()range however
had a position of his own in Nassau, froln whieh he
eould aet af his own risk upou his own resourees.
He published a justifieation of himself fo Europe.
By loan and lnortgage, by the sale of every aere
whieh he eouhl dispose of, he again raised money
enough fo lnove; and on the fifth of Oetober he led
thil'ty thousand men over tlle Meuse and entered
Brabant.
Battle of Jemmingen, July .Ol.
339
THE PROBLEM OF LIFE.
THEE seems, in the first place, to lie in ail men, in
1)roportion fo the strength of their understanding, a
conviction ha here is in ail hulnan things a real
ortier and purpose, notvit.hstanding the chaos in
which af rimes they seem fo be involved. Sufl[wing
scattered blindly without remedial purpose or retri-
butive propriety--good and evil distributed with
the most absolute disregard of moral merit or demerit
enorlnous crimes perpetrated with impunity, or
vengeance when if cornes falling hot on the guilty,
but the innocent
Deser a beggar born,
And needy nothing trimmed in jolligy
these phenomena present, generation after generation,
the saine perplexing and even lnaddening features;
and without an illogieal but none the less a positive
eertainty that things are hOt as they seemt.hat, in
spire of appearanee, there is justice af the heart of
them, and that, in the working out of the vast drama,
j ustiee will assert somehow and SOlnewhere ifs sovereign
fight and power, the better sort of persons would find
existence altogether unendurable. This is what the
Greeks meant by the "AdTç or destiny, whieh af the
bottom is no other than moral Providence. Pronetheus
ehained on the rock is the eounterpart of Job on his
dunghill. Torn with unrelaxing agony, the vulture
with beak and talons rending af his heart, the Titan
34o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
still defies the tyrant at whose command he suflrs,
and, strong in conscious innocence, appeals fo the
eternal Moîpa which vill do him right ils the end.
The Olympian gods were cruel, jealous, capricious,
nalignant; but beyond and al)ove the Olympian gods
lay the silent, brooding, everlasting rate of whieh
vietiln and tyrant were alike the instruments, and
vhieh af last, far off; al'ter ages of misery if might
be, but still belote all was over, wouhl vindieate the
sovereignty of justiee. Full as it,may be of eontra-
dietions and perplexities, this obseure belief lies af
the very eore of out spiritual nature, and it is ealled
fat.e or it is ealled predest.ination aeeording as it is
rcgarded pantheistieally as a neeessary eondition of
the univcrse, or as the deeree of a self-eonseious
being.
Intilnately connected with this belief, and perhaps
the faet of whieh it is the inadequate expression, is
the existenee in nature of Olnlaipresent organie laws,
penetrating the material world, penetrating the moral
world of hulnan lire and soeiety, whieh insist on being
obeyed in all that we do and handlewhieh we ealmot
alter, eannot modify--whieh will go with us, and
assist and befriend us, if we reeognise and eomply
with theln--whieh inexorably make themselves felt
in failure and disaster if we negleet or attempt fo
thwart them. Search where we will among created
things, far as the microscope will allow the eye fo
pierce, we find organisation everywhere. Large forms
resolve thelnselves into parts, but these parts are but
organised out of other parts, down so far as we can
see into infinity. When the plant meets with the
conditions which agree with if, it thrives; under
unhealthy conditions it is poisoned and disintegrates.
It is the saine precisely with each one of ourselves,
THE PROBLEM OF LIFE 34I
vhether as individuals or as agg'regated into associa-
tions, into fmnilies, into nations, into institutions.
The remotest fibre of human action, from the poliey
of empires ço t, he mosç insignifieanç çritle over whieh
ve waste an idle hour or moment, either moves in
harmony with the true lav of out being, or is else af
diseord with if.. A king or a parliament enaets a law,
and we ilnagine we are creating solne new reg'ulation,
o eneounçer unpreeedented eireumstanees. The law
içself whieh applied ço flmse eireumstanees was enaet.ed
from eçerlfiçy. Iç has its existenee in,lependent of
us, an,1 will enforee içself either o reward or punish,
as the attitude whieh we assume towar,ls it is wise or
unwise. Out human laws are but ghe copies, more or
less imperfeet, of the eternal laws so far as we ean
read them, and eithêr sueeee,1 and promote out wêlfare,
or rail and bring eonfusion and ,lisasçer, aeeording as
the legislator's insight, has deteeçed çhe true prineiple,
or has been ,listorted by ignoranee or seltislmess.
And hese laws are absolute, intlexible, irreversible,
the steady friends of the wise and good, çle eternal
enemies of the bloekhead and the knave. No Pope
ean dispense with a sçaçut.e enrolled in t.he Chaneery
of Heaven, or popular vote repeal it. The discipline
is a stern one, and manv a wild endeavour men have
ruade o obtain less hard eondifions, or ilnagine them
other çhan they are. They bave eoneeived t.he rule
of the Ahnight,y ço be like the rule of one of theln-
selves. They have faueiêd tha they eould bribe or
appease Him--çempç Him by penanee or pious ofl'ering
ço suspend or çul'n aside His displeasure. They are
asking thaç His own eternal naçure shall beeome
other than iç is. One t.hing only they ean do. They
for çhemselves, hy ehanging fleir own eourses, ean
lnake tle law whieh çley have broken theneeforward
34 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
their friend. Their dispositions and nature will revive
and become healthy again when they are no longer in
opposition fo the will of their Maker. This is the
natural action of vhat we call repentance. But the
penalties of the wrongs of the past remain unrepealed.
As men have sown they must still reap. The pro-
fligate who bas ruined his health or fortune may learn
before he dies that he has lived as a fool, and may
recover something of his peace of mind as he recovers
his understanding; but no miracle takes away bis
paralysis, or gives back fo his children the bread of
which he bas robbed them. He may himself be
pardoned, but the consequences of lais acts remain.
Once more: and if is the most awful feature of our
condition. The laws of nature are general and are no
respecters of persons. There has been and there still
is a clinging ilnpression that the sufferings of men are
the results of their own particular misdeeds, and that
no one is or can be punished for the faults of others.
I shall hot dispute about the word "punishlnent"
"The fathers have eaten sour grapes," said the Jewish
proverb, "and the children's teeth are set on edge." So
said Jewish experience, and Ezekiel answered that
these words should no longer be used anaong them.
"The soul that sinneth, it shall die." Yes, there is a
promise that the soul shall be saved, there is no such
promise for the body. Every man is the architect of
lais own character, and if to the extent of lais oppor-
tunities he bas lived purely, nobly and uprightly, the
misfortunes wbich may fMI on him ihrough the crimes
or errors of other men cannot injure the immortal
part of him. But it is no less true that we are nmde
dependent one upon another fo a degree which tan
hardly be exag.'gerated. The winds and waves are
on the side of the best navigatorthe seaman who
THE PROBLEM OF LIFE 343
best understands them. Place a fool at the helm, and
crew and passengers will perish, be they ever so
innocent. The Tower of Siloam fell hot for any sins
of the eighteen who were crushed by it, but through
bad lnortar probably, the rotting of a beam, or the
uneven set.tling of the foundations. The persons
who should have suflbred, ccording to our notion of
distributive justice, were the ig'norant architects or
masons who had donc their work amiss. But the
guilty had perhaps long been turned fo dust. And
the law of g'ravity brought the tower down at ifs
own rime, indittç, rent to the persons who might be
under it.
Now the feature which dist.inguishes man from
other anima]s is that he is able to observe and discover
these laws which are of such mighty momeut fo him,
and direct his conduct in conformity with them. The
more subtle may be revealed only by complicated
experience. The plainer and more obviousamong
those especially which are calle«l moral--have been
apprehended among the higher races easily and readily.
I shall hOt ask how the knowledge of them bas been
obtained, whether by external revelation, or by natural
insight, or by some other influence working through,
hulnan faculties. The fact is all that we are concerned
with, that from the earliest rimes of which we have
historical knowledge there have always been men who
have recognised the distinction between the nobler and
baser parts of their being. They have perceived that
if they would be men and hOt beasts, they must control
thcir animal passions, prefer truth to falsehood, courage
to cowardice, justice to violence, and compassion to
cruelty. These are the element.ary principles of
morality, on the recognition of which the welfare and
improvelneut of mankind depeud, aud human history
344 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
has been liGle more than a record of Ghe sGruggle
whieh began aG the beginning and will eonGinue to
the end beGween Ghe fev who have had abiliGy to sec
into the truGh and loyalGy Go obey iG, and Ghe multi-
Gude who by evasion or rebellion have hoped Go thrive
in spire of it.
Thus we sec that in the better sort of men there
are Gvo elementary eonvieGions; thaG Ghere is over
ail things an unsleeping, inflexible, all-ordering, jusG
power, and that this power governs the vorld by laws
which can be seen in Gheir effecGs, and on t, he obedience
to whieh, and on noGhing else, human welfare depends.
And now I will suppose some one whose tendeneies
are naGurally healthy, though as yeG no speeial occasion
shall have roused him fo serious Ghought, growing up
in a eivilised eommunity, where, as usually happens, a
compromise has been sGruek beGween vice and virtue,
where a certain differenee beGween right and wrong
is reeognised deeenGly on the surface, while below it
one hall of Ghe people are rushing steadily after the
thing ealled pleasure, and the other hall labouring in
drudgery to provide Ghe means of it for the idle.
Of praeGieal jusGiee in sueh a eommuniGy Ghere will
be exeeedingly little, but as soeieGy eannot go along
aG all wiGhouG paying moraliGy some outward homage,
Ghel'e will of course be an established religion--an
Olympus, a Valhalla, or some s'steln of Gheogony or
theology, with temples, priests, liGul\g'ies, public con-
fessions in one forln or another of the dependenee of
the t.hings we sec upon whaG is not seen, with certain
ideas of duGy and penalGies imposed for negleeG of
These Ghere will be, and also, as obedienee is disagree-
able and requires abstinence from various indulgences,
Ghere will be eontrivanees by whieh the indulgences
ean be seeured, and no harm eome of it. By Ghe side
THE PROBLEM OF LIFE 345
of the moral law there grows up a law of ceremonial
observanee, fo whieh is attaelled a notion of superior
sanetity and espeeial obligation, lIorality, though
hot ai first disowned, is slighted as eomparatively
trivial. Dut,y in t,he high sense eolnes to mean re-
ligious duty; that is fo say, t, he attentive observanee
of certain forms and eeremonies, and these fol'ms
and eeremonies eolne into eollision little or hot at all
with ordinary lire, anal ultimately have a tendeney
fo resolve themselves into payments of money.
Thus rises vhat is ealled idolatry. I do hot mean
by idolatry the more worshi 1) of lnanufaetured images.
I nlean t, he scparation between praetieal obligttion,
and new moons and salbaths, outward aets of devotion,
or formulas of partieular opinions. It is a st.are of
things perpetually reeurring: for there is nothing, if
it wouhl only aet, more agreeable fo all parties eon-
eerned. Priests find their oflàee lnagnified and t, lleir
eonsequenee inereased. Laynlen ean be in favour
with God and man, so priests tell thenl, wMle t.heir
enjoyments or oeeupations are in no way interfel-ed
vith. The misehief is that the laws of nature remain
meanwhile unsuspended; and all the funetions of
soeiety beeome poisoned through negleet of them.
Religion, whieh ought fo have beell a restraint, be-
eolnes a fresh instrument of evil--to the inlaginative
and the weak a eontemptible superstition,-to the
edueated a lnoekery, fo knaves and hypocrites a eloak
of iniquity, fo all alike--to those who sutthr and those
who seem to profit by it--a lie so palpable as fo be
worse thall atheism itself.
There eomes a rime when all this has fo end. The
over-indulgenee of the few is the over-penury of t.he
many. Injustiee begets misery, and misery resent-
ment. Solnething happens perhaps--some mmsual
346 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
oppression, or some aet of religions mendaeity espe-
eially glaring. ueh a person as I ara supposing asks
himself, " What, is t.he nleaning of these things?"
His eyes are opened. Gradually he diseovers that he
is living" sm'roun,led wit.h falsehood, drinking lies like
water, his eonseienee polluted, his intelleet degraded
]y t.he abominat, ions whieh envelop his existenee.
At tirst pm'haps he will l'eel mo.st keenly for himself,
He will hot. suppose that, he ean set, t.o rights a world
that. is out of joint, lmt he will himself relinquish his
share in what he detests and dcspises. He withdraws
into himself. If what ohers are doing and saying is
obviously wrong, t.hen he has to ask himself what is
right, and what is the true purpose of lais existenee.
Light, breaks more eleariy on him. He beeomes
eonseious of impulses t, owar,ts somet.hing purer and
higher than he has yet. êxperieneed or even imagined.
Whenee t, hese impulses eome he eannot, tell. He is
too keenly aware of the selfish and eowardly thoughts
whieh fise up to mat and t.hwarr lais nobler aspirat.ions,
to believe t, hat t.hey ean possibly be his own. If he
eonquers his baser nat.ure he feels t.hat he is eonquer-
ing himself. The eonqueror and rhe eonquered eannot
be t.he saine : and he therefore eoneludes, hot in vanity,
but. in 1)rofound humiliation and self-abasement, thar
t, he infinite g'raee of God and not.hing else is reseuing
him from destruetion. He is eonverted, as the the6-
logians say. He sers his face upon anorher road from
t.har whieh he has hitherto travelled, and fo whieh he
can never return. II has been no nerit of his own.
His disposition will rather be to exag'gerate lais mwa
wort, hlessness, thaç he nlay exalç the more what bas
been done for him, and he rcsolves t, heneeforward fo
enlist himself as a soldier on the side of t.rut, h and
right, and fo bave no wishes, no desires, no opinions
THE PROBLEM OF LIFE 347
bu whaç t.he service of his Masçer imposes. Like a
soldier he abandons his freedom, desiring only like a
soldier t;o ae and speak no longer as of himself,
as eommissioned from some suprelne aut,horiçy. In
sueh a condition a 1113,11 beeomes magnet.ie. There are
epidelnies of nobleness as well as epidemies of disease ;
and he infeet, s others with his own ent;husiasm. Even
in çhe mos eorrupç ages t, here are always more persons
han we suppose who in their heart.s rebel against the
prevailing fashions" one t, akes courage from anof, hel',
one supports auot, her; eommunit.ies fol'iii thcmsclvcs
with higher prineiples of aeçion and lmrer intMlcetual
beliefs. As their nmnbers mult.iply t, hey eaU:eh tire
wit,h a eommon idea and a eommon indignaçion, and
ult.imaçely burst ouç iuto open war with the lies and
iniquit.ies tlîaç surround çhem.
I bave been deseribing a natura| proeess whieh has
repeated itself lnany t.imes in human histsol'y, and,
unless the old opinion t.hat we are more than ani-
mat, ed elay, and that out nature has nobler afiinities,
«lies away into a dream, will repeat if.self af reeurl'ing
intervals, so long as out race survives upon t.he planer.
348
SELF-SACRIFICE.
THERE remains another feature in the Greek creed, a
form of superstition hot apparently growing faint,
but, increasing in distinctness of recognition and
gathering increasing hohl on the imagination; which
possessed for Euripides a terrible interest, and seemed
fo fascinate him with ifs horror. If was a superstition
marvellous in itself, and more marvellous for the in-
fluence which it was destined fo exert on the religious
history of mankind. On the one hand, if is a mani-
festation of Satan under the most hideous of aspeets ;
on the other, if is an expression and symbol of the
most profound of spiritual truths.
Throughout human lire, from the first relation of
parent and ehild fo the organisation of a nation or a
ehureh, in the daily intereourse of eommon lire, in out
loves and in out friendships, in out toils and in out
amusements, in trades and in handierafts, in siekness
and in health, in pleasure and in pain, in war and in
peaee, af every point where one human soul cornes
n eontaet with another, there is fo be round every-
where, as the eondition of right eonduet, the obligation
fo saerifiee self. Eve.-y aet of man whieh ean be ealled
good is an aet of saerifiee, an aet, whieh the doer of if
would have left undone' had he not preferred some
other person's benefit fo his own, or the exeellenee of
the work on whieh he was engaged fo his personal
pleasure or eonvenienee. In eommon things the law
SELF-SACRIFICE 349
of sacrifice takes the forln of positive duty. A soldier
is bound to stand by lais eolours. Everyone of us is
bound to speak the truth, whatever the eost. But
beyond the limit.s of positive enaetment, thê saine
road, and the saine road only, leads up to the higher
zones of eharaeter. ïhe good servant prêfers his
employer to himself. The good elnployer eonsiders
the welfare of lais servant lnore than his own profit.
Thê artisan or t, he labourer, who has the sense in him
of preferring right fo wrong, will hot be content with
the perfunet.ory exeeution of the task allotted to him,
but will doit as exeellently as he ean. From the
sweeping of a floor to thê governing of a eountry, from
the baking of a loaf to the watehing by the siek-bed of
a friend, there is the saine fuie everyvhere. It attends
the man of business in the erowded world; it follows
the artist and the poet into his solitary studio. Let
the thought of self intrudê, let the painter but pause
to eonsider how lnueh reward his work will bring to
him, let him but warm himself with the prospeets of
the faine and the praise whieh is to eome o him, and
the eunning will forsake lais hand, and the pover of
his genius will be gone from hiln. The upward sweep
of exeellenee is proportioned, with strietest aeeuraey,
to oblivion of the self whieh is aseending.
From the rime when men began tirst to refleet,
this peeuliar feature of their nature was observe&
The law of animal lire appears tobe merely self-pre-
servation; the law of man's lire is self-annihilation;
and only at rimes when men bave allowed thelnselves
to doubt whether they are really more than developed
animals has self-interest ever been put forward as a
guiding prineiple. Honesty may be the best poliey,
said Coleridge, but no honest man vill aet on that
hypothesis. Saerilïee is the first element of religion,
35o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
and resolves itself in theological lauguage into the
love of God.
Only those, however, who are themselves noble-
minded ean eonseiously apprehend a noble emotion.
Truths are pereeivcd and aeknowledg'ed, perhaps for
a rime are appropriately aeted on. They pass on into
eonmon hands ; like g'old belote if ean be ruade avail-
able for a eurreney, they beeome alloyed with baser
metM. The most beautiful feature in humanity, the
distinet reeog'nition of whieh was the greatest step
ever taken in the eourse o[" true prog'ress, beeame,
when ruade over fo priests and theologians, the most
hideous and most aeeursed of eal'ieatures.
By the side of the law of sacrifice if. was observed
also from obvious experienee t.hat the fortunes of man
were eompassed with uneertainties over whieh he had
no eontrol. The owner of enormous wealth was brought
to the dunghill, the prince to a dungeon. The best
and the worst were alike the prey of aeeidents. Those
vho had risen highest in earthly distinction were those
xvho seemed speeially lnarked for the buffets of destiny.
Those who eould bave endured with equanimity the
loss of riches and poxver, eould be reaehed through loss
of honour, through the suttl'ings of family and friends,
through the lnisgivings of their own hearts on the rem
nature of the spiritual powers by whieh the earth and
universe are governed.
The arbitrary eapriee displayed in these visitations
of ealamity naturally perplexed even the wisest.
Conseious that they were in the hands of forces whieh
it was impossible to resist, of beings whose wrath the
most perfeet virtue failed to avert, men inferred that
the benevolenee of the gods was erossed by a sportive
malignity. They saw that all that was most excellent
in human soeiety was bought by the saerifiee of the
SELF-SACRIFICE 351
few good fo the many worthless. The self-devotion
of those who were willing to forger thelnselves was
exacted as the purchase-money of the welfare of the
rest. The conclusion was that the gods envied man-
kind too COlnplete enjoylnent. They delnandêd of
them fronl rime fo tilne the lnost precious thing which
they possessed, and the most precious possession of any
falnily or nation was the purest and most ilmocent
mellber of if.
If was among the Semitic n,tions that the pl'ol»itia-
tory ilUlnolatiol of a hlllnal beiug fil'St beeame an
institution. Homer knew l,othing of if. The Trqian
youths who were slaughtered at the pyrê of Patroclus
were the victims merely of the wrath of Achilles, and
the massacre of them was the savage accompalfilnent
of the funeral rites of his dead fl-ien,l. By the Selnitic
nations of Palestiue, the el,lest born of lnan and
beast was supposed fo belong to the gods, and af any
lnoment lnight be clainled by thenl. The iutended
sacrifice of Isaac is an evident allusion to the customs
from which the son of Abraham was lniraculously
redeemed. The deaths of the first-born in every house
in Eg'ypt on the night of the Passover, the story
of Jephthah, the brief but expressive lnention of the
King of Moab, who, in distress, impaled his son on the
wall of his city, the near escape of Jolmthan, wholn
the lot llad detected, as marked by the curse of his
father, the Phcenician legend of the exposure of
Andromeda to the sea monster, point all in the saine
direction. The Carthaginians, a colony from Tyre, af
the crisis of their struggle with Rome, devoted to the
anger of the gods four hundred of the sons of their
principal nobles.
Af some rime in the interval between Homer and
the Persian wars, this singular superstition was carried
352 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
into Greece, and was at once incorporated in the
received mythology. The great national story of the
Trojan war was probably the first which it interpene-
trated ; and there sprung up in the midst of if the as
yet unknown incident which has impressed so power-
fully the ilnagination of mankind, the sacrifice of
Iphigenia at Aulis.
The name Iphigenia is probably Jephthagenia, a
Grecised version of "Jephthah's daughter," and reveals
the origin of the story. The "idea" once accepted
passed into other heroic traditions. Human sacrifice,
symbolic or actual, vas adopted into the religious
ceremonials of Athens. It was a growing belief which
spread through successive generations, and prepared
the way in the end for the reception of the doctrine of
the Christian Atonelnent.
353
NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE.
WHEN two countries, or sections of countrics, stand
geographically so l-elate,l fo one another that t,h,:ir
union umlcr a common g'overnmcnt will con,luce te»
the advantage o thc st, r(»ngcr pe(»ple, such countries
will continue separate as long Oldy as the country
which ,lesires to preserve ifs indcpendence possesses
a power o resistance so vigorous that the eflbrt fo
overcome if is too exhausting to be permanently main-
tained.
A lmtural right fo liberty, irrespective of the al)ility
fo dcfend if, exists in nations as much as and no more
than if exists in imlividuals. Had nature meant us
fo live uncontrollcd by any vill but, out own, we should
have been so constructed that the pleasures of one
would hot interfere with the pleasures of anothcr,
or that each of us would discharge by instinct those
duties which the welfare of the COlnmunity re(luires
from all. In a vorhl in which we are ruade fo dt.pend
so larg'ely for our well-being on the conduct of out
neighbours, and yet are created infinitely unequal in
ability and worOfiness of character, the superior part
bas a natural right fo govern ; the inferior part has
a natural right fo be governed ; and a rude but adequate
test of superiority and ilffcriorit,y is provided in the
relative strength of the diflbrent orders of human
beings.
Among vild beasts and savages lnight constitutes
3
354 SELECTIONS FROM FR()UDE
rig'ht. Alnong reasonahle being's right is for ever
tending fo create lnig'h. Inferiority of nmnbers is
eoml)ensated by snperior eohesiveness, inelligenee and
daring. ïhe herser sort of men submi willingly o
be governed by.those who are nobler and wiser han
themselves; organisation ereates superioriy of foree ;
and the ignoran and the selfish may be and are.iusly
compelled for their OWll advm,tage fo obey rule which
reseues theln fron, their natural weakness. There
neither is nor ean he m inhercnt privilege in any
persol, or set ot' persons to live mlworthily af their
own wills, when thcy ean 1)e le(l or driven into lllOl'e
honourable eourses; ami the rights of manoir sueh
rights there be--are hot fo liberty, lmt fo wise direetion
and eontrol.
hMividuals eammt he independent, or soeiety can-
hot exist. Wit.l individuMs t, hc eontel,tion is hot for
freedoln alsolnt.ely, but for an extension of the limits
within whieh their fl'eelom must be restrained. Ïhe
independel,ee of ntions is spoken of Solnetimes as if
if reste«l on anot.her foundation--as if eaeh separate
raee or eommunity had a divine titledeed fo dispose of
ifs own fortunes, anti develop its t, cndeneies i sueh
direetion as seems gvo,l fo itself. But t.he aSSUlnption
breaks (lown belote the en(luiry , What eonstitutes a
nation ? Anti t, he rig'ht of a peol)le to self-govern-
ment eonsists and ean eonsist in nothing 1)nf their
power fo defend themselves. No other definition is
possible. Are geographieal bonndaries, is a distinet
frontier, ruade the essential ? 31ountain ehains, rivers,
or seas form, no doubt, the normal dividing lines
between nation and nation, beeuse they are elements
of strength, and materiM obstaeles fo invasion. But
as the absenee of a defined frontier eannot take away
a right fo liberty where there is strength fo maintain
NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE 355
if, a lnountain barrier conveys no prerogative against
a power which is powerful enough fo overleap that
barrier, nor the ocean ag'ainst those vhose la'er skill
and courage can convert the ocean into a highway.
As little can claire fo freedom be ruade coinci«lent
with race or language. When the t.ies of kimh'ed and
of speech have force enough fo bind together a power-
fui community, such a community may be able fo dcfend
ifs independence ; but if it can hot, the l)retension in
itself has no claire on consideration. Distinctions of
such kiml are merely fauciful aud capricious. All
societies of men are, la thc mrt, ure of thing's, forced
into relations with other socicties of meu. They
exchange ohligations, cmfcr bencfits, or inflict injuries
on each other. Thev are natUl'al friemls or natural
rivals ; and unit,e, or elsc find thcmselvcs in collision,
when the weakcr is COml)elh,d fo give xwry. The
individual has fo sacrifice his imlel)cu,lcnce t,o his
family, the family fo the trihe ; the tribe mcrgcs itself
in somc larger community; ami the rime t which
these successive surrcmlel'S of [ihcrty arc demamlc«l
depemls l)rctical]y on nothing else tha.n the inalility
o persist in separaio. Whcre 1)Ol)ulation is scanty
and habits are peacel'ul, he hea«l of each household
lnay be sovereign over his chil,h'el and servants,
owing no allegiance t.o any high¢,r chier or law. As
among the Cyclops--
Necessity and common danger drivc familles into
&llince for self-defence; the smller circlcs of inde-
pendence lose themselves in ampler areas ; and those
who refuse to conform to the nexv authority &re either
required to take themselves clsewhere, or, if they
356 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
remain and persist in disobedienee, may bet, reated as
eriminals.
A tn'ibe, if local eircmnst.anees are favourahle, may
,Ici'end ifs free, loln affainst a more powel'fU] neig'hhour,
sa lonff as t.he in,lepen,lenee of sueh a ribe is a lesser
evil glmn he eosg of igs suiuffat, ion : lmt. an independ-
mme so prot.raet.ed is rarely ot.lwr han a lnisfol'tme.
On the whole, lnd as a rule, superior s{reng'h is the
equivalen of superior meri" and when a weakm"
people are indueed or foreêd t.o par wih t.heir
separat.e existence, and are nç t.rea, ted as sulieets,
but, are a, hnite,1 freelv o slmre t.he privileg'es of the
nation i whieh t, hey are absorle,1, they forfeit nohing"
whieh t, hev m,e,l earo t,o lose, and tacher gain t, han
suflbr 1,y t.h,, exelangè. I is pssible tha a nollêr
people may, tln'ough fm'eê f eireumsanees, or great
numerieal inferiorigy, he oppressed for & rime ly the
brute force of baser adversaries; just as, within the
linigs ,»f a nat.ion, part.ienlar classes may be tyrmmised
over, or opinions whieh prove in t.he en,1 t, rue mav
be put down by violence, and the professors of sueh
opinions perseeuted. Bu the eflbrt of nat«n'e is eon-
stant.ly to redress Oto I,alanee. Where freedom is so
preeious t, hat without i lire is unendm'able, lnen wit.h
tlose convictions fight oo fiereely t.o be pel'manenly
snbdued. Trut.h ffrows by it.s own virt.ue, and false-
hoods sinks and fa,les. An oppressed cause, when if.
is jus, agt.raegs friends, and eolmnands moral supporg,
whieh eonvers itself sooner or later into material
srengO. As a broad prineiple, i may be said that,
as nature has so eonst, iguted us ha we lnus be rulêd
in smne way, and as af. any given im tle rule inevit.-
ably will be in hê hands of tlose who are t,hen t.he
srongest,, so nat.ure also has allotted superiorit,y of
st.rengh o superiority of inellee and eharaeter ; and
NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE 357
in decidig that the weker shll obey the more
powerful, she is in reMity savin" them from them-
selves, an,1 then lnost eonfers true liberty when she
seems most t,o be taking it away. Tlu,re is no freedm
possible fo man except i obMience to law; and those
who c«umot preseri])e a law fo thcmselves, if they
,lesire fo bc free must l)e eontet to aecept direction
from others. The rig-ht t,o resist ,lepends on the power
(»f resistanee. A nation whieh can mMntail ifs inde-
pemlenee possesses alrea,ly, unless assist, el by extra-
or, linary a, lvantagcs of sit«ation, thc qualities whic]
eomluest ean onlyjustify itsclf by eonferring. It may
]»e leld fo be as gond in ail cssedial eondit.ions as the
natio whieh is emleavoul'ing to overeomc iç;
]roman society bas rather lost than gaiued when a
pcoplc loses it.s freedom which knows how fo lnake a
wh()lesoine use of freedoln. But when resistanee has
bcen tricd and failed--whcn the incquality has been
provcd beyon,l dispute by long and painful expêl'icnee
--tlw wisdom, and ultilnatcly thc duty, of the weaker
ptrty is fo aeeept the benefits which are oflred in
exehange for subinission: and a nation whieh af once
will not defcnd its lil)erties in the field, nor yet allow
itsclf to be goverlmd, l>ut stl'ug''les fo preserve the
indeln,lenee which if wants the spirit to uphold in
arlns, by insubordination and anarehy and secret crime,
may bewail ifs wrongs in wild and weeping cloquenee
in the ears of lnankindlnay at lent'rb, in a rime
when flic methods by whieh stcrner ages repressed
this kind of eonduct are unpermitted, lnake itself so
int.olerable as fo be east off and bidden go upon it.s
own bad way: but if will hot go for its own benefit ;
it xvill have established no prineiple, and vindieated
no natural rigat: liberty profits only those who tan
govern thenaselves bett, cr than others ean govern them,
358 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
and those who tl'e aide fo govern t,hemselves wisely
bave no need to petition for a privilege which t, hey
ean keep or take for t.hemselves.
In gle seene hefore Harflem'. in ghe play of Henry
the Viffl, hel'e are inrodueed represênt.atives of
the three nations whieh remained unsubduèd after
Eng'lan,l was eon,luere, l l»y the NornlanS, and the
eo-ordinagion of whieh, umler a eommon sovereigny,
was a problem st, ill waiging tobe aeeoml)lishel. Cl'e-
less always of angiquarian pedanry, Shakespeare drew
men cm,1 women as he St r tlwm round him, in the
London of his ,wn day; and Fluellen, Captain Jamie,
ami Captain Macmn'is Wel'e the Wpieal Welshman,
Neot, ami lrishmm, as t.hey were to he lnet with in
E I izaletl 's tl'tinban, ls.
Vluellen, hot-ldooded, volulde, argumentative, is
yet most ln'ave, most loyal, and most honourable.
Amou R" his thousand charactêrs there is hot oae which
Nlmkespeare has sketched more tenderly, or with a
more lovinff and aflctionate irony. Capt.ain Jamie
is "a lnal'vellous falerous gêntleman," well read in
the ancient wars. learnêd "in the disciplines of the
Romans," and ablê to hohl discourse on them vith
any man, lmt shrewd and silent,, more prone to list.en
than t.o speak, more given to blows t.han to words, and
determiled only "to do good service, or li,,;ge in the
ground for it ". Maclnorris, thoug'h no less brave than
his companions, ready to sttmd in the breach while
"there were throats to be cut, or work to be done,"
yet roal'S, l'alt.s, boasts, swears by his fat.her's soul,
and threatens to cut off any man's head vho dares to
say that he is as good as himself.
Captain Jamie never melt.ions Scotland" we learn
his country from his dialect, and from what others
say of him. Fluellen, a Welshman fo the last fibre,
NATIONAl, INDEPENDENCE 359
yet traces his Welsh leek to the good service wbich
Welshlnen did, "in a gardcu where leeks did grow,"
at Crecy, under the English Edward. He «lelight, s in
thinking that ail the waters of the Wye cannot wash
lais Majesty's Welsh blood out of his body. 5lac-
morris, at the mention of his uation, as if on the
watch for insuls from Saxon or Britou, blazes into
purposeless fury. " My nation ': What ish my nation ?
Is a villain, and a bastard, and a knave, and a rascal ?
What ish my uatiou ? Who t, alks or' my mtion ?"
Had William falleu at Hastings instea, l of Harold,
and had the Norman invasion failed, itis likely that
the Lowland Seots would have followed the example
of Northumberland, ami have drifted gradually ino
eombination with the rest of the island. The Cn-
ques ruade the diffieulty greaer; bu il" the Norman
kings ha«l been content to wait for the natural action
of tinle, increasing iutercourse and an obvious COnl-
lmmity of interest wouhl have probably antedated the
Union by several centre'les. The prelnature violence
of Edward the First hardencd Scotland irrecoverably
into a separate nat.ionality. The deterlnination to
defend their independence created the patriotic vir-
tues which enabled the Northern Britons to hold at
bay their larger rival. The Union, wben it came
about at last, was eflcçed on equal ternls. Two
separate self-governed peoples entered slowly and
deliberately into voluntary part.nership on terres of
mutual respect. The material wealth whicb Scotland
contributed fo the empire was colnparatively iusiglfifi-
cant; but she introduced into ita race of men who
had been hannnered to a retaper which nlade them
more valuable than nmuntains of gohl: and among
the elements of greatness in the comt.ry known to
later history as Great Britain, the rugged Scotch
36o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
resolution fo resist COmluest fo the death, tried in a
hundred bales, holds a place second to noire.
The Lowland Scos were Tentons; he language
of he Lohians was no disinguishable froln he
language of Norhumberland; and he Union with
Scotland migh have seemed so far an easier fea
than he Union wih Wales. On he oher hand, the
Wclsh were fewer in number, less proeeed by situa-
tion, less able o obain help from ot.her [luarers.
They were neihcr slaves nor eowards. They loved
heir freedoln, hey foug'h for if long" and despel'aely,
rising again and again when eivil wars in England
oflç:red t.hem a gleam of hope. When l'esisanee
heeame obviously hopeless, they loyally and wisely
aeeeped their fae. They had no o sutthr froln
prolong'ed severiy, for severiy was mmeeessary.
There was no general eonfiseaion, no violent iner-
ferenee with loeal habits or usages. They pl'eserved
their lauguage with singular success, and their cllsLOlllS
so far as their eusolns were eompaible wih English
law: while in exehange for independenee hey were
almied o the privileges of English eiizenship in as
full measure as he English t.hemselves. They con-
inued proud of heir naionaliy, vain vih rue Celt.ie
vanity of peligrees whieh lose hemselves in infiniy.
Ye, being wisely handled, restrained only in essenials,
and lef to heir own vay in the ordinary eurren
of heir lives, hey were eonened o forge heir
animosities; hey eeased o pine after poliieal liberty
whieh hey were eonseiously Ulmble fo preserve; and
finding themselves aeeeped on elual terres as join
inheriors of a lnag'nifieent empire, he iron ehain
beeame a golden ornamenk Their sensibiliies were
humoured in he itle of the heir of he erown. In
bestowing a dynasy upon England hey round a
NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE 3 6 1
gratification for their honourable pride. If they have
contributed less of positive strength than the Scots to
the British empire, they have never been it,s shame
or its veakness; an,l the retention of a few harlnless
peculiarities has not prevented thym from being whole-
some and vorthy members of the United Common-
wealth.
Ireland, the last of the three countries of which
England's interest demanded the annexation, was by
nature better furnished than either of them with
means to resist her approaches. Instead of a narrow
river for a frontier, she had seventy mlles of dangerous
sea. She had a territory more difficult to penetrate,
and a population greatly more lmmerous. The courage
of the Irish vas undisputed. From the first mention
of the Irishman in history, faction fight and foray
have been the occupation and the delight of his exist-
ence. The hardihood of the Irish kern was proverbial
throughout Europe. The Irish soldiers, in the regular
service of France and Spain, covered themselves with
distinction, were ever honoured with the most danger-
ous posts, have borne their share in every vietory. In
out own ranks they have formed hall the strength of
out armies, and detraetion has never ehallenged their
right to an equal share in the honour whieh those
armies bave won. Yet, in their own eountry, in their
efforts to shake off English supremaey, their patriot.ism
has evaporated in words. No advantage of numbers
has availed theln : no saered sense of hearth and home
has stirred their nobler nature. An unappeasable
diseontent has been attended with the paralysis of
manliness; and, with a few aeeidental exceptions,
eontinually " "
teeutrlng insurrections have only issued
in absolute and ever disgraeeful defeat.
Could Ireland have but, fought as Seotland fought
362 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
she would have been mistress of her own destinies.
In a successful struggle for freedom, she would have
developed qualities which would have ruade ber
worthy of possessing if. She would have been one
more independent country added to the commonwealth
of nations; and her history would have been another
honourable and inspiriting clmpter among the brighter
records of lnankind. She might bave stood alone;
she might lmve united herself, had she so pleased,
with Englaud on fair and equal conditions; or she
might bave preferred alliances with the Continental
powers. There is no disputing against strength, nor
lmppily is there need fo di.pute, for the strength
which gives a right to freedom, implies the presence
of those qualities which ensure that it will be rightly
used. :No count T can win and keep its freedom
in the presence of a dangerous rival, unless it be on
the whole a well and justly governed country; and
where there is just government the moral ground
is absent on which conquest can be defended or
desired.
Again, could Ireland, on discovering like the Welsh
tlmt she was too weak or too divided to encounter
England in the field, have acquiesced, as the Wclsh
acquiesced, in the alternative of submission, there
was not originally any one advantage which England
possessed which she vas hot willing and eager to
share with her. If England was fo become a great
power, the annexation of Ireland was essential fo
her, if only fo prevent the presence there of an enemy ;
but she had everything to lose by treating her as a
conquered province, seizing her lands and governing
her by force; everything to gain by conciliating the
Irish people, extending fo them the protection of her
own laws, the privileges of her own higher civilisation,
NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE 363
and assimilating them on every side, so far as their
temperament allowed, fo ber subjects ai home.
Yet Ireland would neither resist courageously, nor
would she honourably submit. Her chiefs and leaders
had no real patriotism. In Scotland, though the nobles
might quarrel among themselves, they buried their
feuds and stood side by side when there was danger
from the hereditary foe. There was 1)ever a rime
when there was hOt an abundance of Irish who would
make comlnon cause with the English, when there
was a chance of revenge upon a domestic eneny, or
a chance merely of spoil fo be distributed. All alike,
though they would make no stand for lil)erty, as little
could endure order or settled govermnent. Their
insurrections, which might bave deserved sympathy
had they been honourable eflbrts fo shake off an alien
yoke, were disfigured with crimes which, on one
memorable occasion ai least, brought shame on their
cause and naine. When insurrection finally failed,
they betook themseL'es fo assassination and secret
tribunals; and all this, while they were holding up
themselves and their wrongs as if they were the
victims of the lnost abominable tyranny, and inviting
the world to judge between them and their oppressors.
Nations are hot permitted fo achieve independence
on these terres. Unhappily, though unable fo shake
off the authority of England, they were able fo irritate
her into severities which gave their accusations some
show of colour. Everything which she most valued
for herself--her laws and liberties, ber orderly and
settled government, the most ample security for
person and property--England's first desire was fo
give fo Ireland in fullest measure. The retaper in
which she was met exasperated-ber into harshness
and at rimes fo cruelty; and so followed in succes-
364 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE
sion alternations of revolt and punishment, severity
provoked by rebellion, and breeding in turn fresh
cause for mutiny, till it seemed at last as if no
solution of the problem was possible save the ex-
pulsion or destruction of a race which appeared
incurable.
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