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CENTIME 
for 
REFORMATION 
and 
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VICTORIA 
UNIVERSITY 

T O R O N T O 



SELECTIONS 

FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

JAMES ANTHONY FROUDE 



WORKS BY JAMES ANTHONY FROUDE. 

THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND, from thc Fall of Wolsey 
to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada. 12 vols., crown 8vo, 3s. Bd. each. 
THE DIVORCE OF CATHERINE OF ARAGON: the 
Story as told by the Imperial Ambassadors resident at the Court of 
Henry VIII. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. 
THE SPANISH STORY OF THE ARMADA; AND 
ESsAYS» HISTORICAL AND DE$CRIIVE. Cffo'fl 8vO 3S. . 
THE ENGLISH IN IRELAND IN THE EIGHTEENTH 
CENTURY. 3 vols., croxxn 8vo, 10s. t. 
SHORT STUDIES ON GREAT SUBJECTS. Cabinet 
Edition, 4 vols., crown 8vo, 24s. "Silver Libary" Edition, 4 vols., 
crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. each. 
LIFE AND LETTERS OU ERASMUS. Crown 8vo, 
THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. 
ENGLISH SEAMEN IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 
Vith 5 Photogravure Plates and l$other lllusttions. Large crown 
o, Ss. net. "Silver Libra" Edition, crown 8vo, . 6d. 
CSR : A SKETCH. Crown 8YO, 3s. 6d. 
OCEANA; o, ENGLAND AND HER COLONIES. Bqth 9 
Illustrations. Ceown 8vo, Ss. . 
THE ENGLISH IN THE XVEST INDIES; OR, THE BOW 
OF ULY$SE$. With 9 lllusttions. Crown 8vo, . boards; . Bd, 
cloth. 
TWO LECTURES ON SOUTH AFRICA. Delivered 
belote the Philosophical Institute, Edinburgh, çth and 9th danua, 
1880. XVith an Introduction by ]ARGARET FROUDE. Crown 8vo, 
. Çd. net. 
THE TWO CHIEFS OF DUNBOY; OR,  lmH 
ROMANCE OP THE LAST CENTRY. Crown 8¢o, . 
THOMAS CARLYLE: A HI8TORY OF HI8 LIFE. With 
3 Portraits. Crown 8vo. Vols. I. and lI., 7s. Vols. III. and IV., 7s. 
London and Bombay: LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. - 



SELECTIONS 

FROM THE VRITINGS OF 

JAMES ANTHONY FROUDE 

EDITED BY 
P. S. .\LLEN, M.A. 

!ILIBRARY]  

LONGMANS, GREEN, AND 
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON 
AND BOMBA¥ 
19Ol 

CO. 



CONTENTS. 

HISTORICAL SCENES. 

PAGE 

BECKET AT THE COUNCIL OF NORTHAMPTON, 1164. (Short 
Studies, Vol. iv.) 3 
THE MURDER OF BECKET, 1170. (Ibid.). 11 
CORONATION OF ANNE BOLE:eN, 1533. (Histary of Englmzd, 
Ch. 5) . 26 
THE DESUCTION OF TE CARTEROUSE, 1535. (Ibid., Ch. 9) 35 
SOLWAY MOSS, 1542. (Ibid., Ch. 19) 53 
KET'S IEBELLION, 1549. (Ibid., Ch. 9.6) . 69. 
PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN JANE, July, 1553. (Ibid., Ch. 30) . 74 
WYATT'S IEBELLION, 1554. (Ibid., Ch. 31) 84 
THE ARRIVAL OF PHILIP IN ENGLAND, 155. (Ibid., Ch. 31) 97 
THE LOSS OF CALAIS, 1557-58. (Ibid., Ch. 34) 106 
rHE SURRENDER OF HAVRE, 1563. (Ibid., Ch. 41). 122 
THE I'IURDER OF DARNLEY, 1567. (Ibid., Ch. 45) . 135 
THE ASSASSINATION OF hIURRAY, 1570. (Ibkl., Ch. 53) . 144 
THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOIEW, 1572. (Ibid., Ch. 58) 153 
THE ARREST OF CAMPIAN, 1581. (Ibid., Ch. 63) 174 
AN ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE THE PRINCE OF ORANGE, 1589.. 
(Ibid., Ch. 66) 180 
THE DESTRUCTION OF TE AR*ADA IN IRELAND, 1588. (Ibid., 
Ch. 71) 186 



ri CONTENTS 

tIISTORICAL PORTRAITS. 

PAGE 

ST. HUGH O' LINCOLN. (Short Studies, Vol. ii., A Bishop of 
the Twelfth Century) . 907 
14.NRX, VlII. (History of Engnd, Ch. 2) 229 
HUH L£TIIER. (Ibid., Ch. 6) 234 
THOMS CRO»WLL. (Ibid., Chs. 6 and 17) 243 
Sm HuFy GXLB. (Short St#s, Vol. i., England's 
Forgotten Worthies) 255 
ELXZaH. (Htory of Englatd, Ch. 60Conrltsio 0 263 
ELIZABETHS TREATIENT OF HER SAILORS AFTER TfIE R5IADA. 
(Ibid., Ch. 71) . .. 277 

HISTORICAL SKETCHES AND 
MISCELLANEOUS. 

THE CURCtt OF ROIiE IN ITS VGOUR. (Shoe't Studies, 
Vol. i., Times of Erasmus and Luther, Lecture i.) 285 
THE DESTRUCTION OF RELICS AT THE REFORNATION, 1532-38. 
(isty of England, Chs. 6 and 15} 293 
Tu»OR ELa». (Ibid., Ch. 1) 300 
THE REFORNTION IN SCOTLND. (St Studs, Vol. i., The 
Influence of the Reformation on the Scottish Character) . 312 
THE NORiANS IN IRELAND. (Histoe'y qf England, Ch. 8) 318 
SP£IN £ND THE ETHERLAN. {Ibid., Ch. 51} 326 
TaE OBLE 0F LFE. (Sh't Stud&s, Vol. ii., Calvinism). 339 
SELF-SACRIFICE. (çbid., Vol. iii., Sea Studies} 348 
NATIONAL ]NDEPENDENCE. {English "in Drland, Vol. i., Pre- 
liminary) 353 



HISTORICAL SCENES. 



BECKET AT THE COUNCIL OF 
NORTHAMPTON, 116. 

I the autumn of 1164 the king once more summoned 
a great council to meet him at Northampton Castle. 
The attendance vas vast. Evcry peer and prelate 
hot disabled was present, ail feeling the greatuess of 
the occasion. Castle, town and monasteries were 
thronged to overflowing. Becket only had hesitated 
to appear. His attempt to escape to the continent 
was constructive treason. It was more t, lmn treason. 
If was a breach of a distinct promise. The storm 
which he had raised had unloosel the tongues of those 
who had fo complain of iii-usage in his archbishop's 
court. The chancery accounts hal becn looked into, 
and vast sums were round fo have been reccived by 
him of which no explanation had beeu given. Who 
was this man that he should throw Che country into 
confusion, in the teeth of the bishops, in the teeth (as 
if seemed) of the pope, in the teeth of his ow oth 
given solemnly fo the king ? The object of the North- 
ampton council was to inquire into his conduct, and 
he had good reason fo be alarmed af the probable 
consequences. He dared not., however, disobey a per- 
emptory sulnmons. He came, atten,ted by a retinue 
of armed knigh, and was entertained af St. Andrew's 
monastery. To anticipate inquiry into his attelupted 
flight, he applied for perlnission on the day of his 
arrival to go fo France fo visit the pope. The king 



4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

told him that he could not leave the realm until he 
had answered for a decree which had been given in 
his court. The case was referred to the assembled 
peers, and he was condenmed and fined. It was a 
bad augury for him. Other charges lay thick, ready 
to be produced. He was informed officially that he 
would be required to explain the chancery accounts, 
and answer for money which he had applied to his 
own purposes. His proud retaper was chafed fo the 
quick, and he turned sick with anger. His admirers 
see only in these delnands the sinister action of a 
dishonest tyralmy. Oblique accusations, if is said, 
were raised against him, either fo make him bend 
or fo destroy his eharaeter. The ¢luestion is rather 
whet.her his eonduet adlnied of explanaion. If he 
had been unjust as a judge, if he had been unserupulous 
as a high offieer of stae, sueh faults had no unimportant 
bearing on his present attitude. He would have done 
wisely fo elear himself if he eould; and if is probable 
that he eould not. He refused fo answer, and he 
sheltered himself behind the release whieh he had 
reeeived af his eleetion. His refusal was hot allowed ; 
a second summons the next day round him in his bed, 
whieh he said that he was too ill fo leave. This was 
on a Saturday. A respire was allowed him till the 
following Monday. On Monday the answer was the 
saine. Messenger after messenger brought baek word 
that the arehbishop was unable fo more. The excuse 
might be true--perhaps partially it was true. The 
king sent two great peers fo aseertain, and in his ehoiee 
of persons he gave a eonelusive answer fo the accusa- 
tion of desiring fo deal unfairly wih Beeket: one was 
Reginald, Earl of Cornwall, the king's unele, who as 
long as Becket lived was the best friend that he had 
at the court; the other was the remarkable Robert, 



THE COUNCIL OF NORTHAMPTON, i i6 4 5 

Earl of Leicester, named Bossu (the Hunchback). 
This Robert was a lnonk of Leicester Abbey, though 
he had a dispensation fo remain af the COllrt, and so 
biter a Papist was he hat when the sehismaie Areh- 
bishop of Colog'ne eame afterwards o London he 
publiely insulted him and fore down the altar at whieh 
he said mass. Sueh envoys would no have been 
seleeted with a sinister pul'pose. They round hat 
the arehbishop eould attend if he wished, and hey 
warned him of he danger of trying he king too far. 
He pleaded for one nlore day. On the Tuesday morn- 
ing he undertook o be prescnt.. 
His knight.s had withdrawu from the lnonastery, 
not daring or hot ehoosing fo stand by a prelate who 
appeared o 1)e defying his sovereign. Their place 
had been taken by a swarlll of mcndieants, sueh as 
the arehbishop had gahered about him at Canerbury. 
He prepared for the seene in whieh he was fo play a 
part with the art of whieh he was so aeeomplished a 
masser. He professed to expeet to be killed. He rose 
early. Some of he bishops eame o see and remonstrate 
with him: they eould hot more his resolution, and 
they retired. Left fo himself, he said the mass of St. 
Sephen, in whieh were he words : "The kings of the 
earth sood up, and the rulers ook eounsel ogether 
against the Lord and agains His anointed ". He then 
put on a black stole and cap, mounted his palfrey, and, 
followed by a few monks and surrounded by his guard 
of beggars, rode af a foot's paee fo the eastle, preeeded 
by his eross-bearer. 
The royal castle of Northampton was a feudal palace 
of the usual fornl. A massive gateway led into a 
quadrangle; across the quadrangle was the entranee 
of the great hall, at the upper end of whieh doors 
opened into spaeious ehambers beyond. The areh- 



6 SELECTIONS FROM FROUD 

bishop alighted af the gare, himself took his cross in 
his right hand, and, followed by a small train, passed 
through the ttuadrangle, and stalked up the hall, "look- 
ing like the liol-lnan of the prophet's vision" Thê 
king and the barons were in one ehamber, the bishops 
in another. The archbishop was going in this attitude 
into the king's presence, that the court lnight sec 
the person on whom they dared fo .sit in judglnelt; 
but certain "Templars " warned hiln to beware. He 
entere,l among his brethren, and lnoved through theln 
to a chair at the upper enl of the room. 
He still held his cross. The action was unusual: 
the cross was the spiritual sword, and fo bear if thus 
eonspieuously in a deliberative aSSêlnbly was as if a 
baron had entered the eouneil in arlns. The mass of 
St. Stephen had been heard of, and iii the peeuliar 
telnper of lnen's lninds was rêgarded as a lnagieal 
ineantation. The Bishop of Hereford advaneed and 
ottbred to earry the cross for him. Foliot of London 
(filits htj't¢s s'ctdi, "a son of this world ") said that 
if he came thus armed into the court the king would 
draw a sharper sword, and he would sec then what 
his al'lllS would avail him. Seeing him still obstinate 
Foliot tried fo force the cross out of his hands. The 
Arehbishop of York added his persuasions; but the 
Arehbishop of York peeuliarly irritated Beeket, and 
was sileneed by a violent answer. " Fool thou hast ever 
been," said the Bishop of London fo Beeket, "and 
froln thy folly ] sec plainly thou wilt hot depart." 
Cries burst out on all sides. "Fly!" some one 
whispered to hiln; " fly, or you are a dead lllall." 
The Bishop of Exeter ealne iii al5 the lllOl,lellt, and 
exclaimed that unless the arehbishop gave way they 
would all be murdered. Beeket never showed to more 
advantage than in moments of personal danger. He 



THE COUNCIL OF NORTHAMPTON, 116 4 7 

collected himself. He saw that he vas alone. He 
stood up, he appealed to thê pope, charged the bishops 
on peril of their souls to excommunicate anyone who 
dared to lay hands on him, and he moved as if he 
intended to withdraw. The Bishop of Winchestcr 
bade him resign the avchbishopric. With an elaborate 
oath he swore that he would hot resign. The Bishop 
of Chicheser'then said: "As our primate we wcre 
bound o obey you, but you are out primate no longer ; 
you have broken your oath. You swore allegiance to 
the king, and you subvert the common law of the 
realm. Wc too appeal to the pope. To his presenee 
wo sulnmon 3"ou." " I hear what you say," was ail 
le answer whieh Beeke deigned to return. 
The doors from the adjoining ehamber were now 
flung open. Thc ohl Earl of Cornwall, the hunehbaek 
Leiecster and a nnmber of barons entered. " My 
lord," said the Earl of Leieester to thc arehbishop, 
"he king requires you to eome o his 1)resenee and 
answer o certain things whieh will flmn be alleged 
against you, as you promised yesterday to do." " My 
lord earl," said Beeket, " thou knowest how long and 
loyally 1 served tire king in his worldly aflifirs. For 
tha cause i pleased him o promote me to le office 
whieh now I hold. I did no desire this office; 1 
knew my infirmifies. When I eonsened it was for 
the sake of fle king alone. When I was eleeted 1 
vas formally aequited of my responsibilities for ail 
tha I had done as dmneellor. Thereore I ara hot 
bound to answer, and I will no answer." 
The reply was earried baek. The peers by a swift 
vote deelared lxa the arehbishop mus be arrested 
and plaeed under guard. The earls re-entered, and 
Leieester approaehed him and began slowly and 
reluetantly to announee the sentence. " Nay," said 



8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Becket, lifting his tall meagre figure fo ifs haughtiest 
height, "do thou first listen fo me. The child may 
not judge his father. The king may hot judge me, 
nor may you judge me. I will be judged under God 
by the pope alone, fo whom in your presence I appeal. 
I forbid you under nathema to pronounce your sen- 
tence. And you, my brethren," he said, turning to 
the bishops, "since you will obey man rather than 
God, I call you too before the saine judgment-seat. 
Under the protection of the Apostolic See, I depart 
hcnce." 
No hand was raised fo stop him. He swept through 
the chamber and flung open the door of the hall. He 
stumbled on the threshold, and had ahnost fallen, but 
recovered himself. The October afternoon was grow- 
ing into twilight. The hall was thronged with the 
retinues of the king and the barons. Dinner was 
over. The floor was littered with rushes and frag- 
ments of rolls and broken meat. Drmghts of ale had 
hot been vanting, and young knights, pages and 
retainers were either loungiug on the benches or 
talking in eager and ecited groups. As Becket 
appeared among them, tierce voices were heard crying, 
"Traitor  traitor ! Stop the traitor !" Among the 
loudest were Count Hamelin, the king's illegitinate 
brother, and Sir Ranulf de Broc, one of the Canterbury 
knights. Like a bold animal af bay, Becket turned 
sharply on these two. He called Count Hamelin a 
bastard boy. He reminded De Broc of some near 
kinsman of his who had been hanged. The cries rose 
into a roar ; sticks and knots of straw vere flung af 
him. Another rash word, and he might bave been 
torn in pieces. Some high official hearing the noise 
came in and conducted him safely to the doo: 
In the quadrangle he found his servants waiting 



THE COUNCIL OF NORTHAMPTON, 64 9 

with his palfi'ey; the great gare was locked, but the 
key was hanging on the wall; one of them took it 
and opened the gare, the porters looking on, but hot 
interfering. Once outside he was received with a 
cheer of delight from the crowd, and with a mob of 
people about him he ruade his way bck fo the 
monastery. The king had not intended fo arrest him, 
but he couhl hot know this, and he was undoul)tedly 
in danger from one or other of the angry men with 
whom the town was crowded. Ho prepared for ira- 
mediate flight. A bed was ruade for him in the chapel 
behind the altar. After a hasty supper with a party 
of beggars whom he had introduced into the house, 
he lay down for a few hours of test. At two in the 
morning, in a storm of wind and rain, he stole away 
disg'uised with two of the brethren. He reached 
Lincoln soon after daybreak, and from Lincoln, going 
by cross-paths, and slippiug from hiding-place fo hi, le- 
ing-place, he lnade his way in a fortnight fo a farm 
of his own af Eastry, near Sandvich. H was hot 
pursued. It was no sooner known that he was gone 
from Northampton than a proclamation was sent 
through the country forbidding every man under pain 
of death fo meddle with him or to touch his property. 
The king had determined fo allow the appeal, and once 
more to place the whole question in the pope's henri. 
The Earl of Arundel with a dozen peers and bishops 
were despatched at once fo Sens to explain what had 
happened, and fo request Alexander fo send legates fo 
England fo investigate the quarrel and to end if. The 
archbishop, could he have consented fo be quiet, might 
have remained unmolested af Canterbm3" till the result 
could be ascertained. But he knew too well the forces 
which would be af work in the papal court fo wait 
for ifs verdict. His confidence was only in himself. 



I0 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Could he see the pope in person, he thought ha he 
could influence hiln. He was sure of the friendship 
of Lewis of France, who was lneditaing a fresh quarrél 
wih Henry, and would welcolne his support. Hi 
own spi'itual weapons would be as eflhcive across the 
Chalmel as if used in England, while he would himself 
be in personal securiy. One dark nig'h he wen down 
with his two COlnpanions int, o Sandwich, and in an 
open boat he erossed safely o Gravelines. At St. 
Orner he fell in with his ohl friend the Just, ieiary de 
Luei, who was returning from a mission fo the court 
of France. De Luei urg'ed him fo g'o baek fo England 
and wait for t, hê pope's deeision, warniug him of the 
eonsequenees of persisting in a course whieh was really 
treasonable, and undertaking" that the king would for- 
give him if he wouhl retm'n af ouee. Entreaties and 
warnings were alike thrown away. He remained and 
despatehed a letter to the pope, saying briefly that he 
had followed the examl)le of lais Holiness in resist, ing 
the eneroaehments of princes, and had fled from his 
country. Hê had bêen ealled fo answêr before the 
king as if he had been a mere layman. The bishops, 
who ought to bave stood by him, had behaved like 
eowards. If he vas hot sustained by his Holiness, the 
Churda would bê ruined, and he would hin,self be 
doubly con founded. 



11 

THE MURDER OF BECKET, 1170. 

TItE king's friends, seeing their master's perplêxity, 
deterlnined to take the risk on themselves, and deliver 
both him an,l their country. If the king acted, the 
king migh be excommunicated, and the empire might 
be laid under intcrdict, with the consequences which 
everyone foresaw. For their ovn aets the peualty 
would but fall upon thelnselves. Thcy did hot know, 
perhaps, distinctly what they lneant to ,lo, but Solne- 
thing lnight bave fo be done which the king must 
condenm if they proposed it to hiln. 

But being done unknown, 
He would bave round it Mterwards xvell done. 

hnpetuous loyalty to the sovereign was in the spirit 
of the age. 
Alnong t.he gentlelnen about his pel'son wholn 
Henry had intended fo elnploy, eould he have re- 
solved upon the instructions vhieh were fo be given 
fo them, were four knights of high birth and large 
estate--Sir Regilmld Fitzurse, of SOlnersetshire, a 
tenant in ehief of the Crown, wholn Beeket hilnself 
had originally introdueed into the eourt; Sir Hugh 
de Mol'ville, eustodian of Knaresborough Castle, and 
justieiary of Northumberland ; Sir Willialn de Traey, 
hall a Saxon, with royal blood in him; and Sir 
Richard le Breton, who had been moved fo volunteer 



2 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

in the service by another instance of Becket's 
dangerous meddling. Le Breton was a friend of the 
king's brother William, whom the archbishop had 
separated from the lady to whom he was about fo be 
married on some plea of eonsanguinity. Sir William 
de Mandeville and others were fo bave been joiued in 
the commission. But these four chose fo antieipatê 
both their eompanions and their final orders, and 
started alone. Their disappearanee was observe& 
An express was sent fo reeall them, and the king 
supposed that they had returned. But they had gone 
by separate routes fo separate ports. The veather 
was fait for the season of the year, with an east wind 
perhaps; and each had found a vessel without difli- 
culty fo carry him across the Channel. The rendez- 
vous was Sir Ranulf de Broc's castle of Saltwood, near 
Hythe, thirteen nfiles from Canterbury. 
The archbishop meanwhile had returned from his 
adventm'ous expedition. The young king and his 
advisers had determined fo leave him no fait cause 
of complaint, and had sent orders for the restoration 
of his vine and the release of the captured seamen; 
but the archbishop would not wait for the State fo 
do him justice. On Christmas Eve he was further 
exasperated by the appearace af the gare of his 
palace of one of his sumpter mules, which had been 
brutally mutilated by Sir Ranulf de Broc's kinsman 
Robert. "The viper's brood," as Herbert de Bosham 
said, "were lifting up their heads. The hornets were 
out. Bulls of Bashan compassed the archbishop 
round about." The Earl of Cornwall's warning had 
reached him, but "fight, not flight," was alone m his 
thoug:hts. He, too, was probably weary of the strife, 
and may have felt that he would serve his cause 
more eflctually by death than by lire. On Christmas 



THE MURDER OF BECKET, I17o 13 

Day he preached in the cathedral on the text "Peace 
fo men of good will ". There was no peaee, he said, 
exeept fo men of good will. He spoke passionately 
of the trials of the Chureh. As he drew towards an 
end he alluded fo the possibility of his own mea'tyr- 
dom. He eould seareely artieulate for tears. The 
eongregation were sobbing round him. Suddenly his 
face altered, histone ehanged. Glowing with anger, 
with the fatal eandles in front of him, and in a voiee 
of thunder, the solenm aud the absurd strangely 
blended in the overvhehning sense of lais own wrongs, 
he cursed the intruders iut, o his churchcs; he cursed 
Sir Rnulf de Broc; he eursed Robert «le Broc for 
cutting off lais mule's rail; he cursed by naine several 
of the old king's |nost intimate councillors who were 
af the court in Normandy. Af each tierce imprecation 
he quenched a light, and dashed down a caudle. " As 
he spoke," says the enthusiastic Herbert, repeating the 
figure under which he had described lais master's ap- 
pearance af Norçhampton, "you saw the very beast of 
the prophet's vision, with the face of a lion and the 
fce of a man." He had drawn the spiritual svord, 
s he had sworn that he would. So experienced a 
man of the world could hOt have failed fo foresee that 
he was provoking passions which would no longer re- 
specç his office, nd that no rising in Englaud would 
now be in rime fo save him. He was in better spirits, 
if was observed, fçer he h.ad dischrged his anathema. 
The Christmas festival was held in the hall. Asceticism 
was a virtue which was never easy fo him. He in- 
dulged his natural inclinations af 11 permitted rimes, 
and on this occasion he are and drank more copiously 
than usual. 
The next day Becket received nother warning that 
he was in personal danger. He needed no friends fo 



14 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

tell him that. The on]y attention which he paid fo 
thêse messages was fo sênd his sêcrêtary Hêrbêrt and 
his cross-bêarêr Alêxander Llêwêllyn fo France, fo 
report his situation fo Lêwis and to the Archbishop 
of Sens. He told Herbert at parting that he would 
sêê his face no more. 
So passêd at Cantêrbury Saturday, Sunday and 
Monday, thê 26th, 27th and 28th of Dêcêmbêr. On 
that saine Monday aftêrnoon thê four knights arrivêd 
af Saltwood. Thêy wêrê êxpêcted, for Sir Ranulf 
with a party of mên-at-arms had gonê fo mêet thêm. 
Thêrê on thêir arrival thêy learned thê frêsh excom- 
munications which had beên pronouncêd against their 
host and against their friends at thê court. Thê nêws 
could only havê confirmêd vhatêvêr rêsolutions thêy 
had formêd. 
On thê morning of thê 29th thêy rode with an êscort 
of horsê along Che old Roman roa,t to Canterbury. 
Thêy halted at St. Augustinê's Monastery, where they 
wêrê êntertainêd by thê abbot êlect, Bêcket's old enemy, 
thê scandalous Clarembald. Thêy perhaps dine,l there. 
At any rate they issuêd a proclamation bMding thê 
inhabitants rêlnain quiet in thêir houses in thê king's 
naine, and thên, with somê of Clarembald's armed 
servants in addition to thêir own party, thêy wênt on 
to thê grêat gare of thê archbishop's palacê. Lêaving 
their mên outsidê, thê four knights alightêd and 
entêrêd thê court. Thêy unbucklêd thêir swords, 
leaving them at thê lodge, and, throwing gowns over 
their armour, thêy strodê across fo thê door of thê 
hall. Thêir appearancê could hardly havê bêên un- 
expectêd. It was now threê o'clock in thê aftêrnoon. 
They had bêen somê rime in thê town, and their arrival 
could hot fail to havê bêên rêportêd. Thê archbishop's 
midday mêal was over. Thê servants were dining on 



THE MURDER OF BECKET, xx7 o x5 

the remains, and the usual company of mendicants 
were waiting for their turn. The archbishop had 
been again disturbed at daybreak by intimation of 
danger. He had advised any of his clergy who were 
afraid to escape to Sandwich ; but none of theln had 
left hiln. He had heard mass as usual. He had 
received his customary floggings. At dinner, he 
observed, when some one remarked on his drinking, 
that a man that had blood to lose needed wine fo 
support him. Afterwards he had retired into an 
inner rooln with John of Salisbury, his chaplain 
Fitzstephen, Edward Grim of Cambridge, who was 
on a visit te him, and several others, and was new 
sitting in conversation with them in the declining 
light of the winter afternoon till the bell should ring 
for vespers. 
The knights were recognised, wheu they cntered 
the hall, as belonging te the ohl king's court. The 
steward invited them te eat. They declined, and 
desired him te infomn the archbishop that çhcy had 
arrived vith a message frein the court. This was the 
first communication vhich the archbisho l) had received 
from Henry since he had used his naine se freely te 
cover acts which, couM Henry hve anticipated them, 
wouhl bave barred his return te Canterbury for ever. 
The insincere professions of peace had covered an 
intention of provoking a rebellion. The truth was 
new plain. There was no room any more for excuse 
or palliation. What course hd the king determined 
on . 
The knights were introduced. They advanced. 
The archbishop neither spoke ner looked at them, 
but continued tlking te a monk who was next him. 
He himself was sitting on a bed. The rest of the 
party present were on the fioor. The knights seated 



6 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

themselves in çhe saine manner, and for a few moments 
there was silence. Then Becket's black restless eye 
glanced from one fo the other. He slightly noticed 
Tracy; and Fitzurse said a few unrecorded sentences 
to him, which ended wit, h "God help you!" To 
Becket's friends the words sounded like insolence. 
They may have meant no more than pity. 
Becket's face flushed. Fitzurse went on : "' We 
bring you the commnds of the king beyond the sea; 
will you hear us in public or in private ?" Becket 
said he cared hot. "In private, then," said Fitzurse. 
The monks thought afterwards that Fitzurse ha,1 
meant fo kill t, he archbishop where he sat. If the 
knights had entered the palace, thronged as if was 
vith men, with any such intention, they would scarcely 
have left their swords behind them. The room was 
cleared, and a short altercation followed, of which 
nothing is known save that if ended speedily in high 
words on both sides. Becket called in his clergy 
again, his lay servants being excluded, and bade 
Fitzurse go on. "Be it so," Sir Reginald said. "Listen 
then fo what the king says. When the peace was 
ruade, he put aside all his complaints against you. 
He allowed you to return, as you desired, free fo your 
see. You have now added contempt to your other 
offences. You have broken the treaty. Your pride 
has tempted you fo defy your lord and toaster fo your 
own SOTOW. You have censured the bishops by whose 
ministration the prince was crowned. You bave pro- 
nounced an anathema against the king's lninisters, by 
whose advice he is guided in the management of the 
empire. You bave ruade if plain that if you could 
you would take the prince's crown from him. ¥our 
plots and contrivances fo attain your ends are notorîous 
fo all men. Say, then, will you attend us to the king's 



THE MURDER OF BECKET, 117o 1 7 

presence, and thcre nswer for yourself ? For this we 
are Sellt." 
The rchbi.hop declared tht he hd never vished 
any hurt to tl,e prince. The king had no occ.ion to 
be displeased if crowds Cttlne about hîm in the towns 
and cities after they had been so long dcprived of his 
presence. If he had done any wrong he would make 
satisfaction, but he protested against being suspectcd 
of intentions which had noyer entered his mind. 
Fitzurse did hot enter into an altercation with hiln, 
but continucd : " The king comnmnds furthcr that you 
and your clcrks rcl)tir without dclty fo the young 
king's pl'esence, and swear allegiance, and promise to 
amend your faults " 
Thc archbishop's retaper ws rising. " I will do 
whatevcr lnay be rcsonab|e," he sad; " but I tcll 
you plainly the king shall have no oaths from me, 11o1" 
froln any one of my clerg'y. There bas been too much 
pel:ury lready. I hve absolved lnany, with God's 
help, who had 1)c:ured themsclves. 1 I will bsolve 
the rest when He permits." 
" I understnd you fo say that you will hOt obey," 
said Fitzurse; tnd went on in the sme tone: " The 
king COlnmtllds you to bsolve the bi,hops whom you 
hve excolnlnunicated without his perlnission" 
"The pope sentcnced the bishops," the al'chbi.hop 
sid. "If you are hOt plesed, you must go fo him. 
The attkir is none of mine." 
Fitzurse said if had been done af his instigation, 
which he did not deny; but he proceeded fo rcassert 
that the king had given him permission. He had 
complined af the tilne of the peace of the injury 
which he had suttred in the corontion, nd the king 
 He was Mluding to the bishops who hd sworn to the Constitu- 
tions of Clarendon. 
2 



18 SELECTION$ FROM FROUDE 

had told him that he might obtain from the pope any 
satisfaction for which he liked fo ask. 
If this was all the consent which the king had given, 
the pretence of his authority was inexcusable. "Ay, 
ay !" said Fitzurse ; "will you make the king out fo be 
a traitor, then ? The king gave you leave to excom- 
municate the bishops when they were acting by his 
own order ! If is more than we can bear to listen fo 
such monstrous accusations." 
John of Salisbury tried fo check the archbishop's 
imprudent tongu.e, and whispered fo him to speak to 
the knights in private ; but when the passion was on 
hiln no mule was more ungovernable than Becket. 
Drawing fo a couclusion, Fitzurse said to him- "Since 
you refuse to do any one of those things which the 
king requires of you, his final comlnands are that you 
and your clergy shall forthwith depart out of this 
realm and out of his dolninions, never more to return. 
You have broken the peace, and the king cannot trust 
you again." 
Becket answered wildly that he would hot go 
never again would he leave England. Nothing but 
death should now part him from his church. Stung 
by the reproach of ill-faith, he poured out the catalogue 
of his own injuries. He had been promised restora- 
tion, and instead of restoration he had been robbed 
and insulted. Ranulf de Broc had laid an embargo 
on his wine; Robert de Broc had cut off his mule's 
rail, and now the knights had corne to menace him. 
De Morville said that if he had suffered any wrong 
he had only to appeal fo the council, and justice would 
be donc. 
Becket did hot wish for the council's justice. "I 
have complained enough," he said ; "so many wrongs 
are daily heaped upon me that I could hot find 



THE MURDER OF BECKET, I i7 o I9 

messengers to carry the tale of them. I ara refused 
access fo the court. Neither one king nor the other 
will do me right. I will endure if no more. I will 
use my own powers as archbishop, and no child of 
man shall prevent me." 
" You will lay the realm under interdiet then, and 
exeommunieate the whole of us ?" said Fitzurse. 
"So God help me," said one of the others, " he shall 
hot do that. He has exeommunieated over-many 
already. We have borne too long with him." 
The knighs sprang fo their fee, twist.ing heir 
gloves and swinging heir arms. The arehbishol 
rose. In the general noise words eould no longer be 
aeeurtely heard. At length the knighs moved fo 
leave the room, and, addressing the arehbishop's 
atemlans, said, " In the king's naine we eommand 
you fo see hat his man does no eseape" 
" Do you hink I shall lly, then ?" eried the areh- 
bishop. "Neiher for he king nor for any living 
man will I fly. You eannot be lnore ready fo kill me 
than I ara fo die .... Here you will find me," he 
shouted, following them t.o the door as they venç out 
and ealling after them. Some of his friends thought 
that he had asked De Morville to eome baek and speak 
quietly with him, but if was llOt so. He l'eurned o 
his seat still exeited and eolnplaining. 
"My lord," said John of Salisbury to him, "i is 
strange thaç you vill never be advised. What oeea- 
sion was there for you to go after these men and 
exasperate them with your biter speeehes? You 
would have done beter surely by being quiet and 
giving them a mihler answer. They mean no good, 
and you on]y eommit yourself." 
The arehbishop sighed, and said, "I bave done with 
adviee. I know what I have belote me." 



20 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

If must bave been now past four o'clock, and unless 
there were lights the room was ahnost dark. Beyond 
the archbishop's chamber was an ante-room, beyond 
the ante-rooln the hall. The knights, passing through 
the hdl into thc (luadrangle, and thence fo the lodge, 
called their lnen fo arms. The great gare was close& 
A lnounted gmrd ws stationed outsi,le with orders 
fo allow no one fo go out or in. The knights threw 
off their cloaks and buckled on their swords. This 
was the work of a few minutes. From the cathedral 
tover the vesper bell was beginnin" fo sound. The 
archbishop had seated himself fo recover from the 
agitation of the preceding scene, when a breathless 
monk rushed in fo say that the knights were arlning. 
" Who cares ? Let theln arm," was all that the arch- 
bishop said. His clergy were less inditIhrent. If the 
archbishop was ready for death, they were hot. The 
door from the hall into the court was closed and barred, 
and a short respire was thus secured. The intention 
of the knights, if lnay be presumed, was fo seize the 
archbishop and carry him off fo Saltwood, or fo De 
Morville's castle at Knaresborough, or perhaps to 
Normandy. Coming back to execute their purpose, 
they round themselves stopped by the hall door. To 
burst if open would retluire rime; the ante-room 
betveen the hall and the archbishop's apartments 
opened by an oriel window and an outside stair into 
a garden. Robert de Broe, who knew thê house well, 
led the way fo if in the dusk. The steps were broken, 
but a la,Mer was standing against the window, by 
whieh the knights mounted, and the crash of the fall- 
ing casernent t.old the fluttered group about the areh- 
bishop that their ênemies were upon them. There 
was still a moment. The party who entered by the 
window, instead of turning ilitO the archbishop's room, 



THE MURDER OF BECKET, I I7O 2I 

first went int.o the hall t,o open the door and a,hnit 
t.heir eomrades. From t.he arehbishop's room a second 
passage, lile used, opened int, o t.he north-wes eorner 
of the eloist.er, and from t.he eloister t.here was a wy 
into ghe north t, ransepg of the eat, he,lrM. The ery 
was, "To t.he ehureh. To t.he ehureh." There  leasg 
there would be ilnmediate safety. 
The arehhishop ha,t tol,l t, he klfights that they 
wouhl fin,l him where they left him. He ,li,t hot 
ehoose fo shov fear, or he vas ail'Md, as some t.hought., 
of losing his mart,yrdom. He would hot, mm'e. The 
bell had eeased. Thev reminded him that vespers 
had begun, and that he ought to be in the eat.hedrM. 
Hall yielding, half resisting, his friends swept him 
down the passage into t.he eloister. His cross had 
been forgotten in t, he haste. He refused fo stir t.ill 
it was fet, ehed and earried before him as usual. Then 
only, himself incapable of fear, and rebuking the terror 
of the rest, he advanee,1 deliberately up t.he eloistev fo 
the ehureh door. As he entered t.he eathedral eries 
were heard from whieh if beeame plain that the knights 
had hroken into the arehbishop's room, had round the 
passage, and were following him. Ahnost immediat.ely 
Fitzurse, Traey, De Iorville and Le Breton were dis- 
eerned, in t.he twilight, eoming through the eloister in 
their rlnour, with drawl] swords, and axes in their 
left hands. A eompany of men-at-al'ms was behind 
them. In frollt they were driving belote t.hem a 
frightened floek of monks. 
From t.he middle of t.he transept in whieh the areh- 
bishop was sganding a single pillar rose illtO the roof. 
On the eastern side of it opened a ehapel of St.. Benediet, 
in whieh were the tombs of several of the old primates. 
On the vest, running parallel fo the nave, was a lady 
ehapel. Behind the pillar steps led up into the choir, 



22 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

where voices were already singing vespers. A faint 
light may have been reflected into the transept fl'om 
the ehoir tapers, and eandles may perhaps have been 
burning before the altars in tbe two ehapels--of light 
from without through the windows at that hour thêre 
eould have been seareely any. Seeing the knights 
eoming on, the elergy who had entered with the areh- 
bishop elosed the door and barred if. " What do you 
fear ?" he eried in a clêar, loud voiee. "Out of the 
way, you eowards! The Chureh of God must not be 
ronde a fortress." He stepped baek and reopene«-I the 
door with his own hands, to let in the trembling 
wretebes who lmd been shut out.. They rushed past 
him, and seattered in the hiding-plaees of the vast 
sanetuary, in the erypt, in the galleries or behind the 
tombs. All, or almost all, even of his elosest fl-iends, 
William of Canterbury, Benediet, John of Salisbury 
himself, forsook him fo shift for themselves, admitting 
frankly that they were unworthy of martyrdom. The 
arehbishop was left alone with his ehaplain Fitzstephen, 
Robert of Merton, his old toaster, and Edward Grim, 
the stranger from Cambridge--or perhaps with Grim 
only, who says that he was the only one who stayed, 
and was the only one eertainly who showed any sign 
of eourage. A ery had bêen raised in the ehoir that 
armed men were breaking into the eathedral. The 
vespers eeased; the few monks assemblêd left their 
seats and rushed fo t.he edge of the transept, looking 
wildly into the darkness. 
The arehbishop was on the fourth step beyond the 
eentral pillar aseending into the ehoir when the knights 
eame in. The outline of his figure may have been just 
visible fo them, if light fell upon it from eandles in the 
lady ehapel. Fitzurse passed fo the right of the pillar, 
De Morville, Traey and Le Breton fo the left. Robert 



THE MURDER OF BECKET, II70 2 3 

de Broc and Hugh Mauclerc, an apostate priest, re- 
mained af the door by which they entered. A voice 
cried, "Where is the traitor? Where is Thomas 
Becket ?" There was sîlence ; such a name could 
not be acknowledged. "Where is the archbishop ?" 
Fitzurse shouted. "I an here," the archbishop replied, 
descending the steps, and meeting the knights full in 
theface. "What do you wantwith me? I ara not 
afraid of your swords. I will hot do what is unjust." 
The knights closed round him. "Absolve the persons 
whom you have excommunicated," they said, "and 
take off the suspensions." "They have ruade no 
stisfaction," he answered ; "I will hot." "Then you 
shall die as you have deserved," they said. 
They had hot lneant fo kill him--certainly hOt af 
that rime and in that place. One of them touched 
him on the shoulder with the fiat of his sword, and 
hissed in his ears, "Fly, or you are a dead man " 
There was still tine; with a few steps he would bave 
been lost in the gloom of the cathedral, and could 
have concealed himself in any one of a hundred hiding- 
places. But he was careless of lire, and he felt that 
his rime was corne. "I am ready fo die," he said. 
"May the Church through my blood obtain peace and 
liberty! I charge you in the name of God that you 
hurt no one here but me." The people from the town 
were now pouring into the cathedral; De Morville 
was keeping them back with diflïculty af the head of 
the steps from the choir, and there was danger of a 
rescue. Fitzurse seized hold of the archbishop, rnean- 
ing fo drag him off as a prisoner. He had been cahn 
so far; his pride rose ai the indignity of an arrest. 
"Touch me hot, Reginald!" he said, wrenching his 
cloak out of Fitzurse's grasp. " Off, thou pander, 
thou!" Le Breton and Fitzurse grasped him again, 



a4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

and tried fo force him upon Tracy's back. He grappled 
with Traey and flung him fo the ground, and then 
stood with his baek against the pillar, Edward Griln 
supporting him. He reproaehed Fitzurse for ingrati- 
tude for past kindness; Fitzurse whispered fo hiln 
again fo fly. "I will not fly," he said, and then 
Fitzurse swept lais svor(1 over hiln and dashed off 
lais cap. Tracy, rising" from the pavemelt, struck 
direct, at his head. Griln raised lais arm an,1 can'ht 
the blow. The arln fell broken, and the ont frien,l 
round faitlhful sank back disabled against t.hc wa]l. 
The sword, with ifs relnaining force, woundcd the 
arehbishop above the forehead, and the blood triekled 
down his face. Standing firmly with lais hands elasped, 
he ben his neek for he death-stroke, saying in a low 
voiee, " I ara prepared fo die for Christ and for His 
Chureh " These were his last words. Traey again 
struek him. He fell forward upon his knees and 
hands. In that position Le Breton dealt him a bloxv 
whieh severed the sealp froIn the head and broke the 
sword against the stone, saying, "Take t.hat for my 
Lord Willialn ". De Broc or Mauelerethe needless 
feroeity was attributed fo both of t.hem--strode for- 
ward from the eloister door, set his foot on the neek 
of the dead lion, and spread the brains upon the pave- 
ment with his sword's point. " We may go," he said ; 
"the trai)r is dead, and will trouble us no more." 
Sueh was the murder of Beeket, the eehoes of whieh 
are still heard aeross seven eenturies of rime, and whieh, 
be the final judgment upon if vhat if may, has ifs 
place among the most enduring incidents of English 
history. Was Becket a martyr, or was he justly 
executed as a traitor to his sovereign ? Even in that 
suprenle moment of terror and wonder opinions were 
divided among his own monks. That very night 



THE MURDER OF BECKET, 7 o 5 

Grim heard one of theln say, "He is no martyr; he 
is justly served". Anot.her sa.id, seareely feeling, 
perhps, the lneaning of the words, "He wished fo 
be king and lnore than king. Let him be king let 
him be king'." Whet.her the cause for whieh he died 
was fo prevail, or whether t, he saerifiee had been in 
vain, hulig on t, he mswer whieh would be given fo 
this molnentous luest.ion. In a few days or weeks 
an answer came i, a form fo which in tlut age no 
rçioinder was possible, and the only uneert.aint, y 
which relnailed af, (,alt, crlury was whet,],cr if wts 
lawful fo use the ordinary prayers for t.he repose of 
the dead man's soul, or whether, in e(mseluenee of 
t, he astounding miraeles whieh were inst;mtly worked 
by his remains, t, he pope's judgm,,nt ought hot fo be 
ant.ieipated, and the arehlishop be af once adored as 
a saint in heaven. 



26 

CORONATION OF ANNE BOLEYN, 1533. 

IN anticipation of the timely close of the proceedings 
ai Dunstable, notice had been given in the city early 
in May tlmt preparations should be nade for the 
coronation on the làrst of the following month. Queen 
Arme was af Greenwich, but, according fo custom, the 
few preceding days were fo be spent af the Tower ; 
and on the 1.0th of ]Iay she was conducted thither in 
state by the lord mayor and the city companies, with 
one of those splendid exhibitions upon the water which 
in the dys when the silver Thames desel'ved ifs naine, 
and the sun could shine down upon if out of the blue. 
summer sky, were spectacles scarcely rivalled in gor- 
geousness by the world-famous yedding of the Adriatic. 
The river was crowdcd with boats, the banks and the 
ships in the pool swarmed with people, and fifty great 
barg'es formed the proeession, all blazing with gold and 
banners. The queen herself was in her own barge, 
elose fo that of the lord mayor, and, in keeping with 
the fantastie genius of the rime, she was preeeded up 
the water by "a foyst or wafter full of ordnanee, in 
whieh was a great dragon eontinuMly moving and 
easting wildfire, and round about the foyst stood 
terrible monsters and wild men, easting tire and 
making hideous noise ". So, with trumpets blowing, 
cannon pealing, the Tower guns answering the guns 
of the ships, in a blaze of fireworks and splendour, 
Anne Boleyn was borne along fo the great archway 



CORONATION OF ANNE BOLEYN, I533 2 7 

of the Tower, where the king was waiting on the 
stairs fo receive her. 
And now let us suppose eleven days to have elapsed, 
the welcome news fo have arrived af length from 
Dunstable, and the fair summer lnorning of lire dawn- 
ing in treacherous beauty after the long night of ex- 
pectation. No bridal ceremonial had been possible; 
the marriage hd been huddled over like a stolen 
love-match, and the marriage feas had been eaten in 
vexation and disappointlnent. These past lnortitica- 
tions were to be atoned for by a coronation pageant 
which the art and the wealth of the richest city in 
Europe should be poured out in the most lavish pro- 
fusion fo adorn. 
On the morning of the 31st of May the familles of 
the London citizens were stirring early in ail houses. 
From Temple Bar fo the Tower the streets were fresh 
strewed with gravel, the footpaths were railed off along 
the whole distance, and occupied on one side by the 
guilds, their workmen and apprentices, on the other 
by the city constables and officials in their gaudy 
uniforms, "with their staves in hand for to cause the 
people fo keep good room and ortier" Cornhill and 
Gracechurch Street had dressed their fronts in scarlet 
and crimson, in arras and tapestry and the rich 
carpet-work from Persia and the East. Cheapside, to 
outshine her rivals, was draped even more splendidly 
in cloth of gold and tissue and velvet. The sheriflh 
were pacing up and down on their g'reat Flenish 
horses, hung with liveries, and all the windows were 
thronged with ladies crowding fo see the procession 
pass. Af length the Tower guns opened, the grim 
gares rolled back, and under the archway in the bright 
May sunshine the long colulnn began slowly fo defile, 
Two states only permitted their representatives fo 



a8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

graee the seene with their presenee--Venice and 
France. I was, 1)erhal)8 , fo make t,he most of this 
isolaed counenance t.ha the French ambassador's 
train forme,l the van of the cavalcade. Tve!ve 
French knighs came riding foremos in surcoags of 
blue vclve vith sleeves o yellow silk, heir horses 
rappe«l in blue, vith whie crosses powdered on heir 
hanging's. Afer theln followed a troop of English 
ent.lemen, two and two, and thon the Knig'hts ot" the 
Bath, "in gowns of violet, with hoo, ls purfled with 
miniver like doctors". Next, perhaps af a little 
interval, the abbots passed on, lnitred, in their robes : 
he barons followed in crimson velvet, the bishops then, 
and then the earls and marquises, the dresses of each 
ortier increasing in elaborate gorgeousness. All these 
rode on in pai:s. Then came a]one Audeley, lord 
chancellor, and behind him the Venetian ambassador 
and the Archbishop of York; the Archbishop of 
Canterbury and Du Bellay, Bishop of Bayonne and 
of Paris, hOt nmv with bugle and hunting-frock, but 
so]elnn with stole and crozier. Next, the lord mayor, 
with the city mace in hand, and Garter in his coat of 
arnls; and then Lord William Howard, the Duke of 
Norfolk's brocher, Mm'shal of England. The oœeeers 
of he queen's househohl sueeeeded hq marshal in 
searle and gold, and t, he van of he proesion was 
elosed by he Duke of Suffolk, as high eonsable, wih 
his silver wand. I is no easy maer fo pieure o 
ourselves he blazing rail of splendour whieh in sueh 
a pagean mus have dr&wl along he London sgrees, 
hose sree whieh now we know so blaek and 
smoke-grimed, themselves then radiant with masses 
of eolour, gold and erimson and violet. Yet there ig 
was, and there the sun could shine upon if, and tens 



CORONATION OF ANNE BOLEYN, i533 2 9 

of thousands of eyes were gazing on the scene out of 
the crovded lattices. 
Glorious us the spectacle was, pcrhaps, however, if 
passed unheeded. ïhosê eyes were watehing all for 
another objeet, whieh now drew uear. In an open spaee 
behind the eonstable there was seen approaching "a 
white chariot," drawn by two palfreys in white lamask 
which svept the ground, a gohlcn canopy borne above 
if nlaking music xvith silver bells: an,l in the chariot 
sat the observed of all observers, the bcautiful occa- 
siou of all this glittering holnage; fortune's play- 
thing of the hour, thc Qucen of England--queen ai 
lastbol-ne along upon the waves of this sea of glory, 
breathing the perfumed ineensc of gl'Catness which 
she had risked her fait naule, her delieaey, her honour, 
her self-respect fo win ; and she hml won if. 
There she sat, dressed in white tissue robes, ber 
fait hair flowing loose over her shouhlers, and her 
temples eireled with a light eoronet of gohl and 
diamonds--most beautiful--loveliest--most favoured, 
perhaps, us she Seelned ai that hour, of all England's 
daughters. Alasl " within the hollow round " of that 
eoronet-- 

Kept de.th his court, and there the .ntick sut, 
Scoffing her st.te nd grinning .t her pomp. 
Allowing her . little bre.th, . little scene 
To mon.rchize, be fe.red, nd kill with looks, 
Infusing her with self .nd vain conceit, 
As if the fiesh which wMled .bout her lire 
Were brass impregn.ble ; .nd humoured thus, 
Bored through her c.stle w.lls; nd f.rewell, Queen. 

Fatal gift of greatness ! so dangerous ever so more 
thau dangerous in those tremendous rimes vhen the 
fountains are broken loose of the great deeps of 



3 ° SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

thought ; and nations are in the throes of revolution ; 
--when ancient order and law and tradition are split- 
ring in the social earthquake ; and, as the opposing 
forces wrestle fo and fro, those unhappy ones who 
stand out above the crowd become the sylnbols of the 
struggle and fall the victims of its alternating fortunes. 
And what if into an unsteady heart and brain, intoxi- 
cated with splendour, the outward chaos should find 
its way, converting the poor silly soul into an image 
of t.be saine eonfusion,--if eonseienee should be deposed 
from her high place, and the Pandora box be broken 
loose of passions and sensualities and follies; and af 
length there be nothing left of ail whieh man or 
woman ought fo value save hope of God's forgiveness ? 
Ïhree short years bave yet to pass, and again, on a 
summer morning, Queen Amae Boleyn will leave the 
Tower of London--not radiant then with beauty on a 
gay errand of eoronation, but a poor wandering ghost, 
on a sad tragie en'and, from vhieh she will never 
more return, passing away out of an earth where she 
may stay no longer, into a presenee where, neverthe- 
less, we knov that all is well--for all of usand 
therefore for her. 
But let us not eloud her shortlived sunshine with 
the shadow of the future. She vent on in her loveli- 
ness, the peeresses folloving in their earriages, with 
the royal guard in their rear. In Fenehureh Street she 
vas met by the ehildren of the eity sehools; and at 
the corner of Graeeehureh Street a masterpieee had 
been prepared of the pseudo-elassie art, theu so fashion- 
able, by the merehants of the Styll-yard. A Mount 
Parnassus had been eonstrueted, and a Helieon fountain 
upon if playing into a basin vith four jets of Rheuish 
wine. On the top of the mountain sat Apollo with 
Calliope ai lais feet, end on either side the remaining 



CORONATION OF ANNE BOLEYN, 1533 31 

Muses, holding lutes or harps, and singing each of 
them some "posy" or epigram in praise of the queen, 
which was presented, after it lmd been sung, written 
in letters of gold. 
From Gncechurch Street the procession pssed fo 
Ledcnhll, where tlere ws a spectacle in better taste, 
of the old English Catholic kind, quint perhaps md 
forced, but truly and even beuti[ully emblematic. 
There ws again a "little moultain," which w«s hung 
with red aud white roses; a gold ring ws placed on 
the summit, on which, as. thc queen appeared,  white 
falcon was mde fo "descend as out of the sky " 
"aud then incontinent came down an angel with gret 
mèlody, and set a close crown of gvld upon the falcon's 
head; and in the saine pageant sat Saint Anne with 
all her issue beneath her; nd Mary Cleophas with 
her four childl'en, of the which chihlren one ruade a 
goodly oratîon fo the queen, of the fruitfulness o[ St. 
Aime, trusting that like fruit should corne of her ". 
With such "pretty conceits," t that rime the honest 
tokens of an English welcome, the new queen was 
received by the citizeus of London. These scenes 
must be multiplied by the number of the streets, 
xvhere some fresh fancy met her af eve W turn. To 
preserve the festivities from flgng every fountain 
and conduit within the wlls ran all day with wine; 
the bells of every steeple were ringing; children lay 
in wait with songs, and ladies with posies, in which 
all the resourees of fantastie extravagance were ex- 
hausted; and thus in an unblken triumphand 
fo outward appearanee reeeived with the warmest 
affeetionshe passed under Temple Bar, doxvn the 
Strand by Charing Cross fo Westminster Hll. The 
king was hOt with her throughout the day; nor did 
he intend to be with her in any part of the eeremonç 



3: SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

She was to reign without a rival, the undisputed 
soverêign of the hotlr. 
Saturday being passed in showing herself fo the 
peoplê, she retired for the night fo "the king's 
lnanour house af Westminster," where she slept. On 
the following morning', between eight and nine o'eloek, 
she retUl'ned fo the Hall, w]iere the lord mayor, the 
eity eouneil and the pcers were ag"ain assembled, and 
Look lier plaee on the high daïs at the top of t]ie 
stairs mider the eloth of state; while the bishops, the 
abbots and Çhe monks of the Abbey fOl'med in tlie 
area. A railed way liad been laid with earpets aeross 
Palaee Yard and the Sanetuary fo the Abbey gares, 
and when all was ready, preeeded by the peel'S in 
their robes of Parliament, the Knights of tlie Gai'ter 
in the dress of the ordcr, she swept out under lier 
eanopy, the bisho»s.. 1-'- an,l the lllOllks "solcmnly sing- 
ing". The train was borne by the o1,1 Duehess 
of Norfolk, her aunt, the Bishops of London and 
Winehester Oli either side "bearing up the lappets 
of her robe" The Èl'l of Oxford earried the erown 
on ifs eushion iinmediately before her. She was 
dressed in purple velvet ful'red with êl'nlilie, ber 
hair eseapin" loose, as she usually wore if, under a 
wreath of diamonds. 
On entering the Abbey she was led to the eorona- 
tion chair, vhere she sat while the train fell into their 
plaees, and the preliminaries of the eeremonial were 
despatehed. Then she was eondueted up to the high 
altar, and anointed Queen of Eg'land, and she reeeived 
from the hands of Cranmer, fresh eome in haste from 
Dunstable, with the last words of his sentenee upon 
Catherine seareely silent upon his lips, the golden 
seeptre and St. Eward's erown. 
Did any twinge of reniorse, any pang of 10ainful 



CORONATION OF ANNE BOLEYN, I533 33 

recollecLion, pierce aL LhaL momenL Lhe incense of 
glory which she was inhaling? Did any vision fliL 
across her of a sad, mourning figure which once had 
sLood where she was stmding, now desolaLe, neglecLed, 
sinking inLo Lhe darkening twilighL of a lire eut short 
by sorrow? Who can tell? Ai such a Lime LhaL 
figure would have weighed heavily upon a noble 
mind, and a wise mind would have been taughL by 
the LhoughL of iL thaL alLhough lire be fleeting as a 
dream iL is long enough Lo experience strange vicis- 
situdes of fortune. BuL Arme Boleyn was noL noble 
and was noL wise,--too probably she felL nothing buL 
Lhe delicious, all-absorbing, all-inLoxicating presenL, 
and if LhaL plain, suIibring face presenLed iLself to her 
memory aL all, we may fear thaL iL was rather as a 
foil Lo her own surpassing loveliness. Two years 
laLer she was able Lo exult over CaLherine's death; 
she is noL likely fo have thoughL of lier with genLler 
feelings in Lhe firsL glow and flush of triulnph. 
We may now leave these sceues. They concluded 
in the usual English sLyle, wiLh a ban(luet in the 
greaL hall and wiLh all otitward signs of enjoymenL 
and pleasure. There musL have been buL few persons 
present, however, who did noL feel t.hat Lhe sunshine of 
such a day might hot lasL for ever, and that over so 
dubious a marriage no Englishman could exult with 
more Lhan hall a hearL. IL is foolish to blame lightly 
acLions which arise in the midsL of circumstances 
which are and can be but imperfecLly known; and 
Lhere may have been poliLical reasons which ruade so 
much pomp desirable. Aune Boleyn had been the 
subjecL of public conversaLion for seven years, and 
Henry, no doubL, desired fo present his jewel fo Lhem 
in Lhe raresL and choicesL setting. YeL fo our eyes, 
seeing, perhaps, by Lhe light of whaL followed, a more 
3 



34 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

modest introduction vould have appeared more suited 
to the doubtful nature of her position. 
At any rtte we escape ff'on, this scene of splendour 
very gladly as from something unseasonable. If would 
bave been well for Henry VIII. if he had lived in & 
world in whieh women eould have been dispensed with ; 
so ill, in all his relations with them, he sueeeeded. 
With men he eould speak the right word, he eould do 
the right thing ; with women he seemed fo be under 
fatal neeessity of mistake. 



35 

THE DESTRUCTION OF THE CHARTER- 
HOUSE, 1535. 

HERE we trc to tinter upou one of t.hc g]'tl]l scencs 
of hi.story; a solcmu battlc fought out te) t, hc leath, 
yet fought wit.hout ferocit, y, by t.he chmpious of rival 
primiples. Heroic mon had falloir, ami WCl'e still 
fast falling, for what was eflled heresy; ami uow 
those who had inflieted deat,h o others were called 
upon fo bear the saine witness fo their owu siuecrity. 
England became the theat, re of a wnr between two 
armies of martyrs, fo be waged, hot upon the open 
field, in open act, ion, but on the stake ami ou the 
scaflbld, with the uobler weapons of passive endurauce. 
Each party were ready to give their blood ; each party 
were ready fo shed the blood of their autagoni,st.s; 
aud the sword was t.o single out ifs victims in the 
rival ranks, hot as in peace amoug those whose crimes 
ruade them dangerous fo societ, y, but, as on t, he field 
of battle, where the most couspicuous courage most 
chdlenges t.he aire of the enemy. If was war, though 
uudcr t, he form of peaee ; and if we would understaud 
the true spirit of the t.ime, we must regard Catholics 
and Protestants as gallaut soldiers, whose deat, hs, 
when they fall, are hot painful, but glorious; and 
whose devotion we are equally able to admire, even 
where we cannot equally approve their cause. Courage 
and self-sacrifice axe beautiful alike in a enemy ami 
il a friend. And while we exult in tiat chivalry 



3 6 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

with which çhe Smiçhfield martyrs boughç England's 
freedom wiçh their blood, so ve vill hot refuse our 
admiration o those oçher gallanç men whose high 
forms, in the sunset of çhe old faith, stand çransfigured 
on çhe horizon, çinged with the light of ifs dying glory. 
Secreçary Bedyll complained fo Cromwell of the 
obsçinacy of certain friars and monks, who, he 
thought, wou|d confer a service on çhe country by 
dying quiet|y, lest honesç men should incur un- 
meriçed obloquy in putting them fo death. Among 
these, f.he brethren of çhe London Çharçerhouse were 
especially mentioned as recalcitranç, and çhey were 
said ai çhe same rime fo bear a high reputation for 
holiness. In a narrative written by a member of this 
body we a'e brought face ço face, ai their rime of 
çrial, wiçh one of the few religious establishments in 
England which continued ço deserve the naine; and 
we may see, in the scenes which are there described, 
the highest representation of sçruggles which,graduated 
variously according fo character and çemper, and, 
without the çragical result, may bave been witnessed 
in very many of the monastic bouses. The wriçer 
was a certain Maurice Channey, probably an IrishmarL 
He went through the saine sufferings with the rest of 
the brethren, and was one of the small fraction who 
finally gave way under çhe trial. He was set aç lil)erçy, 
and escaped abroad ; and, in penance for his wealness, 
he left on record the touching story of his fa|l, and of 
the triumph of his bolder companions. 
He commences with his own confession. He had 
fallen when others sçood. He was, as he says, an 
unworthy brother, a Saul among the prophets, a 
Judas among çhe apostles, a child of Ephraim turning 
himself back in çhe day of baçtlefor which his 
cowardice, while his brother monks were saints in 



FALL OF THE CHARTERHOUSE, I535 37 

heaven, he was doing penance in sorrow, tossing on 
the waves of the wide world. The early chapters 
contain a loving lingering picture of his cloister lire-- 
fo him the perfection of earthly happiness. Itis placed 
before us, in all ifs superstition, its devotion and ifs 
simplicity, the counterpart, even in minute details, of 
the stories of the Saxon recluses when monasticism 
was lu the young vigour of ifs lire. St. Bede or St. 
Cuthbert might have found himself in the house of 
the London Carthusians, and he would bave had few 
questions fo ask, and no duties fo learn or fo unlearn. 
The form of the buildings would have seemed more 
elaborate ; the notes of the organ would lmve added 
richer solenmity fo the services; but the salient features 
of the scene would have been all familiar. He would 
have lived in a cell of the saine shape, he would bave 
thought the saine thoughts, spoken the same words 
in the saine language. The prayers, the daily life, 
almost the very faces with which he was surrounded, 
would have seemed all unaltered. A thousand years 
of the world's history had rolled by, and these lonely 
islands of prayer had remained still anchored in the 
stream; the strands of the ropes vhich hcld them, 
wearing now fo a thread, and very near thcir last 
parting, but still unbroken. What they had been 
they were; and, if Maurice Chnney's description 
lmd corne down fo us as the accourir of the monastery 
in which Otik of Mercia did penance for his crimes, 
we could lmve detected no infernal symptoms of a 
later age. 
His pages are filled with the old familir stories of 
visions and miracles ; of strange adventures befalling 
the chalices and holy wafers; of angels with wax 
candles; innocent plmntoms which flitted round 
brains nd minds fevered by asceticism. There are 



3 8 

SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

accounts of certain .f'a t res 'cl)rob i et eo" 
p t¢it o--frMl brethrcn aud thc frightful catastrophes 
which ensued to them. Brother Thoms, who told 
stories out o[ doors, al)tul s,-¢c¢heres, was attacked 
one night by the devil; and the fiend would have 
strangled him but for the prayers of a companion. 
Brother George, vho erave, l after the fleshpots of 
Egypt, vas waiking" one day about the eloistcr wheu 
he ought fo hve been at ehapel, and the great figure 
upon the eross at the end of the gallery turned ifs 
baek upon him as if lmng, aud drove him all but, lnad. 
Brothcr John l)zdy round fmlt with his dinuer, an, l 
said that he would as soon et toads--M/ra ïesl 
Jstus Des no fra,l(vit c deside'io so 
his cell was for three lnonths filled wiLh Loads. It' he 
threw Lhem inLo the tire, Lhey hopped back fo hiln 
uuscorched: if he killed theln, oLhers came to take 
their place. 
But Lhese bad broLhers were rare excepLions. 
general Lhc house was perhaps Lhe besL ordered in 
England. The hospiLaliLy was weIl sustained, the 
chal'iLies were prot'use, and whaLever we may Lhink 
of Lhe intel[ecL which could busy itself with fancies 
seemingly so chil, lish, Lhe lnonks were true o Lheir 
vows, and tl'ue to Lheir duLy, as far as thcy compre- 
hended what duty lneant. Among nany good, the 
prior John Hug'hton was the best. He was of au old 
Eug'lish family, and had bêcn edueated af Cambrid(e 
where he must have been the eontemporary of Latimer. 
Af he age of twcnty-eight he took the vows as a 
monk, and had been twenty years a Cart.husian af the 
opening of the troubles of the Reformation. He is 
deseribed as " small in stature, in figure graeeful, 
eountenanee dignified". " In mamer he was most 
lnodest : in elo(luenee most sweet : lu ehastity without 



FALL OF THE CHARTERHOUSE, I535 39 

staill." We may readily imagine his appearallee ; witll 
tllat fenlinine austerity of expression whieh, as hs 
been vell said, belougs so peeuliarly o the feaures of 
he medioeval eeelesiasies. 
Sueh was he soeiey of he lnolks o he Charer- 
house, vho, in an er oo lae for fleir eoninuauee, 
and guilty of being unble fo l'ead he signs of he 
ilnes, were SUlnlnoned ço vage unequal batle vih 
the vorld. From the eolnmeneelnent of the divorce 
cause they had espoused insinetively the tlueen's side; 
hey had probably, in eolnmOn wifl heir aliated 
bouse a Sion, believed unwisely in t.he lun of Kent; 
and, as pious Catholies, hey regarded the refol'ming 
measures of he Parliamen wih dismay and eonsçerna- 
çion. The year 1533, says Mauriee, vas ushered in 
vih signs in heaven and prodigies upon earth, as if 
he end of the vorld vas at hand" as indeed of the 
monks and le monks' world he end was ruly a 
hand. And then ealne the spring of 1534, wheu 
he Ae was passed eutting off the Prineess Nary ri'oto 
the sueeession, and requiring of ail subjees of the 
reahn an oh of allegimee o Elizabeth, and a reeog- 
nition of the king's lnarriage with Queen Arme. Sir 
Thomas 3Iore and Bishop Fisher went fo the Tower 
raher han swear; and about the saine rime the 
royal eommissioners appeared af the C, harterhouse to 
require the submission of the brethren. The regular 
elergy through the kingdom had bent to the storm. 
The eonseienee of the London Carthusians was less 
elastie ; they were the fil'St and, with the exeêption of 
More and Fisher, the only reeusants. " The prior did 
ansver o the eolnmissioners," Iaul'iee relis us, " 
he knev nothing of sueh matters, and eould hot 
meddle vith thêm; and they eontinuing fo insist, and 
the prior being still unable fo give other answer, he 



40 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

was sent with Father Humphrey, our proctor, fo the 
Tower." There he relnained for a month; and af the 
end of if he was persuadcd by "certain good and learned 
men" that the cause was not one for which if was law- 
ful fo suttr. He undertook fo colnply, swb co(1-tione, 
with some necessary reservations, and was sent home 
fo the cloister. As soon as he returned the brethren 
assembled in their chapter-house " in confusion and 
great perplexity," and Haughton told thêm what he 
had promised. He would submit, he said, and yet his 
misgivings foretold fo him that a submission so made 
could hot long avail. "Out hour, dear brethren," he 
continued, "is hot yet corne. In the same night in 
which we were set free I had a dream that I should 
not escape thus. Within a year I shall be brought 
again fo that place, and then I shall finish my course." 
If martyrdom was so near and so iuevitable, the 
remainder of the monks were af first reluctant fo 
purchase a useless delay at the price of their convic- 
tions. The commissioners came with the lord mayor 
for the oath, and if was refused. They came again, 
with the thret of instant imprisonment for the whole 
fraternity ; "and then," sys Maurice, "they prevailed 
with us. We all swore as we were requircd, making 
one condition, that we submitted on]y so far as was 
lawful for us so fo do. Thus, like Jonah, we were 
delivered from the belly of this monster, this immnis 
ceta, and bcgan again fo rejoice like him, under the 
shadow of the gourd of our home. But if is better o 
trust in the Lord tlmn in princes, in whom is no 
salvation; God hud prepared a worm that smote our 
gourd aud made if o perish." 
This worm, as may be supposed, was the Act of 
Supremacy, with the Statute of Treasons which was 
attached o if. It ws rulcd, as I have "sad, that 



FALL OF THE CHARTERHOUSE, 1535 4x 

inadequae answers o official inquiry forlned sufficien 
ground for prosecugion under these Acs. Bug ghis 
inrerpretation was llOt generally known; ,,or among 
those who knew if was if eertain whether ghe Crown 
would avail itself of the powers whieh it thus pos- 
sessed, or whether if would proeeed only against sueh 
ottnders as had voluntarily eomlnitted themselves fo 
opposition. In the opening of the following year 
(1535) the first uncertainty vas at al1 end; if was 
publiely understood that persons who had previously 
given eause for suspieion lnighç be submit.ted fo 
question. When this bi,ter news was no longer 
doubtful, the prior ealle,l the eonvent toge,ber, an, l 
gave ,hem notice fo prepare for what was eoming. 
They lay already under the shadow of treason; and 
he antieipated, anlong other evil eonsequenees of dis- 
obedienee, the ilnlnediate dissolution of the house. 
Even he, with all his forebodings, was unprepared for 
the eourse whieh would really be taken with them. 
" When we were all in great consternation," writes our 
author, "he said fo us : 
"' Very sorry am I, and lny heart is heavy, espeeially 
for you, my younger friends, of whom I see so lnany 
round lne. Here you are living" in your ilmoeenee. 
The yoke will hot be laid on your neeks, nor the rod 
of perseeution. But if you are taken henee, and 
mingle among the Gentiles, you lnay learn the works 
of ,hem, and having begun iii the spirit you lnay be 
eonsumed in the flesh. And there lnay be others 
among us whose hearts are still infirm. If these mix 
again xvith the xvorld, I fear hoxv if may be with 
,hem; and what shall I say, and what shall I do, if 
I eannot save those whom God has trusted to my 
charge ?' 
"Ïhen all who were present," says Chalmey, "burst 



42 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

into tears, an,l eried with one voiee, ' Let us die to- 
gether in our integrity, and heaven and earth shall 
witness for us how unjustly we are 
"The prior answered, sadly, ' WouM, indeed, 
if mighg be so; çhaç so dying we mighç lire, as living 
we ,liebut they will no do fo us so grea a kindness, 
nor ço çhemselves so grea an iliury. Many of you are 
of noble blood : and whag I çhink hey will ,lo is çhis: 
Me and çhe elder breghren çhey will kill; and they 
will dismiss you çhaç are young inço a worhl whieh is 
hot for you. Ij; ther@ve, it del)ed on me alo,e-- 
• (fmy oalh will stqce for the hottseI vill throw 
myself ¢br yotr sa.kes o tac ne,rcy of (od. I vill 
make myse{f anathema ; and to preserve yo from 
these d«,9crs , I will consent to lhe King's will. If, 
however, they htve determined otherwiseif they 
choose to have the consent of us allthe will of God 
be donc. If one death will hot avail, we will die 
all.' 
"So then, bidding us prepare for the wors, that the 
Lord when He knocked might find us ready, he desired 
us fo ehoose each out eonfessor, and to confess our sins 
one fo another, giviç us power fo grant eaeh other 
absolution. 
"The day after he preached a sermon in the ehapel 
on the 59th Psahn'O God, Thou hast east us off: 
Thou hast destroyêd us' ;  coneluding with the words, 
' Itis better tha we should sutir here a short penance 
for our faults, than be reserved for the eternal pains 
of hell hereafter';and so ending, he turned to us 
and bade us all do as we saw him do. Then rising 
from his place he went direct fo the eldest of the 
brethren, who was sitting nearest to himself, and, 

1The 60th in he English version. 



FALL OF THE CHARTERHOUSE, x535 43 

kneeling before him, begged his forgiveness for any 
off'once which in hearç, word or deed he might have 
committed against him. Thence he proceeded fo the 
nexL and said the saine ; and so o the next, throug'h 
us MI, we following him and saying s he did, each 
from eaeh ilnploring pardon." 
Thus, viçh unobtrusive nobleness, did çhese poor men 
prepare thelnselves for their end; noç less beautiful 
in their resoluçion, hot less descrving thc everlasting 
relnembranee of mankiml, than those three huldred 
who il the summer lnorning sa eomlfing their golden 
hair in thc passes of Thcrlnopyl;e. We will hot regret 
their eause ; thcre is no eause for whieh any man can 
more nobly suflbr thal, o witness that if is beçter for 
hiln o die than fo speak vords whieh he does hOt 
mean. Nor, in this their hour of trial, were they left 
withouç higher eolnfor. 
"The third day after," t.he story goes on, " was the 
mass of the Holy Ghost, and Go,l ruade know His 
presenee among us. For when the host was lifted up, 
there eame as if vere a whisper of air, vhieh breathed 
upon our faees as ve knelt. Some pereeived if with 
the bodily senses; ail felt if as if thrilled into their 
hearts. And then followed a sweet, sort sound of 
musie, af whieh out venerable father was so moved, 
God being thus abundançly manifest among us, that 
he sank down in tears, anl for a long rime eould hot 
eontinue the servieewe all remaining stupefied, hear- 
ing the melody, and fceling çhe marvellous eflets of 
if upon out spirits, but knowing neither whenee if 
eame nor whiçher if went. Only out hearts rejoieed 
as we pereeived that God was with us indeed." 
Comford and resolute, the brotherhood awaited 
patiently the approaeh of the eommissioners ; and they 
vaited long, for the Crown was in no haste fo be severe. 



44 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

The statures had been passed in no spirit of cruelty ; 
they vere weapons fo be used in case of extremity ; and 
thcre was no attelnpt fo enforce them until forbearance 
was misconstrued into fear. Sir Thomas More and 
the Bishop of Rochester remained unquestioned in the 
Tmver, and were alIowed free intercourse with their 
friends. The Carthusian monks were left undisturbed, 
although the attitude which they had assumed was 
notorious, and although the prior was known fo forbid 
his penitents in confession fo acknowlêdge the king's 
supremacy. If the Government was ai length driven 
fo severity, if was bêcause the clergy forced them to 
if in spire of themselves. 
The clergy had taken the oath, but they held them- 
selves under no obligation fo observe it; or if they 
observed the orders of the Crown in the letter, they 
thvarted those orders in the spirit. The Treason Act 
had for a while overawed them ; but finding that its 
threats were confined fo language, that months passed 
away, and that no person had as yet been prosecuted, 
they fell back into open opposition, either careless of the 
consequences, or believiug that the Govermnent did hOt 
dare fo exert its powers. The details of their conduct 
during the spring nlonths of this year I ara unable to 
discover; but it was suct as at length, on the 17th 
of April, provoked the following circular to the lords- 
lieutenant of the various counties :-- 
" Right trusty and well-beloved cousin, we greet 
you well ; and whereas it has corne fo our knowledge 
that sundry persons, as well religious as secular priests 
and curates in their parishes and in divers places within 
this our realm, do daily, as much as in them is, set 
forth and extol the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome, 
othervise called the Pope; sowing their seditious, 
pestilent and false doctrines; praying for him in the 



FALL OF THE CHARTERHOUSE, I535 45 

pulpit and making him a god; fo the great deeeit of 
our subjects, bringing them into errours and evil 
opinions ; more preferring tbe power, laws and juris- 
diction of the said Bishop of Rome tlmn the most boly 
laws and precepts of Ahnighty God: We therefore, 
minding not only fo proceed for an unity and quietness 
among our said subjects, but also greatly coveting and 
desiring them fo be brought fo a knowledge of the 
mere verity an,l truth, and no longer fo be seduced 
vith any such superstitious and false doctrines of any 
earthly usurper of God's laws--will, therefore, and 
commnd you, that whensoever ye shall hear of any 
sucb seditious persons, ye indelayedly do take and 
apprebend them or cause them fo be apprehended 
and taken, and so committed fo ward, there fo remain 
without bail or main-prize, until, upon your advertise- 
ment thereof fo us and fo our council, ye shall know 
our further pleasure. 
" HENRY R." 
In obvious co,mection with the issue of tbis pub- 
lication, the monks of the Charterhouse were af 
lengt, h informed that they would be questioned on 
the supremacy. The great body of the religious 
houses had volunteered an outward submission. The 
London Carthusians, with other affiliated establish- 
ments, had remaned passive, a,d had thus furnisbed 
an open encouragement fo disobedience. We arc in- 
stinctively inclined fo censure a,, i,,terference with 
persons who af worst were but dreamers of the 
cloist, er; and whose innocence of outward oflbnces 
we imagine might have served them for a shield. 
Unhappily, behind the screenwork of these poor saints 
a whole Irish insurrection was blazi,g in madness and 
fury ; and in the northern English counties were some 
sixty thousnd persons ready fo rse in arms. In these 



46 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

great struggles men are formidable in porportion fo 
their virtues. The noblest Protestants were chosen by 
the Catholies for the st.ake. The fagots were already 
growing whieh were fo burn Tyndal, the translator of 
the Bible. It was the habit of the rime, as if is the 
habit of all times of rem danger, fo spare the multitude 
but fo strike the lealers, fo make responsibility the 
shadow of power, to ehoose for punishment the most 
etIieacious representatives of the spirit whieh if was 
necessary fo subdue. 
ïhe influence of the Carthusians, with that of the 
two great men who were followiug the saine road fo 
the saine goal, determined multitudes in the attitude 
whieh they would assume, and in the duty whieh they 
would ehoose. The Carthusians, therefore, were to be 
ruade fo bend : or if they eould not be bent, fo be ruade 
examples in their punishment, as they had marie them- 
selves examples in their resistanee. They were noble 
and good" but there were others in England good and 
noble as they, who were not of their fold; and whose 
virtues, theueeforward more re(luired by Egland than 
eloistered aseetieisms, had been blighted under the 
shadow of the Papaey. The Catholies had ehosen the 
alternative, either fo crush the free thought which was 
bursting from the soil, or else fo be crushed by if ; and 
the future of the vorld could not be sacrificed fo 
preserve the exotic graces of medieval saints. They 
fell, gloriously and hOt unprofitably. They were not 
allowed fo stay the course of the Reformation: but 
their sutIrings, nobly borne, sufficed fo recover the 
sympathy of after-ages for the faith which they pro- 
fessed. 
To return fo the narrative of Maurice Channey. 
Notice of the intention of the Government having 
been signified fo the order, Father Webster and 



FALL OF THE CHARTERHOUSE, 1535 47 

Father Lawrenee, 
houses of Axhohn 
three weeks after 
sented themselves 
tobe excused the 

the priors of the two daughter 
and Belville, came up to London 
Easter, and, with t[aughtol, pre- 
belote Cromwell wit.h an entreaty 
submission. For answer to their 

petition they were sent fo the Towcr, where they were 
soon after joined by Father Reynol, ls, one of the re- 
calcitrant monks of Sion. These four were brought 
on the 26th of April before a committee of the privy 
council, of which Crolnwell was one. The Act of 
Suprelnacy was laid before theln, and they were re- 
luired to signify thcir acccptance of if.. Thcy refused, 
and two days after they were brought to trial before 
a special commission. They pleaded all" hot guilty" 
They had of course broken the Act; but they would 
hot acknowledge that guilt could be involved in dis- 
obedience to a law which was itself unlawful. Their 
words in the Tower to the privy council formed t|le 
marrer of the charge against them. It appears from 
the record that on their examination, "they, treacher- 
ously machinating and desiring to deprive the King 
our sovereign lord of his title of supreme Head of the 
Church of England, did openly declare, and say, the 
King our sovereign lord is not suprelne ttead on earth 
of the Church of England " 
But their conduct on the trial, or at least the con- 
duct of Haughton, spared all difficulty in securing a 
conviction. The j udges pressed the prior "hot to show 
so little wisdom as to maintain his own opinion against 
the consent of the realm ". He replied that he had re- 
solved originally to imitate the exalnple of his Master 
before Herod, and say nothing. "But since you urge 
me," he continued, "that I lnay satisfy my own con- 
science and the consciences of these who are present, I 
will say that our opinion, if if lnight go by t.h_e sutti'ages 



48 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

of men, would have more witnesses than yours. You 
can produce on your sî,le but the Parliament of a single 
kingdom ; I, on mine, have the whole Christian world 
except that kingdom. Nor have you all even of your 
own people. The lesser part is with you. The lna- 
jority, who seem fo be with you, do but dissemble, fo 
gain favour with the King, or for fear they should lose 
their honours and their dignities." 
Cromwell asked him of whom he was speaking. 
"Of all the good men in the realm," he replied ; "and, 
when his Majesty knows the truth, I kuow well he 
will be beyond measure offended with those of his 
bishops who have given him the counsel which he 
now follows." 
"Why," said anot.her of the judges, "bave you, con- 
trary fo the King's authority within the reahn, per- 
suaded so many persons as you bave done fo disobey 
the King and Parliament ?" 
"I bave declared my opinion," he answered, "fo no 
man living but fo those who came to me in confession, 
which in discharge of my conscience I could hOt refuse. 
But if I did hOt declare if then, I will declare if now, 
because I ara thereto obliged fo God." He neither 
looked for lnercy nor desired it. A writ was issued for 
the return of a petty jury the following day. The 
prisoners were taken back fo the Tower, and the next 
morning were brought again fo thc bar. Feron and 
Hale, the two priests whose conversation had been 
overheard af Sion, were placed on their tria| af the 
saine rime. The two latter threw themselves on the 
mercy of the court. A verdict of guilty was retm'ned 
against the other four. The sentence was for the usual 
punishment of high treason. Feron was pardoned; I 
do hOt find on what account. Hale and the Carthu- 
sians were fo suiir together, When Haughton heurd 



FALL OF THE CHARTERHOUSE, 1535 49 

the sentence, he merely said, "This is the judgment of 
the world" 
An interval of rive days was allowed after the trial. 
On the 4th of May the execution took place af Tyburn, 
under circumstances which marked the occasion with 
peeuliar meanilg. Ïhe punishnlent in cases of high 
treason was very terrible. I need hot dwell upon the 
fol'ni of if. Ïhe English were a hard, tierce people; 
and with Lhese poor su|trers the law of the lan, l took 
ils course wiLhout alleviation or interfcrcncc. ]:lut 
anoLhcr feattn'e lisLilguishcl the prcsenL exccution. 
For thc first rime in Eglish history ceelcsiasties 
were broughL out to suflbr i their habits, wit, hout 
undcrgoing the previous eel'Cmoly of degradation. 
Theneeforward Lhe world were fo know that as no 
sanetuary any more shouhl proteeç Lraitol's, sothe 
saered office should avail as little; and Lhe hardcsç 
blow whieh if had yet reeeived was thus dealt fo 
superstition, shaking from ifs place in çhe minds of 
all lnen the keystone of the whole system. 
To the lasç nloment escape was left open, if the 
prisoners would submit. Several members of the 
eouneil attended them fo the elosing seene, for a final 
effort Of kindness; but hey had ehosen their course, 
and were noL fo be moved from iL. Haughton, as 
firsç in rank, had Lhe privilege of first dying. When 
on he seaflbld, in eomplianee with tlle usual eustom, 
he spoke a few touehing and simple wor& to the 
people. "I eall fo winess Almighty God," he said, 
"and all good people, and I beseeeh you all here 
present fo bear winess for me in the day of ju,lg- 
ment, çhaç being here fo die, I deelare that if is from 
no obstinate, rebellious spirit that I do hot obey the 
King, but beeause I fear fo offend the Ma.iesty of God. 
Out holy mother the Chureh has deereed otherwise 
4 



50 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

than the King and the Parliament have decreed, and 
therefore, rather than disobey the Chureh, I ara ready 
fo surfer. Pray for lne, and have merey on my 
brethren, of whom I have been the unworthy prior." 
He thm knelt dowll, repeating the first few verses 
of the 31st Psahn, and after a few moments delivered 
hilnself fo the executioner. The others followed, 
undaunted. As one by one they went to their death, 
the council, af each fresh horrible spectacle, urged the 
survivors to have pity on themselves; but they urg'ed 
them in vain. The faces of these men did hot grow 
pale ; their voices did hot shake ; they declared them- 
selves liege subjects of the king, and obedient chihh'en 
of holy Church ; "giving God thanks that they were 
held worthy to sutihr for the truth ". All died with- 
out a murmur. The stern work was ended with 
quartering the bodies; and the arm of Haughton 
was hung up as a bloody sign over the archway of 
the Charterhouse, fo awe the remaining brothers into 
submission. 
But the spirit of the old martyrs was in these friars. 
One of them, like the Theban sister, bore away the 
honoured relic and buried it; and all resolved fo 
persist in their resigned opposition. Six weeks were 
allowed them to consider. Af the end of that rime 
three more were taken, tried and hanged, and this 
still proving ineffectual, Cromwell hesitated fo proceed. 
The end of the story is very touching and may be 
told briefly, that I may hot have occasion fo return fo 
if. Maurice's account is probably exaggerated, and is 
written in atone of strong emotion; but it has al] the 
substantial features of truth. The remaining monks 
were left in the house; and two secular priests were 
sent to take charge of the establishment, who starved 
and ill-used them ; and were themselves, according to 



FALL OF THE CHARTERHOUSE, 535 51 

Maurice, sensual and profligate. From time fo time 
they were called belote the privy council. Their 
friends and relatives vere ordered to work upon 
them. No eflbrt either of severity or kin,lness was 
spared fo induce them to submit; as if their attitude, 
so long as if was maintained, was felt .as a reproach 
by the Government. Af last, four were carried down 
to Westminster Abbey, fo hear the Bishop of Durham 
deliver his ramons sermon against the Pope; and 
when this rhetorical inanity had also failc, l, an, l as 
they were thought to confirm one another in their 
obstinacy, they were dispcrsed among oflter houses 
the tempêr of which couhl be depended upon. Some 
were sent fo the north; oflmrs fo Sion, where a new 
prior had been appointed of zealous loyalty ; others 
were left ai home fo be disciplined by the questionable 
seculars. But nothing answered. Two round their 
way into active rebellion, and being concerned in the 
Pilgrimage of Grace, were hung in chains ai York. 
Ten were sent fo Newgate, where nine died miserably 
of prison fever and filth; the tenth survivor was 
executed. The renminder, of whom Maurice was one, 
went through a form of submission, xvith a mental 
reservation, and escaped abroad. 
So fell the monks of the London Charterhouse, 
splintered to pieces--for so only couM their resistmce 
be overcome--by the iron sceptre and the iron hand 
which held it. They were, however, alone of their 
kind. There were many perhaps vho wished fo re- 
semble them, who would have imiated their example 
had they dared. But ail bent except these. If if 
had been otherwise, the Reformation would bave 
been impossible, and perhaps it would not have been 
needed. Their story claires from us that sympathy 
which is the due of their exalted courage. But we 



52 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

canno blame çhe Govcrmnenç. Those who know 
whaç the condition of the eount.ry really was musç 
feel çheir inabiliçy ço sugesç, with any çolerable 
reasonableness; whaç else eould have been done. They 
may regret so hard a neeessity, but they will regreg 
in silenee. The king, too, was noç wit.houç feeling. 
If was no mttter of in,liflçrenee fo him thaç he round 
himself driven fo sueh sLern eourses with his subjeets ; 
and as çlte glden splendour of his lnanhood was thus 
suddenly elouding, "he eOlnlnanded all about his Courç 
fo poll their hea,ls," in publie gokeu of mourning'; 
"and t,o ,,'ive theln example, he cause,1 his own heal 
t,o be polie, l; an,l from theneeforLh his bear, l ço be 
knott, ed, and fo be o more shawm " 



53 

OLWA¥ MO, 1542. 

/. PROTRACTED iuvasion, so late in the season, was, for 
lnany reasons, undesira.ble. No force lar'c enough fo 
penetl'ae into the country with safety could maintain 
iself more t.han a fcw davs. The Bordel"el'S had beeu 
t,he chier ofl)nders; an,t t, he campMgn was fo be a 
Border fOl'ay o1 a vast seale. On the 21st. of Oetober 
Norfolk entercd Seotland with twenty thousand men, 
and l'emained in t,he Lothians for nine davs. The 
harvest, had been newly gat.hercd in: it was l'edueed 
fo ashes. Farms, villages, towns, abbeys, went down 
in blazing ruins; and having friuged the Tweed with 
a blaek broad mourning" rira of havoe, fifteen lniles 
ael'oss, and having thus infliete,l a lesson whieh, for 
the pl'esent scason af least, woul, l hot bc fOlN'ottcu, lle 
then withdrew. Fifteen thousand Seots hune" Ul)On his 
skirts, but would hot ventul'e an engagement; and 
he returned in insolent lcism'e fo Bcrwick. Here, 
owing fo a want of fol'esight in thc eolmnissal'iat 
,lepartnlellt., he fomd the supplies inadequate fo the 
maintenance of his foliowers, and with some misgiving 
lest file enelny might at.teml)t a retaliat.ion whieh, with 
redueed llumbers, he lnigh$ find a dieulty in pre- 
venfing, he left in gal'risol for t.lle winter a fiftll only 
of his army, and, sending the resg fo their holnes, lle 
rejoincd the eouneil at York. 
In a despatell to Sir T. Wl'iotheslcy, on the 9th of 
NOVelnber, he eonfessed his surprise at tlle Seottish 



54 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

inaction, and attributed if justly fo disagreement 
among themselves and want of ability in their leaders. 
A further conjecture, that " the King would gladly 
agree with England, but his council would not surfer 
him," was less well founded. James was prescrit in 
person with the Scottish force; and hot spirited, and 
perhaps the more passionate from a latent knowledge 
of the unwisdom of his course, hê had longed for the 
excitement of a battle. He would have attacked 
Norfolk while within his frontier; he would bave 
pursued his retreat; he desired afterwards fo carry 
tire and sword into Northumberland. But the Scot- 
tish lords, eit.her retaining a wholesome memory of 
Flodden, or from some other cause, refused to follow. 
James exploded in anger. He called them traitors, 
cowards, unworthy of their ancestors ; but fo no pur- 
pose. Some were kinsmen of the Douglases, and still 
resented their exile; some hated the clergy, and 
carricd on their hatred to the war which the clergy 
had promoted. Deaf to entreaties and indifferent to 
ta.unts, they watched the English across the Tweed, 
and dispersed fo their homes. 
The king, deserted by his subjects, returned sullenly 
to Edinburgh. Such members of the council as sharêd 
his disappointment, and would humour his mood, were 
ca]led together, and Beton played upon his irritation 
to strike a blov which he had long meditated, and had 
once already attempted in vain. The absorption of 
the Church lands by the Euglish laity had not been 
without an ettgct upon their northen neighbours. In 
the first panic, when t.he idea was new, and the word 
sacrilege was sounded in their ears, the Scottish noble- 
men had united in the clamours of the clergy, and had 
expected solne great judgment to mark the anger of 
Heaven. But years had passed on without bringing 



SOLWAY MOSS, I542 55 

bhe bhreabened punishmenbs. England was sbanding 
prouder and sbronger bhan ever; and even sueh good 
Catholies as bile Irish ehiefs had eolnmeneed a similar 

process of deglutition, lnuch to 
double example broughb with ib a 
worthy people began ho bhink ib 
tabed; and bhe suspeeted of ble 
bhe late recusanbs in the army. 

bheir comfort. The 
double force. Many 
mighb be wisely infi- 
Church were among 
Beton drew up a lisb 

of more blan a hundred earls, kuights and genlemen, 
whom he represened o be hereies, and o mediabe 
a design of selling bheir eounbry ho England. To eut 
them off would be a service to Heaven ; and bheir 
esbates, which would be confiscabed, would rcplenish 
the deficicncies in bhe brcasury. The first bime bhis 
prctty suggestion had been ruade fo James he had 
rejected if with fitting detestabion ; now he told Bebon 
bhat "he saw his words were truc," and that "his 
nobles desired neither his honour nor his continuance" 
If the cardiual and ble clergy would find hiln the 
meaus of making his raid into Englaud without 
bhem, and revenge their backwardness by a separate 
victory, he would devote himself heart and soul ho bhe 
Church's cause, and Beton should be his adviser for 
ever. 
The secret was scrupulously guardcd. Letters were 
circulated privately among such of the nobles as were 
of undoubbed orthodoxy, among the retainers and con- 
neetions of he bishops and abbot.s, and among those 
whose personal loyalby vould outweigh either prudence 
or any oblLer inberest. The order was o meet the king 
ab Loehmaben on bile night of the 24th of November. 
No de,ails were given of he inended enterprise. A 
miseellaneous host was smmnoned fo assemble, wibloub 
eoneerb, wihout organisation, without an objeet aseer- 
b.ained, or any leader mentioned but James. 



56 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Ten thousand men gathered in the darkness under 
this wild invitation. Tle Western Border was feebly 
defended. The body of the English were at Berwiek. 
The Seots found that they were expeeted on the instant, 
before warning eould be given, to eross into the Marehes 
of Cumberland, fo waste the country in revenge for the 
inroad of Norfolk, and, if possible, surprise Carlisle. 
The cardinal and the Earl of Arran would meanwhile 
distract the attention of the troops af Berwick by a 
"demonstration at Newark. 
At midnight, more like a mob than an army, they 
marcbed out of Lochmaben. Jamcs alone couhl have 
given coherence fo their movements, for in his naine 
only they xvere met. James, for the tïrst and last 
rime in his lit'e, displayed either prudence or personal 
timidity, and allowed them to advance without him. 
Eacb nobleman and gençleman held togetber his per- 
sonal follmvers; but no one knew in the darkness 
who was present, who was absent. A shadow of 
imagined eommand lay with Lord Maxwell as Warden 
of the Mal'ehes ; but the King of 8eots, jealous ever of 
the best-affeeted of his lords, intended fo keep the 
eredit of the sueeess, yet without sbaring in the entêr- 
prise. He had therefore perilously allowed the ex- 
pedition fo go forward with no nominal head; and, 
as soon as the border was erossed, Oliver Sinelair, one 
of those worthless minions with whieh the Seottish 
Court, to its misfortune, vas so often burdened, was 
instrueted fo deelare himself the general-in-ehief in the 
king's naine. 
The arrangements had beên laid skilfully, so far as 
efiieting a surprise. The November night eovered the 
advanee, and no hint of the approaeh of the Seots 
preeeded them. They were aeross the Esk belote 
daybreak, and the Cumberland farmers, waking from 



SOLWAY MOSS, i542 57 

their sleep, saw the line of their corn-st, acks smoking 
from Longtown fo the Rolnan wall. The garrison of 
Carlisle, ignorant of the force of the invaders, dared 
hot, for the first hours of the norning, leave the walls 
of the city, and there was no other available force in 
readiness. The Scot.s sprea,l unresisted over the 
country, xvasting ai their pleasure. 
But t, he English borderers were hOt the men fo 
stand by quietly as soon as they ha,l recovered from 
their first alarm. There were no lnen-at-arlns ai 
hand; but the farmers and their latin-servants had 
hut fo snaI, eh their arlns and swing into tiroir saddlcs, 
and they beeame t onee "t.he Nortlmrn tlurse," falned 
as t.he finesI, light eavalry in the known worhl. As 
the day grew on they gathered in tens and t.wenties. 
By t.he afternoon, Sir Thomas Wharton, Lord Daeres 
and Lord Musgrave had eolleeted three or four lmn- 
dred, who hovered about the enemy, eutting off the 
st.ragglcrs, a,l driving the seattercd parties in upon 
t.he lnain 1)ody. Bcing without organisation and wit.h 
no one fo give ordcrs, t, he Seot, s floeked together as 
t, hey eouhl, and their numbers a,l,led fo their eonfusion. 
The ery rose for direetion, and in the lnidst of the 
tumult, af t, he mosI, erit, ieal lnoment, Oliver Sinelair 
was lifted on spears and proelaimed through the erowd 
aseommander. WhowasSinelair? men asked. Every 
knight and gentlcman, every eommon dan follower, 
felt himself and his kindred insulted. The evening 
was elosing in" the att.aeks of t.he English became 
hotter; the tumult and noise inereased, "every man 
ealling his own slogan"; and a t, roo 1) of Cum- 
berland horse showing themselves in the dusk on 
an unexpeetcd side, a shout, was raised that t, he 
Duke of Norfolk was upon thmn wit, h the army of 
the Tweed. A moment's thought would hae shown 



58 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

them' that Norfolk could not be within thirty lniles 
of Carlisle; but his naine eaused a panie, and reflee- 
tion was impossible. Few or none in the whole 
multitude knew the ground, and 10,000 men were 
blundering like sheep, in the darkness, baek upon the 
border. 
But here a fresh diffieulty rose. The ide was 
flowing up the Solway. They hd lost t.he route by 
whieh they had advaneed in the morning, and had 
strayed towar,_ls the sea. Some flung avay their arms 
and strugg'led over the vater ; some were drowned; 
some tan into the ruins of the houses whieh they had 
burnt, and surrendered thelnselves fo women when 
there vere no men o take them. The main body 
wandered ai last into Solway lIoss, a morass between 
Gretna and the Esk, where Wharton, who knew where 
he was, had them af his nerey, and substantially he 
whole army. vere either killed or ruade prisoners. 
Intending to remain for several days in England, t, hey 
had brought tents and stores. They had twenty-four 
eannon, vith earts and amlnunition. All were left 
behind and taken. Lord Maxwell refused fo turn his 
baek, and fell early in the evening into the hands of 
he English. " Stout Oliver vas taken without stroke, 
flying full manfully." In the morning Wharton sent 
a list of captures fo the king, with the names of the 
Earls of Cassalis and Gleneairn, Lords Maxwell, 
Fleming, Somerville, Oliphnt, and Grey, Sir Oliver 
Sinelair, and two hundred gentlemen. Never, in all 
he wars between England and Seotland, had there 
been a defeat more eomplete, more sudden and dis- 
graeeful. More lires were lost at Flodden; but ai 
Flodden two armies had lllet fairly matehed, and the 
Seoeh had fallcn with their faees fo their enemies. Af 
Solway lIoss ten thousand men had fled belote a few 



SOLWAY MOSS, 1542 59 

hundred farmers, whom hey had surprised in rheir 
homes. "Worldly men say la ail this came by mis- 
order and fortune," said Knox ; "but whoever has the 
least spunk of the knowledge of God, may as evidently 
see the work of His hand in this discomfiure as ever 
was seen in any of the battles left fo us in register 
by the Holy GhosL" The folly of venturing such an 
expedition without order or leader may accourir for 
the failure ; but who shall accourir for the folly ? The 
unlucky king was given over fo believe a lie. "The 
cardinal had promised heaven for the destruction of 
England:" and the cardinal had mistaken wholly the 
intentions of heaven upon the marrer. In the dead 
of the night stragglers dropped into Lochmaben, with 
their raie of calamity. The king had hot slept. He 
had sat still, wacllin for news; and when the 
tidings came they were his death blow. With a long, 
biffer cry, he exclaimed, "Oh! fled Oliver! Is Oliver 
taken ? Oh! fled Oliver!" And, muttering the saine 
miserable words, he returned fo Edinburgh, half para- 
lysed with shame and sorrow. There other ominous 
news were waiting for him. An English herald had 
been af he cour for a fortnight with a message from 
Henry, fo which he expected a reply. The invasion 
was the answer which 3ames intended, and on the 
fatal night of the rnarch t, he herald was dismissed. 
On the road fo Dunbar, two of the northern refugees 
who had been out in the rebellion overtook and 
murdered him. A crime for which the king was but 
indirectly responsible need hot have added much fo 
the weight of file lost batle ; but one of the murderers 
had been intimate with Beton. To kill a herald 
was, by the law of arms, sacrilege, and fresh disgrace 
had been brbught upon a cause of vhich his better 
judgmen saw too clearly he injustice. The cardinal 



60 SELEC'FIONS FROM FROUDE 

came baek from fhe Border t,o eoneerf measures fo 
repair the disaster of the Solway, but his presence 
was unendurable. James, as well as Knox, saw in 
the overwhelming cla.mit.y which had prostrated 
him the ilnmediate .ju,lgment of the upper powers, 
&nd, in a dreamy, half-conscious melancholy, he left 
Holyrood, and wandered into File fo the disearded 
minister whose advice he had so fatally neglected, the 
ohl Lord Treasm'er. Kirkaldy himself was absel,t 
from home. His wife received the ldng with loyal 
affection; but. he ha,l no definite lmrpose in going 
t, hit.her, and he wouhl hot remail. The hand of death 
was ni)on hiln, and he knew i$, and he waiLed ils las 
grasp with passive indiflbrenee. " My portion in this 
worhl is short," he said fo ber; " I shall no be with 
you fift.een days." His servant.s asked him where he 
would spend his Çhris{,lnaS. " I ealmo$ ell," he sai,l ; 
"bu his I eall tell--on yule day ye will be m;sterless, 
and bhe reahn withoub a king." 
Two boys whom Mary of (brise had borne o hiln 
had died in the year preee,ling. The queen was at 
Linlifltgow, expee$ing every day her t.hird eonfine- 
ment. But James was veary of earth and earthly 
interests. Ho showed no dcsire to see ber. Ho 
went languidly fo Falkland ; and there, on the 8th of 
Deeember, eame t.i,ling;s t.hat there was again an heir 
to t.he erown ; that a I>rineess, known afterwards as 
Mary Stuart,, had bcen l>rought into the world. But 
he eould hot rally out of his apathy. He only said, 
"The deil go with if. If will end as it hegun. If 
eame from a lass, and if will end with a lass.'_ And 
so, falling baek into his old song, " Fie fled Oliver 
Is Oliver taken? All is lost1" in a few more days 
he moaned away his lire. In the poeke of his dress 



SOI,VAY MOSS, 154_2 6i 

was found Beton's seroll, with the list of names 
mu'ked for destruction. 
To sueh end had the blessing ot" Ptul III., and the 
cap, tlld the 8,VOl'd, and the lnidnight mass brought 
af last a g'allant g'eltlelnan. 



62 

KET'S REBELLION, 1549. 

THE eastern counties had been the scene meanwhile 1 of 
another insurrection scarcely less forlnidable. 
On the 6th of July, four days after the colnlnellce- 
ment of thc siege of Exeter, there was a gathering of 
the people for an annual festival at Wymomlham, a 
few toiles from Norwich. The crowd was large, and 
the men who were brought together round themselves 
possessed with Olle general feeling--a feeling ofburning 
indignation ai the un-English conduct of the gentlemen. 
The peasant, whose pigs and cow and poultry had 
been sold or had died, because the commons vere gone 
where they had fed--the yeoman dispossessed of his 
farm--the farm servant out of employ, because where 
ten ploughs had turned the soil one shepherd now 
watched the grazing of the flocksthe artisan smart- 
ing under the famine prices which the change of 
culture had brought with if :all these were united 
in suffering; while rhe gentlemen were doubling, 
trebling, quadrupling their incomes with their sheep- 
fatras, and adorning their persons and their houses 
with splendour hitherto unknown. 
The English commons were hot a patient race. To 
them it was plain that the commonwealth was betrayed 
for the benefit of the few. The Protector, they knew, 
wished them well, but he could hot right them for 
want of power. They must redress their own wrongs 
 During the rising in th¢ W¢st in favour of the old religion.--A. 



KET'S REBELLION, 1549 63 

with their own hands. The word went out for a 
rising; Robert Ket, a Wymondham talmer, took the 
lead; and far and wide round Norwich, out in the 
country, and over the border in Suflblk, the peasants 
spread in busy swarlns cutting dowu park palings, 
driving deer, filling ditches and levelling banks and 
hedges. A central camp was formed on Mousehold 
Hill, on the north of Norwich, where Ket established 
his headquarters; and gradually as many as 16,000 
men collected abou him in a calnp of turf huts roofed 
with boughs. In he middle of the COlnlnon stood a 
large oak-tree, where Ket sat daily fo administer 
justice ; and there, day after day, the ottgnding country 
geutlemen were brought up for trial, eharged with 
robbing the poor. The tribunal was hot a bloody 
one. Those who were round guilty were imprisoned 
in the camp. Oeeasionally some gentleman would be 
partieularly obnoxious, and there would be a ery fo 
hang him; but Ket allowed no murdering. About 
property he was hOt so serupulous. Property aequired 
by enelosing the people's lands, in the code of these 
early eommunists, was theft, and ought fo be eonfis- 
cated. " We," their leaders proelaimed, " the king's 
friends and deputies, do grant lieense fo all men fo 
provide and bring into the camp ai Mousehold all 
manner of eattle and provision of vietuals, in what 
place soever they may find the saine, so that no violence 
or injury be done fo any poor man, eomlnanding all 
persons, as they tender the king's honour and royal 
majesty and the relief of the eommonwealth, fo be 
obedient fo us the governors whose names ensue." 
To this order Ket's signature and fifty others were 
attaehed; and in virtue of a warrant whieh was 
liberally eonstrued, the country bouses over the whole 
neighbourhood were entered. Not only were sheep, 



64 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

cows and poultry driven off, but guns, swords, pikes, 
lances, bows, were taken possession of in the naine of 
the people. A common stock was forme,i at Mouse- 
hohl, where the spoil was distributed ; and fo lnake 
up for past wants, they provided themselves, in the 
xvay of diet, so tbundantly that, in the rime whieh 
the camp lasted, 20,000 sheep were eonsmned there, 
with " infinite beefs," swans, hinds, dueks, eapons, pigs 
and venison. 
Çonsidel'ing" the wild eharaeter of the assemblage, 
the order obsel've,l was remarkable. Chaplains were 
appointed, and morning and evening serviees--here 
hot objeeted to--were regularly read. On the oak- 
tree, whieh was ealled the Oak of Reformation, there 
vas plaeed a pulpit, where the elergy of the ueigh- 
bourhood came from rime to rime, and were permitted 
without obstruction to lecture the people upon sub- 
mission. Among others, came Matthéw Parker, after- 
wards Arehbishop of Canterbul3", who, "mounting" 
into the oak, advised them fo leave off' their enter- 
prise," or, if they refused, at all events hot "to waste 
their vietuals," nor " fo luake the publie good a 
pretext for private revenge ". The magistrates and 
other local authorities were powerless. In London, 
the Proteetor eould not resolve on any distinct 
course of action. Of the Norfolk insurgents he was 
believed distinetly to approve, and even to have been 
in private communication vith their leaders. For 
several weeks they were unlnolested. The eity of 
Norvieh was free to them fo eome and go. The 
mayor himself, partly by eompulsion, had sat with 
Ket as joint assessor under the oak, and had been 
obeyed when he advised moderation. The ultimate 
intention, so far as the people had formed an intention, 
was o give a lesson to the gentlemen and to reform 



KET'S REBELLION, I549 65 

the local abuses. They had no thought, like the 
western rebels, of lnoving on Loudon, or lnoving any- 
where. They were in permanent sessionon Mousehold 
Hill, and there they seemed likely fo remain as long 
as there were sheep left fo be eaten and landowners 
fo be punished. 
Af last, on the 31st of July, a herald appeared af 
the oak, bidding all the people, in the king's naine, 
depart fo their bouses, and for all that t, hey had donc 
promising, without exception, a free and entire pardon. 
The people shouted," God save t, he Kiug". Thcy had 
]ived a month af free quarters, they had given a lesson 
fo t.he gentlemen, who had seen that the Government 
conld hot pl'otect them; the pardon vas a sanction 
fo their enterprise, which might now fitly end. Un- 
doubtedly, had the risingtel'ninated t.hus, the 
commons would have gained what they desircd. 
Ket, howcver, st, ood upon the word. "Pardon," he 
said, was for ofllmders, and they werc no offenders, 
but good servants of the comlnonwealth. 
The herald replied that he was a traitor, and offered 
fo arrest him. The people thought they were betrayed, 
and in the midst of wild cries and uproar the mayor 
drew off into the town, taking the herald with him, 
and the gares were closed. This was taken af once 
as a declarat, ion of war. A single night served for 
the preparations, aud {he next lnorlfing Norwich was 
assaulted. So tierce and resolute the people were, 
that boys and young lads pulled the arrows out of 
their flesh when xvounded, and gave theln fo their 
own archers fo return upon the citizens. After being 
repulsed again and again, a storlning party af last 
made their vay through the river over a weak spot 
in the walls, and the town "cas taken. 
Regular arlnies under the circumstances of the now 
5 



66 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

victorious rebels are not always fo be restrained--an 
English mob was stiI1 able tobe moderate. The Nor- 
wich citizens had not been oppressors of the poor, and 
pIunder was neither permitted nor attempted. The 
guns and anamunition only were carried off to the 
camp. The herald attempted fo address the people in 
the market-place, but they bade him begone. Such 
of the inhabitants as they suspected they detained as 
prisoners, and withdrew fo their quarters. 
By this rime the counciI were moving. The Pro- 
tector proposed ai first fo go hlmseIf into NorfoIk; 
but either he was distrusted by the others, or preferred 
fo Ieave the odium of severe measures to them. North- 
ampton was selected fo lead; and if is fo be noticed 
that no reliance could be placed on levies of troops 
raised in the ordinary way; Lord Sheffield, Lord 
Wentworth, Sir Anthony Denny, Sir Ralph Sadler, 
Sir Thomas Cornwallis, and other members of the 
privy council, went with him; and their force was 
composed of the personal retilmes of the lords and 
gentlemen, with a company of Italians. 
The Norwich citizens, by this rime alarmed at the 
humour of their neighbours, received them eagerly. 
Iqorthampton took the comnmnd of the town, and 
the gares were again close& The next morning the 
iïghting recommenced, the Italians being tirst engaged ; 
and an Italian officer being taken prisoner, with the 
same national hat.red of foreigners which appeared in 
Devonshire, he was carried up to Mousehold, stripped 
naked and hung. The insurgents having the advan- 
rage, brought their cannon close fo the walls. In the 
night, under cover of a heavy tire, they attempted an 
assault; and though they failed, and lost three hun- 
dre,-1 men, they fought so resolutely and desperately, 
that Northampton renewed the offer which had been 
sent by the hera.ld of  free pardon. 



KET'S REBELLION, I549 67 

But the blood of the commons was now up for 
battle. They had formed larger views in the weak- 
ness of the Government. They replied that they had 
not taken up arms against the king, but they would 
save the commonwealth and the king from bad ad- 
visers, and they would do if or die in the quarrel. 
Again the next day they stormed up to t,le walls. 
Struck clown on all sides, they pressed dauntlessly on: 
a hundred and forty fell dead on the ramparfls, and 
then Ket forced his way into Norwich, a second rime 
victorious. Sheffield was killed, Cornwal[is was taken, 
Northampton and his other companions fled for their 
lives. In the coufusion some buildin were set on 
tire, and, as a punishment to the inhabitants for 
having taken part against them, the rebels this time 
plundered the houses of some of the more wealthy 
citizens. But they repented of having discredited 
their cause. The property which had been taken was 
marie up afterwards in bundles and flung contemptu- 
ously into the shops of the owners. 
Parallel to this misfortu-ne came the news that Henry 
of France in person had af last _entered the Boulon- 
naise, and that there was a fresh rising in Yorkshire, 
fo which Russell's success in Devonshire was the only 
counterpoise. It was characteristic of the administra- 
tion of Somerset that, with hall England in flames, 
and the other hall disaffected, aud now openly at war 
with the most poverful nation on the confluent, he 
was still meditating an invasion of Scotlnd. Of the 
Lanzknechts who had been brought over, some were 
in the west with R.ussell. The rest had been marched 
northwards under the command of the Earl of Warwick. 
But the defeat of Northampton ruade further perse- 
verance in this direction impossible. Scotlmd vas af 
last relinquished, left to itself or to France. Orders 



68 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

were sent to Rutland, who was af Berwick, fo cross 
the Tweed with such force as he had with him, to 
level the works st Haddington, and, leaving there 
the bodies of t, housands of lnen, and the hundreds of 
thousan,ts of poun,ts which had been spent upon the 
fortificat.ions, to bring off the garrison. Warwick's 
destination was changed to Norwich, where he was 
ordered to proceed vithout delay. The German troops 
were to follow him bv forced marches. 
Dudley, Earl of Warwick, was now passing into 
prominence; he was the son of Edward Dudley, who 
had been the instrument of the oppressions of Henry 
VII., who, on t.he aeeession of Henry VIII., had taken 
par in a trcasonable attempt to secure the person of 
t.he young king, and had died on the seaftbld. The 
fault, s of the fat, ber ha,1 hot been visited on the son. 
John Dudley was elnployed early il the publie service. 
He ha,t distinguished hilnself as a sohlier, a diploma- 
t.ist and as an a, hniral. As Lord Lisle, a t, itle given 
fo him by Henry, he ha,l eommanded the English 
fleet af Spithead at the rime of the Freneh invasion 
of 154,5, and he was second in eommand under Somer- 
set, af, Musselburgh. Perfeet.ly free from vague 
t, husiasm, in his faults and in his virtues he was alike 
distinguished from the Proteetor. Shrewd, silent, 
eunning and plausible, he had avoided open collision 
with the unele of the king; he had been elnployed 
on the northern Border, where he had done his own 
work skilfully; and if he had opposed Somerset's 
imprudent sehemes, he had submitted, like the test, 
as long as sublnission was possible. He had the art 
of gaining influence by affeeting to diselaim a desire 
for it ; and in his letters, of whieh many relnain iii the 
State Paper Office, there is a tone of studied modera- 
tion, a seeming disinterestedness, a thoughtful anxiet.y 



KET'S REBELLION, I549 69 

for others. With something of the rcality, solnething 
of the aflct.ation of high qualifies, with great personal 
courage, and a coolness which never allowed him fo 
be off his guard, he had a character well fitted to 
impose on others, because, fil'St of all, it is likely that 
he had ilnposed upon himselt'. 
The news of the change in his destination, and of 
the causes of it, reached him about the lOth of August 
at Warwick. He wrote immediately to Cecil fo en- 
tl'eat that Northampton might remai,t in the chier 
colnmtmd. " Lord Nol'thamptol," he said, " by mis- 
fortune hath received discom[ort enough, and haply 
this might give him occasion to think himself utterly 
diseredited, and so for ever diseoul'age him. I shall 
be as glad, for my part, to join with him, yea, and 
with ail my heurt to serve under him, s I wouM be 
to have the whole uthority myself. I wouhl wish 
that no man, for one lnisehanee or evil hap, to whieh 
11 be suÇjeet, should be utterly t4jeet." Without 
waiting for an nswer, and leaving the Gernmns fo 
follow, he hastened fo Cambridge, whither North- 
ampton lmd retired, taking with him his sons, Lord 
Ambrose aud Lord Robert, Sir Thomas Palmer, Sir 
Marlnduke Constble, nd a few other gentlelnen. 
Rallying the remains of Northalnpton's force, he 
mde af once for Norfolk. He reaehed Wymondlmm 
on the 22ad of August; on the 23rd he was belote 
the gares of NOl'wieh ; nd for the third rime Norroy 
Herald earried in the oflr of a free prdon, with an 
intimation that it was ronde for the last rime. 
Ket lmd af length learnt SOlUe degree of prudence, 
and was inelined to be satified with his sueeess. He 
allowed the herald fo read the proelanmtiol in all parts 
of the town and ealnp, he himself standing t his side ; 
and he had ruade up his mind to return with him and 



7 ° SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

have an iterview with Warwick, when an unlucky 
urchiu who was preset flung himself into an English 
attitude of impertinece, "with words as unseenfly as 
his gesture was filthy". Some one, perhaps a servant 
or" the herald, levelled his lmrluebuse, and shot "that 
ungracious boy through the body". A cut with a 
whip might have been endured or approved; af the 
needless muMer shouts arose on ail sides of treachery. 
In vain Ket attempted to appease the exasperation. 
He could hot pacify the peoplè, and he would hot leave 
them. The herld retired from the city alone, and 
the chance of a bloodless termination of the rising was 
af an end. 
The rebels, after the second captm'e of Norwich, lmd 
retained possession of it. Warwick instantly dvanced. 
The gares were blown open, and he forced his way 
into the market-place, where sixty men, who were 
taken prisoners, were hanged on the spot. The insur- 
gents, however, on their side, were hot idle. A number 
of them, making the circuit of the walls, intercepted 
the ammunition waggons in the rear, and carried them 
off to Moushold. The canno were in front, and 
were placed at the north gare; but, with little or no 
powder, they were ahnost useless ; and another party 
of the insurgents, with picked marksmen among them, 
charged up fo the batteries, swept them clear of men 
by a well-aimed shot from a culverin, and carried off 
the guns lu triumph. 
Another storm of the city now seemed imminent. 
The force that Warwick hd with him was the saine 
which had been alrady defeated; a panic spread 
among thm, ,nd Warwick was urged to abandon the 
town--to retreat, and wait for reinforcements. But 
he ew that two days, af the furthest, would now 
bring them, and he would take the chances of the 



KET'S REBELLION, I549 7I 

interval. Death, he said, was better than dishonour. 
He wouhl hot leave Norwich till he had either put 
down the rebellion or lost his lire. But so imminent 
appeared the peril af that moment, that he and the 
other knights and gentlemen drey¢ their swords and 
kissed each other's blades, "according fo ancient custom 
used among men of var in rimes of great «aner . 
Happily for Warwick, the rebels did hot instantly 
follow up their success, and in losing the moment they 
lost ail. On the 25th the Germans came up, and he 
was sale. The next morning, by a side movement, he 
eut off the camp from their provisions. They vere 
left "with but water to drink, and fain fo eat their 
lnet without bread" ; and on the 27th the whole body, 
perhaps 15,000 strong, broke up from Mousehold, set 
tire fo their cabins, ami, eovered by the smoke, came 
dovn from their high ground into Duflîndale. They 
had mde up their minds fo fight a deeisive action, 
and they ehose a ground where all advantages of 
irregular levies against regular troops were lost. 
On the morning of the 27th they were drawn up in 
open tields vllere Warwiek eould attack af his pleasure. 
Before the first shot vas fired he sent Sir Thomas 
Palmer forvard, not nov to oflhr a general pardon, 
for he saw tllat sueeess was in his hand, but exeepting 
only one or two persons. The message vas reeeived 
with a shout of refusal. The rebels opened the action 
vith a round from their eannon vhieh struck dowa 
the royal standard; but never for a moment had they 
a chanee of vietory; the sustained tire of the Lanz- 
kneehts threw their dense and unorganised masses into 
rapid eonfusion. As they vavered, Warviek's horse 
vere in the nfidst of them, and the tields were eovered 
instntly vith a seattered and flying erowd. Ket rode 
for b.is lire, and for the rime eseaped ; the rest fulfflled 



7 2 

SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

the misleading prophecy, and for three toiles strewed 
Duiindale with their bodies: 3,500 were cut down; 
one rarely hears of "wounded" on these occasions, 
except among the victors. A few ouly stood their 
ground; and, seeing that flight was death, and that 
death was the worst they had fo fear, determined fo 
sell their lires dearly. They ruade a barricade of carts 
and waggons, and, with some heavy guus in the midst 
of them, prepared fo fight fo the lasç. Warwick 
-espected their courage and ottlered them a pardon. 
They had an impression he had brought down a barrel 
full of ropes and halte's, and that they were fo be 
ruade over fo the mercies of the gentlemen. They said 
they would submit if their lires we'e really fo be 
spared ; but they would "rathcr die like men than be 
strangled af the pleasure of their euemies" Warwick 
declined fo parley. He brought up t.he Germans with 
levelled matchlocks, and thcy threw down their arms 
and s.urrendered. In this last party were some of the 
ringleaders of the movement. Ho was urged fo make 
an example of them ; but he insisted that he must keep 
his promise. Either from policy or from good feeling 
he was disincliued fo severity. " Pitying thcir case," 
he said "that measure must be used in all things ; " and 
when the fighting was over, the executions, considering 
the thues and the provocation, were hOt humerons. Ket 
and his brother William were soon aftei" taken and sent 
fo London fo be examined by the comcil. A gunner, 
two of the prophets and six more were hanged on the 
Oak of Reformation ; and if appears that thcre were 
other prisoners wliom the Protector released. In the 
autumn (but hOt till the change had taken place in 
the Government) the Kets were returned fo their 
own county for punishment. Robert was hung in 
chains on Norwich Castle; William on the church 



KET'S REBELLION, i549 73 

tower af Wymondhaln. So ended the Norfolk re- 
bellion, remarkable among other things for the order 
whieh was observed among the people during the 
seven weeks of lawlessness. 



74 

PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN JANE, 
JUL¥, 1553. 

THE death of Edward VI. was ushered in with signs 
and wonders, as if heaveu and earth were in labour 
with revolution. The hall lay upon the gTass in the 
London gardens as red as blood. At Middleton Stony, 
in Oxfordshire, anxious lips reported that a child had 
been born vith one body, two heads, four feet and 
hands. About the rime when the letters patent  were 
signed there oelile a StOl'lll sUC}l as 11o living English- 
man relnembered. Ïhe summer evening gre)v blaek 
as night. Cataraets of water flooded the houses in 
the eity and turned the streets into rivers ; trees were 
torn up by the roots and whirled through the air, and 
a more awful oInenthe forked lightning--struek 
down the steeple of the ehureh where the heretie 
serviee had been read for the first time. 
The king died a little belote nine o'eloek on Thurs- 
day evening. His death vas ruade a seeret; but in 
the saine hour a eourier was galloping through the 
twilight to Hunsdon fo bid Mary mount and fly. 
Her plans had been for some days prcpared. She 
had been direeted to remain quiet, but to hold herself 
ready to be up and away at a lnoment's warning. 
The lords who were to elose hêr in would hot be ai 
their posts, and for a few hours the roads would be 

1 Embodying Edvard VI.'s device for the succession.--A. 



PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN JANE, i553 75 

open. The Howards vere looking for her in Nor- 
folk; and thither she ws to ride at her best speed, 
proclaiming her accession as she went along, and 
sendiug out hcr lctters calling loyal Englishmen to 
rise in her dcfence. 
So Mary's secret friends had instructed lier to act, 
as ber one chance. Mary, who, like all the Tudors, 
was most herself iii the 1,onmnts of greatest danger, 
followed a counsel boldly which agreed with hcr own 
opinion; and vhen Lord Robert Dudley came in the 
morning vith a company of horse fo look fol' her, she 
vas far away. Relays of horses along the l'oad, and 
such other precautions as could be taken without ex- 
citing suspicion, had doubtless hot been overlookcd. 
Far ditibrent advice had been sent to lier by the 
new ambassadors of the emperor. Scheyfne, who 
understood England and English habits, and who was 
sanguine of hcr success, had agreed to a course which 
had probably been arranged in concert with him ; but 
on the 6th, the day of Edvard's death, Renard and 5I. 
de Courieres, al'rived from Brussels. To Renard, accus- 
tomed fo countries where governments were everything 
and peoples nothing, for a single woman to proclaim 
hcrself queen in the face of those who had the armed 
force of the kingdom in their hands appcared like 
madness. Little confidence could be placed iii hcr 
supposed friends, since they had wanted resolution 
fo refuse their signatures fo the instrument of her 
dcposition. The emperor could hot move; although 
ho might wish well to her cause, the alliance of England 
was of vital importance to him, and he vould hot 
compromise himself with the faction, whose success, 
notwithstanding Scheyfne's assurance, he looked upon 
as certain. Renard, therefore, lost nota moment in 
entreating the princess hot to venture upon a course 



7 6 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

from which he anticipated inevitable ruin. If the 
nobility or the people desired fo lmve her for queen, 
they would make her queen. There was no need for 
her fo stir. The remonstrance agreed fully with the 
opinion of Charles hilnself, who l'eplied to Renard's 
aeeount of his eonduet with eomplete approval of if. 
The emperor's power wts no longer equal fo an atti- 
tude of lnenaee ; he lmd been taught, by the repeated 
blunders of Reginahl Pole, to distl'ust aeeounts of 
popular English sentiment ; and he disbelieved entirely 
in the ability of Mwy and hêr friends fo eope with 
a eonspiraey so broadly eontrived, and suppol'ted by 
the eountenanee of Franee. But ]\Iary was probably 
gone from Hunsdon befOl'e adviee arrived, to whieh 
she had been lost if she had listened. She had ridden 
night and day without a halt for a hundred toiles to 
Keninghall, a eastle of the Howards on the Waveney 
river. There, in sale hands, she would try the effeet 
of an appeal to her eountry. If the nation was mute, 
she would then eseape to the Low Countries. 
In London, duriug Friday and Saturday, the death 
of Edward was knovn and unknown. Everyone 
talked of it as eertain. Yet the duke still spoke of 
him as living, and publie business was earried on in 
his naine. Oll the 8th the mayor and alderlnen were 
sent for fo Greenwieh fo sign the letters patent. From 
them the truth eould hot be eoneealed, but they were 
sworn to seereey belote they were allowed to leave 
the palaee. The eonspirators desired to have Mary 
under sale eusto@ in the Tower belote the mystery 
was published fo the world, and another diffieulty was 
not yet got over. 
The novelty of a female sovereign, and the supposed 
eonstitutional objeetion fo it, were points in favour of 
the altêl'ation whieh Northumberland was unwilling to 



PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN JANE, I553 77 

relinquish. The "device" had been changed in favour 
of Lady Jane; but Lady Jane was hot fo reign alone: 
Northumberland intended fo hold the teins tight- 
grasped in his own hands, fo keep the power in his 
own family, and fo urge the sex of Mary as among the 
prominent occasions of her incapacity. England was 
still fo bave a king, and that king was tobe Guilford 
Dudley. 
Jane Grey, eldest daughter of the Duke of Suflblk, 
was nearly of the saine age with Edward. Edward 
had been unhealthily precocious; the activity of his 
mind had been a symptom, or a cause, of the weakness 
of his body. Jane Grey's accomplishments were as 
extensive as Edward's; she had aC«luired a degree of 
learnino" rare in matured men, which she could use 
gracefully, and couhl permit fo be seen hy others 
without vanity or consciousness. Hcr character ha,1 
developed with ber talents. Af fifteen she was 
learning Hebrew and could write Greek; at sixteen 
she corresponded with Bullinger in Latin af least 
equal fo his own: but the marrer of her letters is 
more striking than the language, and speaks more for 
ber than the most elaborate panegyrics of admiring 
courtiers. She bas left a portrait of herself drawn by 
her own hand; a portrait of piety, purity, and free, 
noble innocence, uncoloured, even fo a fault, with the 
emotional weaknesses of humanitv. While the eficts 
of the Reformation in England had been chiefly visible 
in the outward dominion of scoundrels and in the 
eclipse of the hereditary virtues of the national char- 
acter, Lady Jane Grey had lived fo show that the 
defect was hOt in the Reformed faith, but in the 
absence of all faith,--that the graces of a St. Elizabeth 
could be rivalled by the pupil of Cramner and Ridley. 
When married to Guilford Dudley, Lady Jane had 



7 8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

entreated that, being herself so young, and her hus- 
hand scarcely older, she might continue fo reside with 
her mother. Lady Northumberland had consented; 
and the new-ruade bride remained af home ti]l a 
rumour went abroad that Edwavd was on the point of 
death, when she was told that she must remove fo ber 
father-in-law's house, till "God should call the king to 
His mercy"; her presence would then be required af 
the Towev, the king having appointed her fo be the 
heir fo the crown. 
This was the first hint which she had received of 
the fortune which was in store for ber. She believed 
it fo be a jest, and took no notice of the order to 
change her residence, till the Duchess of Northumber- 
land came herself fo fetch her. A violent scene enued 
with Lady Suffolk. At last the duchess brought in 
Guilford Dudley, who commanded Lady Jane, on her 
allegiance as a wife, fo return with him: and, "hOt 
choosing fo be disobedient fo her husband," she con- 
sented. The duchess carried her ofi and kept her for 
three or four days a prisoner. Afterwards she was 
taken fo a house of the duke's at Chelsea, where she 
remained till Sunday, the 9th of July, when a message 
was brought that she was wanted immediately at Sion 
House, fo receive an order from the king. 
She went alone. There was no one ai, the palace 
when she arrived; but immediately after Northum- 
berland came, attended by Pelnbroke, Northampton, 
Huntingdon and Arundel. The Eavl of Pembroke, 
as he approached, knelt fo kiss her hand. Lady 
Northulnberland and Lady Northampton entered, 
and the duke, as president of the council, rose fo 
speak. 
"The King," he said, "was no more. A godly lire 
had been fol[owed, as a consolation fo their sorrows, 



PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN JANE, 1553 79 

by a godly end, and in leaving the world he had not 
forgotten his duty to his subjects. His Majesty had 
prayed on his deathbed that Ahnighty God would 
protect the realm from false opinions, and especially 
from his unworthy sister ; he haï! rèflècted that both 
the Lady Mary and the Lady Elizabeth had been 
cut off by Act of Parliament from the succession as 
illegitimate ; the Lady Mary had been disobedient to 
her father; she had been again disobedient to her 
brother; she was a capital and principal enemy of 
God's word ; and both she and her sister were bastards 
born: King Henry did hot intend that the crown 
should be worn by either of them; King Edward, 
therefore, had, before his dcath, bequeathed if to his 
cousin the Lady Jane; and, shouht the Lady Jane 
die without ehildren, to'her younger sister; and he 
had entreated the eouneil, for their honours' sake and 
for the sake of the rèahn, to see that his will was 
observe&" 
Northumberland, as he eoneluded, dropt on his 
klees; the four lords knelt with him, and, doing 
homage fo the Lady Jane as queen, they swore that 
they would keep their faith or lose their lires in her 
defenee. 
Lady Jane shook, eovered her face with her hands, 
and fell fainting to the ground. Her first simple grief 
was for Edward's deat, h ; she felt it as the loss of a 
dearly loved brothèr. The weight of her own fortune 
was still more agitating; when she came to herself, 
she cried that it could not be ; the crown was hot for 
her, she could hot bear it--she was hot fit for if. Then, 
knowing nothing of the falsehoods which Northumber- 
land had tohl her, she clasped her hands, and, in a 
revulsion of feeling, she prayed God that if the great 
place to which she was called was indeed justly hers, 



8o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

He would give her grace fo govern for His service and 
for the welfare of His people. 
So passed Sunday, the 9th of July, af Sion House. 
In London, the hope of first securing Mary being 
disappointed, the king's death had been publicly 
knowledged; circulars were sent out fo the sherifls, 
mayors and magistrates in the usual style, announcing 
the accession of Queen Jane, and the troops were 
sworu man by man fo the new sovereign. Sir William 
Petre and Sir John Cheke vaited on the emperor's 
ambassador fo express a hope that the alteration in 
the succession would hot atlçct the good understanding 
between the courts o England and Flanders. The 
preachers were set fo work to pacify the citizens; 
and, if Scheyfne is fo be believed, a blood cernent was 
designed fo stren'hen the new throne ; and Gardiner, 
the Duke of Norfolk and Lord Court.enay were 
directed fo prepare for death in three days. But 
Northunberland would scarcely bave risked an ac of 
gratuitous tyranny. Norfolk, being under attainder, 
might have been put to death without violation of 
the forrns of law, by warrant from the Crown ; but 
Gardiner was uncondemned, and Courtenay had never 
been accused of crime. 
The next day, Monday, the 10th of July, the royal 
barges came down the Thames from lichmond: and 
af three o'clock in the afernoon Lady Jane landed at 
the broad staircase af the Tower, as queen, in un- 
desired splendour. A tew sca.ttered groups of spec- 
tators stood fo watch the arrival; but if appeared, 
from their silence, that they had been brought together 
chiefly by curiosity. As the gares closed, the heralds- 
at-arms, with a company of the archers of the guard, 
rode into the city, and af the cross in Cheapside, Paul's 
Cross and Fleet Streeç they proclaimed "that the Lady 



PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN JANE, i553 8 

Mary vas unlawfully begotten, and that the Lady 
Jane Grey was queen ". The ill-hunlour of London 
was no secret, and solne delnonstration had been 
looked for in 1}[al'y's favour; but here, ag-aill, ttlere 
was only silence. Ïhe hel'alds eried, "God save the 
Queen!" 'œehe arehers waved their caps and eheered, 
but the erovd looked on impassively. One youth only, 
Gilbert Porter, whose naine for those few days passed 
into Fame's trumpet, ventured fo exelaim, "The Lady 
lIary has the better title". Gilb,rt's lnaster, one 
" Ninian ,Sanders," denouneed the boy to the guard, 
and he was seize& Yet a lnis[ortune, thoug'ht fo be 
providential, in a few hours befell Ninian ,Sanders. 
Going home to his house down the river, in t.he July 
evening, he was overt.urned and drowned as he was 
shooting Lon, lon Bridge in his wherry ; the boatlnen, 
who were the instruments of providence, eseaped. 
Nor did the party in the Tower l'est their fir.st 
night there with perfeet satisfaetion. In the evening 
lnessengers ealne in froln the easterll eounties with 
news o[ the Lady Nal'y, and with letters from herself. 
She had written fo Renard and Seheyfne to tell them 
t.hat she was in good hand.s, and for the moment was 
sale. Nhe had proelaimed herself lueen. Nhe had 
sent addresses fo the peers, eommanding them on 
their allegianee to eome fo her: and shê begged the 
ambassadors fo tell her instantly whet.her she lnight 
look fOl" assistance from Flanders; on the aet.ive 
support of the elnperor, so far as she eould judge, the 
mOVelnents of her friends would depend. 
The alnbassadors sent a courier to Brussels for 
instructions ; but, pending Charles's judgment to the 
eontrary, they thought they had better leave 5Iary's 
appeal unanswered till they eould see how events 
would turn. There was a rumour eurrent indeed 
6 



Sa SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

that she had from ten fo fifteen thousand men vith 
her; but this they could ill believe. For themselves, 
they expected every hour fo hear that she had been 
taken by Lord Warwick and Lord Robert Dudley, who 
vere gone in pursuit of her, and had been put to 
death. 
The lords who vere with the new queen were not 
so confident. They were sitting late af night in con- 
sultation with the Duchess of Northumberland and 
the Duchess of Suttblk, when aletter was brought in 
to them from Mary. The lords ordered the messenger 
into arrest. The seal of the packet was broken, and 
the letter read aloud. It was dated the day be[orc, 
Sunday, 9th July. 

The lords, when the letter was read fo the end, 
looked uneasily in each other's faces. The ladies 
screamed, sobbed and were carried off in hysterics. 
There was yet rime fo turn back; and had the Re- 
formation been, as he pretended, the true concern of 
the Duke of Northumberland, he would have brought 
Nary back himself, bound by conditions which, in 
her present danger, she would have accepted. But 
Northumberland cared as little for religion as for 
any other good thing. He was a great criminal, 
throwing a stake for a crown; and treason is too 
conscious of its guilt fo believe retreat from the first 
step fo be possible. 
Another blow was in store for him that night before 
he laid his head upon his pillow. Lady Jane, knowing 
nothing of the letter from Nary, had retired to her 
apartment, when the Marquis of Winchester came in 
fo wish her joy. He had brought the crown with him, 
which she had hot sent for ; he desired her to put if 
on, and see if if required alteration. She said if would 



PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN JANE, 1553 83 

do very well as it was. He thon told her that, before 
her coronation, another crown was tobe mme for her 
husband. Lady Jane started; and it seelned as if for 
the first tilne the dreary suspicion crossed her nlilld 
that she was, af ter ail, but the puppet of the alnbition 
of the duke fo raise his faluily fo the throne. "Vill- 
ehester retired, and she sat indignant till Guilford 
Dudley appeared, when she told hinl that, young as 
she was, she klleV that the erown of Eglaud was hot 
a thing tobe tritted with. There was no l)udley in 
Edward's will, an, l, belote he eouhl be Cl'OWl,ed, the 
consent of Parlialnent lnUSt be fil'st aske, l and obtained. 
The boy-husband Wellt whining to his nlother, while 
Jal,e sent for Arundel and l'elnbroke, and told theln 
that it was hot for ber fo appoint kings. ,She wouM 
make her husbalM a duke if he desired if; that was 
within her prerogative ; but king she wouhl hot make 
him. As she was speaking, the l)uehess of Nort.huln- 
berland rushed in with her son, fresh from the agita- 
tion of Mary's letter. The lnother storlned ; Guilford 
eried like a spoilt ehild that he would be no duke, he 
xvouhl be a king- aigri, when Jalle stood firln, the 
duehess bade hiln eolne away, and not share the bed 
o[ ail ungrateful and disobedient wife. 
The first experienee of royalty had brought small 
pleasure with if. Dudley's kingship was set aside 
for the momelt, and was 80011 forgotten in lnore 
alarming lnatters. To please his mother, or fo paeify 
his vanity, he was ealled " Your Graee ". He was 
allowed fo preside in the eouneil, so long as a eouneil 
remained, and he dined alone--tinsel distinetions, for 
vhieh the poor wreteh had to pay dearly. 



84 

WYATT'S REBELLION, 1554. 

ON the flight of the duke  being known at the Court, 
if was supposed immedfitely that he intended to pro- 
claire his dtughter and Guilford Dudley. Rumour, 
indeed, turned the supposition into fact, aud declared 
that he had clle«l on the country to rise in arms for 
(,ueen Jane. But Suttblk's plan was identical with 
Wyatt's; lin had carried with him  duplicate of 
Wyatt's proclamation, and, accompanied by his brother, 
he presented himself in the market-place af Leicester 
on the morning of Monday the 29th of J«muary. Lord 
Huntingdon had folloved close upon his track from 
London ; but he assured the Mayor of Leicester that 
the Earl of Huntingdon was coming, hot to oppose, 
but to join with him. No harm was intended to the 
tlueen ; he was ready to die in her defence; his object 
was only to save England from the dominion of 
foreigners. 
In consetluence of these protestations, he was allowed 
to read his proclamation ; the people were indifferent; 
but he called about him a few scores of his tenants 
and retainers from his own estates in the country; 
and ou Tuesday morning', while the insurgents in 
Kent were attacking Cowling Castle, Surtblk rode 
out of Lcicester, in full armour, at the head of his 
troops, intending first to move on Coventry, then to 
take Kenihvorth and Warwick, and so fo advance on 

1 Of Suffolk.--A. 



WYATT'S REBELLION, 554 

85 

London. The garrison af Warwick had been tampered 
with, and was reported fo be ready fo rise. The gares 
of Coventry he expected to find open. He had sent 
his proclamation thither the day before, by a servant, 
and he had friends vithin the wMls who had under- 
taken to place the town at his disposal. 
The state of Coventry was probably the state of 
most other tmvns in England. The inhabitants were 
divided. The mayor and aldermen, the fathers of 
familles and the men of property were conservatives, 
loyal fo the queen, to the mass and to "the cause of 
order". The young and enthusiastic, supported by 
others who had good reasons for being in opposition 
fo established authorities, were those vho had placed 
themselves in correspondence with the Duke of Suttblk. 
Suflblk's servant (his name was Thomas Rampton), 
on reaching the town on Monday evening, ruade a 
mistake in the first person to whom he addressed 
himself, and rcceived a cold auswer. Two others of 
the townsmen, however, immediately welcomed him, 
and told him that "the whole place was at his lord's 
commandment, except certain of the town council, 
who feared that, if good fellows had the upper hand, 
their extremities heretofore should be remembered ". 
They took Rampton into a house, where, presently, 
another man entered of the saine way of thinking, 
and, in his own eyes, a man of importance. " My 
lord's quarrel is right well knowlL" this person said. 
"It is God's quarrel: let him corne; let him corne, and 
make no stay, for this town is his own. I say to you 
assuredly this town is his own. I ara it." 
It was now night; no time was to be lost, the 
townsmen said. They mged Ilampton to return af 
once to SuItblk, and hasten his movements. They 
would themselves read the proclamation at the market- 



86 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

cross forthwith, and raise the people. Rampton, who 
had ridden far, and was weary, wished fo wait till the 
morning; if they were so confident of success, a few 
hours couhl make no difl)rence : but if appeared shortly 
that the "goo, l fellows" in Coventry were hot exclu- 
sively un,ler the influence of piety and patriotism. If 
a rising commence,l in the darkness, if was admitted 
that "undoubte, l spoil and peradventure destruction 
of many rich men would ensue," and with transactions 
of this kiud the duke's servant was unwilling to 
connect himself. 
Thus the hom's wore away, and no resolution was 
arrived af; and, in the meantime, the town council 
had received a warning to be on their guard. Belote 
daybreak the constables vere on the alert, the decent 
citizens took possession of the gares, and the conspira- 
tors ha,t lost their opportunity. In the afternoon 
Suttblk arrived with a hundred horse under the walls, 
but there was no admission for him. Whilst he was 
hesitating what course fo pursue, a messenger came in 
to say that the Earl of Huntingdon was af Warwick. 
The plot for the revoit of the garrison had been 
detected, and the whole country was on the alerg. 
The people had "no desire to sec the Spaniards in 
England ; but sober, quiet farmers and burgesses would 
hot rise af the call of the friend of Northumberland, 
and assist in bringing back the evil days of anarchy. 
The Greys had now only fo provide for their 
personal safety. 
Su[tblk had an estate a few mlles distant, called 
Astley Park, to which the party retreated from Coven- 
try. There the duke shared such money as he had 
with him among his men, and bade them shift for 
themselves. Lord Thomas Grey changed coats with 
a servant, and rode off fo Wales to join Sir James 



WYATT'S REBELLION, 554 87 

Crofts. Suflblk himself, xvho xvas iii, took refuge xvith 
lais brothêr, Lord John, in the cottage of one of lais 
galnêkeepers, where they hopêd fo remain hidden till 
the hue and cry shouhl be over, aud they couhl escape 
abroad. 
Thê cottage was considered insecure. Two bowshots 
south of Astley Church there stood in the park an old 
decaying tree, in the hollow of which the father of 
Lady Jane Grêy concealed himself ; and there, for two 
winter days aml a night, he was left without food. A 
proclamation had been put out hy Huutilgdon for 
Suflblk's apprehclSiol, and the keeper, either tempted 
by the rexval'd, or frightelmd by the menace against 
all who should give him shêlter, broke his tl'USt--a 
rare example of disloyalty--and, going fo Warwick 
Castlê, undertook fo betray his master's hiding-place. 
A party of troopers were dêspatched, with the keeper 
for a guide; and, on arriving af Astlêy, they found 
that the duke, unable fo endure the cold and hunger 
lougêr, had crawled out of the tree, and was warming 
himself by the cottage tire. Lord John was discovered 
buried umlêr some bumlles of hay. They were carried 
off af once fo the Tover, whither Lord Thomas Grey 
and Sit" James Crofts, who had failed as signally in 
Wales, soon after followed them. 
The account of his COlffedêrates' failurê saluted 
Wyatt Oll his arrival in Southwark, on the 3rd of 
February. The intelligence vas being published, at 
the moment, in the streets of Loudon; Wyatt himself, 
at the saine time, was proclaimed traitor, and a reward 
of a hundred pounds wts offered for lais capture, dead 
or alive. The peril, however, was far from over; 
Wyatt replied to the proclamation by wearing lais 
naine, in large letters, upon his cap; the success of the 
queeu's speech in the city irritated the council, who 



88 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

did not choose fo sit still under the imputation of 
having approved of the Spanish marriage. They 
deelared everywhere, loudly and angrily, that they 
had hot approved of it, and did not approve; in the 
eity itself publie feeling ag'ain wavered, and fresh 
parties of the train-bands erossed the water and 
deserted. The behaviour of Wyatt's followers gave 
the lie fo the queen's eharges against them : the prisons 
in Southwark were not opened; property was re- 
speeted serupulously; the only attempt af injury was 
af Winehester House, ,ld there it was insf.Ct]y 
repressed ; the inhabitant.s of the Boroug'h entertained 
them with warm hospitality ; and the queen, notwith-- 
standing her eflbrts, round herself as it were besieged, 
in her prineipal eity, by a handful of eommoners, 
whonl no one ventured, or no one eould be trusted, 
fo attaek. So matters eontinued through Saturday, 
Sunday, Monday and Tues&y. The lavyers at West- 
minster Hall pleaded in harness, and the judges wore 
harness under their robes ; Doetor Weston sang lnass 
in harness belote the queen; tradesmen attended in 
narness behind their eounters. The lnetropolis, on 
both sides of the water, was in an attitude of armed 
expeetation, yet there was no movement, no demonstra- 
tion on either side of popular feeling. The ominous 
strangeness of the situation appalled even 3Iary her- 
self. 
By this rime the intereepted letter of Noailles  had 
been deeiphered. If proved, if lnore proof was wanted, 
the eorrespondenee between the ambassador and the 
eonspirators ; it explained the objeet of the rising--- 
the queen was to be dethroned iii favour of her sister ; 
and it was round, also, though names were hot men- 

; French mbssdor in Englnd,--A, 



WYATT'S REBELLION, 1554 89 

tioned, that the plot had spread far upwards among 
the noblemen by whom Mary was surrounded. Evi- 
denee of Elizabeth's eoml)lieity it did hot eontMn ; while, 
o Gardiner's mortifieation, it showe«l t.hat Courtenay, 
in his eonfessions to himself, had betrayed the guilt 
of others, but had eoneealed part of his own. In an 
anxiety to shiel«l him the ehaneellor pronouneed the 
eipher of Court.enay's naine to be unintelligible. The 
queen pltzee«l the letter in the hands of Renard, by 
whom if was instmtly rez«l, and the ehaneellor's 
humour xvas not improved; 3113" ha, l the mortifica- 
tion of feeling that she was herself the last olziect of 
anxiet.y eithcr fo him or to any of ber eouneil ; though 
Wyatt was ai the gares of London the 'eouneil eould 
only spend the rime in passionate reeriminations; 
Paget blamed Gardiner for his rcligious intoleranee ; 
Gardiner blamed Pget for having mlvised the arl'iage; 
some exe]aime,1 ag'ainst Courtenay, some ag'ainst Eliza- 
beth ; but of aet.ing" all alike seemed ineapable. If the 
queen was in dm'er, the eouneil said, she might fly 
to Windsor, or to Calais, or she mig'ht go fo the Tower. 
"Whatever happens," she exelaimed fo Renard, "I aih 
the wife of the prinee of Spain; erown, tank, lire, 
all shall go belote I will t.ake any other husband." 
The position, however, eould not be of long eon- 
tinuanee. Could Wyatt onee enter London he assured 
hilnself of sueeess; but the gares on the Bridge eon- 
tinued elosed. Cheyne and Southwell had eolleeted 
a body of lnen on whom they eould rely, and were 
eoming up behin,l from Roehester. Wyatt desired fo 
return and fight them, and then eross the water ai 
Greenwieh, as had been before proposed; but his 
followers feared that he meant fo eseape ; a baekward 
movement would hOt be perlnitted, and his next eflbrt 
was to aseertain whether the passage over the Bridge 
could be foreed. 



9 ° SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

London Bridge was then a long, narrov street. 
The gare vas at the Southwark extremity; the 
drawbri,lge was near the middle. On Sunday or 
Momlay night Wyatt scaled the lea, ls of the gate- 
house, climhed into a window and descended the 
stairs into the lodge. The porter and his wife were 
nodding over the tire. The rebel leader bade them 
on their lires be still, and stole Mong in the darkness 
to tbe chasm frolll whieb the drawbridge had been 
eut away. There, looking aeross the black gulf 
where the river was rolling below, he saw the dusky 
mouths of four gaping cannou, and beyond theln, in 
the torehlight, Lord Howard himself keeping" wateh 
with the guard: neither foree nor skill eouhl make 
a way into the eity by London Bridge. 
The eourse whieh he should follow was deterlnined 
for him. The Lieutenant of the Tower, if John 
Brydges, a soldier and a Catholie, had looked over 
the water with angry eyes at the insurg'ents eolleeted 
within reaeh of his guns, and had asked the queen 
for permission to tire upon them. The queen, afraid 
of provoking the people, had hithcrto refused; on 
the Monday, however, a Tower boat, passing the 
Soutlnvark side of the water, was hailed by Wyatt's 
sentries; the watermen refused to stop, the sentries 
fired, and one of the men in the boat was killed. 
The next morning (whether perlnission had been 
given at last or hOt was never known) the guns on 
the White Tower, the Devil's Tower and all the 
bastions were loaded and aimed, and notiee was sent, 
over that the tire was about to open. The inlmbi- 
tants addressed themselves in agitation to Wyatt; 
and Wyatt, vit, h a sudden resolution, hall felt to be 
desperate, resolved to mareh for Kingston Bridge, 
eross the Thames and eome baek ou London. His 



WYATT'S REBELLION, 1554 91 

friends in the eity promised t.o receive him eouhl he 
reaeh Ludgttte by daybreak on Wednesday. 
On Tuesday morning, therefore, Shrove Tuesday, 
which the queen had hoped to spend more happily 
than in faeing an army of insurgents, Wyatg, aceoln- 
panied by hot nore than fifteen hundred lnen, pushed 
out of Sout, hwarl« He had eannon wit.h hiln, whieh 
delayed his mareh, but at four in t.he afternoon he 
reaehed Kilgston. Thil-y feet of the bridge were 
broken away, and a guard of threê hundred men 
were on the other side; but thc guard fled afer  
few rounds from the guns, and Wyatt, leaving his 
men fo refresh themselves in the town, wen t.o work 
fo repair the passage. A row of barges lay on the 
opposite bank; three sailors swam across, ataehed 
ropes to them and towed them over; and, the barges 
being lnoored where the bridge wts lwoken, beams 
and planks were laid aeross them, and a road was 
ruade of sueient strengt.h to hem" the eannon and 
the vamron 
By eleven o'eloek a nigh he river vas erossed 
and he match was resumed. The weather was still 
wild, fle roads miry and heavy, and through he 
winer nigh he lnOfley pary phmged along. The 
Roeheser men had, mos of flem, gone home, and 
those who relnained were the London deserers, gent.le- 
men who had eompromised themselves oo deeply o 
hope for pardon, or fanaties, who believed fley were 
fighing fle Lord's bale, and some of the Proes- 
an elergy. PoneY, he lae Bishop of Wineheser, 
vas wit.h them; Willialn Thonlas, he lat.e elerk of 
file eouneil: 8ir George Harper, Anflony Knyve, 
Lord Çobham's sons, Pelham, who had been a spy of 
Norflmmberland's on fle continent, and others more 
or less eonspieuous in le wors period of he lae reign. 



9 2 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

From the day that Wyatt came fo Southwark the 
whole guard had been under arms af Whitehall, and 
a number of them, fo the agitation of he Court ladies, 
were stationed in the queen's ante-chamber. But the 
guard was composed of dangerous clements. Sir 
Humfrey l.adclitt; the lieutenant, was a " favourer of 
the gospel "; and the " Hot Gospeller" himself, on 
his recovery from his lever, had returned fo his 
duties. No additional precautions had l>een taken, 
nor does if seem that, on Wyatt's dcparture, his 
lllOvelnent8 were watched. Kingston Bridge having 
been broken, his immediate approaeh '*vas eertainly 
unlooked for; nor was if till past lnidnight that 
information eame fo the palaee that the passage had 
been foreed, and that the insurR'ents were eoming 
direetly baek upon London. Between two and three 
in the morning" the ,lueen ,,,,'as called from her be,t. 
Gardiner, who had been, with others of the eouneil, 
arguing with ber in favour of Court.enay the preeed- 
ing" day, was in waiting; he tohl her t.lat her barge 
was af the stairs fo earry her up the river, an,1 she 
must take shelter instantly at Windsor. 
Without disturbing herself, the queen sent for 
Renard. " Shall I go or stay ? " she asked. 
"Unlêss your Majesty desire fo throw away your 
erown," Renard answered, " you will relnain here till 
the last extrclnity ; your flight will be known, the eity 
will rise, seize the Tower and release the prisoners ; 
the hereties will massaere the priests, and Elizabeth 
will be proelailned qu,en." 
The lords were ,livide& Gardiner insisted again 
that she must and should go. The others were un- 
eertain, or inelined fo the opiniou of Renard. Af lasç 
Mary said that she would be guided by Pembroke and 



WYATT'S REBELLION, i554 93 

Clinton. If those two would undertake fo stand by 
her, she would remain and see out tlle struggle. 
They were hot present, and were sent for on tlle 
spot. Pembroke for weeks past had certainly wavered ; 
Lord Thomas Grcy believed af onê finie that he had 
gained hiln over, and fo the last felt assurcd of his neu- 
trality. Happily fol" Mary, happily, if must be said, 
for England--for the Rcformation was hot a cause fo 
be won by such enterprises as that of Sir Thomas Wyatt 
--he decided on SUl)porting the queen, and pronfised 
fo defend her with his lire. Af fore" o'eloek in the 
morning drums wênt round the eity, ealling the 
trin-bands fo an instant muster af Charing Cross. 
Pembroke's eonduet determined the young lords and 
gêntlemen about the Court, who with their servants 
were swiftly mounted and under arms ; and by eight 
more thau ten thousand men were stationed along the 
ground, then an open fiehl, which slopes from Piccadilly 
fo Pall Mail. The road or causeway on which Wyatt 
was expected to advance ran ,early on the site of 
Piccadilly itself. An old cross stood near t.he head 
of St. James's Street, where guns were placed; and 
that no awkward accident like that af Rochester might 
happen on tlle first collision, the gentlcnlen, who formed 
four squadrons of horse, were pushed forwards t.owards 
Hyde Park Corner. 
Wyatt, vho ought to have been af the gare of the 
city two hours before, had been delayed in the mean- 
tine by th breaking down of a gun in the heavy mad 
af Brentford. Brett, the captain of the city desêrters, 
Porter, Harper and others urged Wyatt fo leave the 
gun where if lay aud keep his appoiutment. Wyatt, 
however, insisted on waiting till the carriage could be 
repaired, although in the eyes of everyone but him- 
self the delay was obvious ruin. Harper, seeing him 



94 SELECTI()NS FROM FROUDE 

obstinate, stole away a second time fo gain favour for 
hilnself by eal'l'yilg news fo the Court. Ponet, un- 
ambitious of lnartyrdoln, told him he vould pray 
God for his sueeess, and, advising Bl'ett fo shift for 
himself, lnade away with others towards th sea and 
çlel'lnany. It was nine o'eloek befol'e Wyatt brought 
the drag'g'led remnant of his fol'Ce, wet, hulgl'y and 
faint with their night match, up the Mil ri'oin Knights- 
bridge. Near Hyde Park Corner a |anë turnëd off; 
and here Pelnbroke had plaeed a troop of eavalry. 
The insurgents Stl'ag'gled on without order. When 
hall of them had passed, the horse dashed out and 
eut theln iii two, and all who wel'e behind were dis- 
persed or eaptured. Wyatt, earing now only fo press 
forward, kept his immediatë follove.rs tog'ether, and 
went straight on. The ,lueen's guns opened, and 
killed three of lais lnen; btlt, lowering his head, he 
dashed at t}mln and over them ; then, tsurning fo the 
right, fo avoid the t.rain-bands, he struek down towards 
St. Jalnes's, where his party again separated. Knyvet 
and thê young Cobhans, leaving St. James's fo their 
left, el'ossed the park fo Westminstèr. Wyatt went 
right along the prescrit Pall-Nall, past the line of 
the eitizens. 'Fhey had but to move a few stèps to 
intereept his passage, close in and take him; but not 
a lnall advaneed, hot a hand was liftèd; where the 
way was narrow they drèv aside fo let him pass. At 
Charing Cross Sir John Gage was stationed, with part 
of the guard, some horse, and alnong theln Coul'tenay, 
who iii the morning had been heard fo say he would 
not obey orders ; he was as good a man as Pembroke. 
As Wyatt came up Courtenay turned his horse towards 
Whitehall and beg'an fo more off; followed by Lord 
Woreester. " Fie my lord," Sir Thomas Cornwallis 
eried to hiln, " is this the action of a gentleman ? " But 



WYATT'S REBELLION, x554 • 95 

de,f, or heedless, or treacherous, he galloped off; calling 
"Lost, lost ! all is lost I" and carried panic to the Court. 
The guard had broken af his flight, and came hurrying 
behind hii. SOllle cried that Peml)roke had played 
false. Shouts of h'eason rung through the palace. 
The queen, who had been watchiug from the palace 
gallery, alolm retained ber presence of lnind. If others 
durst hot stand the trial against the traitors, she said, 
she herself woul,1 go out ito t.he làeld and try the 
quarrel, aud die with those that wouhl serve her. 
At this momet ]çnyvet and thc Col)haros, who had 
gone round 1)y the ohl palace, came 1)y the gares as the 
fugitive guard vere struggling in. Infinite confusion 
followed. Gage was rolled in the dirt, and three of 
the judgcs with him. The guar,1 shrtmk away into 
the offices and kitchens fo hide thcmselves. But 
Knyvet's men ruade no atteml)t fo enter. They con- 
teuted themselves with shootiug a few arrows, and 
then hurried on fo Charing Cross fo rejoin Wyatt. 
Af Charing Cross, however, their way was now 
closed by a company of archers, who had been sent 
back by Pembroke fo protect the Court. Sharp tight- 
ing followed, and the cries rose so loud as fo be heard 
on the leads of the White Tower. Af last the leaders 
forced thêir way up the Straml ; the rest of the party 
were cut up, disperscd or taken. 
Wyatt himself, meanwhile, followed by three hun- 
dred men, had hurried on through lines of troops who 
still opened to give him passage. He passed Temple Bar, 
aloug Fleet Street, and reached Ludgate. The gare 
was open as he approached, when some one seeing 
a number of men coming up, exclaimed, " These 
be Wyatt's antients ". Muttered curses were heard 
among the by-standers; but Lord Howard was on 
the spot; the gares, notwithstanding the murmurs, 



9 6 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

were instantly closed; and when Wyatt knocked, 
Howard's voice answered, "Avaunt ! traitor ; thou 
shlt hot corne in here" "I lmve kept touch," 
Wyatt exclMmed; but his enterprise was hopeless 
nov. He sat down upon a bench outside the Belle 
Sauvage Yttrd. Itis followers scttttered from him 
among the by-lnes and streets; nd of the three 
hundred, twenty-four alone remained, among whom 
were now Knyvet and one of the young Cobhams. 
With these few he turned t last, in the forlorn hope 
tht the trMn-bnds would again open to let him 
pass. Some of Pembroke's horse were eoming up. 
He fought his way through them fo Temple Bar, 
where a herald cried, "Sir, ye wêre best to yiêld ; the 
day is gone against you; perchance ye may find the 
queen merciful". Sir Maurice Berkeley was standing 
near him on horseback, to whom, feeling that further 
resistance was uselcss, ho surrendercd his sword; and 
Berkcley, fo sve him from being cut down in the 
tumult, took him up upon his horse. Others in the 
saine vay took up Knyvet and Cobham, Brett and 
tvo more. The six prisonêrs were carried through 
the Strand bck fo Westminster, the passage through 
the city being thought dangerous ; and from Whitehall 
Stairs, Mary herself looking on from a window of 
the palace, they were borne off iii a barge to the 
Tower. 
The queên had triumphed, trîmnphèd through lier 
own resolution, and would now enjoy the fruits of 
victory. 



THE ARRIVAL OF PHILIP IN ENGLAND, 155-k 

A LETTER from Philip would hve been s consolation 
fo Mary lu the midst of the troubles which she had 
encountered for his sake; but the lagui,1 loyer had 
never writen a line fo ber; or, if he bad written, no 
a lie bad reached hcr hand; oMy a ship which con= 
tained despatches from him for Renard had been 
taken, in the beginnin, of May, by a Frencb cruiser, 
ad the thongbt that precious words of aflbction ha,_t, 
perhaps, been on heir way to her and were lost was 
hard fo bear. 
In vain she atempted fo cheer ber spirits with the 
revived ceremonials of Whitsnntide. She marched 
day after day, in procession, with canopies and banners, 
and bislops in gilt slippers, ronnd St. James's, round 
St. Martin's, round Westminster. Serinons and masses 
alternated now with religious feasts, now witb D'iges 
for her father's soul. But all was fo no purpose ; she 
could not cas off her anxieties, or escape from the 
shadow of ber subjects' hatred, which clung fo her 
steps. Insolent pamphlets were dropped in her path 
and in the offices of Whitehall; she trod upon them 
in the passages of the palace ; they were placed by 
mysterions hands in the sanctuary of lier bedroom. 
Af length, chafêd with a thousand irritations, and 
craving for a husband who showed so small anxiety 
fo corne fo her, she fled from London, af the beginning 
of June, fo Richmond. 
7 



9 8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

The trials of the last six monhs had begun fo tel] 
upon Mary's understanding" she was ill with hysterical 
longings; ill with the passions which Gardiner had 
kindled and Paget disappointed. A lady who slept 
in ber room told Noailles that she could speal o no 
one without impatience, and tha she believed the 
whole world was lu a league fo keep her husband 
from ber. She round fault wih everyone--even wiçh 
the prince himself. Why had he no writen ? she 
sked again and again. Why had she never re- 
ceived one courteous word from him ? If she heard 
of merchats or sailors arrivint from Spain, she would 
send for them and luestion them; and some would 
tel] ber that the prince was said fo bave little heart 
for his business in England ; others terrified her with 
tales of fear'ul fights upon the setm; and others brought 
her news of the French squadros th were on the 
watch in the Channel. She would stgrt ou of her 
sleep ai nigh, picuring a thousand errors, and among 
them one fo which all else were insignificant, that her 
prince, who had taken such wild possession of her 
imagination, had no answering feeling for herself--- 
tht, wih her growing years and wasted figure, she 
could never win him o love her. 
"The unforunate queen," wrote Henry of France, 
"will lern he truh ai last. She will wake too late, 
in misery and remorse, fo know tha she has filled the 
realm with blood for an objec which, when she has 
gained if, will bring nothing but affliction fo herself or 
fo her people." 
But the darkest season has ifs days of sunshine, 
and Mary's trials were for the presen over. If the 
statesmen were disloyal, the clergy and the universities 
nppreciated her services fo the Church, and, in the 
midsç of ber trouble, Oxford congrtulted her on 



ARRIVAL OF PHILIP, 554 99 

having been raised up for the restoration of life and 
light fo England. More pleasant than this pleasant 
flattery was the arrival, on the 19th of June, of the 
Marquis de las Navas from Spain, with the news that 
by that rime the prince was on his way. 
It was even so. Philip had submitted fo his un- 
welcome destiny, and six thousand troops being required 
pressingly by the emperor in the Low Countries, they 
attended him for his escort. A paper of advices was 
drawn for the prince's use by Renard, directing him 
how fo accommodate himself fo his barbarous fortune. 
Neither soldiers nor mariners would be allowed fo land. 
The noblemen, therefore, who formed his retinue, 
were advised fo bring Spauish musketeers, disguised 
in liveries, in the place of pages and lacqueys. Their 
arms could be concealed amidst the baggage. The 
war would be an excuse for the noblemen being armed 
themselves, and the prince, on landing, should have 
a shirt of mail under his doublet. As fo manner, he 
must endeavour fo be affable: he would have fo hunt 
vith the young lords, and fo lnake presents fo them ; 
and, with whatever difficulty, he must learn a few 
words of English, fo exchange the ordinary salutations. 
As a friend, Renard recomlnended Paget fo him; he 
would find Paget "a man of sense" 
Philip, who was never remarkable for personal 
courage, may be pardoned for having corne reluctantly 
to a country where he had fo bring men-at-arms for 
servants, and his own cook for fear of being poisoned. 
The sea, too, was hateful fo him, for he sutIçred miser- 
ably from sickness. Nevertheless, he was COlning, and 
with him such a retinue of gallant gentlemen as the 
world has rarely seen together. The Marquis de los 
Valles, Gonzaga, d'Aguilar, Medina Celi, Antonio de 
Toledo, Diego de Mendoza, the Count de Feria, tho 



oo SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Duke of Alva, Count Egmonl and Count Horn--men 
whose stories are written in the annals of two vorlds : 
some in letters of glorious light, some in letters of 
hlood whieh shall never be washed out while the history 
of mankind survives. Wheiher for evil or good, they 
were hot the meek innocents for whom Renard had at 
one ime asked so anxiously. 
In eompany with ihese noblemen was Sir Thomas 
Gresham, eharged wih hall a million of money in 
hullion, oui of ihe laie an'ivals from the Nt-w World ; 
which the empe,'or, afier ttking securiiy h-oto the 
London mcrehants, had lent t.he ¢lueen, perhaps to 
enable ber to lnake hcr marriage palatable by the 
resioration of t.he enrreney. 
Thus preeiously freighted, t.he ,Spanish fleet, one 
hundred and fift.y ships, large and small, sailed from 
Corlllllla at the begiming of July. The voyage vas 
weary and wretehed. The sea-siekness prosrated both 
the prince and t.he t.roops, and fo the sea-siekness was 
added the t.error of t.he Freneh--a terror, as il happened, 
needless, for the English exiles, by whom the prince was 
to have been intereepted, had, in the last few weeks, 
melied away from the Freneh service, xvith the excep- 
tion of a few who were af Seilly. Sir Peter Carew, 
for some unknown reason, had vritten to ask for his 
pardon, and had gone fo Italy; but the change was 
reeent and unknovn, and tlle ships stole along in 
silence, the orders of the prince being that nota salute 
should be fired fo eaieh the ear of an enemy. At last, 
on the 19th of July, the whie elift of Freshwater 
were sighted; Lord Howard lay af ihe Needles with 
t,he English fleet.; and on Friday, ihe 20th, at three 
o'eloek in the afternoon, the flotilla was safely anehored 
in SouthamlPton Water. 
The queen was on her way to Winehester, where 



ARRIVAL OF PHILIP, i554 IOl[ 

she arrived the next lnorning, and either in attendanee 
upon her, or vaiting af vas 
Southaml)t.on , ahnost the 
enil-e peerage of England. Having ma.[e up their 
lninds o endure the lnarriage, the lorls resolved fo 
give Philip the weleome whieh was due fo the husband 
of their sovereign, and, in the uneert.ain temper of the 
people, their presenee lnight be neeessary fo proteet his 
person froln insult or t'fore ijury. 
It was an age of glitter, polnp and pageantry ; the 
aIchors wel'o 11o soolier dowl than a bal'ge vas in 
readiness, with twenty rowers il, the queen's eolours 
of gl'een and white ; and Arundel, l'embroke, hrews- 
bury, Derby an, l other lor, ls went off to the vessel 
whieh earried the royal standard of Castile. Philip's 
natural ruminer was eold and stifl; but he had been 
sehooled into graeiousness Exhausted by his voyage, 
he aeeepted delightedly the instant invitation to go on 
shore, aml he entered ghe ba.rg'e aeeolnpanied by the 
Duke of Alva. A erowd of gentlemen was waiting to 
reeeive him at the landing-plaee. As he stepped out 
not perhaps without solne natural nervousness and 
sharp glanees round himthe whole assemblag'e knelt. 
A salure was fired from the batteries, and Lord Nhrews- 
bury presented him with the order of the Garter. An 
ent.husiasgie eye-witness thus deseribes Philip's appear- 
anee : 
"Of visage he is well favoured, with a broad fore- 
head and grey eyes, straight-nosed and of manly 
eountenanee. From the forehead to the point of his 
ehin his face groweth small. His paee is prineely, and 
gait so straight and upright as he loseth no ineh of his 
height; with a yellow head and a yellow beard ; and 
thus to eonelude, he is so well proportioned of body, 
arm, leg and every other limb to the saine, as nature 
ealmOt work a more perfeet pattern, and, as I have 



o2 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

learned, of the age of twenty-eight years. His Majesty 
I judge to be of a stout stomach, pregnant-witted, and 
of most gentle nature." 
Sir Anthony Brown approached, leading a horse 
with a saddle-cloth of crimson velvet, embroidered 
witb gold and pearls. He presented the steed with a 
Latin speech, signifying that he was his Highness's 
hlaster of the Horse ; and Philip, mounting, went direct 
to Southampton Church, the Eglish and Spanish 
noblemen attending bareheaded, to off'er thanks for his 
sale arrival. From the church be was conducted to a 
house which had been furnished from the royal stores 
t'or his reception. Everything was, of course, magnifi- 
cent. Only there had been one single oversight. 
Wrought upon the damask hangings, in conspicuous 
letters, were observed the onfinous words : "Henry, by 
the Grace of God, King of England, France aud 
Ireland, and Supreme Head or" the Church of 
England". 
Here the prince was to remain till Monday to re- 
cover from his voyage ; perhaps to ascertai, before he 
left the neighbourhood of his own fleet, the humour of 
the barbarians among whom he had arrived. In Latin 
(he was unable fo speak French) he addressed the lords 
on the causes which had brought him to England, the 
chier among those causes being the manifest will of 
God, to which he felt himself bound to submit. It 
was noticed that he never lifted his cap in speaking to 
anyone, but he evident.ly endeavoured to be courteous. 
With a stomach unrecovered from the sea, and disdain- 
ing precautions, he sat down ou the night of lfis arrival 
to a public English supper ; he even drained a tankard 
of ale, as an example, he said, to his Spanish coin- 
panions. The first evening passed off well, ad he 
retired to seek such rest as the strange land and 



ARRIVAL OF PHILIP, 1554 lO 3 

strange people, the altered diet, and the firing of guns, 
which never ceased through the summer night, would 
allow him. 
Another lecture of lais new country awaited Philip 
in the morning; he had eome from the sunny plains 
of Castile ; from his window af Southampton he looked 
out upon a steady downfall of July tain. Through 
the cruel torrent he lnade lais way fo the elmreh again 
fo mass, and aftervards Gardiner came fo him from 
the queen. In the afternoon the sky eleared, and the 
Duehess of Alva, who had aeeompanied her husband, 
was taken out in a barge upon Southampton Water. 
Both English and Spaniards exerted themselves fo be 
l,mtually pleasing ; but the situation was hot of a kind 
whieh if was desirable fo protraet. Six thousand 
Spanish troops were eooped in the close, uneasy, trans- 
ports, forbidden fo land lest they should provoke the 
jealousy of the people; and when, on unday, his 
Highness had fo undergo a publie dinner, in whieh 
English servants only were allowed fo attend upon 
him, the Castilian lords, many o1" whom believed that 
they had eome fo England ou a bootless errand, broke 
out into murmurs. 
blonday came at last; the rain fell again, and the 
wind howled. The baggage was sent forward in the 
morlfing in the lnidst of the tempest. Philip lingered 
in hopes of a change; but no change came, and after 
an early dinner the trunlpet sounded fo horse. Lords, 
knights and gentlemen had tltronged into the town, 
from curiosity or interest, out of all the counties round. 
Before the prince mounted if was reckon.ed, with 
uneasiness, that as lnany as tbur thousand cavaliers, 
under no command, were collected fo join the pro- 
cession. 
A grey gelding was led up for Philip ; he wrapped 



IO4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

himself in a scarlet cloak, and started fo meet his 
bride- fo complete a sacrifice the le,st congenil, 
perhaps, which ever policy of state extracted from a 
prince. 
The train could more but slowly. Tvo mlles 
beyond the gares a drenched rider, spattered with 
chlk mud, was seen gttlloping towards them; on 
reaching the prince he presented him with a ring 
from the queen, and begged his Highness, in her 
Majesty's naine, to corne no further. The lnessenger 
could hot explain the cause, being unable fo spe,k 
any lnguage which Philip could understand, and 
visions of commotion inst.antly presented themselves, 
mixed, if may be, with a hope that the biffer duty 
might yet be escaped. Alv was imlnedi,tely af his 
master's side ; they rcined up, nd were asking ech 
othèr anxiously what shou]d next be done, when an 
English lord exclaimed in French, wit.h courteous 
irony: "Our Queen, sire, loves your Highness so 
tenderly that she vould hot have you corne fo her 
in such wretched weather ". The hope, if hope there 
had been, died in its birth; before sunset, with 
drenched grments and draggled plmne, the object 
of so many anxieties aa'ived withi the walls of 
Winchester. 
To the cathedral he went first, wet as he was. 
Whatever Philip of Spain was entering upon, whether 
if was a marriage or a massacre, a state intrigue or a 
midnight murder, his opening step was ever to seek 
a blessing from the holy vafer. He entered, kissed 
the crucifix, and knelt and prayed before the altar; 
then, taking his seat in the choir, he remained while 
the choristers sang a Te Deun laudamus, till the 
long isles grew dira in the sulnmer twilight, and he 
was conducted by torchlight fo the deanery. 



ARRIVAL OF PHILIP, I554 IO 5 

The queen was aç çhe bishop's palace, buç a few 
hundred yards disçant. Philip, doubçlêss, eould have 
endured çhe postponemenç of an interview till morn- 
ing ; but lXIary eould hot wait, and çhe saine nighç he 
vas eondueçed into the presenee of his haggard bride, 
who now, afçer a life of misery, believed herself aç 
çhe open gaçe of Paradise. Let çhe eurçain fall over 
çhe meeçing, leç iç elose also over the wedding solem- 
nities whieh followed with due splendour two days 
later. There are seenes in lire whieh we regard with 
piçy çoo deep for words. Theunhaply lUCCn, unloved, 
unlovable, yeç with her parehed heart thirsçing for 
atteçion, was flinging herself upon a breasç ço whieh 
an ieeberg was warm ; upon a man fo whom love was 
an unmeaning word, exeepç as the lnost bruçal of 
passions. For a few lnonths she ereat.ed for herself 
an açmosphere of unrealiçy. She saw in Philip the 
idem of her imagination, and in Philip's feelings the 
reflex of her own; buç the drem passed away--her 
love for her husband remained; but remained only 
ço be a torture to ber. Wiçh a broken spiriç d 
bewildered undersçanding, she çurned to heaven for 
eomfort. 



o6 

THE LOSS OF CALAIS, 1557-58. 

FoR t.he last ten years the French had kept their 
eyes on Calais. The recovery of Boulogne v8s an 
insuflïcient retaliation for the disgrace which they 
had suffered in the loss of it, while the iii success with 
which the English lnaintained themselves in their 
new conquest, suggested the hope, and proved the 
possibility, of expelling them froln the old. The 
occupation of  French foress by a foreign power 
w8s  perpetu8l insult to the national pride; if w8s 
 memori8l of evil times; while it gave Engl8nd 
inconvenient 8uthority in the "n8rrow se8s" Scarcely 
a month had passed since Mary had been on the 
throne without a hint from some quarter or other 
to the English Government to look well to Calais; 
and the recent plot for ifs surprise was but one of a 
series of schemes which lmd been successively formed 
and abandoned. 
In 1541 the defences of Guisnes, Hammes and 
Calais had been repaired by Henry VIII. The 
dykes had been cleared aud enlarged, the embank- 
ments strengthened and the sluices put in order. 
But in the wasteful rimes of Edward the works had 
fallen again into ruin; and Mary, straitened by debt, 
by a diminished revenue and a supposed obligation 
to make good the losses of%he clergy, had round 
neither means nor leisure to attend to them. 
In the year 1500 the cost of maintaining the three 



THE LOSS OF CALAIS, I557-58 IO 7 

fortresses was something less than £10,000 a year; 
and the expense had been almost or entirely supported 
by the revenue of the Pale. The more extended 
forifications had necessitated an increase in the 
garrison; two hundred men were now scarcely 
sufticient fo man the works; while, owing fo bad 
government, and the growing anomaly of the English 
position, the vealthier inhabitants had migrated over 
the frontiers, and left the Pale fo a scanty, wretched, 
starving population, who could scarcely extract from 
the soil sufficient for their own subsistece. While 
the cost of the occupation vas becoming greater, the 
means of meeting if becalne less. The country could 
no longer thrive in English hands, and if was rime 
for the invaders fo be gono. 
The Government in London, however, seemed, not- 
withstanding warnings, fo be unable fo conceive the 
loss of so old a possession fo be a possibility; and 
Calais shared the persevering neglect fo which the 
temporal interests of the reahn were subjected. The 
near escape from the Dudley treason  created a 
momentary improvelnent. The arrears of wages were 
paid up and the garrison was increased. Yet a few 
months af ter, when war was on the point of being 
declared, there were but two hundred men in Guisnes, 
a number inadequate fo defend even the castle ; and 
although the French fleet af that rime commanded the 
Channel, Calais contained provisions fo last but a few 
weeks. Lord Grey, the governor of Guisnes, reported 
in June, after the declaration, that the French were 
collecting in strengh in the neighbourhood, and that 
unless he was reinforced he was at their mercy. A 
slnall detachment was sent over in consequence of 
 A conspiracy formed in 1556 by ttenry Dudley, Norhumber- 
lnd's cousin, fo send lry fo Philip in Spin nd mko Elizboth 
queen.--A. 



Io8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Grey's letter; but on the 2nd of July Sir Thomas 
Cornwallis infol'med the queen that t, he numbers were 
sLill inadequate. "The enemy," Cornwallis said, "per- 
eeiving out weakness, lnaketh daily attempts upon 
your subjeet.s, who are lnueh abashed fo see thê 
eourage of your enemies, whom they are hot able 
fo hurt nor 3-et defend t, hemselves." He entreated 
that a larger foree should be sent innnediately, and 
maintained in the Pale dut'ing" the war. The charge 
wouhl be great, but the peril would be greater if the 
lnen were hot provided ; and, as her Majesty had been 
pleased fo enLer into the Wal', her honour lnUSt be 
more eonsidered than her treasure. 
The arrival of the army under Pembroke removed 
the immediate ground for alarln ; and after the defeat 
of the French the dang'er vas supposed fo be over 
altogether. The queen ws frighLened at Lhe expenses 
which she was incurring, and again allowed Lhe esLab- 
]ishment Lo sink below Lhe legitimate level. Lord 
WenLworth was lefL aL Calais wiLh hot more than rive 
hundred lnen. Grey had SOlneLhing more Lhan a Lhou- 
sand aL Guisnes, but a part Olfly were English; the 
rest were Burgundians and Spaniards. More un- 
forLunately, also, a proclamation had forbidden the 
export of corn in England, from vhich Calais had hot 
been excepted. Guisnes and Hamlnes depended for 
Lheir supplies on Calais, and by the middle of Lhe 
winter there was an actual scarcit.y of food. 
Up fo the begilming of December, noLwiLhstanding, 
Lhere were no exLernal sympLoms Lo create uneasiness ; 
miliLary movemelLs lay under the usual sLagnation of 
winter, and except a few deLachmenLs on Lhe frontiers 
of Lhe Pale, who gave Lrouble by lnarauding excursions, 
Lhe French appeared to be resLing in profound repose. 
On Lhe lsL of Decelnber Lhe governor of Guisnes re- 



THE LOSS OF CALAIS, I557-58 Io 9 

ported an expedition for the destruction of one of their 
outlying parties, which had been accomplished with 
olninous cruelty. 
"I advertised your Grace," Lord Grey wrote fo the 
queen, "hmv I purposed fo lnake a journey to a church 
called Bushing, strongly fortified by the enemy, lnuch 
annoying this your Majesty's frontier. If lnay please 
your Ma.iesty, upon Monday last, af nine of the clock 
ai night, having with me Mr. Aucher, mal'shal o[" Calais, 
Mr. Alexander, captain of Newnham Bridge, Sir Henry 
Palmer, my son,  and my cousin Louis I)ives, with such 
horselnen and f(otmen as couhl be conveniently spared 
abroad in service, leaving your Mttjcsty's pieces in 
surety, I took lny journey towards the sai,l Bushing, 
and carried with me two camion and a stcre, for that 
both the weather and the ways served well fo the 
purpose, and next lnorning calne hither before &ty. 
And having before our colning enclosed the said 
Bushing with two hundred footnlen har, luebuziers , I 
sent ail otficer fo summon the saine in the King's 
Highness' and your Majesty's nanle; wheremto the 
captain there, a man of good estilnation, who the 
before was sent there with twelve lncn by M. Senar- 
pont, captain of Boulogne, answered that he was not 
lninded fo render, but would keep if with such men 
as he had, which were forty in number or thereabouts, 
even fo the death ; and further said, if their fortune 
was so fo lose their lives, he knew that the King his 
nmster had more men alive fo serve, with many other 
words of French bravery. Upon this answer, I caused 
the gulmers fo bring up their artillery fo plank, and 
then shot off immediately ten or tvelve rimes. But 
yet for all this they would hOt yield. Ai length, when 

Sir Arthur Grey. 



xo SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

the cannon had ruade an indifferent, breach, the French- 
men ruade signs to parley, aud would gladly bave 
rendered ; but I again, weighing if not meet fo abuse 
your Majesty's service flerein, and having Sir tt. 
PMmer there hurt, and some others of ny men, re- 
fused fo reeeive them, and, aeeording fo the law of 
arms, put as many of them fo t.he sword as eould be 
gotten st the entry of the breaeh, and ail the test 
were blown up wit.h the steeple st the rasing thereof, 
and so all slain." 
The law of arlns forbade the defenee of a fort hot 
rationally defensible ; but it was over hardly eonstrued 
against a gallant gentleman. Grey was a fieree, stern 
man. If was Grey who hung the pl'iests in Oxfordshire 
from their ehm'eh tovers. It was Grey who led the fiery 
charge upon the Scots st Musselburgh, and, with a pike 
wound, whieh laid open eheek, tongue and palate, he 
pursued out the ena,. e, till, ehoked by heat, dust and 
his own blood, he was near falling under his horse's feek 
Three weeks passed, and still the Freneh had ruade 
no sign. On the :nd an indistinct rumour came fo 
Guisnes that danger was near. The frost had set in ; 
the low, damp ground was hard, the dykes were frozen ; 
and in sending notiee of the report fo England, Grey 
said that Calais was unprovided with food; Guisnes 
eontained a fev droves of eattle brought in by forays 
over the frontier, but no corn. On the 27th the in- 
telligence became more distinct and more alarming. 
The Duke of Guise was af Compiègne. A force of 
uncertain lnagnitude, but known to be large, had 
suddenly appeared st Abbeville. Something evidently 
was intended, and something on a scale which the 
English commanders felt iii prepared to encounter. 
In a hurried council of war, held at Calais, it was 
resolved fo make no attempt to meet the enemy in 



THE LOSS OF CALAIS, I557-58 III 

the field until the arrival of reinforeements, whieh were 
written for in pressing haste. 
But the foes with whom they had fo deal knew 
their condition, and were as well aware as themselves 
that success depended on rapidity. Had the queen 
paid attention fo Grey's despatch of the 22nd there 
was rime fo bave trebled the garrison and thrown in 
supplies; but if was vague, and no notice was taken 
of if. Thejoint letter of Grey and Wentworth, written 
on the 27th, vas in London in tvo days, and there 
were ships at Portsmouth an,1 iii the Thames which 
ought fo have been ready for sea af a moment's varn- 
ing. Orders vere sent fo prepare ; the Earl of Rutland 
was commissioned fo rame troops; and the queen, 
though withont sending men, sent a courier with en- 
couragements and promises. But, when every moment 
was precious, a fatal slowness, and more fatal irresolu- 
tion, hung about the movements of the Governlnent. 
On the 29th Wentworth wrote again that the French 
were certainly arming and lnight be looked for immedi- 
ately. On the 31st the queen, deceived probably by 
some emissary of Guise, replied that "she had intelli- 
gence that no enterprise was intended against Calais 
or the Pale," and that she had therefore counterlnanded 
the reinforcelnents. 
The letter containing the death sentence, for if was 
nothing less, of English rule in Calais was crossed on 
the way by another from Grey, in which he informed 
the queen that there were thirty or forty vessels in the 
harbour af Ambletue, two fitted as floating batteries, 
the rest loaded with hurdles, ladders and other materials 
for a siege. Four-and-twenty thousand men were in 
the Calnp above Boulogne ; and their mark he knew fo 
be Calais. For himself, he would defend his charge fo 



I 1 2 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

the death ; but help must be sent instantly, or iL would 
be Loo late Lobe of use. 
The afternoon of Lhe saine day, December 31, he 
added, in a post, script, LhaL flying companies of the 
French were aL Lhat moment before Guisnes ; part of 
the garrison had been out to skirniish, but had been 
driven in by nmnbers; Lhe whole country was alive 
with Lroops. 
The next morning WenLworth reported to Lhe saine 
purpose, that, on Lbe land side, Calais was then invested. 
The sea was sLill open, and the forts aL the mout.h of 
Lhe barbour on Lhe Rysbank 1 wcre yet in his hands. 
Heavy siege cannon, however, Wel'e said Lobe on their 
way from Boulogne, and iL was uncertain how long 
he could hold them. 
The defences of Calais towards the land, though in 
bad repair, had been lai,1 out with the besL engineering 
skill of the Lime. The counLry was intersected with 
deep, muddy diLches: the roads were causeways, and 
aL the bridges vere bulwarks and cannon. Guisnes, 
which was Lhree mlles from Calais, was connecLed with 
iL by a line of small forLs and "turnpikes ". Hamnies 
lay betveen the two, equidistant fron boLh. Towards 
the sea Lhe long line of low sandbills, rising in front 
of Llie harbour to the Rysbank, formed a natural pier ; 
and on Lhe Rysbank was the castle, which commanded 
the entrance a.nd the Lown. The possession of the 
Rysbank was the possession of Calais. 
The approaches to Lhe sandhills were commanded by 
a bulwark Lowards the south-west called the SandgaLe, 
and further inland by a large work called Nevnham 
Bridge. AL this lasL place were sluices, through which, 
aL high vater, the sea could be let in over Lle marshes. 

t A piêcê of rising ground standing bêtweên Calais and the 



THE LOSS OF CALAIS, 557-58 t 

If done efbctually, the town could by this means be 
effectually protected ; but unfortunately, owing fo the 
bad condition of the banks, the sea wat, er leake, l in from 
the high levels fo the wells and reservoirs in Calais. 
The night of the 1st of January the French remained 
quiet; with the morning they advanced in force Ul)On 
Newnham Bridge. An advanced party of English 
archers and musketeers who were outside the gare 
were driven in, and the enemy pushed in pursuit so 
close under the walls that t.he heavy guns could not 
be depressed to touch them. The English, however, 
bored holes through the gates with augets, fired their 
muskets through them, and so forced their assailants 
back. Towards Hammes and Guisnes t.he sea was 
let in, and the French, finding themselves up fo their 
waists in water, and the ride still rising, retreated on 
that side also. Wentworth wrote in the afternoon in 
high spirits af the result of the rirst attack. The 
brewers were set to work to fill their vats with fresh 
water, t, hat full advantage might be taken of the next 
tide. Working parties were sent to cut the sluices, and 
the English commander felt contilent that if help was 
on the way, or eould now be looked for, he eould keep 
his charge seeure. But t.he enemv, he said, were now 
30,000 st«'ong; Guise had çaken the Sandgate, and 
upwards of a hundred boats were passing baekwards 
and forwards to Boulogne and Anbleçue, bringing 
stores and ammunition. If the (lueen had a body of 
men in readiness, they must eome without delay. If 
she was unprepared, " the passages should be thrown 
open," and " liberty be proelaimed for all men fo eome 
that wouhl bring suNeient vieçuals for themselves", 
t.hus, he "was of opinion that there wouM be enough 
with more speed than would be ruade by ordêr". 
So.far Wentworth had written. While the pen 
8 



I4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

was in his hand a message reached him that the 
French, without waiting for their guns, vere stream- 
ing up over the Rysbank, and laying ladders against 
the walls of the fort. He had but rime fo close his 
letter, and send his swiftest boat out of the harbour 
with if, when the eastle was won, and ingress and 
egress af an end. The saine evening the heavy guns 
came fron Boulogne, and for two days and nights the 
town was ired upon ineessantly from the Sandbank 
and from "St. Peter's Heath " 
The rate of Calais was now a question of honrs; 
Wentworth had but rive hundred men to repel an army, 
and he was without provisions. Calais was probably 
gone, but Guisnes might be saved; Guisnes could 
be relieved with a great eflbrt out of the Netherlands. 
On the night of the 4th Grey round means fo send a 
letter through the Freneh lines fo England. "The 
enemy," he said, " were now in possession of Calais 
harbour, and all the country between Calais and 
Guisnes." He was "elean eut off froln all relief and 
aid whieh he looked fo have" ; and there was no other 
way for the sueeour of Calais and the other fort.fesses 
but" a power of men out of England or from the King's 
Majesty, or from both," either fo force the French into 
a battle or fo raise the siege. Colne what would, he 
would himself do the duty of a faithful subjeet, and 
keep the castle while men eould hold if. 
The Court, whieh had been ineredulous of danger 
till if had appeared, was now paralysed by the 
greatness of if. Definite orders fo eolleet troops 
were hOt issued till the 2ad of .January. The Earl 
of Rutland galloped the saine day fo Dorer, where 
the musters were fo lneet, flung himself into the first 
boat that he round, without waiting for them, and 
was half-way aeross the Channel when he was met 



THE LOSS OF CALAIS, 557-58 II5 

by the news of the loss of the Rysl)ank. Rutland 
therefore returned fo Dover, hppy so far fo have 
escaped sharing .the rate of Wentworth, which his 
single presence could hot have avorte,l. The next 
day, the al'd, parties of mên came in slowly frolll 
Kent and Sussex ; but so vague had been {,he language 
of thc proclamation that thcy ealne vi{,hou{, arlus; 
and, Mthough the country was af war with Frauee, 
there were no arms with whieh t,o providc theln, 
eithèr in Deal, Dover or Sandwich. Again, so in- 
distinct had leen Rutland's or, lors, that alt]muR-h a 
few hun,lred mm did COlne iii ai last tolerably well 
equipped, and the Prince of Savoy had collec/c«! some 
companies of Spaniards ai Gl'avelines, and had sent 
word o Dorer for the English fo joiu him, Rutland 
W8 IlOV obliged fo refer o Loll«l()ll fol" perlnissioll çO 
go over. On t.he 7h pel'missi«m came; iç was round 
by çha{ timê, or supl)osed fo be foun,l, hat the queen's 
ships were noue of theln seaworthy, and an order of 
the eouneil ealne ouç o press ail eolnpe{euç mel'ehalt 
ships and ail able Sealnen everywhere for {le queen's 
service. Rutland eont, rived ai las{, by vigorous eflbrs, 
fo eolleet a few hoys and boats, bu çhe Freneh had 
now ships of war in eo-ol)el'ation wiO {hem, and he 
eouhl bu{ approaeh t, he Freneh eoas{ near enough fo 
see {ha{ he eould venture no nearer, and ag'ain reurn. 
He wouhl have been too late fo save Calais a Oa 
rime, however, even if he had sueeeeded in el'ossing. 
The day preeeding, the 6{h of January, af{er a 
furious eannonade, Guise had sormed he eastle. The 
English had a{tempted o blow i up when {hey eouhl 
no{ save i, but {heir powder {tain had been washed 
with waer, and çhey failed. The Spaniards, for once 
honourably eareful of English interests, ealne along 
the shore frOln Gl'avelines alone, silme no one joined 



6 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

them from England, and attempted in the face of 
overwhelming odds to force their way into the town ; 
but they were driven back, and W.entworth, feeling 
that fulher resistance would lead to useless slaughter, 
demanded a parley, and after a short discussion ac- 
cepted the terres of surrender oflered by Guise. The 
garrison and the inhabitmts of Calais, amounting in 
ail, men, women ad children, to 5,000 souls, were 
permitted fo retire to England with their lives, and 
nothing more. Wentworth and fifty others were to 
remai prisoners ; the town, with all that it contaie,1, 
vs to be given up fo the conquêrors. 
On tbese conditions the English laid down their 
arms and the French troops entered. The spoil was 
enormous, and the plmder of St. Quentin was hOt 
unjustly revenged; jewels, plate and money were 
deposited on the altars of the churches, and the 
inhabitaut,s, crryig with them the clothes which 
they wore, were sent as homeless beggars in the en- 
suing week ncross the Channel. 
Then only, when if was too late, the queen roused 
herself. As soon as Calais had dêfinitely fallen, 
the English counties were called on by proclamation 
fo contribute their musters. Then al] was haste, 
eageness, impetuosity; those who had money were 
fo provide for those who had none, till " ordêr could 
be taken " 
The Vice-Admiral, Sir William Woodhouse, was 
directed to go instantly to sea, pressing everything 
that would ttoat, and promising indemnity to the 
owners in the queen's naine. Thirty thousand mên 
were rapidly on tbeir vay fo the coast ; the weather 
had all along been clear and frosty, with calms and 
light east winds, and the sea off Dorer was swiftly 
covered with a miscellaneous crowd of vessels. On 



THE LOSS OF CALAIS, I557-58 II7 

the 10th came the queen's command for the arlny fo 
cross fo Dunkirk, join the Duke of Savoy, and save 
Guisnes. 
But the opportunity whieh had been long oflred, 
and long neglected, vas now altogether gone; the 
ships were ready, troops ealne and .arms came, but a 
change of weather eane also, and westerly gales and 
storms. On the night of the 10th a gale blcw up fro,n 
the south-west whieh raged for four days: sueh vessels 
as eould face the sea slipped their moorings, and ruade 
their way into the Thames with loss of spars and rig- 
ging ; the hulls of the test strewed 1)over beach with 
wreeks, or were swallowed in the quicksands of the 
Goodwin. 
The effeet of this last lnisfortme on the tlueen was 
fo produoe utter prostration. Storms may fise, vessels 
may be wreeked and excellent enterprises may surfer 
hindranee by the eommon laws or eommon chances 
of things; but the queen in every luNe oeeurrenee 
imagined a miracle; Heaven she believed was against 
her. Though Guisnes was yet standing, she ordered 
Woodhouse to eolleet the ships again in t.he Thames, 
"forasnmeh as the principal cause of their sending 
forth had eeased "; and on the 13th she eounter-ordered 
the musters, and sent home all the troops whieh had 
arrived af Dorer. 
Having given way fo despondeney, t.he Court should 
have eommunieated with Grey, and direeted him fo 
make terres for himself and the garrisons of Guisnes 
and Hammes. In the latter plaee t.here was but a 
small detaehment ; but at Guisnes wêre eleven hundred 
men, who might lose their lires in a desperate and now 
useless defenee. The disaster, however, had taken 
away the power of thinking or resolving upon any- 
thing. 



 8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

If must be said fcr Philip that he recognised more 
clearly and discharged more fait, hfully the duty of 
an English sovereign than the queen or the queen's 
advisers. Npanish and Burgundial troops were ealled 
uuder arms as fast as possible ; and when he heard of 
the gale he sent ships from Antwerp and Dnnkirk to 
bring aeross the English army. But when his trans- 
ports arrived af Dover they round the men all gone. 
Proelamations went out ou the 17th fo eall them baek ; 
but two days after therê was a eounter-panie and a 
dread of invasion, and the pèrplexed levies were again 
told that they lnust l"elai a home. So if went on 
fo the end of the mOlth; the resolution of one day 
alternated with the hesit.ation of the next, and nothing 
was done. 
The queen's govermnent had lost their heads. Philip, 
having done his own part,, did hot feel if ineumbent 
on him to risk a hat.t.le with inferior numbers when 
those who were more lear]v coneerned were contented 
to be supine. Guisnes, therefore, and ifs defenders 
were left to theiv rate. 
On Thursday, the 13th, the Duke of Guise appeared 
belote the gares. The garrison eould have been starved 
out in a month, but Guise gave England eredit for 
energy, and would hot ruu the risk of a bloekade. To 
reduee the extent of his lines, Grey abandoned t, he 
t.own, burnt the houses and withdrew into the eastlê. 
Thê Freneh ruade their approaehes in rotin. Oll t.he 
morning of Monday, t.he 17t.h, they opened tire froln 
two heavily armed batteries, and by the middle of the 
day they had sileneed the English guns, and lnade a 
breaeh whieh they thought praetieable. A storming 
party ventured an attempt; after sharp fighting the 
advaneed eolumns had fo ret.reat; but as they drew 
baek the batçeries re-opened, and so effeeçively that 



THE LOSS OF CALAIS, 557-58 

the colning on of night alone saved the English from 
being driven aç once, and on the spot, from their 
defenees. The valls were of the old sort, eonstrueted 
when t, he art of gunnery was in ifs infaney, and brick 
and stone erumbled ço ruins before the heavy eannon 
whieh had eome lately into use. 
[hder shelter of thê darkness eartlnvorks were 
thrown up, whieh proved a betçer protection ; but the 
Freneh on their side planted other bat.teries, and all 
Tuesday and Wednesday the terrible bolnbal'dment 
was eontinued. The ohl walls were swept away; the 
diteh was ehoked with the rul)bish, and was but a 
foot in ,lcpth ; the Freneh trenehes had been advaneed 
close fo ifs edg'ê, and on Wednesday afternoon twelve 
eompanies of Gaseons and Swiss again dashed af the 
breaehes. The (aseons were the firsç; the Swiss 
followed "with a st, atêly leisure" ; and a hand-fo-hand 
fight began all along the English works. The guns 
froln a single tover, whieh had been left standing, 
eausing" loss fo the assailants, if was destroyed by 
the baçteries. The fight eontinued till night, when 
dm'kness as belote put an end fo if. 
The em'çhworks eould be again repaired, but the 
powder bêgan fo rail, and this loss was irreparable. 
Lord Grey, going his rounds in the dark, t.rod upon a 
sword point, and was woundêd in the foot. The day- 
lighç brought the enelny again, who now sueeeeded in 
making themselves toast.ets of the outer line of defenee. 
Grey, erippled as he was, when he sav his men give 
way, sprung fo çhe t.op of the ralnpart, "wishing God 
that some shot would take him" A soldier eaught 
hiln by the searf and pulled him down, and all that 
was left of the garrison fell baek, earrying their 
eolnmander wit.h them into the keep. The gate was 
rammêd close, but Guise eould now finish his work at 



x ao SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

his leisure, and had the English af his merey. He sent 
 trumpeter in the evening to propose a parley, and 
the soldiers insisted that if reasonable terres eould be 
had they should be aeeepted. The extremity of the 
position was obvious, and Grey, as ve have seen, ,cas 
no stranger to the law of arms in sueh cases. Hostages 
were exehanged, and t.he next morning the two eom- 
manders lllet iii the Freneh camp. 
Better terres were offered by Guise than had been 
granted to Clais--Grey, Sir Henry Pahner and a few 
offieers were to eonsider themselves prisoners ; the test 
of the garrison might depart with their arms, and 
"every man a erown in his pnrse ". Grey demanded 
that they shonld mareh out with their eolours flying; 
Guise refused, and after an hour's discussion they 
separated without a eonelusion. 
But the soldiers were insensible to niee distinctions ; 
if they had the reality, they wcre not partieular about 
the forln. Grey leetured them on the duties of honour ; 
for his part, he said, he would rather die under the red 
cross than lose if. The soldiers replied that their case 
was desperate ; they would not be thrust into bntehery 
or sell their lires for vain glory. The dispute was at 
ifs height when the Swiss troops began fo lay ladders 
to the walls; the English refused fo strike another 
blow ; and Grey, on his own rule, would have deserved 
to be exeeuted had he persisted longer. 
Guise's ter,ris were aeeepted. He had lived to re- 
pay England for his spear wound at Boulogne, and 
the last remnant of the eontinental dominions of the 
Plantagenets was gone. 
Measured by substantial value, the loss of Calais was 
a gain. English princes were never again fo lay claire 
to the erown of Franee, and the possession of a fortress 
on Freneh soil was a perpetual irritation. But Calais 



THE LOSS OF CALAIS, 1557-58 121 

vas called the "brightest jewel in the English crown " 
A jewel if was, useless, costly, but dearly prized. Over 
the gare of Calais had once stood the insolenç inscrip- 
tion :-- 

Then shall the Frenchman Calais win, 
When iron and lead like cork shall swim : 

and the Frenchmen had VOll if, WOII it in fair and 
gallant fight. 
If Spain should rise sud,lenly into her aneient 
strength and tear Gibralt.ar from us, out lnortifieat.ion 
wou|d be faint eompared to the anguish of humiliated 
pride with whieh the loss of Calais distraeted the 
subjeets of Queen Mary. 



122 

THE SUlïRENDER OF HAVRE, 1563. 

PEhCE vas signed in France on the 25th of Match, and 
notice was sent fo Warwick that the purpose of the 
war being happily aCCOlnplîshed, he was expected fo 
wit.hdraw from Havre. 
The prince, 1 however, ws unwilling fo press matters 
fo extrelnity. On the 8th of April he protested in a 
second and lllore gracious message that neither by him 
nor by the admiral had the town becn placed iii 
English hands ; but he oflbrcd, in the naine of himself, 
the queen-regent and the entire nobility of France fo 
l'enev solemnly and forlnally the clause in the Treaty 
of Cambray for the restoration of Calais in 156î ; fo 
rcpay Elizabeth the lnoney which she laa,:l lent him, 
and fo adroit the English fo free trade and intercourse 
with all parts of France. 
Could Elizabeth have telnperately considered the 
value of these proposais she would h,ve hesitated 
belote she refused them; but she was irritated af 
having been outwitted in a transaction in which ber 
own conduct had hot been pure. The people, with 
the national blindness fo everything but their own 
injuries, were as furious as the queen. The garrison 
atHavre was only anxious for an opportunity of 
making "the French cock cry cuck ". They promised 
Elizabeth that "the least molehill about her town 
should not be lost without many bloody blovs"; and 

 Of Cond.--A. 



THE SURRENDER OF HAVRE, 1563 12 3 

when a fev days later there came the certaiuty that 
they would really be besieged, they pl'yed "thtt the 
queen would bend her brows and wax angry af the 
shalneful treason"; " the Lord Warwick and all his 
people would spend the last drop of their blood before 
the French should fasten a foot in the town ". 
The French inhabitauts of Havre had almost settled 
the difficulty fOl" thelnselves. Feeling no plêasure, 
whatever they lnight affect, in having "their antient 
enemies" alnong them, they opened a correspoldeuce 
with the Rhingrave. A peasaut passing the gares 
with a basket o" chicke,s was obsel'ved to have some- 
thing under his clothes. A few sheets of white paper 
was all which the guard could discover; but these, 
wllen held to the fire, revealed a couspiracy fo murder 
Warwick and adroit the French army. The towns- 
people, men, wolncn and childrel, wcre of course 
instautly expelled ; and the English garrison iu solitary 
possession worked night and dy to prepare for the 
ilnpending struggle. 
It was with no 1)leasure that Con,lWfelt himself 
obliged fo turn against Elizabeth the army which 
ber own money had assisted hiln fo raise. She had 
answered his proposais by seuding fo Paris a copy of 
the articles which both the prince and the admira| 
had subscribed. "No one thing," she said, "so much 
offended ber as their unkind dealing after her friend- 
ship in their extrelnity ;" while Sir Tholnas Smith, 
on the other side, described Condé as a second king 
of NaVal're going the way of Baal Peor, and led astray 
by "Midianitish women". Yet, had Elizabcth's own 
dealings been free froln reproach, if was ilnpossible 
for Condé, had he been ever so desirous of it, fo make 
the immediate restoration of Calais a condition of the 
peace. I-Iad the war been fought out @ith the support 



I2 4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

of England in the field till the Catholics had been 
erushed, even then his own Huguenots would seareely 
have permitted the surrender. Had he held out upon 
it when the two faetions were left standing so evenly 
balaneed, he would have enlisted t.he pride of Franee 
against himself and his eause, and identified religious 
freedom vith national degradation. Belote moving 
on Havre he ruade another effort. He sent [. de 
Briequelnaut to explain his position and fo renew his 
off?fs enlarged fo the utlnost whieh he eould venture. 
The young king wrote himself also aeeepting Elizabeth's 
deelaration t.hat.her interferenee had been in no spirit 
of hostility fo Franee, entreating that she would eon- 
tinue her generosity, and, peaee being ruade, reeall her 
forees. _'he ratifieation of the treaty of Cambray was 
promised again, with "hostages ai her ehoiee" for 
the fulfilment of if, froln the noblest families in 
Franee. 
But if was all in vain. Elizabeth af first would 
hOt see Briequemaut. She swore she would have no 
dealings with "the false Prinee of Condé," and desired, 
if the Freneh king had any message fOl" her, that if 
should be presented by the ambassador, Paul de Foix. 
When de Foix waited on her with Charles's letter she 
again railed ai the prinee as "a treaeherous, ineonstant, 
pejured villain" De Foix, evidently instrueted fo 
make an arrangement if possible, desired her if she did 
hOt like the prinee's terres fo mme her mvn eonditions, 
and prolnised that they should be earefully eonsidered. 
Ai first she would say nothing. lhen she said she 
would send her ansver throu}4"h Sir Thomas Smith; 
then suddenly she sent for Briequemaut, and told him 
that " ber rights fo Calais being so notorious, she 
required neither hostages nor satisfaetion ; she would 
have Calais delivered over ; she would bave her money 



THE SURRENDER OF HAVRE, 563 125 

paid down ; and she vould keep Havre till both were 
in her hands". 
Bricquemaut vithdrev, replying briefly that if this 
vas her resolution she must prepare for var. Onee 
more de Foix was ordered fo make a final eflbrt. The 
council gave him the saine answer which Elizabeth had 
given fo Briequemaut. He replied t.hat, the English 
had no right fo deman,l Calais belote the eight years 
agreed on in the treaty of Cambray were expired. The 
eouneil rejoined that t.he treaty of Cambray had been 
broken by the Freneh themselves in thêir attempt fo 
enforee the elaims of llary Stuart, that the treaty of 
Edinburgh relnained unratified, and t.hat the fortifiea- 
tions af Calais and the long leases by whieh the lands 
iii the Pale had been let proved that there was and 
eould be no real intention of restoring if; "so that if 
was lawful for the Queen fo do any manner of thing 
for the reeovery of Calais; and beinff eome fo the 
quiet possession of Havre wit, hout foree or any other 
unlawful means she had good reason fo keep it ". 
On Briequemaut's return Catherine de 5lediei lost 
hOt a moment. The troops of t, he Rhingrave, whieh 
had watehed Havre through the spring, were rêinforeed. 
'l'he armies of the prinee and of the Guises, lately in 
the field against eaeh other, wêre united under the 
Constable, and lnarehed for Normandy. 
In England ships were hurried fo sea; the western 
eounties were allowed fo send out privateers to pillage 
Freneh eomlneree; and dêpôts of provisions were 
established af Portsmout.h, with a daily scrviee of 
vessels between Spithead and the mouth of the Seine. 
Reeruits for the garrison were raised wherever volun- 
teers eould be round. The prisoners in Newgate 
and the Fleet--highwaymen, eutpurses, shoplifters, 
burglars, horse-stealêrs, "tall fellows" fit for serviee 



i26 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

--xvere drafted into the army in exchange for the 
g'allows; and the council dotermined to maintain in 
Havre a const, a.nt force of six thousand mell and a 
thousand pioneers, suffieient, if was hoped, with the 
help of the fleet, a.ld the eomman,l of the sea, fo defy 
t.he utmost whieh Franee eould do. 
Every day there was now fighting under the walls 
of the town, aml the firsç sueeesses were with thê 
Eglish. Fifty of t.he prisoners taken af Cau,lebeeque, 
who had sinee Wol:ked in the g'alleys, killed their 
eaptain and earried their vessel int.o Havre. A sharp 
aet.ion foih,we,l with t.hê Rhingrave, in whieh the 
Frmch lost fourteen hundre,l men, an,l the English 
eomparatively few. 
Unf,rtunately young Tremayne was among the 
killed, a speeial favourite of Elizabeth, who ha,1 
distinguished himself at Leith, the most gallant of 
the splendid hand of youths who had been driven 
into exile in her sister's rime, and had roved the seas 
as privateers. The queen was prepared for war, but 
hot for the eost of war. She had resented the ex- 
pulsion of the Freneh inhabitants of Havre: she had 
"doubted" if they were driven from their homes 
" whether God would be eontented with the rest t.hat 
wouhl follow"; she was more deeply affeeted with the 
death of Tremayne; and Warwiek was obliged fo 
tell hêr t.hat war was a rough gaine; she must hOt 
diseourage ber troops by finding fault with lneasures 
indispensable fo sueeess; ['or Tremayne, he said, 
"men eame there fo venture their lives for her 
Majesty and their eount«'y, and must stand fo that 
whieh God had appointed either fo live or die" 
The English had a rig'ht to expêet t, hat they eouhl 
hold the town against any foree whieh eould be brought 
against thêm; while the privateers, like a troop of 



THE SURRENDER OF HAVRE, 1563 127 

wolves, were scouring the Channel and chasing French 
traders from the seas. One uneasy symptom alone 
betrayed itself: on the 7th of June Lord Warwick 
reported that a strange disease had appeared in the 
garrison, of which uine men had sud,lenly died. 
But the intimation created little alarm. For three 
more weeks the English Court remained sanguine, 
and talked hOt only of keeping Havre, but of carl'ying 
the war deeper into Normandy. "I was yesterday 
with the Queen," wrote De Quadra  on the 2nd of 
July. "She sai,l she was about fo send (i,000 a[l[li- 
tional troops across the Chamcl, ami the French 
should perhaps find the war brought fo their own 
,loors. Cecil and the admiral said the saine to me. 
They have fourteen ships well armed and mamed 
besides their transports, and every day they grow 
more eager an«l exasperated." 
But on that day news was on the way which 
abridged these large expectations. "The strange 
disease" was the plague ; and in the close and narrow 
streets where 7,000 men were packed together amidst 
foul air and filth and summer heat, if settled down fo 
ifs feast of death. On the 7th of June if was first 
noticed ; on the 27th the men were dyiug af the rate 
of sixty a day; those who fell ill rarely recovered ; 
the fresh water was cut ofl: and the tanks had failed 
from drought. There was nothing fo drink but wine 
and cider; there was no fresh meat, and there were 
no fresh vegetables. The wifidmills were outside the 
walls and in the hands of the enemy; and though 
there was corn in plenty the garrisou could hot grind 
if. By the 29th of June the deaths had been rive 
hundred. The corpses lay unburied or floaed rotting 

 Spanish ambassador in England.--A. 



28 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

in the harbour. The oflïcers had chietly escaped; the 
common men, worse fed and worse lodged, fell in 
swathes like grass under the scythe, an,] the physi- 
cians died af their side. 
The Prinee of Con&:, notwithstanding the last 
answer fo de Foix, had written on the 26th of June 
a very noble lett, er fo Elizabeth. " To prevent war," 
he said, "the King and Queen, the Prinees of the 
blood, the Lords of the Couneil, the whole Parliament 
of Paris, wouhl renew the obligation fo restore Calais 
af the eight years' end. If was an offer whieh the 
Queen of Enghmd eouhl aeeept without stain upon 
her honour, and by agreeing fo if she would prove 
that she had engaged in the quarrel with a ehief eye 
fo the glory of God and the maintenanee of the truth." 
Elizabéth had tiel'eely refused; and when this 
terrible news ealne froln Havre she eould not- 
would notrealise ifs meaning. She would senti 
another army, she would eall out the musters, and 
feed the garrison from tbeln faster than the plague 
eould kill. Cost what if would Havre should be held. 
It was but, a question of men, lnoney and food; and 
the tal'lfishêl faine of England should be regained. 
And worse and worse eame the news aeross the 
water. Whên June ended, out of his seven thousand 
men Warwiek round but three thousand fit for duty, 
and the enemy were pressing him doser, and Iont- 
moreney had joined the Rhingrave. Thousands of 
workmen were throwing up trenehes under the walls, 
an,1 thousands of women were earrying and wheeling 
earth for them. Of tbe English pioneers but sixty 
remained alive, and the Freneh eannon were already 
searehing and sweeping the st, reets. Reilfforcements 
were hurried over by hundreds and then by thousands. 
Hale, vigorous English eountl'ymen, they were landed 



THE SURRENDER OF HAVRE, I563 I2 9 

on that fatal quay: the deadly breath of the de- 
stroyer passed upon them, and in a few dys or hours 
they fell down, and there were none to bury them, 
and the eommtmder eould but eltunour for more and 
lllOre 811d Ol'e. 
On the llth of July bu fit'teen lmndred men were 
left.. In ten dys more af the presen dettth rate 
Warwick said he would bave but three hundred alive. 
Ail failed except English heurt.s. " Notwithstanding 
the deaths," Sir Adrim Poylfings reported, " their 
courage is so good as if they be supplicd with lnen 
tmd vietual they t.rust by God's hclp yet to wit.hsttud 
the force of the elemy and fo render the Queen a good 
aeeount thereof." Those who went across from England, 
though goin', as they knew, fo all but eert,fin death, 
" kept their high courage and heart for the service " 
Ship after ship arrived at Havre with its doomed 
freight of living me), ye Warwiek wrote that still 
his numbers waned, that the newcomers wcre hot 
enough fo repair the waste. The ovens were broken 
with the enemy's shot, the bakers were dead of the 
plague. The-besiegers by the middle of the month 
were cloeing in upon the harbour mouth. A galley 
sent out to keep them back was shot through and 
sunk with ifs crew under the eye of the grrison. 
Gn the 19th their hearts were cheered by large arrivais, 
but they were raw boys from Gloucestershire, new 
alike to suflbring and to arms. Cannon had been 
sent for from the Tower, and oennon oeme, but they 
were old and rusted and worthless. "The worst of 
all sorts," wrote Warwick, " is thought good enoug'h 
for this place." It was fl}e one complaint which ai 
last was wrung from him. 
To add fo his diculties the weather broke up in 
storms. Clinton had tventy sail with him, and three 
9 



13o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

thousand men ready to throw in. If the fleet could 
have lain outside the harbour the ships' guns could 
have kept the approaches open. But a south-west 
gale chained Clinton in the Downs; the transports 
which sailed from St. Helen's could hot show behind 
the island, and there vas a fear that the garrison, cut 
off from relief, might have been overpowered in their 
weakness and destroyed. 
Too late for the ener«,'enc- and still with sullen un- 
willingness to yield, the queen on the 20th sent over 
Throgmorton to accept Condé's terres. But the French 
Court was with the besieg'ing army, and knev the 
condition of Warwick's troops too well to listen. The 
harbour was by that time closed ; the provisions were 
exhausted; the French understood their power and 
meant fo use if. Warwick, ordered as he had been to 
hold the place under all conditions, " was prepared to 
die sword in hand" rather than surrender without the 
queen's permission ; but in a few days af latest those 
whom the sword and pestilence had spared famine 
would make an end of. Fortunately Sir Francis 
Knowles, who was in command at Port.smouth, had 
sent fo the Court to say that they nmst wait for no 
enswer from France ; they nmst seud powers instantly 
to Warvick to make terres for himself. A general 
at.tack had beeu arranged for the morning of the zth. 
Lord Warwick knew that he would be unable to resist, 
and with the remnant of his men was preparing the 
evening belote to meet a soldier's death, when a boat 
stole in with letters, and he received Elizabeth's 
permission to surrender at the last extremity. 
War, plague and storm had done their work, and 
had done it with fatal efficacy. Clinton was chafing 
helplessly at his anchorage "while the French were 
lying exposed on the beach at Havre ". He could hot 



THE SURRENDER OF HAVRE, I563 I3I 

reach them, and they could but too effectuMly reaeh 
Warwick. Knowing that fo delay longer vas to expose 
the handful of noble lnen who survived with him fo 
inevit, able death, and himsclf wounded and iii, he 
English geueral seut at once to the Constable to make 
terres. The Constable wouhl hot abuse his advantage, 
and on the 29th of July Havre was restore,l to Franee, 
the fev English troop. remaining being allowed to 
depttrt, with t.heir arms and g'oods umnolested and at 
their leisure. 
The day a[ter the weather ehanged, and Clinton 
arrived ço find that ail was over, and that Warwiek 
himself was on board a transport ready fo sail. The 
queen-mother sent M. ,le Lignerolles on board Clinton's 
ship fo ask him to ,line with her. He exeused him- 
self under the plea that he eould hot leave his men ; 
but he said to de Lignerolles " that the plague of 
dea,lly infeetion had done for them t.hat whieh all the 
force of Franee eould never have done" 
Thus ended tbis ulhappy enterprise in a disaster 
whieh, terrible as it seemed, was more desirable for 
England than sueeess. Elizabeth's favouring star had 
prevente,t a eonquest from being eonsummated whieh 
would have involved her in interminable war. Had if 
hot been for the plague she mig'ht have heM Havre ; 
but shc eould bave held it only at a eost xvhieh, belote 
many years were over, xvouhl bave thrown her an 
exhausted and easy prey at the feet of Philip. 
The t]rst thought of Warwiek, ill as he was, on 
reaehing Portsmouth was for his brave eompanions. 
They had returned in miserable plight, and he wrote 
fo the eouneil fo beg that they might be eared for. 
But there vas no oeeasion to remind Elizabeth of sueh 
a duty as this: ha,l she been allowed she would have 
gone at onee at the risk of infeetion'to thank them for 



I32 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

their gallant. W. In a proclamation under ber own 
hand she commended the soldiers who had t'aced t.hat 
terrible siege fo the care of the country ; she entreated 
every gm,tleman, she comman, led every official, ecclesi- 
astical or civil, in the realm fo see to their necessities 
"lest God punish them for their unmercifuhess "; she 
insisted with generous forethought " that no person 
should have any .grudge at those poor eaptains and 
soldiers beeause the town was rendered on conditions "" 
"she would bave it known and understood that there 
wanted no trnth, courage, nor manhood in any of 
t, hem from the highest fo the lowest"; "they wouhl 
bave withstood the Freneh t.o the utmost of their 
lives; but it was thought the part o Christian 
wisdom hot fo tempt tle Almighty fo eontend vith 
the inevitable mortal enemy o the plague" 
Happy wouM if bave been had the loss of Havre 
ended the ealamities of the smmner. But the garrison, 
seattering fo their homes, earrie,l the infeet.ion through 
England. London was tainted already, and with the 
heat and drought o August the pestilence in town and 
village heh] on ifs deadly way. 
The eruption on the skin whieh was usual v«ith the 
plague does ,/ot seem t.o bave attended this visitation 
of if. Ïhe filst symptom was violent lever, burning" 
heat alternating with fits of shivering; the lnouth 
then beeame dry, the tongue parehed, with a prieking 
sen.ation in the breast and loins: headaehe followed 
and languor, wit, h a desire fo sleep, and after sleep 
came generally death, "for the heart did draw the 
poison, and the poison by its own malice did pieree 
the heart". When a man felt himself infeeted " he 
did first eommend himself fo tbe highest Physieian 
and eraved merey of Him ". Where he felt pain he 
was blêd, and 1,e then drmk the" aq,« co-t tra pesteot, "' 



THE SURRENDER OF HAVRE, 1563 133 

--the plague water--buried himself in his bed, and 
if possible perspired. To allay his thirst he was 
allowed sorrel«vater and vo[iuice, vith slices of 
oranges and lemons. Light food--rabbit, chickel or 
other bil"d--was taken often and in small quantifies. 
To prevent the spread of the contagion the houses and 
streets and staircases were studiously cleane,l; the 
windows vel"e set vide open and hung with fresh 
green boughs of oak or villow; the floors were 
strewed with SOl"rel, lettuce, roses and oak leaves, and 
freely and frequently sprikled with spring water o1" 
else with vinegar aud rose-water. Froln cellar to 
garret six hours a day t.he houses were fumigated 
with sandalwood aud musk, aloes, amber and cmna- 
mon. In the poorest courages there were rires of 
rosemary and bay. Yet no relnedy availed to prevent 
the lnortality, and no precaution to check the progress 
of the infection. In July the deaths in London had 
beeu two huudred a week; through the following 
month they rose swiftly fo seven huldl"ed, eight 
hundred, a flousand, in the last week of the month 
to two thousand; and at that rate with scarcely 
a dilniuution the people continued to die till the 
November raius vashed the sewers and kennels clean, 
and the fury of the disorder was spent. 
The bishops, attl"ibuting the calalnity to supernatural 
causes, aud seeing the cause for the provocation of the 
Almighty in the objects which excited their own dis- 
pleasure, laid the blame upon the theatres, aud petitioned 
the Governmeut to iuhibit plays and amuselnents. 
Sir Willialn Cecil, hot charging Providence till man 
had doue his part, round the occasion rather in the 
dense crowding of the lodging-houses, "by reason that 
the owners aud telmnts for greediness and lucre did 
take ullto fohelll other ildabitants and families fo dwell 



34 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

in their chambers"; he therefore ordcrc,t that "every 
house or shop should have but one toaster and one 
family," and that aliens and strangers shouM 
relnove. 
The danger Mgrmed the eouneil into lenieney to- 
w«rds the tate prisoners. The Tower was empfied. 
The Catholie prelates were distributed among the 
bouses of their l'ivMs and sueeessors; Lady Catherine 
Grey was eomlnitted fo the charge of ber father's 
brother, broken in health, heart and spirit, praying, 
but praying in vain, that "ber lord and husband might 
be restored to lu,r," and pining" slowly towards the 
grave into whieh a few yeavs later she sank. 
The vietims who die, l of the plague were ehiefly 
obscure. 



THE MURDER OF DARNLEY, 1567. 

ST. MARY'S-IN-THE-FIELDS, called commolly Kirk-a- 
Field, was a roofless and ruined church, standing just 
inside elle old gown walls of Edinburgh, at ghe north- 
western corner of the prescrit college. Atioining ig 
flmre stood a quadrangular building which had ag one 
gime bclonged o tire Dominican lnonks. The north 
front was huile along t.he edge of glae sh)pe which 
descends o the Cowgate; ghe soufla side contained a 
low range of unoccupied roolns which had been" priests' 
chambers"; tire east conisted of oces and servants' 
rooms ; the principal apartments in the dwelling into 
which the place had been converted were iu the western 
wing, which completed the square. Under the windows 
there was a narrow strip of grass-plat dividing the 
bouse from the town wall; and outside the wall were 
gardens into which there xvas ail opeuing through the 
cellars by an underground passage. The principal gate- 
way faced north and led direct into the quadraugle. 
Here it was that Paris round Bothwell with Sir 
James Balfour. He delivered his letter and gave his 
message. The earl wrote a few words in reply. 
"ComInend me fo the Queen," he said as he gave the 
note, "and tell her that ail will go »vell. Say that 
Balfour and I have hOt slept all night, that everything 
is arrang'ed, and that the King's lodgings are ready for 

 Bothwell's page.--A. 



36 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

hiln. I have sent her a dialnond. ¥ou may say I 
vould send lny heart too were if in lny power--but 
she bas ig already." 
A few more words passe,l, and from Bothvell Paris 
vent ço Maitland, who also wroçe a brief answer. To 
çhe verbal quesçion he answered, "Tell her Majesty 
ço take çhe King go Kirk-a-Field"; and with these 
replies the messenger rode baek flrough the night fo 
his lnistress. 
She was noç up vhen he arrived ; her ilnpatienee 
eould noç resç çill she vas dressed, and she reeeived 
him in bed. He gave his leçters and his message. She 
asked if çlere was anything furher. He answered 
çhaç Bothwell bade him say "he would have no test 
çill he had aeeolnplished their ençerprise, and thaç for 
love of herhe would train a pike all his lire" The 
queen laughed. "Please God," she said, "if shall 
corne fo tlut." 
A few houlN laçer she was on çhe road wiçh ber 
vieçim. He eouhl be moved buç slowly. She was 
obliged ço resç with him çwo days aç Linliflow ; and 
iç VaS llOç till the 30t.h  that she was al)le fo bring him 
fo Edinburgh. As yet he knew nothing of the change 
of his destination, and supposed t.hat he vas going on 
fo Craiglnillar. Bothwell however met t.he cavaloede 
outside the gares and took charge of if. No attention 
was 1)aid either fo the exclalnation or relnonstrance; 
Darnley was ilfformed tbat the Kirk-a-Field house 
was most convenient for him, and fo Kirk-a-Field he 
was conducted. 
"The lodgings" prepared for him were in the west 
wing, which was divided from the test of the bouse by 
a large door af the foot of the staircase. A passage 

 O January, 1567.--A. 



THE MURDER OF DARNLEY, x567 x37 

ran along the. ground floor from which a room opened 
which had been fitted up for the queen. At the hea, t 
of the stairs a similar passage led fil'st fo the king's 
rooln--which was ilnlnediately over that of the queen 
--and further on to closets and rooms for the 
servants. 
Here it was that Darnley was established during the 
last hours whieh he was fo know on earth. The keys 
of the doors were given ostcntatiously fo his grooln of 
the ehamber, Thomas Nelson; the Erl of Bothwell 
being already in possession of duplieates. The door 
from the eellar into the garden had no lock, but the 
servants were told that it eould be seeured with bolts 
from within. The l'OOlllS themselves had been com- 
fortably furnished, and a halMsome bed had been set 
up for the king with new hangings of black velvet. 
The queen however seelned to think tht they wouhl 
be injured by the splashing froln Darnley's bath, and 
desired that they might be taken down and changed. 
Being a person of ready expedients too she suggested 
that the door at the bottom of the staircase was hot 
required for protection. She had it taken down and 
turned into a cover for the bath-vat; "so that there 
was nothilg left to stop the passage into the said 
chalnber but Olfly the portal door" 
After this little attention shê left her husband in 
possession ; she intended herself to sleep from time to 
tilne there, but her own room was hot yet ready. 
The further plan was still unsettled. Bothwell's first 
notioll was fo tempt Darnley out into the country some 
SUlmy day for exercise and then to kill him. But 
"this purpose was changed because it would be knowll "; 
and was perhaps abandoned vith the alteration of the 
place froln Craiglnillar. 
The queen meanwhile spenf her days at ber husband's 



I38 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

side, watching over his convalescence with seelningly 
anxious tfibetion, and returning only fo sleep af Holy- 
food. In the starry evenings, though if was midwinter, 
she would go out into the garden with Lady Reres, and 
"there sing and use pastilne ". Afr a few days her 
apartment af Kirk-a-Field ws ruade habitable; a bed 
was set up there in whieh she eouhl sleep, and par- 
tieular direetions were given as to the part of the room 
where if was fo stand. Paris throug some lnistake 
misplaeed it.. " Fool that you are," the lueen said to 
him when she saw if, " the bed is hOt fo stand there ; 
move it yonder t.o the oher side." She perhaps mea.n 
nothing, but the words aftel'wards seemed ominously 
sig'nifieant. A powder barrel was to be lighted in that 
room fo blow t.he bouse and every one in if into the 
air. Ïhey had plaeed the bed on the spot where the 
powder was fo stand, immediately below the bed of the 
king. 
Whatever she meant, she eontrived when it was 
lnoved fo pass two nights there. The objeet was fo 
make it appear as if in what was to follow her own lire 
had been aimed af as well as her husband's. Wednes- 
day, Oie 5th, she slept there, and Friday, the 7th, and 
then her penanee was ahnost over, for on SatuMay the 
thing was fo have been done. 
Alnong t.he wild youths who followed Bothwell's 
fortunes t.hree were round who eonsented fo be the 
ilstrulnents--yomg Hay the Laird of Tallo, Hepburn 
of Bolton, and the Laird of Ormestong'ent[emen re- 
tainers of Bot.hwell's house, and ready for any desperate 
adventure. Delay only ereated a risk of diseovery, 
and fle earl on Friday arranged his plans for the 
night ensuing. 
If seelns however that af the last moment there was 
an impression either that the powder migt rail or that 



THE MURDER OF I)ARNLEY, 1567 139 

Drnley could be more conveniently killed in a scuflte 
with au appearance of accident. Lord Rober Stuart, 
Abbot of St. Cross, one of James the Fifth's wild brood 
of children whom the Church had provided with land 
aud title, had shared in past rimes in the king's riots, 
and retaining some regard for him had warned the 
poor creature to be on his guard. Darnley, making 
love fo destruction, toM the queen ; and Stuart, know- 
iug that his own lire lnight pay the forfeit of his in- 
terfel'encè, either received a hint that he lnight luy 
his pardon by doing the work himself, or else denied 
his words and oflbl'ed fo lnake the king lnaintain them 
af the sword's point. A duel, eouhl it be mauaged, 
would remove all dittàeulty ; and Bothwcll would take 
eal'e how if should end. 
Solnething of this kind was in eontelnpbttiou on the 
Sat«lrday night, and the explosion was dcferl"ed in eon- 
sequenee. The queen that evening at Holyrood bade 
Paris tell Bothwell " that the Abbot of St. Cross shouhl 
go fo the king's room and do what the earl knew of " 
Paris earried the message, and Bothwell answered, 
"Tell the Queen that I will speak fo St. Cross and 
then I will see her" 
But this too came to nothing. Lord Robert went, 
and angry words, aeeor, ling fo some aeeounts, were 
exehanged between him and Darnley ; but a siek lnan 
unable to leave his eoueh was in no condition fo cross 
swords ; and for Olm lnore night he was perlnitted fo 
survive. 
So af last came Sunday, eleven months exaetly from 
the day of Rizzio's murdcr ; and Mary Stuart's words, 
that she would never test till that dark business was 
revenged, were about to be fulfilled. The Erl of 
Murray, knowing perhaps what was eoming, yet 
unable fo interfere, ha,l been long atlng for an 



• i4o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 
opportunity to leave Edinburgh. Early that morning 
he wrote to his sister to say that Lady M urray was ill 
aS SS. Andrew's, and that she wished him to join her ; 
the queen wiSh some reluctance gave him leave fo go. 
If was a high day aS the CourS: Sebastian, one 
of the nmsicians, was married in the afternoon fo 
Margaret Cawood, Mttry Stuart's favourite waiting- 
woman. When the service was over, the qucen took 
an early supper with the Bishop of Argyle, and after- 
wards, accompanied by Cassilis, Huntly and the Earl 
of Argyle, she went as usual fo spend the evening 
with lier husband, and professed fo intend to stay the 
night with him. Ïhe hours passed on. She was 
more than eommonly Sender; and l)arnley, absorbe,l 
in lier earesses, pail no attent.ion fo sounds in the 
room below him, whieh had he heard theln might 
have disturbed his enjoymenS. 
AS ten o'eloek Shat night two servanSs of Bothwell, 
Powrie and PaSriek Wilson, came by order fo the earl's 
apal'SlllelltS in Holyrood. Hepburn, who was waiting 
there, pointed fo a heap of leather bags and Srunks 
upon the floor, whieh he bade them earry fo the gare 
of the gar, lens aS the baek of Kirk-a-Field. They 
threw the load on a pair of paek-horses and led the 
way in the dark as they were told; Hepburn himself 
went with theln, and aS the gare they round Bothwell, 
with Htty, Orlneston, and another person, lnUflted in 
their eloaks. Ïhe horses were left standing in the 
lane. The six lnen silently took the bag's on their 
shouhlers and earried them to the postern door whieh 
led through the town wall. Bot.hwell then went in 
fo join the tlueen , and tohl the rest fo make haste 
wiSh their work and finish if belote the queen should 
go. Powrie and Wilson were dismissed; Hepburn 
and the threê others dragg'ed the bags through the 



THE MURDER OF DARNLEY, I567 I4 

cellar into 5lary Stuart's room. They had intended 
to put the powder into a cask, but the door vas too 
narrow, so they carried if as if was and poured if out 
in a heap upon the floor. 
They blundered il the darkness. Bothwell, who 
was listening in the room above, heard them stum- 
bling aç their work, and stole down to warn theln ço 
be silent ; but by thaç tilne ail was in its place. The 
dark lnaSS, in which the fire-spirit lay imprisoned, rose 
dilnly from the ground ; the match was in ifs place, 
and thc earl glided back fo the queen's si,le. 
If was now past, nidniffht. Hay and Hcpburn wcre 
fo relnain with t, he powder alone. " ¥ou knov what 
you have fo do," Orlneson whispered : "when ail is 
«luieg al)ove, you tire çhe end of he linç and eolne 
way." 
Wiçh these words Ormeson psed seMthily ino 
t.he gar,len. Paris, vho had been assisting iii the ar- 
rangemenç, wen upstairs fo the king's room, and his 
appearance was the signal conccrted beforehand for 
t.he pal'ty ço break up. Boçhwell whispered a few 
wor, ls in Argyle's ear; Argyle touched Paris on the 
back significançly : there was a pause--the length of 
a Paterlosterlwhen the ,lueen suddenly recollecçed 
thaç there was a masque and a dance af the pa]ace 
on the occasion of the marriage, and thaç she had 
prolnised fo be present.. She rose, and with lnany 
regrets that she could not sçay as she inçended, kissed 
her husbald, puç a ring on his finger, wished him 
good-nigh, and went. The lords followed her. As 
she left the room, she said as if by accident, " Iç was 
just t.his rime lasç year that Rizzio was slain " 
Iii a few monents çhe gay train was gone. The 
queen walked back fo the gliçtering halls in Holy- 
food; Darnley was left alone with his page, Taylor, 



142 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

who slep in his rooln, and his wo servants, Nelson 
and Edward Seymour. Belmv in he darkness, 
Bohwell's wo followers shiverêd beside he powder 
heap, and listened with hushed breath till all was 
still. 
The king, though if, was lae, was iu uo mood for 
sleep, and 5Iary's last words soundêd awfully in lais 
ears. As soon as she was gone he went over "her 
many speeehes," he spoke of ber sort words and her 
earesses whieh had seemed sineere, "but t.he mention 
of Davie's slaughtêr marred all his pleasure " 
" What will she do ?" said he, "if is very lonely." 
The shadow of death was ereeping over hiln ; he was 
uo longer the tan,loto boy who two years belote had 
eome fo Seot, land filled with idle dreams of vain 
amhition. Sorrow, suflçrinR', disease and fear had 
done t, heir work. That night, before or after the 
queen's visit, he was said t,o have opened the Prayev- 
book, and to have read over the 55th Psahn, whieh by 
a strange eoineidenee was in the English serviee for 
the day that vas dawning. 
True or false, sueh was he tale at the tilne; and 
he words have a terrible appropriaeness. 
" Hear lny prayer, O Lord, and hide uo thyself from 
my petiion. 
" lIy heart is disquieted wit, hin me, and the fear of 
deah is fallen upon me. 
"Fearfuluess and trelnbling are eolue upon me, and 
an horrible dread hath overwhehned lne. 
:' I is not an open enemy that bath done me this 
dishonour, for then I eould have borne i. 
"I was even thou, my eompanion, my guide and 
my own familiar friend." 
Forlorn vieçim of a eruel age! Tweny-oue years 
oldlnO more. AL the end of an hour he went Go bed, 



THE MURDER OF DARNLEY, 567 43 

with his page af his side. Ail hour later they two 
were lying dead in the gardèn beyond the wall. 
The exact facts of the nmrder were never known-- 
only af two o'clock that Monday morning a " crack" 
vas heard which marie the drowsy citizens of Edin- 
burgh turn in their sleep, and brought down all that 
side of Balfour's house of Kirk-a-Field in a confused 
heap of dust and ruin. Nelson, the sole survivor, went 
fo bed and slept when he left lais toaster, and " kuew 
nothing till he found t.he house falling about him"; 
Edward Seymom" was bloxw in pieces; but, Darnley 
and his page were found forty yards away under a 
tree, with " no sign of tire on them," and wit.h their 
elothes seattered at their side. 
Some said that they were smothered in their sleep : 
some that they were taken down into a stable and 
"wirried " ; solne that "hearing the keys grate in the 
doors below them, they started from their beds and 
were flying clown the stairs, when they were eaught 
and strangled". Hay and Hepburn told one consistent 
story to the foot of the seattbld: When the voiees 
were silent overhead they lit the mateh and fled, loek- 
ing t.he doors behind them. In the garden they round 
Bothwell watehing with his friends, and they waited 
there till t.he bouse blew up» when they ruade off and 
saw no more. It was thought however that in dread 
of torture t.hey left the whole dark truth untold ; and 
over the events of that nig'ht a horrible mist st.ill hangs 
unpenetrated and unpenetrable for ever. 



I44 

THE ASSASSINATION OF MUtRA¥, 1570. 

ALTHOUGH fO the Catholics, fo the frien, ls of Mary 
Stuart, fo the friends generally of anarchy and the 
right of every man fo do as he pleased--a ]arg'e class 
at this rime in Seotbmd--the administnztion of Murray 
was in every way detest, able, yet the disint, erested in- 
tegrity of his eharaeter, thê aetivity and equity of his 
govermnent, had eommanded respeet even from those 
who mo,s disliked hinl. They might oppose his poliey 
and hate his prineiples, but personal ill-will, as he had 
never deserved if from any one, had never hitherto 
been felt towards him, exeept by his sister. The arrest 
of Northumberland, and the supposed intention of 
surrendering him fo Elizabeth, had ealled out a spirit 
against hiln xvhieh had hot before existed, and an 
opportunity was ereated for his destruetion whieh had 
been long and anxiously watehed for. 
The plot for the murder was originally formed in 
Mary Stuart's household, if she herself was hot t.he 
prime mover in if. The person selected for the deed 
was JalneS Hamilton of Bothwellhaug'h, nephew of 
the Arehbishop of St. Andrews and of the Duke of 
Chatelherault. The eonduet of the Hmfiltons for the 
past ten years had been uliforlnly base. They had 
favoured the Reforlnation while there was a hope of 
marrying the heir of their house to Elizabeth. When 
this hope failed, t.hey tried to seeure Mary Stuart for 
him; and when she deelined the |m_nour, thought of 



ASSASSINATION OF MURRAY, 57 o i45 
earrying-her off by force. 'rhe arehbishop had been 
a pargy go ghe murder of Darnley. He had divoreed 
Boghwell and helped ghe queen go marry him, in the 
hope ghag she would ruin herself. When she vas ag 
Loehleven ghe house of Hamilgon would have voged 
for her deagh if gheir gigle go ghe erown had been 
reeognised. Had ghey won ag Langside she was go 
have repaid gheir service by marrying ghe Abbog of 
Arbroagh. 
A sgeady in, lifferenee go every ingeresg bug t.heir 
own, a disregard of every obligagion of jusgiee or 
honour, if they eould seeure ghe erown of Seogland go 
gheir lineage, had given a eolisisgeney go ghe eondueg 
of ghe Hamilgons beyond whag was go be round in any 
ogher Seoggish family. No seruples of religion had 
disgurbed ghem, no loyalgy fo gheir sovereign, no eare 
or ghoughg for ghe publie ingeresgs of gheir eount.ry. 
Through good and evil, ghrough grugh and lies, t.hrough 
ingrigues and bloodshed, t.hey worked gheir way to- 
wards ghe one objeeg of a base ambigion. 
Nurray was ghe greag obsgaele. Wigh llurray pug 
oug of ghe way ghe liggle aames would nog be long a 
diffieulgy. For ghe preseng and for gheir immediage 
eonvenienee ghey were making use of Nary Sguarg's 
naine, as she for her own purposes was niaking use 
of gheirs. _'he alliance would lasg as long as was 
eonvenieng, and ag ghis poing ghey were uniged in a 
eommon desire for ghe regeng's deagh. 
Boghwellhaugh had been gaken ag Langside. His 
lire was forfeiged, and he had been pardoned by lIurray, 
againsg ghe adviee of ghose who knew his nagure and 
ghe etteg whieh generosigy would produee upon him. 
Itis lands had been eseheaged and gaken possession of, 
his family were removed from his house, and piegur- 
esque visions of a desolage wife driven oug ingo the 
IO 



I46 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

woods to wandêr shelterless bave served in the eyes 
of 3Iary Stuart's admirers to justify the vengeance 
of a half-lnaddened husband. But the story rests on 
legend. Such indeed had been the actual rate of Lady 
Murray when Mal'y Stuart was in the flush of ber 
successes tfter her marriage with Darnley; but the 
Castle of Hamilton was large enougq fo receive the 
househohl of so near a kilSlnan of its chiefs, and 
Bothwellhaugh was the willing instrulnent of a crime 
which had been concerted between Mary Stuart's 
followers and the sons of the Duke of Chatelherault. 
Assassination was an accomplishment in his family. 
John Halnilton, a notorious desperado, who xvas lais 
brother or near relative, had been elnployed in France 
fo lnurder Coligny, and, sinvularly enough, af that 
very momelat Philip II., who valued such services, 
had his eye upon hiln as a person who lnight be sent 
to look aftcr--so Philip pleasantly put it--the Prince 
of Orange. The cavalier would have taken with the 
utmost kind]iness fo the occupation, but his reputation 
for such atrocities was so notorious thaC Philip was 
adviscd fo choose some one against whom the prince 
would be less likely to be upon lais guard. 
Edinburg-h hot oflbring convenient opportunities, an 
intimation was brought to Murray, that if he would go 
to Dumbarton Lord Fleming was ready fo surrender 
the castle. He went as far as Glasgow, but only fo 
find that he had been misled, and he returned after a 
few days fo Stirling. Bothwellhaugh had been on the 
watch for him af lnore than one spot upon the road, 
but he had been unable fo make certain of his aire, 
and he did not mean o risk a failure. Circulnstances 
requiring the regent's presence again in Edinburg-h, 
he left Stirling on the afternoon of the 22nd of 
January, and that night slept, af Linlithgow. The 



ASSASSINATION OF MURRAY, 57 o t47 

town then eonsisted of oe long narrow st«'eet. Four 
doors beyond the regen's lodgings was a house 
belonging to the Archbishop of St. Andrews which 
was occupied by one of his dependents. From the 
first lmdingplace a window opened upon the street, 
the staircase leading directly down from it fo t, he back 
garden, ne the end of which was a lanc. A wooden 
bMcony ran along" outside the bouse on a level with 
the window. It was railed in front, and when clothes 
were hung upon the bars they formed a convenient 
screen behind which a man could easily conceal himself. 
Here on the morning of tlm 2:h'd crouched Hamilton 
of Bothwellhaugh. The Abbot of Arbroath had lent 
him his ow carbine ; the best horse in the stables of 
Hamilton Castle was at the garden gare in the lane, 
a second was waiting a toile (list.anL, and ail 3" Olle vho 
rode down the street in çhe direetiou of Einburgh 
would have fo pass within three yards of the assassin's 
hiding-plaee. The secret had hot been kept with en- 
tire fidelity. Some one, it was no known who, came 
o Murray's bedside belote he rose, tohl him tha 
Bothwelllmugh was lying in waiç for him, and named 
the house where he would be round. But Murray 
was the perpetual ojeeL of eonspiraeies. He reeeived 
similar warnings probably on hall the ,lays on whieh 
he went abroad. He had ruade up his mind fo dang'er 
as part of his position, and he had eeased fo heed if. 
He had no leisure fo think about himself, and whether 
he lived or died was hot of vital noment to him. He 
paid just suNeient attention t.o the warning fo propose 
to leave the town by the opposite gare; but when he 
came ouç and mounted his horse, he round his guard 
drawn up and the street hot easily passable in thaL 
direetion, and he Lhought too little about the matter 
fo disturb them. It was said that he would have 



I48 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

started af a gallop. But the people were ail out to 
look aL him. To bave ridden fast through çhe crowd 
would lmve been dangerous, and so af a foot's pace he 
passed in frollt of Bothwellhaugh. To miss him so 
was impossible. 
The shot was làred--he put his hand to his side and 
said t.h,t he was wounded ; but he was able fo alight, 
and lêaninR" on Lord Sempell he returned fo the bouse 
whieh he had just left. He had been lait "above ghe 
navel al: the buttoning of the doul)lêt" " The ball 
ha,l passed t:hrou,'h him and kille,l a horse on the 
or, ber side." In the eonfnsion the lnurderer eseaped. 
The elothes upon t.he rail eoneealed the smoke, and 
minutes passed belote the window was diseovered 
from which the shot had been fired. Parties of men 
xvere Oll guarl in the lane fo defend him if he was in 
danger; but their help was hOt required, and in a 
fev hours he himself had brought t.he news of lais 
sueeess fo Hamilton Cst.le, where he was reeeived 
with an eestasy of exultat.ion. Thenee a day or two 
after he ruade his way fo Franee fo reeeive the t.hanks 
of Mary Stuart, and fo live upon the vages of this 
and other villanies. 
The regent did not af first belieç'e that he was 
seriously hurt, but on examination of the wound, if 
was seen that he had but a few hours fo lire. His 
friênds in their biffer grief rêminded him of the adviee 
whieh he ha, l negleeted ai'ter Langside. He said 
eahnly that "he eould never repent of his elemeney" 
With the saine modest quietness with vhieh he had 
lived he ruade his fev arrangements. He eommended 
the king fo Sempell and Mat, and "without speaking 
a reproaehful word of any man," died a little belote 
midnight. 
Nany a politieal a{roeity bas disgraeed the history 



ASSASSINATION OF MURRAY, 57 o 49 

of the British nation. If is a question whether among 
them all there can be found any which was more uscless 
fo ifs projeetors or more misehievous in ifs immediate 
eonsequenees. If did not bring baek Mary Stuart. 
If did hot open a road fo the throne fo the Hamiltons, 
or turn baek the t.i,le of the tleformation. If flung 
only a deeper tint of ignominy on his sister and her 
friends, and if gave over Seotland fo three years of 
misery. 
With a perversity seareely less than the folly whieh 
destroyed his lire, his memory has been saerifleed t.o 
sent.inentalism; and those who ean see only in the 
Protestant religion an nprising of Antiehrist, and in 
the Queen of Seots the beautiful vietim of seetarian 
iniquity, have exhausted upon Murray the resourees 
of elotluent vituperation, and have deseribed him as 
a perfidious brother buihling up his own fortunes on 
tbe vrongs of his in.iured sovereign. In the eyes of 
theologians, or in the eyes of historians who t.ake 
their inspiration from theologieal systems, the saint 
ehanges into the devil and the devil into the saint, as 
the point of view is shifted from one ereed to another. 
But faets prevail af last, however passionate the pre- 
dileetion ; and when the verdier of plain human sense 
ean get itself pronouneed, the "good Regent" will 
take his plaee among the best and greatest men who 
have ever lived. 
Measured by years his eareer was wonderfully brief. 
He was twenty-five when the English were af Leith ; 
he was thirty-five when he was killed. But in rimes 
of revolution lnen mature quiekly. His lot ha, l been 
east in the midst of convulsions where, af any moment, 
had he eared for personal advantages, a sale and pros- 
perous eourse lay open fo him ; but so far as his eonduet 
can be traced, his interests wcre divided only between 



I50 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

duty to his count«'y, duty, as he understood it, to God, 
and affection for his unfortunate sister. France tried 
in vain to bribe him, for he knew that the true good 
or' Scotland lay in alliance and eventual union with 
its ancient enemy ; and he preferred to be used. trifled 
with, or trampled on by Elizabeth to being the tl-usted 
and valued friend of Catherine de Medici. In all 
Europe there was not a man more prot'oundly true 
to the principles of the 1R, eforlnation, o1" more con- 
sistently--in the best sense of the word--a servant 
of God. His house was compared to "a holy temple," 
where no foul word vts ever spoken. A chapter of 
the Bible was read every day after dinner and supper 
in his family. One or more lninisters of the kirk 
were usually among his guests, and the conversation 
chiefly turned on 8Olne serious subject. Yet no one 
xvas more free from sour austerity. He quarrêlled 
once with Knox, "so that they spoke hOt together 
for eighteen nlonths," because his nature shrunk from 
extremity of intoleranee, beeause he insisted that while 
his sister remained a Catholie she should hot be inter- 
dieted from the lnaSS. The liard eonvietions of the 
old reformer were justified by the result. The mass 
in those days meant intrigue, eonspiraey, rebellion, 
murder, if nothing else xvould serve; and better it 
vould have been for Mary Stuart, better for Seotland, 
better for the broad welfare of Europe, if it had been 
held at arm's length while the battle lased, by every 
eount«'y from which it had onee beeu expelled. But 
the errors of Murl'ay--if it may be so said of any 
errors- deserved rather to be admired than eon- 
demned. In the later differenees whieh arose between 
hiln and the (lUeen, he kept at her side so long as he 
eould hohl ber baek from wrong. He resisted her by 
force when in mal'rying Darnley shè seêlned plunging 



ASSASSINATION OF MURRAY, I57 ° i5I 
into an element in vhich she or the Reformation would 
be wrecked : and when he failed and in failing vas 
disowned with il,sults by Elizabeth, he alone of ail 
his parby never swervêd through personal resentmenb 
from the even tenor of his eourse. 
Afterwards, when his sister turned aside from the 
pui'suib of thrones bo lu.b and erime, Murray Look no 
part in the wild revenge whieh îollmved. He with- 
drew frOlll ,' seêne where no honoural)le man could 
remain with lire, and retul'ned only to save her from 
judieial retributiolL Only ai lasb when she foreed 
upon him bhe albernative of treating her as a publie 
enelny or of abandoning Seotlaml to almrehy and 
ruin, hê took his final post at the head of all tlmt was 
good and noble alnong his eounbrylnen, and bhere meb 
the rate whieh from that momenb was marked oub for 
hiln. 
• As a ruler he was severe bub inflexibly just. The 
corruption whieh had bcgun at the throne had sabu- 
rated the eourts of law. In t.he short leisure whieh 
he eouhl snateh frOlU his own labours he sat on trials 
with the judges ; and" his presenee struek sueh rever- 
enee into them bhab the poor werê nob oppressed by 
false aeeusations, nor tirêd oub by long abtendanee, 
nor their eauses pub off to gratify the rieh". He had 
his father's virtues without his father's infirlnit.ies; 
and so with sueh poor resourees as he eould eomlnaud 
a home, with hollow SUppOl'b from England, and con- 
eeldl'ating" upon his own pel'son the lnalignity of 
political hatred and spurious sentimelt, he held on 
upon his road til] thê end came and he was taken 
Seobland was struek to t, he heart by his death. The 
pathebie intensity of popular feeling round expression 
in a ballad whieh was published af, Edinburgh imlnedi- 



152 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

ately after Murray's death. If was written probably 
by Robert Lord Selnpell, on whose arln he lent after 
he was vounded. 
The strife of faction was hushed in the great grief 
which fell on ail in whom generous feeling was hOt 
utterly extinguished. Those who had been loudest in 
their outcries against him were shamed by his loss into 
forgetfulness of thcir petty grievances, and desired 
only fo revenge a crime which had a second tilne 
brought dishonour upon thcir country. 



153 

THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW, 1572. 

THE Founder of Christianity, when He sent the 
Apostles into the world to preach the Gospcl, g,ve 
them a singular warning. They were to be the 
bearers of good news to mnkind, and yet He said 
He was hot corne fo send peace on earth, but  sword 
--He was corne to set house against house and kin- 
dred against kindred--the sou vould deliver up his 
father fo death, the brother his sister, the mother /he 
child; the strongest ties of natural affection would 
wither in the tire of hate which His words were 
about to kindle. The prophecy, which referred in 
the first instance fo the struggle between the nev 
religion and Judaic bigotry, has fulfilled itself con- 
tinuously in the history of the Church. Whenever 
the doctrinal aspect of Christianity has been pro- 
minent above the practical, whenever the first duty 
of the believer bas been held to consist in holding 
particular opinions on the functions and nature of his 
Master, and only the second in obeying his Master's 
commands, then always, with a Ulfiformity lnore re- 
markable than is obtained in any othêr historical 
phenolnena, there bave followed dissension, an imosity, 
and in later ages bloodshed. 
Christianity, as a principle of lire, has been the 
lnost powerful check upon the passions of mankind. 
Christianity as a speculative system of opinion has 
¢onverted them into monsters of cruelty. Higher 



I54 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

than the angels, lower than the demons, t,hese are" 
he two aspêets in whieh the religious man presens 
himself in all tilnes and eouutries. 
The fil'St 1)re'st of the Ileformation hC aken lle 
Catholie powers by surprise. If had spread like an 
epidemie fronl own fo town, and nation o nation. 
No eonseientious lnan eould preend tha the Chureh 
was what if ough fo be. Indiseriminae resisanee 
o all ehange was no longer possible; and with no 
elear pereeption xvhere o stand or where fo yield, 
hall the edueated world had been swep avay by the 
stream. But he first foree had spent itself. The 
reforlners had quarrelled among thelnselves; the 
Caholies had reeovered heart from their opponents' 
divisions; the Couneil of Tren had given them 
ground fo stand upon ; and with elear eonvietion, and 
a unity of ereed and purpose, hey had set themselves 
steadily, wih voiee and pen and sword, fo reeover 
their lost ground. The enthusiasn overeame for a 
rime the distinetions of llat.iOllS and ]anguages. The 
Englishman, lle Frenehman, the Spaniard, he Ialian, 
the Gerlnan, remelnbered only tha he was a son of 
he Chureh, that he had one masser t]le Pope, and 
one enelly t, he heretie and the sehismatie. In seeular 
convulsions the nat;ural distress af the sight of human 
suffering is seldom entirely extinguished. In the 
great spiritual strugNle of the sixteenth eentury 
religion ruade humanity a erilne, and the most hor- 
rible atrocities were sanetified by the belief that they 
were approved and eolmnanded by Heaven. 2Phe 
fathers of the Chureh at Trent had enjoined the 
extirpation of heresy, and the evil arlny of priests 
thundered the aeeursed message from evel-y pulpit 
whieh they were allowed fo enter, or breathed it with 
yet more fatal poteneg in tle eon.fessional. Nor were 



MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW, i572 155 

the other side slow in learning the lesson of hatred. 
The Lutheran and the Anglican, hovering between 
t, he two extremes, might attempt forbearance, but 
as the persecuting spirit grew among the Catholics 
European Protestantism assumed a stronger and a 
sterner type. The Catholic on the authority, of the 
Church ruade war upon st)b'itual rebellion. The 
Protestant believed himself COlnmissioned ]ike the 
Israelites to extinguish the worshippers of images. 
" No lnercy to the heretics" was the watchword 
of the Inquisition ; "the idol,ters shall ,lie " was the 
answering thunder of the disciples of Calvin; an,l 
as t.he deat.h-wrestle spread from land to land, cach 
party st.fore to outbid the other for Heaven's favour 
by the ruthlessness with which they carried out its 
imagined behests. Kings and stateslnen in some de- 
gree retained the balance of their reason. Coligly, 
Orange, Philip, even Alva himself, endeavoured af 
rimes to check the frenzy of their followers; but the 
lnultitude was held back by no responsibilities; their 
creeds were untempered by other knowledge, a.nd they 
couhl indulge the brutality of their natural appetites 
without dread of the Divine displeasure ; while alike 
in priest's stole or Geneva gown, the clerg'y, like 
a legion of fm'ies, lashed them into wilder mad- 
ness. 
On land ghe chier suflrers had been ghe Proges- 
tants: on ghe sea t.hey had the advant, age, and had 
used ig. The privateers had for ghe most part disposed 
swiftly of the erews and passengers of t.heir prizes. 
Prisoners were ineonvenient and dangerous; the sea 
gold no tales, and ghe dead did hot eome baek. Wigh 
ghe eapgure of Brille and Flushing the blaek ltag had 
been transferred fo the shore. ,Sir Humfrey Gil- 
bert, following the pl'aetiee whieh he lmd leal'nt5 in 



I56 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Ireland, hung the Spaniards as fast as he caught 
them. The Hollanders had shown no mercy to the 
priests; they had been the instruments of Alva's 
Blood Council, and the measure which they had dealt 
was dealt in return to them. The Prince of Orange 
crossed the Rhine in July, coming forward towards 
Mons. He took Ruremonde by assault, and the 
monks in the abbeys and priories there were instantly 
nmrdered. Mechlin opened its gares fo him, and 
after Mechlin some other neighbouring towns fol- 
lowed the exanple; in all of them the prince could 
hOt prevent his cause from being dishonoured by the 
saine atrocities. 
While these scenes were in progress the admiral 
and Courir Louis were preparing for the great campaign 
which vas fo end in the expulsion of the Spaniards, 
the death or capture of Alva, and the libertttion of the 
Low Countries. For the French Goverlunent to go to 
war with Spain as the ally of the Prince of Orange 
would be equivalent to an open deelaration in favour 
of their own Huguenots; and with examples of the 
treatment of their brethren before them, the French 
priests and monks had reason to be alarmed ai the 
prospect of Calvinist ascendency. The Paris clergy, 
confident in the support of the populace, had denounced 
throughout the summer the liberal policy of the king. 
One of them, de Sainte Foix, in the very Court itself, 
had held out the story of Jacob and Esau to the am- 
bition of the Duke of Anjou ; and the favour shown 
fo Count Louis, the alliance with exeommunieated 
England, aud the approaehing mal'riage of the Prin- 
eess Margaret had hot tended to moderate their 
vehemenee. ïhe war was pronouneed to be impious ; 
the Catholie king was fulfilling a saered duty in erush- 
ing the enemies of God; and those who would have 



MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW, 1572 x57 

France interfere fo save theln were denounced as 
traitors fo Holy Church. 
Yet as the weeks passed on, it seemed as if all their 
exertions vould be wasted. The traditions of Franeis 
I. were not dead. The opportunity for rêvenging St. 
Quentin and tearing in pieces the treaty of Cambray 
was splendidly alluring. The Catholie leaders, Guise, 
Nevers, Tavannes, even Anjou himself, elamoured and 
threatened, but Charles was earried away by the 
temptatiou, and perhaps by nobler motives. Coligny 
said that whoever was against thc war was no true 
Frenehman, and the Court appeared fo agree with 
Coligny. The Prineess Margaret's lnarriage, inde- 
pendent of ifs politieal bearing, vas in itself a deflanee 
of the Papaey. Pius V. had rel'used absolutely to 
allow or sanetion it till the King of Navarre was 
reeoneiled to the Chureh. Pius had died in the May 
preeeding, but his sueeessor, Gregory XIII., had main- 
tained the objection, aud though less peremptory, had 
attaehed eonditions to his consent fo whieh Charles 
showed no signs of submitting. 
The ouly uneertainty rose from the attitude of 
England. Catherine de Mediei had aequieseed in the 
war, vith the proviso frmn the flrst that Franee and 
England shouM take up the quarrel together. As the 
Catholie opposition inereased in intensity, Elizabeth's 
support beeame more and more indispensable. If the 
king risked the honour of Franee alone in a doubtful 
eause, and experieneed anything like disaster, what- 
ever else happened his own ruin was eertain. As 
soon therefore as it was diseovered that Elizabeth was 
hot only playiug with the Alençou marriage, but was 
treating seeretly with Alva to make her own ad- 
vantage out of the erisis, the queen-mother's resolution 
gave wayor rather, for resolution is not a word to 



I58 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

be thrown away upon Catherine «.le Medici--she saw 
that war was too dangerous fo be ventured. Religion, 
in ifs good sense and in it.s bad sense, was equally a 
word withou{, meaning fo ber. She hated and she 
despised Calvinisln; if was a new supers{,i{,ion as 
overbearing as the old, and withou{, the sanction of 
traditionary existence ; it had shaken her own power 
and her son's throne, and though, if if would serve 
her purpose, she was ready to make use of if, she was 
no less wi]ling, if it stood in ber way, {,o set, her foot 
upon i{,s neck. The impatience of the Huguenots 
wouhl hOt endure disappointmen{,, and *.heir own 
safety was as much involved as that of the Prince of 
Orange in the intended campaign. The idea of a 
general massacre of the Huguenot, s lmd been long 
familiar fo t, he lninds of the Catholics. If the project 
on Flanders was abandoned, they knew t, hat they 
would be unable fo lire in the districts of France 
where they were out-numbered, and they declared 
without reserve that t, hey would fall back int, o the 
west, and t, here maintain their oxvn ]iberties. But 
t, he reopening of the civil var was a terrible prospect. 
Coliguy still had a powerful hold on t, he mind of he 
king. The queen-mother xvhen she attempt, ed to 
oppose him round her influence shaking; and even 
she herself, as laie certainly as t, he l Oth of August, 
was hesitating on t, he course which she should adopt. 
On t, hat day she was still clinging to the hope that 
Elizabeth might still take Alençon ; if was only when 
she round distinctly that, if would hOt be, that she fell 
back upon ber own cunning. 
The French Court had broken up in June, fo re- 
assemble in August for the marriage of the princess. 
The adlniral -cent down fo Chat, illon, and while t, here 
he received a warning not fo trust himself again in 



MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW, 1572 159 

Paris. But he dared hot, by absenting hi'mself, impair 
his influence with the king. His intentions were 
thoroughly loyal. He said that he wouht rather be 
torn by horses than disturb again the int.ernal peaee 
of Franee ; and he had been mauy rimes wihin hear- 
ing of the bells of Notre Dame with fewer friends 
about him than he would find asselnbled iu the eapital. 
The rêtinues of the King of Navarre and the Priuee of 
Condé, his ow follovers, the trains of Roehefoueault, 
llontgomery and 3loutmorency, the noblemen and 
geutlemen of Languedoe aud l'oitou--all these xvould 
be there, and these were the men who for ten years 
had held ai bay the uuited strength of Catholie France, 
aud were now gathering in arms to eneounter Alva. 
If evil vas inteuded towards them some other oppof 
tunity would be ehosen, and personal danger, at least 
for the present, he eould hot antieipate. 
Thus ai the appointed rime the admiral returned to 
the Court, and notwithstanding Elizabeth's trieks, he 
found the king unehanged. The Duke of Guise shook 
hands with him in Charles's prcsenee, and Charles 
again spoke fo him with wal'mth and confidence of 
the Flanders expedition. On the 18th of August the 
great event came off whieh the Catholies had tried in 
vain fo prevent, and whieh was regarded as the symbol 
of the intended poliey of France. The dispensation 
from Rome was still withheld, but the Cardinal of 
Bourbon ventured in the face of its absence to offieiate 
at the eeremony in the eathedral. The sister of the 
king beeame the bride of a professed heretie, and 
when the prineess aterwards attended mass, ber 
husband ostentatiously withdrew, and remained in 
the eloister. A rew more days and Coligny would 
be on his way fo the army. Though England had 
failed him, and might perhaps be hostile, the king 



6o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

still meant fo persevere. The queen-mother had 
tried ail her arts--tears, thrcats, entreaties--and at 
tilnes hot without effect. Charles's instincts were 
generous, but his purpose was flexible, and his 
character was hall formed. His mother had ruled 
him from the rime that he had left hîs cradle, and he 
had no high convictions, no tenacity of principle or 
vigour of will, fo contend against her. But there 
was a certain element of chivdry about him which 
enabled him to recognise in Coligny the noblest of 
his subjects, and he ha,l a sol,lier's ambition fo emulate 
lais fathêr and grandfather. The l)uke of Anjou, 
xvho related afterwards the secret histo W of these 
momentous days, said that whenever the king ]lad 
been a]olm with the a,hniral, the queen-mother round 
him aftêrwards eold and reserved towards herself. 
Anjou hilnself xvent one day into his brother's cabinet ; 
the king did hot speak to him, but valked up and 
down the room fiugering his dagger, and looking as 
if he eould have stabbed him. If the war was to be 
prevented, something nmst be done, and that promptly. 
Guise, notwithstanding lais seenling eordiality with 
Coligny, was supposed fo be meditating misehief, and 
the king, by Coligny's adviee, kept the Royal Guard 
under arms in the streets. Catherine, who hated both 
their houses, ealeulated that by judieious irritation she 
might set the duke and the adlniral at eaeh other's 
throats, and rid herself af once of both of the too 
dangerously powerful subjeets. The admiral's own 
deelaration had failed fo persuade the Guises that he 
was innocent of the nlurder of the duke's lather-- 
Poltrot was still generally believed to have been 
privately illstigated by him--and Catherine intimated 
to the Duchesse de Nemours, the late Duke of Guise's 
widow, that if she would, she might bave her revenge. 



MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW, x572 x6 

Were TM ". " " 
Chgny kdle,l, the king xvouhl be again manage- 
able. The Huguenots wouhl prol)ably take arms fo 
avenge his death. After a fexv ,lays of fury a little 
water vould wash the blood from the streets of Paris, 
and the catastrophe xvoul«l be explainê,l fo the worM 
as the last ae of the civil war. 
In beeoming ae«luainted with the womeu among 
whom she xvas edueated, we eease fo wonder af the 
Queen of Seots" ,lepravity. To the duchesse the 
assassination of the admiral was the ,lelightful grati- 
fication of a laudable desire. The l)uke of Guise and 
his unele the Duke of Amnale were taken into eounsel ; 
an instrument was round in a lnan named Maurevert, 
who ha,l t, rie,1 his han,l alrea,ly in the saine enterprise, 
and having failed, was eager for a new opportunity. 
He was plaeed in a house between the Louvre and t, he 
Rue de Bethisi, where his intended vietim lod4"ed ; 
and after waiting for two days, on the morning of 
the 22nd, as the admiral was slowly valking past, 
reading, Maurevert sueeeeded in shooting him. The 
work vas not done effeetually; the gun was loaded 
with slugs, one of whieh shattered a finger, the other 
lodged in an arm. The adlniral was assisted home-- 
the house froln whieh the shot vas fired was reeognised 
as belonging to the Guise family, and the assassin was 
seen galloping out of St. Antoine on a horse known 
fo be the duke's. The king, when the news reaehed 
him, was playing tennis with Guise himself and 
Têligny the admiral's son-in-law. He dashed ]ris 
raeket on the pavement, and vent angrily fo the 
palaee. Naval're and Condé came fo him to say that 
their lives were in danger, and fo ask perlniSslon fo 
leave Paris. The king said if was he who had been 
wounded, and he would makê sueh an example of the 
murderers as should be a lesson to ail postêrity. Condé 
II 



62 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

and all who were afrai,l might corne fo the Louvre 
for protection. Charles placed a guard af Coligny's 
house: he sent his own surgeon fo attend him, and 
went himself fo llis bedsi,le. 
The queen-mothêr and Anjou, not «laring to trust 
the king out of their sight, accompanied him. The 
admiral desired fo speak to Charles alone, and he sent 
them out of the room. When he followed then, 
they pressed him fo tell them what Coligny had said. 
Charles, aftel" a pause, answered: " He said that you 
two ha, l too much hand in the management of the 
State ; an,l, by God's death, he spoke true" 
So passed the 22nd of August. The next lnorning 
Guise an,l Aumale came fo the palace fo say that if 
their presence in Paris caused uneasiness, they were 
ready fo leave the city; and the king bade theln go. 
His words and lnanner were so completely reassuring 
that the Huguenot leaders put away their misgving's. 
The Vidame of Chartres still urged flight, distrusting 
Charles's power to protect theln ; but Cond, Teligny, 
Rochefoucault, Montgomery, all opposed him. To 
retire would be fo lêave the admiral in danger. His 
wound appeared only fo have increased the king's 
resolution fo stand by him; and being themselves 
nost anxious fo prevent disturbance and give no 
cause of offence, they would hot eveu permit thêir 
followers to watch in the streets. A few hundred of 
them paraded in arms in the fternoon under the 
windows of the Hôtel Guise; but not a single act of 
violence was COlnmitted fo excuse a Catholic rising; 
Cd wheu they broke up ai lfight, they left the city 
ostentatiously fo the ordinary police and the Royal 
Guard. 
So far the queen-mother's plot had failcd. The 
admirtfi was hot dead. The Huguenots had hot broken 



MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEXV, 1572 63 

the peace. The Guises were disgraced; an,l, if they 
vere arrested, they were likely fo reveal the llallle of 
their instig'ator. That saine afternoon Catherine sent 
for the Count de Ret.z, Mal'shal Tavannes and the Duc 
de Nevers fo the gardens of the Tuileries: all these 
were members of Charles's council, ardent Catholics, 
and passionately opposed to the Spanish war. After 
some hours' consultation, they ad.iourned, still un- 
decided what fo do, to the king's cabinet. For many 
years--ever sincc his father's dcath--to get possession 
of the king's person had 1)een a favourite scheme of 
the Prince of Cond6 and thc admiral. They had wished 
to separate him from his Italitn lnothcr, fo bring him 
up a Protestant, or fo keep him, af all events, as a 
security for their own safety. The conspiracy of 
Amboise had been followed once, if hot twice, by 
similar prqiects. The admiral especially, ever prompt 
and decisive, was known throughout fo have recom- 
mended such a method of cnding the civil var. That 
af this particular crisis a fresh purpose of the saine 
kind was formed or thought of is in itself extremely 
improbable, and the Court afterwards entirely failed 
fo produce evidence of such a thing. If is likely how- 
ever that ilnpatient expressions tending in that direc- 
tion might have been used by the admiral's friends. 
The temptation may easily have been great fo divide 
Charles from his Catholic advisers af a rime when he 
was himself so willing fo be rid of their control, and, 
af all events, past exalnples gave plausibility fo the 
suggestion that if lnight be so. With some proofs, 
forged or real, in ber hand that he was in personal 
danger, the queen-mother presented herself fo her son. 
She told him that ab the moment that she vas speaking 
t, he Huguenots were arming. Sixtcen thousand of 
them intended fo assenble in the morning, seize the 



I64 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

palace, destroy herself, the Duke of Anjou, and the 
Catholie noblemen, and earry off Charles. The eon- 
spiraey, she said, exten,led throug'h France. The 
ehiefs of the eongregations were wait, ing for a signal 
froln Cligny to fise in every province and town. 
The Catholies had diseovered the ph)t, and did not 
mean fo sit still tobe murdered. If the king refused 
to aet with t, hem, they wouhl ehoose another leader; 
and whatever happened, he would bê himself destroyed. 
Unable t,o say t.lutt the story eould hot be truc, 
Charles looked im luiring'ly af Tavannes and de Nevers, 
and they both eonfirmed the queen-mother's words. 
Shaking his ineredulity with reminders of Amboise 
and Mêaux, Catherine went on to say that one man 
was the cause of all the troubles in the realm. The 
admiral aspired t.o rule all France, and sheshe 
admitted, with Anjou and the Guises--had eouspired 
to kill him to save the king and the country. She 
dropped all disguise. The king, she said, must, now 
assist t, hena or all would be lost,. The flrst blow had 
failed, but if must be repeated af once. The admiral, 
with the rest of thê Huguenot leaders, nmst die. 
A grown man, iu possession of lais senses, would 
have suspect.cal the story from the proposal with wbieh 
it ended. Had there been truth in if, the hands whieh 
eould murder eould arrest : the eonspirators eould be 
taken in their beds, and, if round guilty, eould be 
legally punished. If was easy fo say however that 
the Huguenots were present in such force that the 
only safety was in surprise. Charles was a weak, 
passionate boy, alone in the dark conclave of iniquity. 
He stormed, raved, wept, implored, spoke of his honour, 
his plighted word; swore af one moment that the 
admiral should hot be touched, then prayed them 
fo try other means. :But clear, cold and venomous, 



MASSACRE ()F ST. BARTHOI,OME'V, 1572 165 

Cathel'ine told him it was too late. If there was a 
judicial inquiry, tire Guises would shield themselves by 
telling all that they knev. They wouhl betray her; 
they would betray his hrother ; and, fail"ly or unfairly, 
they would hot spare himself. Ho might protesL his 
innocence, but the VOl']d would hot believe hiln. • For 
an hour and a hall the king continued to struggle. 
" You refuse, then," Catherine said at last. "If it 
be so, your mother and your brother must care for 
themselves. Permit us fo go." The king scow]ed at 
her. "Is it that you are afraid, Sire ? " she hissed in 
his ear. 
"By God's death," he cried, springillg fo his feet, 
" since you vill kill the admiral, kill them all. Kill 
all the Huguenots in France, that none lnay be left fo 
reproach me. Mort Dieu': Kill them al|." 
He dashed ouL of the cabinet. A list of those who 
vere fo die was instantly drawn up. Navarre and 
Condé were first included: but Catherine prudently 
rettected that fo kill the Bourbons would make the 
Guises too strong. Five or six names were added fo 
the admiral's, and these Catherine afLerwards asserted 
were all that it was intendcd should sufl;er. Even she 
herself pêrhaps was hot prcpared for the hovrors that 
would follow when the moh were let loose upon their 
prey. 
Night had now fal[en. Guise and Aumale were 
still lurking in the city, and came with the Duke of 
Montpensier at Catherine's summons. The persons 
who were to be killed were in different parts of the 
town. Each took charge of a district. Montpensier 
promised to sêe to the palace ; Guise and his uncle 
undertook the admiral; and below these, the word 
went out to the leaders of the already organised 
sections, who had |)eën ,lisappointed once, but whose 



166 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

hour was now corne. The Catholics vere to recognise 
one another in the confusion by a white handkerchief 
on the left afin and a whit.e cross in their caps. The 
Royal (_luard, Catholics to a man, were inst, ruments 
ready ruade for the work. Guise assemble! the ottieers : 
he told them that the Hug'uenots were preparing to 
fise, and that t.he king had ordered théir instant 
punishlnent. The oflieers asked no questions, and 
desired no better service. The business was fo begin 
at dawn. Ïhe signal would be the tolling of the great 
bell af the Palaee of Justice, and the iirst death was 
fo be Coligny's. 
Ïhe soldiers stole to their posts. Twelve hundred 
lay along the Seine, between the river and the H6tel 
de Ville; other eompanies watehed at the Louvre. 
As the darkness waned, the queemmother went down 
go the gare. The stillness of the dawu was broken 
by an aeeidental pistol-shot. Her heart sank, alld 
she sent otfa messenger to tell Guise to pause. But 
if was too late. A minute ]ater the bell boomed out, 
and the massacre of St. Barthololnew had eolnmeneed. 
The admiral was feverish with his wounds, and had 
hot slept. The surgeOll and a Huguenot minister, 
named Malin, had passed the night with him. At the 
tirst sounds he imagined that t.here was an (:nteule of 
the Cat.holies at the Court; but the crash of his ovn 
gare, and shots and shrieks in the court bêlow the 
window, told him that, whatever was the cause, his 
own life was iii danger. He sat up in his bed. " M. 
Malin," he said, " pray for me ; I have long expeeted 
this." Some of his attendants rushed half-dressed 
into the room. "Gentlelnen, save yourselves," he 
id to them ; " I eommend my soul to my Saviour." 
They seattered, eseaping or trying to eseape by t.he 
roofs and baleonies : a German servant Moue rcmained 



MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW, 57 a 6 7 

with hiln. The door was burst open imlnediately 
after, and the officer who was in charge of the house, 
a Bohelnian servant of Guise, and a renegade Huguenot 
soldier, rushed in with drawn swords. 
" Are you the admiral ?" the Bohelnian el'ied. 
" I aih," replied Colig'ny ; " and, young man, 5"ou 
shouhl respee my age and lny wounds : but the terln 
of my lire does hot test in the pleasure of sueh as 
thou." 
The Bohelnian. with a curse, stabbed him in the 
breast, and struck him again on the hea,1. The 
window was open. "Is it doue ? " cricd Guise froln 
the court below, "is it done? Fling him out that 
we lnay see him." Still breathing, the athniral was 
hurled upon the pavement. The Bastard of Angou- 
lêlne wiped the blood from his face tobe sure of his 
identity, and then kicking him as he lay, shouted, 
" So far well. Courage, my brave boys  now for the 
test." One of the Duc de Nevers's people hacked off 
the head. A rope was knotted about the ankles, and 
the corpse was dragged out into the street amidst the 
howling crowd. Teligny, who was in the adjoining 
house, had sprung out of bed af the first disturbance, 
tan down into the court, and clilnbed by a laddel" fo 
the roof. From behind a parapet he saw his father- 
in-law lnurdered, and, scrambling on the files, con- 
cealed hilnself in a garret ; but he was soon tracked, 
torn from his hiding-place, and thrown upon the 
sones wigh a dagger in his side. Rochefoucault and 
the test of the admiral's friends who lodged in the 
neighbourhood were disposed of in the saine way, and 
so colnplete was the surprise that thêre was hot thê 
most faint attelnpt af resistance. 
Montpensier had been no less successful in the 
Louvre. The staircases were all beset. The retinues 



168 SEI,ECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

of the King of Naval're and t, he prince had been lodged 
in t, he palaee af Charles's partieular desire. Their 
names were ealled over, and as t, hcy deseended un- 
arlned into the quadl'angle they were hewn in pieces. 
There, in heaps, they fell beiow t, he royal window 
undcr thc eyes of the miserable king, who was foreed 
forwal'd bet,veen his mot.ber an,t his brot, her tha 
he mighç be seen as t.he aeeompliee of t,he massael'e. 
5Iost of the vietims were killed upon t, he spot. Solne 
fled wounded up the st.airs, and were slauKhtered in 
the presenee of t, he princesses. ()ne gent, lelnan rushed 
bleeding int, o the apart.lnent of the newly-nlarried 
Mal'gai'et, elung fo ber dress, and was hardly saved 
by her ilt.ereession. By seven o'eloek the work 
whieh (luise and his ilnmediate friends had under- 
taken was finished, with but one failure. The Count 
Nontgomery and t.he Vidame of Chartres lodg'ed in 
the Faubourg St. Gerlnain, aeross the water, on the 
out.skirts of t.he town. A party of assassins had been 
sentto dispateh t.heln, but had loitered on the way fo 
do some pl'ivat.e murdering on t.heir own aeeount. 
When the news reaehed Montgolnery that Paris was 
up, he supposed, like Coligny, t.hat the Catholies had 
risen ag'ainst the Court. He tan down the river's 
bank with a handful of lnen behind hiln, opposite t.he 
Tuileries, intending fo eross fo help his friends ; but 
the boats were ail seeured on the other side. The 
soldiers shot at hiln from under the palaee. If was 
said--it tests only on the wort, hless authority of 
Brantomethat Charles hilnself in his frenzy snatehed 
a gun from a servan and fired af hiln also. Mont- 
gomery did hot wait for further explanation. He, 
the Vidame, and a few others, spl'ang on their horses, 
rode for t, heir lires, and eseaped t.o England. 
The mob meanwhile was in full e[ioyment.. Lol,g 



MASSACRE ()F ST. BARTH()I,()MEW, 1572 I6 9 

possessed with the aCCUl'sed fol'mulas of the priests, 
they believed tha.t the enemies of God were given into 
their haffds. While dukes and lords were killing at 
the Louvre, t.he bands of the seetions imitated them 
with more than success ; men, WOlllell, and cven 
ehildren, stl'iving whieh shoul,l be the fil'St in the 
pious work of murder. Ail ç:atholie Paris was af the 
business, and every Huguenot household had neigh- 
botlrs to know and denounee them. Through s{reet. 
an,l la,e and «lUay and eausewy the air rng with 
yells and eurses, pistol-shots and erashing windows ; 
the roadways were strewed with mangled bodies, the 
doors vere bloeked by {le dead and dying. From 
garret, eloset, roof or stable erouehing" ereatures were 
tol'n shrieking out., and stabled and haeked at; boys 
praetised their hands by strangling babies in their 
eradles, and hea, lless bodies were t.railed along the 
trottoirs. ça.rt.s st, rugg'led through the erowd eal'lTing 
the dead in piles to the Seine, whieh, by speeial 
Providence, was that morning in flood, fo assist in 
sveeping heres 5- away. Under the sanction of the 
great cause, lust, avarice, fear, malice and revenge, ail 
had free indulgence, and glutted themselves to nausea. 
Even {.he distinctions of ereed i{self beeame at last eon- 
founded ; and every man or WOlnan who had a luarrel 
to avenge, a lawsuit to settle, a wife or husband grown 
ineonvenient, or a prospeet.ive inheritanee if obstaeles 
eould be removed, round a ready road to the ojeet of 
their desires. 
Towards lnidday some of the quieter people 
tempted {.o rest.ore Ol'der. A party of the town police 
ruade their way to the palaee. Charles eaught eagerly 
at {.heir oflbl'S of service, and bade them do t.heir utlnost 
to put {.he people down; but. it was ail in vain. 
soldiers, maddened with plunder and 1)lood, eould hot. 



I70 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

be brought to assist, and without them nothing could 
be doue. All that afternoon and night, and the next day 
and the day af ter, the horrible scenes continued, till the 
flalnes burnt down at last for want of fuel. The number 
who perished in Paris was computed variously from two 
to ten thousand. In this, as in all such instances, the 
lowest estimate is probably the nearest to the truth. 
The massacre was COlnpleted--completed in Paris, 
only, as it proved, tobe continued elsewhere. It was 
assuming a form however considerably larger than 
anything which the contrivel'S of if had contemplated ; 
and it became a question what explalmtion o[ such a 
business shouhl be given to the Wol'hl. The ag'e was 
not tender-hearted ; but  scene of this kind was as yet 
unprecedented, aml transcended far the worst atrocities 
which had been witnessed in the Netherlands. The 
opinion of Europe wouM require some accourir of it, 
and the Court at first thought that hall the truth 
might represent the whole. On the 24th, while the 
havoc vas at its height, circulars went round to the 
provinces that a qua.rrel had broken out between the 
Houses of Guise and Coliguy ; that the admiral and 
mauy more had been unfortunately killed, and that 
the king himself had been in danger through his ettbrts 
to control the people. The governors of the different 
towns were commanded to repress at once any symp- 
toms of disorder which lnight shov themselves, and 
particularly to allow no injury tobe done to the 
Huguenots. Aumale and Guise had gone in pursuit 
of Montg-olnery, and at the moment were hOt in Paris. 
The queen-mother used the opportunity to burden 
them with the entire responsibility. But her genius 
had overshot its mrk, and she was uot to escape so 
easily. Guise returned in the evening to find the 
odium cast upon himself. He at once insisted that 



MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW, 1572 171 

the eircnlars should be recalled. The Parliament of 
Paris was assembled, and the king was eompelled fo 
adlnit publicly t.hat the t, roops had received their orders 
froln himself. The story of t.he Hug'uenot eonspiraey 
was revived, systemat.ised and supported by pretended 
eolffessions ruade af the nolnent of deat.h by men who 
eould now otti_l- no eontradiet, ion. The Protestant,s of 
the provinces, finding themselves denouneed froln the 
t.hrone, were likely instantly t.o take arms fo defend 
themselves. Couriers were thercfore despatehed with 
second orders that thêy should be dealt wit, h as they 
had been dealt, witl at Paris ; and aL Lyons, Ol'leans, 
t/ouen, Bourdeaux, Toulon, Meaux, in hall the towns 
and villages of Franee, the bloody drama was played 
over again. The king, thrown out into the hideous 
torrent of blood, beealne drunk wit.h frenzy, and let 
slaughter have ifs way, till even Gmse hilnself att)eted 
fo be shoeked, and interposed t.o put, an end fo if ; not 
however till, aeeording to the belief of the tilnes, a 
hundred thousand men, women and ehihlrel had been 
miserably murdered. 
The guilt of sueh enormous wiekedness may be 
distinguished froln its eause. The guilt was the 
queen-mother's; the cause was Catholie fanatieisln. 
Catherine de lIediei had designed the polit, ieal lnurder 
of a few ineonvenient persons, with a wieked expeeta- 
tion that their frimds in return might kill Guise and 
his unele, whose power was troublesome to her. The 
massacre was the spontaneous work of theologieal 
frenzy heated to the boiling point. No imaginable 
army of murderers eould have been provided by the 
most aeeomplished eonspirator who would have exe- 
cuted sueh a work in such a way. The aetors in it 
were the willing instrulnents of teaehers of religion 
as sineere in their madness as then,selves. The equity 



7 2 SEIECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

of history requircs that mell be tried by the standard 
of their tilnes. The citizens of Paris and Orlcans may 
be pal'doned if they were no more enli'hcned t, hal the 
overeign Pont.iffo[ Christendom and the Most Catholie 
King of pin. Philip, when the news reaehed him, 
is said fo have laughed for tle fil'St au,10lfly rime in 
his life. He was happy in being saved from a com- 
hination which had threatened him with the loss of 
his Low Counries. But adeeper source of gratification 
to him was the public evidence that his brother-in-law 
no longer inten,led to tamper with heresy, that France 
was in no further danger of following England into 
schism, and that the seamlcss robe of the Saviour was 
hot to 1)e parted alnong His executioners. 
At Rome, in the circle of the saints, the delight was 
evcn more mfl»oun,led. Where the bloo, l was flowing 
the voice of humanity couhl hot utterly be stifled, and 
expressions of displeasure began early to be heard. In 
the Holy City flere was a universal outpouring" of 
thanksgiving to the Father who had taken pity on 
His chiMren. The cannon xvere fired at St. Angelo, 
the strees were ilhuninated, Pope Gregory with his 
cardinals walked in procession from sanctuary to 
sancuary to offer their sacrifice of adoring gratitude. 
As, for an act of hostiliy committed rive centuries 
before, a prophet of Israel commanded the extermina- 
tion of an entire nation ; as t.hel fle baby was hot 
spared ai the breast, the mother with child, the aged 
and the sick vel'e slaughtered in their bedsall mur- 
dered ; as the hideous fury was extended fo the cattle 
in he fiehl, and all living things were piled together 
in a gory mass of carnage: so anoOer slaughter of 
soerce inferior horror had again been perpetrated in 
the naine of religion, and the Vicar of Christ, like a 
second Samuel, bestowed upon the deed the espccial 



MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW,  572 73 

blessing of the AhnighLy. The scene of Lhe massacre 
vas pained by tire Pope's orders, wih an inscril)ion 
immoralising his own gratification and al)proval. He 
struck a commemorative medal, with on the one side 
his own image, on the other the destroying Angel 
imnolatin" the Huguenots. He despatehed Crdinal 
Orsini fo Paris fo eongrat.ulate the king; and the 
assassins of Lyons, on whose hands the blood of the 
innoeents was seareely dry, knelt belote the holy man 
in the eat.hedral as he passed through, and reeeived his 
apostolie blessing. Sueh was thc ju,lt'ment upon the 
lnassaere in thc Catholie worhl, where no worMly 
interests obseured t, he elearness of t.he saere, l vision. 



174 

THE ARREST OF CAMPIAN, 1581. 

DURING the session of Parliament Campian was hid- 
ing in London, printiug his Te Reasos foï bei'lg a 
U, tholic, which were to complete t.he conversion of 
England. He had a friend liviug on the Harrow 
Road, whom he ofteu visited. His walk led him 
past the Tyburu gallows, and, instinct telling him 
what might one day befall him there, he touched 
his hat to the ugl 3" thing whenever he veut by. The 
Ten. Ee(sos came ou, throwing Oxford, among 
other places, into an ecstasy of enthusiasm; and 
Campian and Parsons, who hd been in London a]so, 
then went into the country fo the house of Lady 
Stonor, near Heuley. The publication of the book 
had increased the determination of the Government 
to disarm and punish ifs aut.hor; but the persecutiou 
had creatcd much general pity for the hunted Jesuits. 
Notwithstaudig the threatened penalties, some Pro- 
testauts were round, of the milder sort, who concealed 
them from thcir pursucrs ; and t.he care of t.heir friends 
and the wilful blindness of the country gentlcmen had 
hitherto served to screeu them. But the search was 
now growiug hot, and greater precaution had become 
necessary. 
At Lyford, near Abingdon, twenty mlles from Hen- 
ley, there was an ancient "moated grange," the abode 
of a Mr. Yates, a Catholic who was in confincment lu 
London. His wife was at home, and with her were 



THE ARREST OF CAMPIAN, 58 75 

eigh Brigiine nuns, who had gone o Belgium on 
tshe deatsh of Queen [al'y, bug hml reurned on finding 
la hey had no perseenion o fear, and were now 
lingering" ou heir lives and heir devot.ions in his 
Berkshire malmr house, wih he knowledge and eon- 
sen of he queen. The ladies, hearing ha Calnpian 
was in le neighbourhood, were exrelnely anxlous 
fo receive the communion from him. They had vo 
priests in const.an attendance. They were hOt in 
want of Lhe saeramenLs, and the house being notorious 
and likely o be watehed, his appearanee there was 
LhoughL unneeessary and imprudent. 
Parsons had resolved o return alone fo London. 
His eompanion he proposed o send o Norfolk, where 
the CaLholies were numerous and eoneealment would be 
easy. The nuns however were pressing, and Campian 
was anxious o please Lheln : and FaLher Robert gave 
reluetanç eonsenL, on eondiLion LhaL his sLay should not 
be protraeted beyond one day and night. 
To Lyford therefore he went, on Wednesday, the 
12th of July. He was reeeived with Lender enthusiasm. 
The long summer evening vas passed in eonferenees 
and eolffessions, and absolutions and pious tears. Mass 
was said aL dawn, and the devoLions were protraeted 
throug'h the morning- an early dinner followed, and 
the dangerous visiL was safely over. Campian and 
Elnerson mounted and rode away aeross the eount. W 
Their road led them near Oxford. IL was hard for 
Lhem o pass the plaee fo whieh so many melnories 
atLaehed Lhem withouL pausing o look at it. They 
lingered, and put up their horses aL an alehouse, where 
Lhey were soon surrounded by a erowd of sçudents. 
The saine afLernoon some Catholic genflemen happened 
o eall aL Lyford, and hearing t.haL they had so nearly 
missed Campian, one of them followed, and overLook 



176 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

him and begged him to return. The students added 
their entreaties. If Campian would but relnain af 
Lyford on Sun«lay, hall Oxford, they said, wouhl ride 
over to hear him preach. The ferai)ration was strong. 
Knowing his weakness, Parsons had placed him under 
Emerson's authority: but Emerson vanted strength, 
and clamour and ent.reaty prevailed. He gave the 
required permission, and himself went on upon his 
way ; while Caml)ian "turned gain by the road that 
he came," promising fo follow in the ensuing week. 
The expected sermon became of course the talk of the 
university. An ffent of Leicester, named Eliot, was 
in Oxford at the rime with a warrgnt in his pocket for 
Campign's pprehension. He gave notice to  magis- 
trate, collected a posse of constables, and on Sunday 
morlfing early concealed theln in the neighbourhood 
of the grange; vhilst he himself vent boldly to the 
gare, and pretending to be a Catholic requested fo be 
admitted to mass. The nuns and the Catholic visitors 
had for two days enjoyed to the full the presence of 
their idolised techer. The untlgy only remained, 
and then he was to leave them indeed. The students 
had crowded over as they promised, and Eliot passed 
in as one of them. Mass was celebrated. They all 
communicated: and then followed the last sermon 
which Campian was ever to preach. 
The subject was the tears of Jcsus at the aspect of 
Jeruslem, Jerusalem that murdered the prophets and 
stoned them that were sent to ber. England was that 
Jerusalcm, and he and his fellows were the prophets. 
The Protestants on their side could sing the saine song. 
Campian, though not past middle age, could remember 
the lnartyrs af Oxford, and the burlfing of those four 
hundred mechanics af whom if pleased him fo scofl: 
Who was to choose between the witncsses ? But the 



THE ARREST OF CAMPIAN, 1581 77 

dreams of hysteria are fo the dreamers the inspiration 
of the Ahnighty. He was never lllOl'e brilliant, his 
elotlUellee being subdued and softened by the sense 
that his end was near. Eliot--Judas Eliot as he was 
a[terwards ealled--glided out belote lle had ended. A 
few minutes after a servant rushed into the assembly 
fo say t.hat the doors were beset by arlned nlen. 
Those who are aeluainted wit, h English manor 
houses nmst have seen often narrmv st, ail'cases piere- 
ing the walls, and eells hollowed out in the seelning 
solid masonry. "rhese places were the priest,s' ehamlel'S 
of the days of the perseeution, where in su|den a|al'lnS 
they eould be eoneealed, lnt.o one of thell Canpian 
and the two ehaplains were instant.ly hurried. The 
entranee, seareely fo he deteeted by t, hose who knew 
where fo look for if, was in llrs. Yates's roonl behind 
the bed eurtains. The eOllStables wit.h E|iot af their 
head were admitted, searehed every ilaee, and eouhl 
find nothing. The nlag'istrate who was in attendanee 
apologised fo lrs. Yates, and was about fo withdraw 
his lnen, when Eliot, who llad seen Campian there 
witll his own eyes, and knew t.llat no one had left the 
house, produeed t, he eouneil's warrallt, and insisted on 
a further seareh. If was eontinued till dal'k, but still 
without sueeess. The brave 3Ifs. Yates showed no 
anxiety, begged file eonstables fo remain for the night, 
entertained thenl llospitably, and dosed them heavily 
with aie. Sound slulnber followed ; Campian and his 
two eompallions were brought out of their hiding-plaee, 
and af t, hat moment might bave easily eseaped, but 
enthusiasm and prudenee were ill eompanions. A 
"parting of friends" was neeessary, and " last words," 
and tears and sobs, at Irs. Yates's bedside. The mur- 
mur of voiees was lleard below-stai, and disturbed 
the sleepers in the hall. The t, hree priest.s were again 
12 



I78 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

hurried into the wall, and af daybreak t,he seareh was 
renewed. Again if was unsuccessful. The magist.rate, 
an unwilling instrument throughout, was about fo 
depart wit.h a sareast,ie remark to Eliot on the aeeuraey 
of his information ; they were deseending the stairease 
for the last rime, when Eliot, striking t.he wall, heard 
something mmsual in the sound. A servant of t.he 
bouse who was af his side beeame agit, ated. Eliot 
ealled for a lnattoek, dashed in the plaster, and round 
the lnen that he was in seareh of lying side by side 
upon a narrow bed. They had eonfessed their 8ins fo 
each other. They had said thcir Fiat volt«otas 
Three rimes they ha,l invoked St,. John as Campian's 
patron saint,. But St. Jo]m had left them fo their 
rate. Campian was taken out wit, hout violence, and 
was carried first fo Alderlnaston, thc house of Humfrey 
Forster, the Sheriff of Berkshire. Forster, who, like 
most English gentlemcn, was more than hall a Catholic, 
received him rather as a guest than a prisoner, but 
was obliged to commmficate with the council, and 
received orders to send him up af once. The sympathy 
which prot,ected him in the country did hot extcnd fo 
London. Ho was broug'ht into the city in his lay 
disguisc, wearing cap and feather, buff jerkin and 
velvet, hose, his feet tied nnder his horse's belly, and 
his arms pinioned behind his back. A placard was 
fastened on his head, with the words, " Campian, the 
seditious Jesuit" He was led along through a yelling 
crowd fo the Tower gare, whcre Sir Owen Hopton 
received him, and his lodging for the nighg was "Lift, le 
Ease "--a narrow cell at one end of the torture chambcr, 
underground, entirely dark, wherc he could neither 
stand nor lie at length. 
The next day the council directed that some ber,ter 
lodging should be provided for hiln. Neit,her the 



THE ARREST OF CAMPIAN, 58 I79 

queen nor Leicester had forgotten the brilliant youth 
who had flattered them at Oxford. The earl sent for 
Carnpian ; and being" introduced into a private room, 
he found himself in the presence of Elizabeth herself. 
She wished to give him a chance of saving himself. 
She asked whether he regarded her as his lawful 
sovereign. The relaxation of the Bull allowed him to 
say that he did. 8he asked whether he thouR'ht that 
the Bishop of Rolne could lttwfully excommunicate ber. 
A distinct declaration of loyalty, a frank repudiation 
of the temporal pretensions of thc Pope, wcre all that 
was required of him. He would hot make either. 
He said that he was no umpire between parties so far 
above him, he eould not deeide a question on whieh 
the learned were divided. He would pay her Majesty 
what was hers, but he must pay fo Goal what was 
God's. He was returned t.o the Tower with lireetions 
that he shouhl be kindly treated. 



AN ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE THE PR.INCE 
OF ORANGE, 1582. 

ORANGE wt. well understood fo be the soul of the 
revolt. Could Orange be relnoved, Phi[ip feared little 
either Alenç.on or any other person, and as ail êttbrts 
fo gain him over ha,1 been t.ried in vain, his lire had 
been sough£ for SOlne years pas£ by the indirect means 
whieh are eifler murder or legit.ima£e exeeution aeeord- 
ing fo the eharaeter of the vietim. Boflwellhaugh, 
v«ho killed Murray, had been elnployed fo assassilmte 
him in 1573, and pal'ty ai'ter par£y of' English Çatholie 
offieers had tried if. af£erwards. In 1579 a youth 
in£rodueed himself fo Don Bernardino, in London, 
with a letter of eredit t'rom a merehant of lElrug'es. 
He said that he was in possession of a poison whieh if 
rubbed on thê lining of a man's hat would dry up his 
brain and would kill him in ten days, and if 
ambassador approved, he was ready fo try ifs ette£s 
upon the Prince of Orange. Don Bernardino, hOt 
expeeting mueh resul£, yet gave him his blessing, and 
bade him do his best. Other experiments more promis- 
ing were tried aftcrwards, but llOlle had hitherto suc- 
ceeded. Finally Philip declared the prince outlawed, 
and promised a public reward fo any one who would 
put him out of the way in the service of God and his 
country. The king's plcasure being ruade known, Don 
Pedro Arroyo, father of one of the royal secretaries, 
announced that he knew a man who would make the 



ATTEMPT TO MURDER ORANGE, 1582 181 

venture. Philip offered eighty thousand dollars, vith 
the order of St. Iago; aud the reward being held 
sufficieut, Don Pedro gave in the naine of Gaspar de 
Anastro, a Spanish merchant af Antverp. A formal 
contract was ,h'awn out and signed, and Anastro 
watche,l ail opportunity fo strike the blow. 
Finding however that he coul,l get the job ,lole 
cheaper, and clear a sure of money withouç peril to 
himself, the merchant pretended that "his courage 
was weak," tmd asked if he might employ a sub- 
stitute. Philip had no object.iol,; provi, led the prince 
vas killed the means were of no consequênce, and hê 
left Anstro to manage as he plcased. In his house 
was a lad eighteen years old, the son of a sword 
cutler at Bilbao, lmmed Juan Jaureguy. Ignorant, 
superstitious, under-size, l and pa.ltry-looking, Jaure- 
guy was known go t.he cashier, Don Antonio Venero, 
fo be a boy of sinffular audacity; and a present of 
three thousand dollars, an! the persuasion of tht chap- 
lain, a Dominican priest, worke,l hiln into a proper 
state of rein,l. An :l:/s Dei was hung- about his 
neck; a wx taper and a drie,1 toad were stutd in 
his pocket,, an,l he was tohl that they wouhl ren,ler 
him invi,ible. A Jesuit caIechi.m was given him for 
his spiritual comi'ort., and Parma promised that if the 
charms faile, l, and he was taken, he would compel his 
release by the threat of hauging every prisoer in his 
banals. Thus equipped and encouraged, and commend- 
ing himself and his enterprise t,o the Virgin and the 
angel Gabriel, he prepared for the dee, l. The quali- 
fications for successful polit.ical assassins are singularly 
rare. Jmreguy however possessed them all. Sunday, 
the 18th--28th of March was Alençon's birthday. 
Ant«verp wa.s to be illuminated in the evening, and 
the st.reets aud squares were expected fo be crowded. 



i82 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Some little jars had been felt already between the 
States and the French. Alençon vas known to be 
impatient ot' the prince's control, and the Spaniards 
ealeulated that if the murder eouhl be aeeomplished 
when the people were collected and excite,l there 
wouhl be an instant suspicion of treachery, and that 
an «tt.ack upon the French and a universal massacre 
of the citizens in retaliation by their allies xvouhl be 
a hot improbttble conse, luence. 
The plot was ingeniously laid, and had all but suc- 
ceeded. The prince had dine,l in his own house. 
He had risen from the table, and had passed with 
his son, Count Maurice, and a fcw friends into an- 
other room, where he xvas .seated on a low chair. 
Jaureguy had int.ro,luce,l himsel[ among the servants, 
pretending that he want.ed fo present a petition. He 
approached Orange so close as fo be aMe to touch 
him, and tlmn snatching a pistol from under his cloak 
fired if full in the prince's face. Af the moment of 
the shot the prince was rising from his seat, an,l 
happened to be turning his head. The ball entered 
undcr t.he rig'ht car, passed through the roof of his 
mouth, and went out below the left eye. He stag- 
gcred and fell. The assassin tried fo draw a dagg'er, 
and finish his work, but he had overloaded his pistol: 
which had broken his thumb in the recoil. An instant 
later, an,l before he could speak, hall a dozen swords 
were through his body. All was imlnediately con- 
fusion. A cry of horror rung" through the city. 
Suspicion fell, but too naturally, where the Spaniards 
expected. Shouts were heard of " Kill the French, 
kill the French," and had Jaureguy vaited till night 
when the [ëte Imd commenced, Alenq.on and Iris suite 
xvould have probably been slaughtered on the spot. 
Orange himselï had swooned, and was at first sup- 



TTIïMPT TO MURDIïR ORANGE, I58a I83 

posed to be dcad. He recovered consciousness how- 
ever in rime to allay the woi'st alarm. Believing 
that he had but a few lninutes fo lire, and anticipating 
the direction which popular fury might assume, he 
sent fOl" the burgolnaster, and assured hiln that fo 
his certain knowledge it was the work hOt of France, 
but of Spain. The assassin was identified by papers 
round about his person. Anastro, when the police 
went for him, had fled, but Antonio Venero was 
taken, and af once COlffessed, and before dark- 
ness fell the t«'uth was known throughout the 
city. 
The prince lay in extreme danger, and but fol" his 
extraordinary eahnness, the wound would bave been 
eertainly mortal. One of the large arteries of the 
throat had l)een divided, whieh the surgcons were 
ulmble fo tic. Again and again the bleeding" burst 
out, and his death was every nloment expeeted. 
Daily bulletins were 8ellt fo England, and the 
delighed Catholies watehed eagerly for the news 
whieh was fo make their satisfaction eomplete. 
" The Prince was gasping when the post left," 
wrote )iendoza on the 4th--lht.h of April. "The 
physieians gave no hope, and the Queen hears that 
all is over. Ve lnay assume his death as certain, 
and we ean but give iufiite thanks to God that He 
has thus ehastised so abominable a heretie and rebel." 
" We bave news from Antwerp of the 9th--19th," 
he wrote a week aftel'. " The Prinee was still alive, 
two surgeons holding the woun, l closed with their 
fingers, and relieving one anoher every hour. On 
the 7th--17th, eoneeiving that in human l'eason it 
was hOt possible for him to live, they laid open his 
right eheek in the hope of reaehing the injnred rein. 
We lnay suppose if to be the good providence of God 



18 4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

fo increase his agonies by prolonging lais life. The 
pain which he suflbred, they say, is terrible. In the 
opinion of t.hose here, a few hours must now bring 
flI1 ell[|." 
Mary Stuart's gratification was no less than that of 
the Spanish ambassador. "I bave heard," she said, 
"t, hat an artery is cut, and that t.he Prince is in 
danger. I praise God for t.his His mercy o the 
Church, and fo the King my brother, the Church's 
chier protector." 
Equally great, was the consternation in Protestant 
England, and beyond all in the quecn. Ill as it had 
pleased ber to use ]aire, nonc knew better than she the 
value of William of Na.sau. Her own lire had been 
t, hreatened as often as ]ris, and lais rate, when he was 
thought to be dyiug, appeared but a foretaste of 
her own. The tir,st news entirely overwhehned ber. 
The realm had its own fears. The very thought of a 
sudden vacancy of the throne was simply appalling; 
and in the midst of her terrors, Bu'hley had to re- 
lnind ber of the duty which she had so long" refused 
fo perform of naming a successor. In her first ex- 
citelnent, her thov_ghts turned into the stereotyped 
track. She swore she would send for Alençon and 
marry him; and Walsingham, who knew what would 
follow, and feared that a fresh affront, to France might 
be fatal, prevent.ed ber wit, h difl]culty from sending a 
gentleman of ber househohl fo recall the duke into 
the realm. 
Both hopes an,] fears were this rime disappointed. 
The prince's fine constitut, ion and admirable courag'e 
gave him a chance of recovery when a weaker person 
must have died. Once more Philip had failed, but he 
nursed lais purpose; anti the Catholic faith, which bas 
influenced human character in so many curious ways, 



ATTEMPT TO MURDER ORANGE, I 582 1 8 5 

was singularly productive of men who would risk their 
lives fo deliver the Church from an enemy. 
On the 2nd--12th of May, Orange returned thanks 
for his recovery in the cathedral at Antwerp. 



186 

THE DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA IN 
]RELAND, 1588. 

I'r is rime fo return fo the flying Arlna, la. 
When Howard bore up for the Forth the Spaniards 
for the first, time breathed freely, and began fo exalnine 
into their condition. An inquiry vas held on board 
the Scen M«,'ti into the causes of their misfortunes. 
Oflïeers who had shown eowardiee in action were 
degraded, and set fo row in the galleasses ; and Don 
Chrisobal de Avila, eaptain of the Sent« Ba'b(q'a, 
vs hanged. The stores had probably been injure, l 
by the salt water whieh had ronde its way through 
the shot-holes. In solne ships the wine as well as 
the water-easks had been piereed, and it was found 
neeessary to reduee the allowanees throughout the 
fleet. Eight ounees of bread, hall a pint of wine 
and a pint of waer vas all that eould be attbrded 
for eaeh man. Sidonia promised two thousand ducats 
to a Freneh pilot if he would bring the Armada info 
a Spanish port. Calderon sketehed a ehart of the 
route which he submitted to the duke's council. The 
wounded began to ftil rapidly, and each day in every 
galleon there was the sa(l Cel'enlolly of flinging the 
dead into the sea. Cahleron's ship contained the 
medicines and delicacies for the sick, and, passing 
,laily from galleon fo galleon, he knew the condition 
of them ail. 
O[" the hun,h'e,l and flfçy sali which h,l left Corufia, 



DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, 588 x87 

a hundred and twenty could still be counted when 
Howard left them. For rive days they vere in the 
gale vhich he met on his way back fo the Thames, 
and which he described as so peculiarly violent. The 
Ulmsual coll brought with it fog and lnist, and amidst 
squalls and driving showers, and a sea growing wilder 
as they passed the shelter of the Scotch coast, they lost 
sight of each other for nearly a week. On the 9tb-- 
19th of August the sky lifted, and Calderon round him- 
self vith the Almira,te of Don Martinez de Recaldc, 
the galleon of Don Alonzo, the S, Mcrcos and twelve 
other vêssels. Siek signals were flying all round, and 
the sea was so high that if was seareely possible t.o 
lowcr a boat. The large ships were rolling heavily. 
Thcir wounded sail.s had been split by the gusL, and 
mast.s and 3al'ds carried away. That night it again 
blev lmrd. The fog elosed in once more, and the 
next morning Calderoll was alone in the open sea 
without a sail in sight, having passed between the 
Orkneys and the Shetlands. Reealde gin| da Leyva 
had disappeal'ed with their consorts, having as Cal- 
deron eonjeetured gone north. He himself stood on 
west and south-vest. On the 12th.--22nd he saw a 
number of sails on the horizon ; on the 13th--23rd he 
round hilnself with Sidonia and the body of the fleet, 
and Sidonia signalled fo him fo eome on board. Obser- 
vations shoved t.hat they vere then in 58 ° 30' north 
latitude. Their longitude they did hot know. They 
were probably a hundred and fifty toiles west north- 
west of Cape Wrat.h. Sidolfia asked anxiously for 
Reealde and da Leyva. Calderon eouhl but say 
vhere he had last seen them. He supposed that they 
had gone to the Faroe Isles or fo Ieeland, vhere there 
were.Gerlnn fishing stations whieh hd a trade with 
Spain. 



I88 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Again a couucil was held. The sickness had become 
frightful. Those who had escaped unwoundcd were 
falliug ill fron want and cold, and the vounded vere 
dying by hundreds, the incessant storms nmking care 
and attention impossible. Cahleron and the French 
pilot insisted that af all costs and hazards they must 
keep off the Irish coast. Dicgo Florez, distressed for 
the misery of the mon, fo whose suflbrings want of 
water had becomc a fcarful aggravation, imgined 
that along the west shore thcre lnust be a harbour 
somewhcre ; and that thcy would lld test and sheltcr 
among a hospitable Catholic people. The Bishop of 
Killaloe, a young Fitzmaurice, and a numbcr of Irish 
friars were in the fleet. Diego Florez had possibly 
heard them speak of t.heir country and countrymen, 
and there were fishing counections between Cadiz 
and Valencia and Galway, which he and many others 
must bave known of, though they had hot been oaa 
the coast in person. But the Irish thcmselves were 
with Alonzo da Leyva, and Sidonia happily took the 
opiuion of the pilots. The day was fine and the sick 
were dividcd; those w]fich could be moved wcre 
transferred wherever there was most room for them, 
and as Cah]eron passed fo and fro among the galleons 
with lais mcdicincs and his arrowroot, he was received 
evcrywheve with the eager question, whcre was Alonzo 
da Leyva ? Thcre was scarcely a mail vho did hot 
forger his own wrctchedness in anxicty for the idol of 
theln ail. 
The ealm had been but an interlude in the storm. 
The saine night the wild vest wind came down OlCe 
more, and for clcven consecutive days they vent on 
in their miscry, unable to communicate exccpt by 
signals, holding fo the occan as far as their sailing 
powers vould let them, and seeing galleou after 



DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, 1588 I89 

galleon, O«luendo's among them, falling away fo lee- 
ward alnidst driving squalls and tain, on thê vast 
rollêrs of thê Atlantie. An island, whieh ho supposed 
to be tên leagues froln the eoast, Calderon passêd 
dangêrously near. Il was perhaps Aehill, whosê 
tremendous elitI; fall sheer two thousand feet into 
the sea, or perhaps Innisbofil or hmishark. On the 
4th--14th of Septêmber, he with Sidonia and fifty 
vessels, fifty-two ships only out of a hundrêd and 
flfty, leaking through every sêam, and their weary 
erews ready to liê down and die from exhaustion, 
erawled past the Blaskets, and were oui of danger. 
And wherê wêrc all thê test? Thiriy, large and 
slnall, had been sunk or takeu in the Chanlml. Therê 
remained nearly seventy to be still aeeounted for. 
Don Martinez and «la Leyva, with rive and twênty 
of them, had steered north after passing ihe Orkneys. 
They went on to latitude 62 °, lneaning, as Cahleron 
had rightly eonjêetured, to makê fol" tbe settlemcnt in 
Ieeland. They had suttçred so severely iu the aetion, 
that they probably doubied their ability to reaeh Spain 
at all. Thê storms however, whieh grêw worse as the 
air beealnê eohler, obliged them to abandon thêir 
intention. One galleon was drivên on the Faroe 
Isles; the test tm'ned about, and, probably lnislêd 
by the Irish, ruade for the Shannou or Galway. As 
they braeêd fo thê wind, their torn rigging gave way; 
spar after spar, sail after sail, was earried away. 
Those whieh had sutthred most dropped first to lee- 
ward. A seeond was lost on thê Orkneys; a third 
fell down the eoast of Seotland, and driftêd on the 
Isle of Mull. If was onê of the largest ships in thê 
whole fleet. The commander (his naine is unknown) 
was a grandee of the first rank, always "served in 
silver". He had ruade his way into some kind of 



9 o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

harbour where he was sale from the elmnents; 
the Irish Seols of the Weslern Isles were t, empted by 
the reports of t.he wealth whieh he had with hiln. 
The fainting erev eould hot defend themselves, and 
the ship was fired and burnt, with ahnost every one 
that it eontained. 
Their eompanions holding a better, but only rather 
better course, rolled along upon the baek of Ireland, 
groping for the hoped-for shelter. The eoming of the 
Spauiards had been long dreamt of by t.he Irish as the 
era of their deliveranee from tyranny. Il had been 
feared as their lnost serious danger by the seanty 
O 
English garrison. The result of t.he fight in the 
Channel, if known ab all, was known only by vague 
report; and t.he country was throvn into a fermenl 
of excitenent, when, in lhe firsl week of Septeml)er, 
Spanish sails were reported in numbers as seen along 
the western eoast, off l)onegal, off Sligo, in Clew Bay, 
at the moulh of the Shmmon ; in faet everywhere. 
Al first there was a universal panie. Seven ships 
were at Carrigafoyle. The 3layor of Limeriek, in 
sending word of their appearanee to the eouneil, 
eonverted them into seven score. Twenty-four men 
were said fo have landed al Tralee. Sir William 
Fit.zwilliam, who had returned tobe deputy, and was 
more infirm and incapable than ever, deseribed them 
as twenty-four galleons. Rumour gradually took more 
authentie form. Beyond doubt, Spaniards were on 
the eoast, distressed, but likely notwithstanding tobe 
extremely dangerous, if they were allowed to land in 
safety, and fo distribule arms and powder among 
Irish elans. With one consent, but without eommuni- 
caling with eaeh other, the English offieers seem 
have eoneluded lhal there was but one course for 
them go pursue. The party ab Tralee were Sidonia's 



DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, 1588 91 

household servants, who had been driven into the hay 
in a small frigate, ha,l surrendered, and had been 
broughr on shore hall dead. They begged hard for 
lire: they had friends af Waterford, flmy said, who 
would pay a handsome ransom for them. But fear 
and weakness eould no attbrd to be lnagnanimous. 
Sir Edward Denny, who eOlnlnanded af Tralee Casfle, 
gave orders for their exeeution, and they were all puç 
fo the sword. 
Two days belote, wo large galleons had rounded 
the point, of Kerry, and had put into Dingle. They 
belonged o Reealde's squa,lron: one or" them was the 
Al»ir««te herself, with Don 3Iartinez on board, who 
was dying from toil and anxiety. They wanted water ; 
they had hOt a drop on board, but the &'egs of the 
putrid puddle whieh t|ey had brought with theln 
from Spain; and they sent boats on shore fo beg 
for a supply. If was t.he saine Dingle where Sanders 
and Fitzmauriee had landed eight years belote, with 
proeessions and ineense, and the Papal banner dis- 
played--the saered spot of Catholie Ireland. Now 
le ships of the 3Ios Catholie King, whieh had eolne 
fo fig'h the h-ish batfle as well as their own. pleaded 
in vain o be allowed fo fill their water-easks. The 
boats' erews gave so pireous an aeeounr of Yleealde's 
condition, the Catholie cause was so elearly now the 
losing one, that i was deeided they should have no 
relief af Dingle. If was already a spo of tragieal 
memory fo the Spaniards. The boats were seized, the 
men who had landed imprisoned, and those on board 
the galleons, hunted ah'eady within a hair's-breadth of 
destruction, and with death making daily havoe among 
theln, hoisted heir ragged sails, and went again fo 
sea. 
Another galleon of a thousand tons, named 0" 



9: SELECT[ONS FROM FROUDE 

L(uly of the Ros(try, which Cahteron had xvatehed 
sadly falling away before the waves, had also nearly 
weathered the headland of Kerry. She ha,l all but 
escaped. Clear of the enormous clifi: of the Blasket 
Islands, she had no more fo fear from the sea. 
Between the Blaskets and the mainland there is a 
passage which is sale in moderate weather, but the 
gale, which had slightly moderated, had risen again. 
The waves as they roll in froln the Atlantîc on the 
shallowing shores of Ireland boil alnong the rocks in 
bad weather with a fury unsurpassed in any part of 
the ocean. Strong tidal cm'rents add to the danger, 
and when Or Lady qf t]te tlosa,'y entered the sound, 
if was a cauldron of boiling foam. There were 
scarcely hands to work the sails. Out of seven 
hundred, rive hundred were dead, and most of the 
survivors were geutlemen, and belote she was hall 
way through she struck among the breakers upon the 
island. A maddened oflicer tan the pilot (a Genoese) 
through the heart," saying he had done it by treason" 
Some of the gentlemen tried fo launch a boat, but no 
boat could lire for a moment in such a sea. The 
pilot's son lashed himself to a plank, and was washed 
on shore alone of the whole company, and all the rest 
lay among cannon and doubloon chests amidst the 
rocks in Blasket Sound. 
The saine 10th of September witnessed another and 
lnore tremendous catastrophe in Thomond. The seven 
ships in the lnouth of the Shanlon sent their cockboats 
with white tlags into Kilrush, asking perlnission for 
the men fo corne on land. There were no English 
there, but there were local authorities who knew that 
the English would hold theln answerable, and the 
request was refused. Here, as everywhere, the 
Spaniards' passionate cry was for water. They 



DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, i588 193 

oftbre,l a butt of wine for every cask of waer ; they 
ofibred money in any quautity that the people could 
ask. Finally, they oflhred the Sheriffof Cltre "a great 
ship, with all its ordnance and furniture." for license 
fo tttke as much water as would serve their vants. 
All was in vain. The Sheriff was afraid of an English 
gallows, and hot one drop could the miserable men 
obtain for themsclves by prtyer or purchase. They 
were too feeble t.o attempt force. A galleass landed 
a few men, but they were driven back empty-handed 
so abandoning and burning one of the galleons which 
was no longer seaworhy, the other six went despair- 
ingly out into the ocean again. But if was only to 
encounter their rate in a swifter form. They were 
caught in the saine gale which had destroyed Oe  
Lady of the Rosa'vy. They vere dashed to pieces on 
the rocks of Clare, and out of all their crews a hundred 
and fifty men struggled through the surf, fo be carried 
as prisoners immediately fo Galway. 
Two other galleons were seen af the Isle of Arran. 
The end of one wts unknown, save that if noyer 
returned to Spain. The other, commanded by Don 
Lewis of Cordova, who had his nephew and several 
other Spanish nobles with him, threatened fo founder, 
and Don Lewis, trusting fo the Spanish connections 
of Galway, carried her up opposite to the town, and 
sent a strong party, or what would have been a strong 
party, had it been composed of healthy men and not 
of tottering skeletons, fo the quay. They were ruade 
prisoners on the spot, and Don Lewis, under whose 
eyes they were taken, offered to surrender, if he could 
have a promise of lire for himself and his companions. 
The nmyor said that they must give up their arms. 
While they were hesitating, they saw the Irish snatch- 
ing the chains and tearing off the clothes of their 
3 



I94 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

comrades, and with feeble hands they attempted fo 
weigh their anchor and go back into the bay. But 
if could hot be. They dropped af their work, and 
could hOt rise agaiu. The mayor took possession of 
the ship, and sent the crew into the castle, so exhausted 
that they could hot swallow the food which was given 
them, " but cast if up again " 
Other vessels went on shore af different points of 
Counemara. Sir Richard Bingham, the governor of 
Connaught, sent round orders that every one who 
came fo land alive must be brought into Galway. 
Armed searching prties were detached through Clare 
and Connemra fo see that the command was obeyed ; 
and several hundred lmlf-dead wretches were added 
to those who had been already taken. Bingham was 
a fine soldier and a humane man, nd that he could 
see but one way of dealing with so lrge and so 
dangerous  body of prisoners, must be accepted s 
some evidence tht nothing else could have been easily 
done with them. Rest nd food would only give 
them back their strength, and the feeble garrisons 
were soerce in sufficient strength fo restrain the Irish 
alone. Directions were therefore given that they 
should be 11 put to deth, and every one of the un- 
fortunate creatures was deliberately shot or hanged, 
except Don Lewis and nine others, whose ransoms, it 
ws hoped, might be round valuable. George Binghm, 
Sir Richard's son, or brother, went up into Mayo fo 
see the saine work done there also; and "thus," wrote 
Sir Richard himself, "having in,de a clean dispatch 
of them, both in town and country, we rested Sunday 
all day, giving praise and thnks to Ahnighty God 
for her Mjesty's most happy success and deliverance 
from her dangerous enemies ". Don Lewis, with his 
nephew, and the rest whose lives had been spared, 



DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, 1588 195 

were ordered to Drogheda, tobe carried thence to 
England. Don Le,vis only arrived: the others either 
died on the road, or being unable fo march, were kil]ed 
by their escort fo save the trouble of carrying them. 
Young Bingham's presence proved unnecessary in 
Mayo. The natve Irish temselves had spared him 
all trouble in inquiring after prisoners. The fear 
that they might show sympathy with the Spaniards 
was well founded, so long as there was a hope that 
the Spaniards' side mip.-ht be the winning one; but 
as the tale of their defeat spread abroad, and the 
knowledge with it that they were too enfeebled to 
defend themselves, the ries of a common creed and a 
common enmity fo England were hot strong enough 
fo overcolne the temptation to plun,ler. The Castillan 
gentlemen were richly dressed, and their velvet coats 
and gold chains were an irresistible attraction. The 
galleon of Don Pedro de Mendoza had ruade Clew 
Bay in a sinking state, and was brought up behind 
Clare Island. Don Pedro went ashore with a hundred 
compamons, carrying his chests of treasures with him. 
The galleon was overtaken by the gale of the 10th of 
September, which had ruade the havoc af the mouth 
of the Shannou. She was dashed on the rocks, and 
all who had been left on board were drowned. "Dow- 
dany O'Malley, chier of the island," completed the 
work, by setting upon Don Pedro and the test. They 
were killed fo the lastman, and their treasure taken. 
A consort of Don Pedro was driven past Clare 
Island into the bay, and wrecked af Burrishoole. The 
savages floeked like wolves to the shore. The galleon 
went fo pieces. The crew were flung on the sands, 
some drowned, some struggling still for lire: but 
whether they were dead or alive ruade no difference 
to the hungry rascals who were watching fo prey 



I96 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

upon them. A stroke of a club broughç ail fo a 
common state, and, stripped of the finery whid had 
been their destruction, they were left fo the wash of 
the ride. 
More appallinff still, like the desolation eaused by 
sonne enorlnous flood or earthquake, was the seene 
between Sligo and Ballyshannon. A glanee af the 
map will explain why çhere was a concentration of 
havoe on those few toiles of eoast. The eoas of Mayo 
t.rends direetly wesçward from Slig'o for seventy toiles, 
and erippled vessels, whieh had fallen upon a lee shore, 
were met by a wall of eliff, streehing aeross çheir 
course for a degree and a hall of longitude. Their 
offieers had possibly heard that çhere was shelter 
somewhere in çhe bay. Many ships were observed 
for days hoverinff between Rossan Point and Killala; 
but without experieneed pilots they eonld hot have 
round t.heir way in the finest weaher among the 
shoals and islands. They too were overtaken by the 
saine great storm. The numbers that perished are 
unknown ; there are no means fo disçinguish beween 
those that foundered out in deep water and those that 
went fo pieces on the beaeh. The aetual seene, how- 
ever, as deseribed by two English witnesses, was as 
frightful as hunmn eye ever looked upon. 
" When I was a Sligo," wrote Sir Geofli'ey Fenton, 
"I nmnbered on one strand of less than rive toiles in 
length eleven hundred dead bodies of men, whieh the 
sea had driven upon the shore. The country people 
told me the like was in oher places, though not to the 
like lmmber." 
Sir William Fitzwilliam ruade a progress ço the west 
eoast from Dublin shortly after. " _As I passed from 
Sligo," he said, "I held on towards Bundroys, and so 
 Bundroys Castle, ai the mouth of the Erne. 



DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, 1588 '97 

to BallyshannoI, the uttermost part of Connaught that 
way. I went to see the bay where some of those ships 
were vrecked, and where, as I heard, lay hot long 
before twelve or thirteen hundred or" the dead bodies. 
I rode along upon that strand near two miles, but left 
behind me a long toile or more, and then turned off 
from the shore, leaving before me a lnile an,l better; 
in both vhich places they said that had seen if there 
lay as great store of the tituber of wrecked ships as 
was in that place which myself had viewed ; being, in 
my opinion, more thym would have built tive of the 
greatest ships that ever I sauT, besides mighty great 
boats, cables and other cordage answèrable thereunto, 
and some such masts for bigness and length as I never 
saw any two could make the like." 
The sea was hot answerable for all. The cruelty of 
nature was imitated by the cruelty of man, and those 
lines of bodies showed gashes on them hot mme by 
rock or splintered spar. "The miseries they sustained 
upon this coast," wrote Sir George Carew, "are fo be 
pitied in any but Spaniards. O" those that came fo 
the land by swimming or enforeed thereto by famine, 
very near three thousand were slain." "They were so 
miserably distressed eoming fo land," reported another, 
"that one man, named Melaghlin M'Cabbe, killed eighty 
with his gallovglass axe." The nobler or wiser O'Neil 
wrung his hands over the disgraee of his country, but 
eould hot hinder it; and the Engli.sh looked on with a 
hot unnatural satisfaction af vork whieh was dissolving 
in murder an alliance xvhieh they had so mueh cause 
fo fear. 
"The blood whieh the Irish have drawn upon them," 
said 8if George Carew, "doth assure ber Majesty of 
better obedienee fo corne, for, that friendship being 
broken, they have no other stranger fo trust to This 



198 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

people was very doubtful before the victory was known 
to be her Majesty's, but when they saw the great dis- 
tress and weakness Chat the enemy vas in, they did 
hot only put as many as they eould to Che sword, but 
are ready with ail their forces to attend the deputy in 
any service. The ancient love betveen Ireland and 
Spain is broken." 
"God," concluded Fenton, " hath wrought for her- 
Majesty against these idolatrous enemies, and suflred 
this nation fo blood their hands upon them, vhereby, 
if may be hoped, is drawn perpetual difldence between 
Che Spaniards and them as long" as this memory en- 
dureth." 
The harvest was reaped by Che Irish. Sir Richard 
Bingham and his kindred were ai hand fo glean Che 
ears Chat were left. Including Che execution af Gal- 
way, Bingham claimed fo bave killed eleven hundred. 
"Divers gentlemen of quality" had been spared for 
their ransom, but special orders came down from 
Dublin to execute all, and Che gentlemen followed Che 
rest. Of Che whole number Chat fell into Che hands 
of Che English, Don Lewis of Cordova was Che only 
sm'vi vor. 
Such was Che face of Che brilliant chivalry of Spain ; 
Che choicest representatives of Che most illustrious 
familles in Europe. They had rushed into Che service 
wit.h an emotion pure and generous as ever sent 
Templar fo Che sepulchre of Christ. They believed 
Chat they were Che soldiers of Che Almighty. Pope 
and bishop had commended them fo Che charge of Che 
angels and Che saints. The spell of Che names of Che 
apostles had been shattered by English cannon. The 
elements, which were deemed God's peculiar province 
--as if fo disenchant Christendom, were disenchant- 
ment possible, of so fond an illusion--whirled them 



DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, I588 199 

upon a shore which the waves of a hundred million 
years had ruade the most dangerous in the vorhl; 
there as they crawled hall dro',vned through the surf 
fo fall into the jaws of the Irish wolves. 
One more tragical story remains tobe told. When 
Galderon recovered the main body of the fleet off Gape 
Wrath, and the anxious question was asked him froln 
every ship, Where was Alonzo de Leyva ?--it was hot 
for de Leyva's sake alone, though no officer in the 
Arnmda was more loved and honoured : if was because 
the freight of the vessel which bore him ',vas more than 
usually precious. The noblest youths in Gastile, whose 
families had been hardly persuaded fo let them aCCOln- 
pany the expedition, had been placed specially under 
Don Alonzo's care. His ship had been in the thickest 
of every fight. She had suffered severely and could 
hot bear ber sails. She had not gone north with 
Recalde when Calderon left her; but with another 
galleon she had drifted away to leeward. With ex- 
treme difficulty she had cleared the extreme point of 
Mayo, but unable to go further she had lnade lier way 
into Blacksod Bay, and anchored outside Ballycroy. 
That she had reached so intricate a spot undestroyed 
',vas perhaps explained by the presence on board of 
young Maurice Fitzgerald, the son of Sir James "the 
traitor," whose pirate habits may have taught him many 
secrets of the western coast. Fitzgerald died while 
she lay there, and "was cast into the sea in a cypress 
chest with great solemnity ". Iç was the country of 
the MacWilliams, the home and nesç of the famous 
Granny O'Malley. Fourteen Italians were set on shore 
to try the disposition of the people. They fell in with 
one Richard Burke, called "the Devil's Hook" or 
"Devil's Son," perhaps one of Granny's own brood, who 
robbed them and took them prisoners. This ",vas on the 



oo SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

9th of September. In the storm of the 10th the ship, 
which had left her best anchors at Calais, fell belplessly 
on shore. The sea was broken by a headland which 
covers the bay; de Leyva and his companions reached 
the sands, and were able to carry arms with them. 
They found an old castle at no great distance from the 
water and attempted fo put if in a state of defence. 
Poeport said that Sidonia himself was in this party. 
Bingham was making haste fo the spot vhen he heard 
that they had re-embarked in another galleon, and 
were beating out again to sea. The south-west wind 
was still so heavy that if was thought impossible they 
could escape. Many shots were heard from the ong 
the night after they sailed, and the ship with all it con- 
tained was supposed to have gone to the bottom. The 
galleon was left fo be plundered. Casks of wine and 
oil were rolled on shore. Trunks and mails of the 
young hidalgos were dragged out and rifled by the 
cxperienced "Devil's Hook," and the sands of Ballycroy 
were streved vith velvcts and gold brocade. The 
sheriff calne to the rescue in the (lueen's naine; but - 
the jackals were too strong for him, or the constables 
put on jackals' skins and scralnbled with the rest for 
the prey. Not a rag or a coin was rescued. 
Mcanwhile the shots were hot de Leyva's, but came 
from anotber straggler which was dashed in pieces 
upon the rocks of Erris. De Leyva, finding the wind 
heading him, had determined to run back and try 
for Scotland, trusting rather to the humanity of the 
heretic James tllan to the orthodox cruelties of the 
Irish. He fell in vith a second galleon off" the coast, 
and the last of the ïour galleasses, and together they 
laboured hard to draw off from the shore. But Rossan 
Point stood out too far for them fo clear, and they 
nlade for Callibeg" or Killibeg llarbour. The g.'allcass 



DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, I588 ŒEEoI 

got in "sore broken," bu still able to float. The 
two galleous tan on the rocks at the opeuing, and 
de Leyva was wreeked a second rime. 
Agaiu, however, no lires were losk Fourteen hun- 
dred men from the ships got sale on land. The 
galleess eontaiued six hundred lnore, ,ud they were 
ell well provMed with arms. Arms, however, were 
not food; and they were starving. The Bishop of 
Killaloe and an Irish friar who had been with Don 
Alonzo, aml had been saved with the test, undertook 
that they should be hospiably treated, and æ few 
hundreds of them marehed inland with the bishop for 
a guide. They fell in with a pargy of Anglo-lrish 
seut by Fitzwilliam from the Pale, and led by two 
brothers nalned Ovington. If was night: the Oving- 
tons fell upon them, killed twenty and wounded lnore. 
In the moruing they fouud they were dcaling with 
meu who were hall dcad already. The Spaniards had 
laid down their harquebuses and had hot strength to 
lift them again. " The best," it was observed, "seemed 
fo earry some kind of majesty; the test were men 
of great ealling." Perhaps natural pity--perhaps t.he 
fear of O'Neil who was in the neighbourhood--perhaps 
respeet for the bishop, so far influeneed the Ovington.s 
that they did hOt kill them. They eontented them- 
selves with stripping some of them naked and letting 
them go. 
In the extreme north of Ulster--where O'Neil and 
O'Donnell were still virtual sovereigns, where the 
MacSweenies ruled under them with feudal authority 
and appear lu the Elizabethan maps as giants sitting 
in mail upon their lUOUntains, battleaxe lu haud--the 
fear of the English was less felt ghan in other parts 
of Irelaud. O'Neil, who was furious af the savagery 
which had been perpetrated on the coast, when ho heard 



2o2 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

of these new comers sent oMer that t.he strangers should 
be hospitably entertained; ad, escaped out of the 
hands of the Ovingtons, both the prty thtt they had 
falleu in with and those which remained af Callibeg 
were supplied with food, and allowed fo rest and 
recover themselves. O'Neil was not af the rime in 
rebellion. Fitzwilliam sent a command that every 
Spaniard who had landed should be taken or killed. 
O'Neil sheltered, fed and clothed his guests till they 
had recovered strength, and then pretended, that they 
were too powerful for hiln fo meddle with. If was 
suspected that he meant to use their services in an 
insurrection, and two thousand sohliers were shipped 
in hot haste from England fo make head against 
them. 
But if the Irish chief had any such intention, de 
Leyva did not encourage if. His one thought was to 
escape, if escarpe were possible, from a country which 
had been the scelle of such horrible calamities to Spain, 
and to ctrry back the precious treasures which had 
been intrusted fo his care. Either for this reason, or 
influenced privately by threats or promises from Fitz- 
william, MacSweeny Banag'h, on whom he Spaniards 
depended for their meat, began after a few weeks fo 
shorten the supplies. The galIeass af Callibeg--she 
was called the G-erona--was hot hopelessly unsea- 
worthy. The October weather appeared fo have 
settled, and Don Alonzo had repaired her so far that 
he thought she could carry hiln safely fo the western 
isles of Scotland. She would hold but half the party ; 
but many of the Spaniards had round friends in Ulster 
who undertook to take care of them through the 
winter months, and had no objection to be lei-'t behind. 
The rest, with Don Alonzo af their head, prepared fo 
tempt once more the fortunes of the sea. He had 



DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA, 1588 203 

been hurç in çhe leg by a cpstan when the glleon 
went on the rocks, ,nd vas still unble to walk. He 
ws crried on board; mad in the middle of October 
the Ge,'ona sailed. She crept along the cotst for 
severl dys wit, hout misdventure. Rossn Point 
was p,ssed sfely, nd Tory Island, nd Lough Swilly, 
nd Lough Foyle. The vorst of the voyage was 
over; a few hours more and they would lmve been 
snved. But the doom of the Armd vas oll them. 
They struck upon  rock off Dunluce ; the galleass 
broke in pieces, and only rive out of the whole 
number were sved. Thrice wrecked, Don Alonzo 
nd the young Castillan lords perished t lst. Two 
hundred nd sixty of t,heir bodies were wshed shore 
and committed undistinguished to the grve. 
With this concluding ctstrophe the tragedy of the 
Arnmd in Irelnd ws ended. It vs calculted that 
in the month of September lone, before de Leyv and 
lfis companions were added to the list, eight thousand 
Spanitrds perished between the Gimat's Causewy nd 
Blsket Sound : eleven hundred were put to death by 
Binghaln ; three thousand were nmrdered by the Irish ; 
the rest, more fortunte, were drowned. 



IIISTOIICAL PORTRAITS. 



207 

ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN. 

BISlIOP HUGO came into the xvorld in the mountain- 
ous country near Grenoble, on the borders of Savoy. 
Abbo Adam dwells with a certain pride upon his 
patron's parentage. He tells us, indeed, sententiously 
ha it is better to be noble in morals than to be noble 
in blood--tha to be born undistinguished is a less 
misforbune than fo lire so--but he regards a noble 
family only as an honourable setting for a nature 
which was noble in itself. The bishop was one of 
three children of a Lord of Avalon, and was born in 
a castle near Pontcharra. His mother died when he 
was eigh years old; and his father, having lost the 
chier inerest which bound him to lire, divided his 
estates beween his two other sons, and withdrew with 
bhe libtle one into an adjoining monastery. There was 
a college attached fo it, where the children of many 
of the neighbouring barons were educated. Hugo, 
however, was from the first designed for a religious 
lire, and mixed little with the other boys. " You, my 
little fellow," his tutor said to him, "I ara bringing 
up for Christ: you musb hOt learn fo play or brifle." 
The old lord became a monk. Hugo grew up beside 
him in the convent, waiting on him as he became 
infirm, and smoothing the downward road ; and mean- 
while learning whatever of knowledge and practical 
piety his preceptors were able fo provide. The life, 
if is likely, was hot wanting in ausçerity, but the 



o8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

comparatively easy rule di,1 hot saisfy Hugo's aspira- 
tions. The theory of "religion," as the conventual 
systen in ail its forms was termed, was the conquest 
of self, the reduction of the entire nature to the control 
of the better part of it; and as the seat of self lay in 
the bo,ty, as temptation to do wrong, then, as ahvays, 
lay, directly or indirectly, in the desire for some bodily 
indulgence, or the dread of some bodily pain, the 
method l>m'sued was the inuring of the body fo the 
hardest fare, and the producing îndifference fo cold, 
]ronger, pain, or any other calamity which the chances 
of lire couhl inflict npon it. Men so trained could play 
their part in lire, whether high or low, with wonderfnl 
advantage. Wealth had no attraction for them. The 
world could give them nothiug which they had learnt 
to desire, and take nothing froln them which they cared 
fo lose. The ordelS, however, differed in severity ; and 
af this time the highest discipline, moral and bodily, 
was to be round only among the Carthusians. An 
incidental visit with the prior of his own convent to 
the Grande Chartreuse determined Hugo to seek ad- 
mission into this extraordinary sociey. 
If was no light thing which he was undertaking. 
The majestic situation of the Grande Chartreuse itself, 
the loneliness, the seclusion, the atmosphere of sanctity 
which hung around it, the mysterious beings who had 
ruade their home there, fascinated his imagination. A 
stern old monk, to whom he tlrst communicated his 
intention, supposing that he was led away by a passing 
fancy, looked 'imly at his pale face and delicate limbs, 
and roughly told hiln that he was a fool. "Young 
man," the nonk said to him, "the men who inhabit 
these rocks are hard as the rocks themselves. They 
bave no mercy on their ovn bodies and none ou others. 
The dress will scrape, th_e flesll from your bones. The 



ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN a9 

discipline will tear the bones themselves out of such 
frail limbs as yours." 
The Carthusians combined in themselves the severi- 
ries of the hermits and of the regular orders. Each 
ruera ber of the fraternity lived in his solitary cell in 
the rock, meeting his companions only in the chapel, 
or for instruction, or for the business of the house. 
They are no meat. A loaf of bread was given fo every 
brother on Sunday morning at the refectory door, 
which was fo last him through the week. An occa- 
sional mess of gruel vas all that vas allowed in addition. 
His bedding vas a horse-cloth, a pillow and a skin. 
His dress was a horse-hair shirt, covered ot, tside with 
linen, which vas worn night and day, and the white 
cloak of the order, generally a sheepskin, and uulined 
--all else was bare. He was bound by vows of the 
strictest obedience. The order had business in ail 
parts of the world. Now some captive was fo be 
rescued from the Moors; now some earl or king had 
been treading on the Church's privileges; a brother 
was chosen fo interpose in the naine of the Chartreuse : 
he received his credentials and had fo depart on the 
instant, with no furniture but his stick, to walk, it 
nfig,'ht be, to the furthest corner of Europe. 
A singular instance of the kind occurs incidentally 
in the present narrative. A certain brother Einard, 
who came ultimately fo England, had been sent fo 
Spain, fo Granada, fo Africa itself. Returuing through 
Provence he fell in with some of the Albigenses, who 
spoke slightingly of the sacraments. The hard Car- 
thusian saw but one course to follow with men he 
deemed bels fo his Lord. He was the first fo urge 
the crusade which ended in their destruction. He 
roused the nearest orthodox nobles fo arms, and Hugo's 
biographer tells delightedly how the first invasions 
4 



IO SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

were followed up by others on a larger scale, and "the 
lrute an,l pestilent race, unworthy of the naine of men, 
were eut away by the toil of the faithful, and by God's 
lnercy desroyed." 
" Pitiless to themselves," as the old monk said, "they 
hd no pity on any other man," as Einard afterwards 
was himself fo feel. Even Hu t, rimes disapproved 
of their extreme severity. "God," he sid, alluding fo 
SOlnC cruel action of the society, "God tempers his 
anger vith compassion. When he drove Adm from 
Paradise, He ai least gave him a cot of skins- nmn 
knows hot what mercy means." 
Einard, after this Albigensi»n aflfir, was ordered 
in bhc midat of a biffer winer fo repair fo Denmark. 
He xvas a very aged manda hundred years ohl, his 
brother monks believedbroken ai any rate with age 
»nd toil. He shrank from the journey, he begged fo 
be spared, and, when the command was persisted in, he 
refused obedience. He was instantly expelled. Hall 
clad, amidst t.he ice and show, he wandered from one 
religious house o anot.her. In »ll he was refused 
admission. Ai last, one biffer frosty night he appeared 
penitent ai the gare of the Chartreuse, and prayed fo 
be forgiven. The porter vas forbidden fo open Vo him 
till morning, but left the old m»n Vo shiver in the ShOW 
throug]l the darkness. 
" By my troth, brother," Einard said the next day 
fo him, "had you been a bean last night between my 
teeth, hey would have chopped you in pieces in spire 
of e.  
Such were çhe monks of çhe Çlmrçreuse, gmong 
whom çhe son of çhe Avlon noble desired ço be en- 
rolled, as çhe highest favour which could be shown him 
upon earçh. His peçition was ençerçined. He was 
gllowed ço enlisç in fhe spirituel rmF, in whieh he 



ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN 2iI 

rapidly distinguished himsel f ; and at thc end of twenty 
years he had ac(luired a naine through France as the 
ablest member of the worl,l-famed fl'aternity. 
It was af this rime, SOlnewhere about 1174, that 
Henry II. conceived t.lae notion of introducing the 
Carthusians into Eng'land. In the premature stl'ugle 
to whieh he had eommitted himsêlf with the Chureh 
he had been hopeless|y worsted. The Constitutions of 
Clarendon had been torn in pieces. He had himself, 
of his own accord, donc penanee at the shrine of the 
mm'dered Beeket. The haughty sovereign of England, 
as a sylnbol of the sineerity of his submission, had 
knelt in the ehpter-house of Cantel'bury, presenting 
voluntarily there his bare shonlders to be tlogged by 
the monks. His humiliation, so far from degrading 
him, had restored him to the attbetion of his subjeets, 
and his endeavour theneeforward was to purify and 
reinvigorate the proud institut.ion against whieh he 
had too rashly matehed his strength. 
In pursuanee of his polie 5, he had applied to the 
Chartreuse for assistance, and hall a dozen monks, 
among them brother Einard, whose Demnark mission 
was exehanged for the English, had been sent over 
and established ai, Witham, a village hot far frolll 
Frome in Somersetshire. Suttieient pains had not 
been taken to prepare for their reeeption. The Car- 
thusians were a solitary order and required exclusive 
possession of the estates set apart for their use. The 
Saxon population were still in occupation of their 
holdings, and, being Crown temmts, saw themselves 
threatened with evietion in favour of foreigncrs. 
Quarrels had arisen and ill-feeling, and the Carthusians, 
proud as the proudest of nobles, and eonsidering that 
In eoming fo England they were rather eonferring 
favours than reeeiving them, resented the being eom- 



:2 1:2 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

pelled to struggle for tenements vhich they had not 
sought or desired. The first prior threw up his oice 
and returned to the Chartreuse. The second died 
immediately after of chagrin and disgust; and the 
king, vho was then in Normandy, heard fo his 
extreme mortification that the remaining brethren 
vere threatening to take staff in hand and match back 
fo their homes. The Couut de 3Iamqenne, fo whom 
he communicated his distress, mentioned Hugo's naine 
to him. It was determined to senti for Hugo, aud 
Fitzjocelyn, Bishop of Bath, with other venerable 
persons carried the invitation to the Chartreuse. 
To Hugo himself, mealxvhile, as if in preparation for 
the destiny vhich was before him, a singular experience 
was at that moment occurring. He was now about 
i'orty years old. It is needless to say that he had duly 
pracised the usual austerities prescribed by his rule. 
Whatever discipline could do to kill the carnal nature 
in him had been carried out to its utmost harshness. 
He was a man, however, of great physical strength. 
His flesh was hot entirely dead, and he was going 
where superiority to worldly telnptation vou]d be 
specially required. Just before Fitzjocelyn arrived 
he was assailed suddenly by emotions so extremely 
violent that he said he wou]d rather face the pains of 
Gehenna than encounter them again. His mind was 
unaffected, but the devil had him af advantage in his 
sleep. He prayed, he flogged himself, he fasted, he 
confessed; still Satan was allowed to buffet him,/md, 
though he had no fear for his soul, he thought his body 
vould die in the struggle. One night in particular the 
agolly reached its crisis. He lay tossing on his uneasy 
pallet, the angel of darkness trying vith all his allure- 
ments to tempt his conscience into acquiescence in evil. 
An angel from above appeared to enter the cell as a 



ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN 2l 3 

specçaçor of çhe conflicç. Hugo imagined haç he sprung 
Go him, clutched him, and wresçled like Jacob with him 
fo exçorç a blessing buç could noç succeed, and tç lasç 
he sank exhausted ou çhe ground. In çhe sleep, or çhe 
unconsciousness which followed, an aged prior of çhe 
Charçreuse, who htd admitçed hiln as a boy ço çhe ordor, 
had died and htd since been oenonised, seemcd ço lean 
over hiln as he lay, and inquired çhe cause of his disçress. 
He said tlmt he vas affiicçed ço agony by çhe law of 
sin çhat vs in his melnbers, an,l unless some one aided 
hiln he would perish. The sainç drcw from his breasç 
what appeared to be a knife, opened bis body, drew a 
fiery mss of someçhing [rom çhe bowels, and flung iç 
ouç of çhe door. He awoke and found t.hat iL was 
morning and thaç he was perfecçly cured. 
"Did you never feel a return of these motions of 
çhe flesh ?" asked Adam, when Hugo related çhe sçory 
ço him. 
"NoL never,"Hugo answered, "but never Lo a degree 
çhat gave me çhe slighçesç t.rouble." 
"I havc been particular," wrote Adam afterwards, 
"t.o relaçe Lhis exactly as it happcned, a false accounç 
of iL having gone abroad thaç if was çhe Blessed Vil'in 
who appeared insçead of the prior," and thaç Hugo 
was rclieved by an operation of a less honourable 
kind. 
Visiouary nonsense çhe impatient reader may say ; 
and had Hugo become a dreamer of çhe cloister, a 
persecuçor like Sç. Dominic, or a hysçerical fnaçic 
like Ignatius Loyola, we nfight pass by if as a morbid 
illusion. Dub there never lived a man o whom çhe 
word morbi,1 couhl be applied wiçh less propriety. In 
the Hugo of Avalon wiçh WhOln we are now ço become 
acquainçed, we shll see nothing but the suuniesç 
cheerfulness, strong masculine sense, inflexible purpose, 



2 4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

uprightness in word and deed; with an ever-flowing 
stream of genal and buoyant humour. 
In the story of the temptation, therefore, we do but 
see the final coquest of the selfish nature in him, 
which left lais nobler qualities free fo sct, wherever he 
might fin,1 himself. 
Fitioeelyn , ant.ieipatiug diflîeulty, had brought with 
him the Bishop of Grenoble fo support his petition. 
He was reeeivêd at first with universal elamour. Hugo 
was the brightest jewel of the or, let; Hugo eould hot 
be pared with for any prince on earth. He himself, 
entirely happy where he xvas, autieipated nothing but 
trouble, but left his superiors to deeide for hiln. At 
lengt.h sense of duty prevailed. The brethren felt that 
he was a shining light, of whieh the world must hot 
be deprived. The Bishop of Grenoble relnin,led them 
that Christ had left heaven and COlne fo earth for 
sinners' souls, and that His example ought to be 
imitated. If was arranged that Hugo xvas to go, and 
a few weeks later he was at Witham. 
Hê was weleomed there as ail angêl from heaven. 
He round everything in confusion, the fexv monks 
living in wattled huts in the forest, the village still in 
possession of its old oeeupauts, and bad blood and 
diseontent on all hands. Thê first diffieulty was to 
enter upon the lands without wroug fo the people, 
and the history of a large eviet, ion in the twelft.h 
centm3 will hot be without its instruetivêness even 
af the present day. One thing Hugo was at once 
dêeided upon, that the foundation would hot flourish 
if it was built uloon injustice. He repaired fo Henry, 
and as a first step indueed him to off'er the t, enants 
(Crown serl's or villeil,s) either entire elffranehise- 
men or fanns of equal value, on any other of t.he 
royal manors, to be seleeted by themselves. Solne 



ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN 2I 5 

chose one, solne the other. The next thing vas coln- 
pensation for improvemènts, houses, farm-buildings 
nd fenees ereeted by the people at their own expense. 
The Crown, if it resumed possession, nmst pay for 
these or wrong would be donc. "Unless your Miesty 
satisfy these poor mèn to the last obol," said Hugo to 
Henry, sve cannot take posses.non. 
The king eonsented, and the people, when the prior 
earried baek the nevs of the al'ralgemeut, were 
satisfied to go. 
But this was hot all. Many of them vere removing 
no great distanee, and eouhl earry with theln the 
materials of their houses. Hugo resolved that they 
should keep these things, and again marehed off to the 
court. 
"My Lord," said Hugo, " I ara but a new eomer in 
your reahn, and I have already enriehed your Miesty 
with a quantity of eottages and farln-steadings." 
"Riches I eould well have spared," said Henry, 
laughing. " You have almost lnade a begg'«r of me. 
What ara I to do vith old hut.s aud rotten tilnber ?" 
" Perhaps your Majesty will give t.hem t.o me," sai«l 
Hugo. "If is but a trifle," he added, when the king" 
hesitated. " It is my first request, and only a slnall 
one, 
"This is a terrible fellow that we have brought 
among us," laughed the king; "if he is so poverful 
with his persuasions, what will he do if he tries force ? 
Let it be as he says. We must hot drive him to 

extrelnltleS. 
Thus, wiçh the good vill of all parçies, and no 
wrong" done to any man, the tirst obsçaelcs were 
overeome. Ïhe villagers wènt away happy. The 

monks entered upon their lands amidst prayers and 
blessing's, the king himself being as pleased as any 



216 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

one ai his first experience of the character of Prior 
Hugo. 
Henry had soon occasion to see more of him. He 
had promised to build the monks a bouse and chapel, 
but between Ireland, and Wales, and Scotland, and 
his dominions in France, and his three mutinous sons, 
he had many troubles on his hands. Time passed and 
the building was hot begun, and Hugo's flock grew 
mutinous once more ; tvice he sent Henry a reminder, 
twice came back fair words and nothing more. The 
brethren began to hint that the prior vas afraid of 
the powers of this world, aud dared not speak plainly 
and oue of them, Brother Gerard, an old monk with 
hig'h blood in his veins, declared that he vould himself 
go and tell Henry some unpleasant truths. Hugo had 
discovered lu his interviews with him that the king 
ws no ordinary man, "vbr 
scrutabilis.fere ani,m4". He ruade no opposition, but 
he proposed to go himself along with this passionate 
gentleman, and he, Gerard and the aged Einard, who 
ws mentioned above, went together as a deputation. 
The king received them as " colestes angelos"-- 
augels from heaven. He professed the deepest rever- 
ence for their characters, and the 'eatest anxiety fo 
please them,-but he said nothing precise and deter- 
mined, and the fiery Gerard burst out as he intended. 
Carthusian monks, it seems, considered themselves 
entitled to speak to kings on entirely equal terres. 
" Finish your vork, or leave it. my Lord Kiug," the 
proud Bm'gundian said. "It shall no more be any 
coucern to me. You have a pleasant reahn here in 
England, but for myself I prefer to take my leave of 
you and go back to my desert Chartreuse. You give 
us bread, and you think you are doing a great hing 
for us. We do hot need your bread, It is beter for 



ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN 27 

us fo return fo our Alps. You coun money lost 
which you spend on your soul's health ; keep iç then, 
since you love if so dearly. Or rather, you cannoç 
keep if ; for you nust die and let if go fo oçhers who 
will noç thank you." 
Hugo tried fo check the stream of words, but 
Gerard alltl Einard were both older than he, and 
refused fo be restrained. 
"lege; vi(lere.s l)hilo.sophatem-" the king vas 
apparently meditating. His face did hot alçer, nor 
did he speak a wor, l till the Cart.husian had done. 
"And whaç do you think, my good fellow," he said 
af lasç, ai'ter a pause, looking up, and t.urning fo 
Hugo- "will you forsake me çoo ?" 
"My Lord," said Hugo, " I ara less desperate t, han 
my brothers. You have much work upol yolr hands, 
and I can feêl foi" you. When Goal shall please, you 
vill bave leisure fo attend fo us." 
" By my soul," Henry answered, "you are one that 
I will never pttrt vith while I lire." 
He sent workmen af once fo Withaln. Cells and 
chapel were duly built. The trouble tlnally passed 
away, and çhe Carçhusiala priory taking roof became 
çhe English nursery of çhe order, which rapidly 
spread. 
Hugo himself continued there for eleven years, 
leaving if from rime fo çime on business of the Church, 
or summoned, as happened more and nore frequently, 
fo Henry's presence. The king, who had seen his 
value, who knew çhat he could depênd upon him fo 
speak the truçh, consulted him on the most serious 
affairs of State, and, begimailig wit, h respect, became 
familiarly anal ardently açtached to him. Witham 
however relnaine«l his home, and hé returned fo if 
always as fo a retreat of perfect enjoyment. His cell 



28 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

and his dole of veekly bread gave him as entire 
satisfaction as tire most luxuriously furnished villa 
could attbrd to one of ourselves ; and long after, when 
he was cflled elsewhere, and the cares of the great 
worl, l fell more heavily upon him, he looked fo an 
annual month at Witham for test of mind and body, 
and on eoming there he wotfld piteh away his grand 
dress and jure 1) iuto his sheepskin as we moderns put 
on our shooting jaekets. 
While he remaine,l prior he lived in perfeet sim- 
plieity and uubroken health of mind and body. The 
faine o{ his order spread f,st, and xvith its light the 
inseparal)le shadoxv of superstition. Witham beeame a 
place of pilgrimage ; miracles vere sai,:l to be worked 
by involuntry effiuenees from its occupants. Then 
and always Hugo thought little of lniraeles, turned 
his baek on thmn for the most part, nd diseouraged 
them if hot as illusions yet as matters of no eonse- 
quenee. St. Paul thought one intelligible sentence 
containing truth in it was better tlmn a hundred in 
an unknown tong'ue. The prior of Wit.ham considered 
that the only miracle worth speaking of was holiness of 
lire. "Little I," writes Adam (pa,rv M tes ego), "observed 
that he worked many mircles himself, but he paid 
no attention to them." Thus he lived for eleven 
years wifl as much rational happiness ,s, in his 
opinion, humm nature was capable of experiencing. 
When he lay down upon his horse-rug he slept like a 
child, undistm'bed, save that at interw, ls, as if he was 
praying, he muttered a composed " Amen " When he 
awoke he rose and went about his ordinary business: 
cleming up dirt, washing dishes and such like, being 
his favourite early occup,tion. 
The powers, howevervho, according tothe Greeks, 
are jealous of human felicitythought proper, in due 



ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN 2I 9 

tilne, to disturb the prior o[ Withaln. Tovards the 
end of 1183 Walter de Coutances was promoted from 
the bishopric of Lincoln to the archbishopric of Rouen. 
The see lay vacant for two years and a hall, and a 
successor had nov to be provided. A great council 
was sitting at Ensham ou business of the reahn ; the 
king ridiu" over every morniug from Woodstock. A 
deputation of" canons fron Lincoln came to learn his 
pleasure for the filling up the vacancy. The canous 
vere directêd fo lnake a choice for themselves and 
were unable fo agree, for the hot ulmatural reasoll 
that each canon considered the fittest persou to be 
himself. Some olle (Adam does uot luention the 
naine) suggested, as a vay out of thê difficulty, the 
election of Hugo of Witham. The canons being rich, 
vell to do, and of the modern easy-going sort, .laughed 
at the suggestion of the poor Carthusiau. They round 
to their surprise, however, that the king vas cm- 
phatically of tht saine opiuiou, and that Hugo and 
uobody else was the person th«t he iutended for 
theln. 
The king's pleasure was theirs. They gave their 
rotes, and dêspatched a dêputation over the dowus to 
COmlnand the prior's iustaut presence at Ensham. 
A difficulty rose where it vas least expectêd. Not 
only was thê "Nolo episcopari" in Hugo's case a 
genuine feeling, hot only did he regard vorldly 
promotiou as a thiug hot in the least attractive to 
him; but, lu spire of his regard for Henry, he did 
not believe that the king was a proper person fo 
nominate the prelates of the Church. He tohl the 
canons that the electiou was void. They must return 
to their owu cathedral, call the chapter together, 
invoke the Holy Spirit, put the King of Englmd 
out of thèir minds, and consider rathêr the King of 



220 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

kings ; and so, and not otherwise, proceed with their 
choice. 
The canons, wide.eyed with so unexpected a recep- 
tion, retired with their answer. Whether they complied 
with the spirit of Hugo's direction may perhaps be 
doubted. They, however, assembled af Lincoln with 
the proper forms, and repeated the election with the 
external conditions which he had prescribed. As a last 
hope of escape he appealed to the Chartreuse, declaring 
himself unable fo accept any office without orders 
from his superiors ; but the authorities there forbade 
hin fo decline; and a fresh deputation of canons 
having corne for his escort, he mounted his mule with 
a heavy heart and set out in their company for 
Winchester, where the king was then residing. 
A glimpse of the party we are able fo catch upon 
their journey. Though if was seven hundred years 
since, the English September was probably nmch like 
what it is at present, and the down count T cannot 
have materially altered. The canons had their palfreys 
richly caparisoned with gilt saddle-cloths, and servants 
and sumpter horses. The bishop elect strapped his 
wardrobe, his blanket and sheep-skin, af the back of 
his saddle. He rode in this way resisting remonstrance 
till close to Winchester, when the canons, afraid of 
the ridicule of the court, slit the leathers without his 
knowing if, and passed his baggage to the servants. 
Consecration and installation duly followed, and if 
was supposed that Hugo, a humble monk, owing his 
promotion fo the king, would be becomingly grateful, 
that he would become just a bishop, like anybody 
else, complying with established customs, moving in 
the rcgular route, and keeping the waters smooth. 
All parties were disagreeably, or rather, as if 
turned out ultimately, agreeably surprised. The first 



ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN 22I 

intimation which he gave that he had a will of his 
own followed instantly upon his admission. Cor- 
ruption or quasi-corruption had gathered already 
round ecclesiastical appointments. The Archdeacon 
of Canterbury put in a claire for consecration fees, 
things in themselves without meaning or justice, but 
implying that a bishopric was a prize, the lucky 
winner of vhich was expected fo be generous. 
The new prelate held no such estimate of the nature 
of his appointment--he said he would give as much for 
his cathedral as he had given for his mitre, and left 
the archdeacon fo his reflections. 
No sooner was he established and had looked about 
him, than from the poor tenants of estates of the see 
he heard coinplaints of that most ancient of English 
grievances--the gaine laws. Hugo, who himself 
touched no meat, was not likely fo have cared for 
the chase. He was informed that venison must be 
provided for his installation feast. He told his people 
fo take from his park what was necessary--three 
hundred stags if they pleased, so little he cared for 
preserving them; but neither was he a man fo have 
interfered needlessly vith the recognised amusements 
of other people. There must have been a case of real 
oppression, or he would not have meddled with such 
things. The offender was no less a person than the 
head forester of the king himself. Hugo, failing fo 
bring him fo reason vith mild methods, excom- 
municated him, and left him fo carry his complaints 
fo Henry. If happened that a rich stall was ai the 
moment vacant af Lincoln. The king wanted if for 
one of his courtiers, and gave the bishop an opportunity 
of redeeming his first offence by asking for if as a 
favour fo himself. Henry was ai Woodstock; the 
bishop, af the moment, was af Dorchester, a place in 



 SEI,ECTIONS FROM FR()UDE 

his diocese flfirLeen toiles off: On recciving Henry's 
letter Ghe bishop bade the mcssenger eal'ry back for 
answer Ghat prebendal stalls vere hot for courtiel:s 
bug for priess. The king mus final ohcr means of 
rewar, lilig empol-al serviees. Henry, wiGh some 
experienee of he pride of eeelesiasfies, was unprepared 
for so abrup a lnessage--Beeke himself had been less 
insolent--and as he had been personally kind Go Hugo, 
he was hur as well as oflbnded. He sen again o 
desire him go eome o Woodsoek, and prêpared, when 
he arrived, t,o show him t.haG ]le was seriously dis- 
pleased. Then followed one of file lnOS sinffular 
seenes in English hisol-y--a flfing" veriably Grue, 
whieh oaks sfill sanding iii WoodsGoek Park may 
have winessed. As soon as word was brough gha 
he bishop was a fle park gae, l-Ienry mouned his 
horse, rode wifl his reinue ino a glade in Ghe fores, 
where he alighed, sa down upon Glle ffround wifla 
his people, and in flis position prepared Go reeeive 
fle erilninal. The bishop approaehed--no one rose 
or spoke. He salued file king ; there was no answer. 
Pausing for a lnomenG, he approaehed, pushed aside 
genfly an earl vho was sit.ring a Henry's side, and 
hilnself ook his plaee. Silenee sfill eonfinued. A 
las Henry, looking up, ealled for a needle and flaread ; 
he had hur a finger of lais lefG hand. I was wrapped 
wifl a srip of linen rag', le end was loose, and he 
began o sew. The bishop waehed hiln hrough a 
few sfiehes, and flaen, wih he umos eomposure, 
said Go him--" Qa s'i4bis es wdo cog.atis ttds 
de Fdes4d " "your Highness now reminds me of 
your eousins of Falaise ". The words sounded innoeeng 
enough--indeed, enfirely unmeaning. Alone of the 
pary, Henry undersood he allusion; and, over- 
whelmed by he asonishing imperfinenee, he elenehed 



ST. HUGH OF LINCOI,N 223 

Iris hands, Sl'uggled hard go congin hilnself, and then 
rolled on the ground in conwflsions of lugher. 
" Did you hear," he sid fo his people when ag lasg 
he round words "did you hear how flfis wrech 
insulged us ? The blood of my ncesgor the Conqueror, 
as you know, was noue of the puresç. His mot,hot 
was of Falaise, whieh is famous for is leather work, 
and vhen flfis mocking genleman sav me siching 
my finger, he sid I ,vas showing my pal'enLage." 
" My good sir," he eontimed, Lurning fo Hugo, 
"whL do you men hy exeommuniea.ting my head 
foresLer, uid when I make a smll l'equesL of you, 
why is iL t.haL you uoL only do noL eome Lo see 
me, bue do noL send me so mueh as  civil 
IISXVr  " 
" I knoxv myself," answered Huo, gravely, " o be 
indebLed Lo your Higqmess for my lLe promotion. I 
eonsidered Lhag your Highness's soul would be in 
danger if I was round wuging in Llie lisehare of 
lny dufies; and gherefore iL was hng I used elle 
censures of Lhe Çhureh when I held flem neeessary, 
and LhaL I resisLed n improper aLLempL on your pnrL 
upon a sLI1 iu my Lledrl. To waiL ou you on 
sueh  subjeeL I floughL superfluous, sinee your High- 
ness approves, as a mat.Ler of course, of whaLever is 
righLly ordered in your realm." 
WhsL eould be done wiLh sueh a bishop ? No one 
knew berger flmn Henry Lhe Lrufl of wh Hugo was 
saying, or Lhe worfl of sueh a man t.o himself. He 
bde Hugo proeeed wifli fle foresLer as he pleased. 
Hugo hd him publiely whipd, flen absolved him, 
and gave him his blessing, and round in him ever 
aller a fasL and fiLhful friend. The courtiers asked 
for no more sLalls, and all was well. 
In Chureh maLgers in his own dioeese he equaHy 



aa4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Look his own way. NoLhing could be more unlike 
Lhan Hugo fo the canons whom he round in possession ; 
yet he somehow bent them ail fo his will, or carried 
their wills with his own. "Never since I came fo .the 
diocese," he said fo his chaplain, " have I had a quarrel 
with my chapter. If is hOt that I ara easy-going-- 
sure eni reverd pipere nordacior (pepper is hot 
more biting than I can be). I often fly out for small 
causes; but they take me as they find me. There is 
hOt one who distrusts my love for him, nor one by 
vhom I do not believe myself fo be love&" 
Af table this hardest of monks was the most agree- 
able of companions. Though no one had practised 
abstinence more severe, no one less valued if for its 
own sake, or hul less superstition or foolish senti- 
ment about it. It was, and is, considered sacrilege 
in the Church of Rome fo faste food before saying 
mass. Hugo, if he saw a priest who was fo oflïciate 
exhausted for want of support, and likely fo find a 
diflïculty in getting through his work, would order 
him fo eat as a point of duty, and lectured him for 
want of faith if he affected to be horrified. 
Like ail genuine men, the bishop was an object of 
special attraction to children and animals. The little 
ones in every bouse that he entered were always round 
clinging about his legs. Of the attachment of other 
creatures fo him there vas one very singular instance. 
About the rime of his installation there appeared on 
the mere af Stow Manor, eight toiles from Lincoln, a 
swan of unusual size, which drove the other male 
birds from off the vater. Abbot Adam, who fre- 
quently saw the bird, says that he was curiously 
marked. The bill was saffron instead of black, vith 
a saffron tint on the plumage of the head and neck; 
and the abbot adds he was as much larger than other 



ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN 225 

swans as a swtm is larger than a goose. This bird, on 
the occasion of the bishop's first visit fo the manor, 
was brought fo him fo be seen as a curiosity. He 
was usually unmanageable and savage ; but the hishop 
knew the way to his heart ; fed him, and ttught him 
fo poke his head into the pockes of his frock fo look 
for breadcrumbs, which he did hot fail fo find there. 
Ever after he seemed fo know instinctively when the 
bishop was expected, tlew trumpeting up and dowu 
the lake, slapping the water with his wings; when 
the horses appro,ched, he would march out upon the 
grass fo meet them  strutted af the bishop's side, and 
would sometimes follow him upstairs. 
If was a miracle of course fo the gencral mind, 
though explicable enough fo those who have observed 
the physical charm which men who take pains fo 
understand animals are able fo exercise over them. 

We have seen him vith King Henry ; we vill now 
follow him into the presence of Cœur de Lion. 
Richard, if will be remembered, on his return from 
his captivity plunged into war with Philip of France, 
carrying out a quarrel which had commenced in the 
Holy Land. The king, in distress for money, had 
played tricks with Church pat.ronage which Hugo had 
firmly resisted. Afterwrds an ohl claim on Lincoln 
diocese for sonne annual services was suddenly revived, 
which had been pretermitted for sixty years. The 
arrears for all that t.ime were called for and exacLed, 
and the clergy had fo raise among themselves 3,000 
marks: hard measure of this kind perhaps induced 
Hugo fo look closely into further demands. 
In 1197, when Richard was in Normandy, a pressing 
message came home from hiln for supplies. A council 
was held af Oxford, when Archbishop Hubert, who was 



:6 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

chancellor, required eaeh prelate and great nobleman 
in the king's naine fo provide three hundred knights 
af his own cost, to serve in the war. The Bishop of 
London supported the primate. The Bishop of Lincoln 
i'ollowe, l. Being a stranger, he said, and ignorant on 
his arrival of English laws, he had ruade it his business 
fo st,udy them. The see of Lincoln, he was aware, 
was bound fo military service, but it was service in 
Englan,l and hot abroad. The demand of the king 
was against the liberties which he had sworn to 
defend, and he vouhl rather die than betray thenl. 
The Bishop of Salisbuw, gathering" courage from 
Hugo's resistanee, took the saine side. The eouneil 
broke up in eonfusion, and the arehbishop wrote fo 
Riehard fo say t.hat he was unable fo raise the required 
force, and that the Bishop of Lineoln was the cause. 
Richard, who, with most noble qualities, had the retaper 
of a fiend, replied instantly with an order fo seize and 
eonfiseate the property of the rebellious prelates. The 
Bishop of Salisbury was brought upon his knees, but 
Hugo, fearless as ever, swore that he would exeom- 
munieate any man who dared fo exeeute the king's 
eommand; and as it was know that he would keep 
his word, the royal oflïcers hesitated fo act. The king 
wrote a second rime more fiereely, threatening death if 
they disobeyed, and the bishop, not wishing fo expose 
them to trouble on his aeeount, determined fo go over 
and eneounter the tempest in person. 
Af Rouen, on his vay to Roche d'Andeli, where 
Richard was lying, he was eneountered by the Earl 
Marshal and Lord Albemarle, who implored him fo 
send some eoneiliatory message by them, as the king 
was so furious that they feared he might provoke the 
anger of God by some violent act. 
The bishop deelined their assistance. He desired 



ST. HUGH OF LINCOLN 227 

them merely to tell the king that he was coming. 
They hurried back, nd he folloved af his leisure. 
The scene that ensued was eveu stranger than the 
interview already describe,l with Henry in t, he parl 
af Woodstock. 
Coeur de Lion, when he arrived nf, Roche d'An, leli, 
xvas hearing mass in the church. He was sitting in 
a great chir af the opening into the choir, vith the 
bishops of Durham and Ely on either side. Church 
ceremonials must have beeu conducted with less stiff 
propricty than af present. Hugo advanced calmly and 
ruade the usud obeisance. Richard said nothing, 1)ut 
frovne¢l, looked sternly af him for a moment, and 
turned ava.y. 
"Kiss me, my Lord King," said the bishop. If 
was the ordinary greeting between the sovereign and 
the spiritual peers. The king averted his face still 
further. 
" Kiss me, my Lord," said Hugo again, and he 
caught C¢eur de Lion by the vest and shook him, 
Abbot Adam standing shivering behind. 
"5ron mer¢isti--thou hast hot deserved if," growled 
Richard. 
"I have deserved if," replied Hugo, and shook him 
harder. 
Had he shown fear, Cœur de Lion would probably 
have trampled on him, but who could resist such 
marvellous audacity? The kiss was given. The 
bishop passed up fo the altar and became absorbed 
in the service, Coeur de Lion curiously watching him. 
When mass was over there was a formd audience, 
but the result of if was decided already. Hugo declared 
his loyalty in everything, save what touched his duty 
fo God. The king yiehted, and threv the blamc of thc 
quarrel on the too complaisant primate. 



228 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Even this was llOt ail. The bishop afterwards 
requested a private interview. He toht Riehard 
solemnly t.hat he was uneasy for his soul, and admon- 
ished him, if he had anything on his eonseienee, fo 
eonfess if. 
The king said he was eonseious of no sin, save of 
a certain rae against his Freneh enemies. 
" Obey God !" the bishop said, "and God will humble 
your enemics for you--and you for your part take 
heed you offend not Hinl or hurt your neighbour. 
I speak in sadness, but rmnour says you are unfaithful 
fo your «lueen. '' 
The lion was tamed for the monent. The king 
«mknowledged nothing but, restrained his passion, only 
observing" afterwards, "If all bishops were like lny 
Lord of Lineoln, not a prince among us eouhl lift his 
head against them" 



HENRY VIII. 

I" Henry VIII. had died previous fo the first agitation 
of the divorce, his loss would have been deplored as 
one of the heaviest lnisfortunes whieh had ever befallen 
the country; and he would have left a naine whieh 
wouM have taken its place in history by the side of 
that of the Black Prinee or of the eomlueror of Agin- 
eourt. Left at the most tryin age, vith his eharaeter 
unformed, vith the means af his disposal of gratifying 
every inclination, and married by his lninisters when 
 boy fo an uuattraetive womau far his senior, he had 
lived for thirt, y-six years almost without blame, and 
bore through Egland the reputation of an upright 
aud virtuous king. Nature had been prodigal to him 
of her rarest gifts. In person he is said to have re- 
selnbled his grandfather, Eward IV., who was the 
handsomest man in Erope. His rotin and bearing 
vere prineely; and amidst the easy freedom of his 
address, his manner remaiued majestie. No knight 
in Egland eould match hiln in the tournament exeept 
the Duke of Suflblk ; he drew with ease as strong a 
bow as was borne by any yeoman of his guard; and 
these powers were sustained in unfailil|g vigour by 
a temperate habit and by constant exereise. Of his 
intelleetual ability ve are no left to judge from the 
suspieious panegyries of his eontemporaries. His 
state papers and letters may be plaeed by the side of 
those of Wolsey or of Crolnwell, and they lose nothing 



-30 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

in the colnparisoll. Though they are broadly diftrent, 
the perception is equally clear, the expression equally 
powerful, and they breathe throughout an irresistible 
vigour of purpose. In addition to this he had a tlne 
nmsical taste, carefully cultivated; he spoke and 
wrote in four languages; and his knowledge of a 
multitude of other subjects, with which his versatile 
ability lntde him conversant, would have formed the 
reputation of any ordinary man. He was among the 
best physieians of his age; he was his own engineer, 
inventing impl'ovements in artillery, and new eon- 
struetions in ship-building; and this hot with the 
eondeseending ineapaeity of a royal amateur, but 
with thorough worknanlike understanding. His 
reading was vast, espeeially in theology, whieh has 
been ridieulously aseribed by Lord Herbert to his 
father's intention of edueating him for the areh- 
bishoprie of Canterbu W ; as if the seientifie mastery 
of sueh a subjeet eouhl have been aetluired by a boy 
of twelve years of age, for he was no more when 
he beeame Prinee of Wales. He must bave studied 
theology with the full lnaturity of his intelleet; and 
he had a fixed and perhaps unfortunate interest in 
the subjeet itself. 
In all direetions of hulnan aetivity Henry displayed 
natural powers of the highest order, at the highest 
streteh of industrious eulture. He was "attentive," 
as if is ealled, " to his religious duties," being present 
at the serviees in ehapel two or three rimes a day 
with unfailing regularity, and showing to outward 
appearanee a rem sense of religious obligation in the 
energy and purity of his lire. In private he was 
good-humoured and good-natured. His letters fo his 
seeretaries, though never undignified, are simple, easy 
and unrestrained ; and the letters written by theln t.o 



HENRY VIII. 231 

hiln are similarly plain and businesslike, as if the 
writers knew that the persoll whom they were ad- 
dressing disliked eompliments, and chose ço be treated 
as a man. Again, froln their eorrespondenee with 
one another, when they deseribe interviews with him, 
we gather the saine pleasant impression. He seems 
to have been always kind, always eonsiderate; in- 
luiring illtO their private eoneerns with gelmine 
interest, and willning, PS P consequence, their warln 
and unaffeeted aççaehlnellç. 
As a ruler he had been eminently populm: All his 
wars had been sueeessful. He had the splendid tastes 
in whieh the English people lnost delighted, and he 
had substantially aeted out his own theory of his duty 
whieh was expressed in the following words :-- 
" Seripture taketh princes to be, as if were, fthers 
a.nd nul'ses ço their subjeets, and by Seripture it 
appeareth that it appertaineth unto the office of 
princes to see that right religion and true doctrine be 
lnaintained and taught, and that their subjeets lllay 
be well ruled and governed by good and just laws; 
and to provide and eare for thenl that ail things 
neeessary for them lnay be plenteous; and that the 
people and eolnmonweal lnay inerease; and to defend 
them from oppression and invasion, as well within the 
realm as without; and to see that justice be adlninis- 
tered unto them inditIrently; and to hear benignly 
ail their eomplaints; and to show towards them, 
althoug'h they otIënd, fatherly pity. And, inally, so 
fo eorreet them that be evil, that they lud yet rather 
save çheln çhan lose them if it were hot for l'espeeç of 
justice, and maintenance of peaee and good order iii 
the eommonweal." 
These prineiples do really appear to have deter- 
lnined Henry's conduct in his e,rlier years. His 



a3a SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

social adminis6ra6ion we have already pa.rtia.lly seen. 
He had more than once been tried with insurrection, 
whieh he had soothed down without bloodshed, and 
extinguished in forgiveness; and London long reeol- 
lceted the great seene whieh followed "evil Mayday," 
1517, when the apprentiees we brough6 down fo 
Westminster Hall fo reeeive their pardons. There 
had been a dangerous riot in the streets, whieh lnighç 
have provoked a lnild Government o severity; but 
the king eontented hinself with punishing the rive 
ringleaders, and four hundred other prisoners, after 
being paraded down the streets in white shirts with 
halters round their neeks, were dismissed vith an 
admonition, Wolsey weepiug as he pronouneed it. 
Itis certain that if, as I said, he had died before the 
divorce was mooted, Henry VIII., like thaç Rolnan cnl- 
peror said by Taeitus fo have been cose,su o,n,tiu,n 
(tigus 4peri is.i l)erasset, vould have been 
considered by posterit.y as formed by Providence for 
çe oenduct of the Reformation, and his loss would 
bave been deplored as a perpetua.1 calalnity. We must 
allow hiln, therefore, the benefit of his past oereer, and 
be oereful to member i when interpreting his later 
actions. Noç many men would have borne t.hemselves 
çhrough he saine çrials with he saine inegriy; 
the eireumstanees of those grials had hot tesçed the 
truc defeets iii his moral constitution. Like all princes 
of the Plantageneç blood, he was a person of a most 
intense and imperious will. His ilnpulses, in general 
nobly direeted, had never known contradiction; and 
late iii life, when his eharaeter was formed, he vas 
foreed inço collision with diNeulties with whieh 
experienee of discipline had noç fitted hiln o eontend. 
Edueation had donc mueh for him, but his naçure re- 
quired lnore correction ]lall his position had permitted, 



HENRY VIII. a33 

whilst unbroken prosperity and early independence 
of control had been his most serious misfortune. He 
had capacity, if his trainino" had been equal to if, to 
be one of he greaes of men. Wit, h ail his fauls 
abou hiln he was sill perhaps t.he grêaes of his 
eonemporaries; and he man bes able of all living 
Englishlnen o govern Eng'land, had beên sel fo do iL 
by he eondit, ions of his birth. 



HUGH LATIMER. 

THE father of Latilner vas a solid English yeolnan, 
of Thurcaston, in Leicestershire. " He had no lands of 
his own," but he rented a farm "of four pounds by the 
year," on which "he tilled so much as kept hall a 
dozen men "; " he had w'dk for a hundred sheep, and 
meadow ground foi" thirty cows " The world pros- 
pered with him; he was able go save money for his 
sons' education and his daughters' portions; but he 
was freehanded and hospitable ; he kept open house 
for his poor neighbours; and he was a good citizen, 
too, for "he did find the king a harness with himself 
and his horse," redy go do battle for his country if 
occasion called. His family were brought up " in 
godliness and the fear of the Lord "; and in all points 
the old Latimer seems go have been a worthy, sound, 
upright man, of the grue English mettle. 
There were several children. The reformer was 
born about 1490, some rive years after the usurper 
Richard had been killed at Bosworth. Bosworth being 
no great distmce from Thurcaston, Latimer the father 
is likely go have been present in the battle, on one 
side or the other--the right side in those rimes it was 
no easy matter go choosebut he became a good 
servant of the new Governmentand the little Hugh, 
when a boy of seven years old, helped go buckle on 
his trmour for hiln, " wheli he went to Blackheath 



HUGH LATIMER 9_35 

field ". Being a sohlier himself, the old gentleman 
was eareful to give lais sons, whatever else he gave 
theln, a sound soldier's training. " He was diligent," 
says Latimer, "to teaeh lne fo shoot with the bow" 
he taught me how to draw, how fo lay my body in 
the bow--not fo draw with strength Of arm, as other 
nations do, but with the strength of the body. I had 
my bows bought lne aeeording fo lny age and strength ; 
as I inereased in these, my bows were ruade bigger and 
bigger." Under this edueation, and in the wholesome 
atmosphere of the farlnhouse, the boy prospered well; 
and by and by, showing signs of promise, he was 8ell 
to sehool. \Vhen he was fourteen, the promises so far 
having been fulfilled, his father transferred hiln to 
Cambridge. 
He was soon known af the university as a sober, 
hard-working student. Af nineteen he was eleeted 
fellow of Clare Hall; af twenty he took lais degl-ee, 
and beealne a student in divinity, when he aeeepted 
quietly, like a sensible llaala, the doetrines whieh he 
had been brought up fo believe. At the rime when 
Henry VIII. was writing against Luther, Latimer 
was fleshing his maiden sword in an attaek upon 
Melanehtlmn; and he relnained, he said, till he was 
thirty " in darkness and the shadow of death " About 
this Lilne he beeame aequainted with Bilney, whom 
he ealls " the instrument whereby God ealled hiln 
fo knowledge ". In Bilney, doubtless, he round a 
sound instruetor ; but a eareful reader of his serinons 
will see traces of a teaehing for whieh he was indebted 
fo no human toaster. His deepest knowledge was 
that whieh stole llpon him uneonseiously through the 
experienee of lire and the world. His words are like 

 Where the Cornish rebels came to an end in 1497.--Bacon's 
History of Henry the Seventh. 



236 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

the clear impression of a seal; the account and the 
result of observations, taken first hand, on the con- 
dition of the English men and vomen of his rime, in 
all ranks aml classes, from the palace fo the prison. 
He shows large acquaintance with books--with the 
Bible most of all; vith patristic divinity and school 
divinity, and history, sacred and profane; but if 
this h.ad been ail he would hOt have been the Latimer 
of the Reformation, and the Chureh of England vould 
hot, pêrhaps, bave been here to-day. Like the physi- 
eian, fo whom a year of praetieal experienee in a 
hospital teaehes more than a lire of eloset study, 
Latimer learnt the mental disorders of his age in the 
age itself ; and the seeret of that art no other man, hoxv- 
ever good, h.owever vise, eould have taught him. He 
was hot an eeho, but a voiee ; and he drew Ms thoughts 
fresh from the fountain--from the faets of the era in 
whieh God had plaeed him. 
He beeame early famous as a preaeher af Cambridge, 
from the tirst "a seditious fellov," as a noble lord 
ealled him in later lire, highly troublesome to unjust 
persons in authority. " None, exeept the stiff-neeked 
and uneireumeised, ever vent away from Ms preaehing, 
it was said, without being affeeted with high detesta- 
tion of sin, and moved fo all godliness and virtue." 
And, in his audaeious simplieity, hê addressed himself 
always to his individual hearers, giving his words a 
personal applieation, and often addressing men by 
naine. This habiç brought him first into diffienlty in 
1525. He was preaeMng before the university when 
the Bishop of Ely eame into the ehureh, being eurious 
to hear him. He paused till the bishop was seated; 
and, when he reeommeneed, he ehanged his subjeet, 
and drev an ideal pieture of a prelate as a prelate 
ough.t fo be ; the features of whieh, though h.e dld hOt 



HUGH LATIMER 237 

say so, were strikingly unlike those of his auditor. 
The bishop complained fo Wolsey, who sent for 
Latimer, and inquired what he had said. Latimer 
repeated t.he substance of his sermon; and other con- 
versation then followed, vhieh showed Wolsey very 
elearly the nature of the person with whom he was 
speaking. No eye saw more rapidly than the eardinal's 
the differenee bctween a true man and an impostor; 
and he replied fo the Bishop of Ely's accusations by 
grant.in" the offender a lieeuse fo preaeh in any ehureh 
in Englaud. "If the Bishop of Ely eannot abide sueh 
doctrine as you bave here repeated," he said, "you 
shall preaeb if fo his beard, let him say what he will." 
Thus fortified, Latimer pursued his way, eareless 
of the university authorities, and probably defiant of 
them. He was still orthodox in points of theoretie 
belief. His mind was praetieal rather than speeulative, 
and he was slow in arriving af conclusions whieh had 
no immediate bearing upon action. No charge eould 
be fastened upon him definitely eriminal: and he was 
too strong fo be erushed by that eonpendious tyranny 
whieh treated as an aet of heresy the exposure of im- 
posture or delinqueney. 
On Wolsey's fall, however, he would have eertaildy 
been sileneed: if he had fallen into the hands of Sir 
Thomas lXIore he would have perhaps been prematurely 
saerificed. But, fortunately, he found a fresh proteetor 
in the kiug. Henry heard of him, sent for him, and, 
with instinctive reeognition of his eharaeter, appointed 
him one of the royal ehaplains. He now left Cam- 
bridge and removed fo Windsor, but only fo treat his 
royal patron as freely as he had treated the Cambridge 
doetorsnot wih any absence of respect, for he was 
most respeetful, but with that hig'hest respeet whieh 
dares fo speak unweleome truth where the truth seems 



a38 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

fo be forgotten. He was ruade chaplain in 1530-- 
during the new persecution, for vhich Henry was re- 
sponsihle by a more thau tacit acquiescence. Latimer, 
with no authority but his ovn conscience, and the 
strong certainty that he vas on God's side, threw him- 
self between the spoilers and their prey, and wrote fo 
the king, protesting against the injustice which was 
crushing the trllest men in his donlinions. The letter 
is too long o iusert ; the close of if may show ho,a, a 
poor priest couhl date fo address the ilnperious Henry 
VIII. :-- 
"I pray fo God t, hat your Grace may take heed of 
the worldly wisdom which is foolishness before God; 
that you lnay do that [which] God COmlnandeth, and 
hot thag [which] seemeth good in your own sight, with- 
out the word of God ; that your Grace lnay be found 
acceptable iii His sigh, and one of the members of His 
Church ; and according fo tlle office that He hath called 
your Grace unto, you lnay be round a faithful minister 
of His gifts, and hot a defender of His faith: for He 
will no bave it defended by man or man's power, but 
by His word only, by the vhich He hath evermore 
defended it, and that by a way far above man's 
pover or reason. 
"Wherefore, gracious King, remember yourself; 
have pity upon your soul; and think that the day is 
even af hand when you shall give account for your 
office, and of the blood that bath been shed by your 
sword. Iii which day, that your Grace may stand 
steadfastly, and hOt be ashamed, but be clear and 
ready in your reckoning, and bave (as they say) your 
q ,œiet us est sealed with the blood of our Saviour Christ, 
which only serveth af that day, is my daily prayer fo 
Him that suflçred death for our sins, which also 
prayeth to His Father for grace for us continually; 



HUGH LATIMER -39 

fo whom be all honour and praise for ever. Amen. 
The Spirit of God preserve your Grace." 
These words, which conclude an address of almost 
unexampled grandeur, are unfortunately of no intcrest 
fo us, except as illustrating the character of the priest 
who wrote them, and the kiug fo whom they were 
written. The hand of the persecutor was hot stayed. 
The rack and the lash and the stake coninued fo claire 
their victims. So far if was labour in vain. Bt the 
letter remains, fo speak for ever for the courage of 
Latimer: and fo speak something, too, for a prince 
that could respect the nobleness of the poor yeoman's 
son, who dared in such a cause fo write fo him as a 
man to a man. To bave writteu af all in such a strain 
was as brave a step as was ever deliberately ventured. 
Like most brave acts, if did hOt go unrewarded: for 
Henry remained ever after, however widely divided 
from him in opinion, his unshaken friend. 
In 1531 the king gave him the living of West 
Kingston, in Wiltshire, whcre for a rime he now retired. 
Yet it was but a partial rest. He had a special license 
as a preacher from Cambridge, which continued fo him 
(with the king's express sanction)the powers which 
he had received from Wolsey. He might preach in 
any diocese fo which he was invited: and the repose 
of a country parish could hOt be long allowed in such 
stormy rimes fo Latimer. He had bad health, beiug 
troubled with headache, pleurisy, colic, stone; his 
bodily constitution lneeting feebly the demands which 
he was forced fo make upon it. But he struggled on, 
travelling up and down, fo London, fo Kent, fo Bristol, 
wherever opportunity called him; marked for de- 
struction by the bishops if he was betrayed into 
an imprudent word, and himself living in constant 
expectation of death. 



240 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Ag lenggh ghe Bishop of London believed ghag Lati- 
mer vas in his power. He had preached af St. Abb's 
in the eity," at the request of a eompany of merehants," 
in the beginning of the winter of 1531 ; and soon after 
his return to his living he was informed that he +as 
to be eited before Stokesley. His friends in the 
neighbourhood wrote fo him, evidently in great alarm, 
and more anxious that he might elear hilnself than 

expecting that he would be 
indeed, had ahnost ruade up 
coming. 
The eitation was delayed 

al)le to do so; he himself, 
his lnind tha the end was 

for a fev weeks. It was 

issued at last, on the 10th of January, 1531-32, and was 
serve,l by Sir Walter Hungerford, of Farley. The 
offences with which he was charged were certain "ex- 
cesses and irregu]arities" hot specially defined; and 
the pracice of the bishops in such cases was no to 
confine the prosecution to he acts committed ; but fo 
draw up a series of articles, on which it was presumed 
tha the orthodoxy of the accused person was open fo 
suspicion, and o question him separately upon each. 
Laimer was first examined by Stokesley; subsequently 
at various rimes by he bishops collectively; and finally, 
when certain formulas had been submited fo him, 
which he refused to sign, his case was transferred fo 
Convocation. The Convocation, as we know, were 
then in ditîàculty with their prenmnire ; they had con- 
soled themselves in their sorrow with burning the body 
of Tracy ; and they would gladly have taken further 
comfort by buruing Latimer. He was submited fo 
he closes cross-questionings, in the hope ha he 
would colnmit himself. They fel that he was the 
mos dangerous person to them in the kingdom, and 
they laboured with unusual patience to ensure his con- 
viction. With a common pcrson they would bave 



HUGH LATIMER -4t 

rapidly succeeded. But Latimer was in no haste fo 
be a martyr; he vouhl be martyred patient]y when 
the rime was corne for martyrdom; but he felt that 
no one ought "fo consent fo die" as long as he couhl 
honestly live; and he batîted he episcopal inquisitors 
with their own weapons. He has left a most curious 
account of Olm of his interviews with them. 
"I was once in examination," he says," before rive or 
six bishops, where I had much turmoiling. Every week, 
thrice, I came fo examination, and many snares and 
traps vere laid fo get something. Now, God knoweth, 
I was ignorant of the law; but that God gave me 
answer and wisdom what I should speak. It was Goal 
indeed, for else I had never escaped them. At the 
last I was brought forth fo be examined into a chamber 
hanged with arras, where I was before wont fo be 
examined, but now, af this rime, the chamber was 
somewhat altered : for whereas before there was wont 
ever fo be a tire in the chimney,  now the tire was 
taken away, and an arras hanging hanged over the 
chimney ; and the table stood near the chimney's end, 
so that I stood between the table and the chinmey's 
end. There was among these bishops that exalnined 
me one with whom I had been very familiar, and took 
him for my great friend, an aged man, and he sat next 
the table end. Then, among all other questions, he 
put forth one, a very subtle and crafty one, and such 
one indeed as I could hOt think so great danger in. 
And when I would make answer,' I pray you, Master 
Latimer,' said he, 'speak out; I am very thick of 
hearing, and here be many that sit far off'. I 
marvelled at this, that I was bidden fo speak out, and 
began fo misdeem, and gave an ear fo the chimney; 

 The process lasted through ;anuary, February and March. 
I6 



-42 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

and, sir, there I heard a pen walking in the chimney, 
behind the eloth. They had appointed one there fo 
write all mine answers ; for they made sure work that 
I should hot sta from them: there was no staling 
from them: God »vas my good Lord, and gave me 
answer; I could never else have escgped if. The 
question was this: ' MasSer Latimer, do you no think, 
on your conscience, that you have been suspeced of 
heresy ?'--a subtle quesiona very subtle question. 
There was no holding of peace would serve. To hold 
my peace had been fo grant myself faulty. To answer 
was every way full o1( danger. But God, which hath 
always given me answer, hdped ,ne, or else I could 
never have escap.ed ik Ostendite milt4, nunisa 
ce,sîs. Shew me, said he, a penny of the tribute 
money. They laid snares fo destroy him, but he over- 
turneth them in their own traps." 
The bishops, however, were hot lnen who were nice 
in their adherence to the laws ; and i would have gone 
ill with Latimer, notwithstanding his dialectic ability. 
He was excommunicaed and imprisoned, and would 
soon bave fallen into worse extremities; but at the 
last moment he appealed fo fle king, and the king, 
who knew his value, would hot allow him fo be sacri- 
tced. He hd refused fo subscribe the articles proposed 
fo hin. Henry intimated fo the Convocation that if 
was not his pleasure that the marrer should be pressed 
rurther; they were fo content themselves wifl a general 
submission, which should be ruade to the archbishop, 
without exacting more special acknowledgments. This 
»vas the reward fo Latimer for his noble letter. He 
»vas absolved, and returned fo his parish, though 
snatehed as a brand out of the tire. Soon after, the 
ride turned, and the Reformation entered into a new 
phase. 



43 

THOMAS CROMWELL. 

A CLOUD resçs over çhe youth and early lnanhood of 
Tholnas Cromwell, çhrough which, ouly aç int, ervals, 
we caçch glimpses of auçhcnçic facçs; and çhese fcw 
fragments of reality seem rathcr fo 1)elong fo 
romance çhan ço çhe actual life of a man. 
Cromwell, çhe m«lles mon(-«choru,m, was of good 
English family, belongilg fo the Cromwells of Lin- 
colnshire. One of çhese, probbly a younger broçher, 
moved up ço London and conducted n iron foundry, 
or oçher business of thaç description, aç Putney. He 
married a lady of respectable COlmecçions, of whom 
we know only çhaç she was sisçer of the wife of 
gençleman in Derbyshire, buç whose nnme does hot 
appear. The old Cromwell dying early, the widow 
was re-married ço a cloçh merchanç; and çhe chihl of 
çhe firsç husband, vho ruade himself so greaç a naine 
in English sçory, meç with çhe repuçed forçune of a 
sçepson, and became a vagabond in the wide world. 
The charç of his course wholly fails us. One day in 
laçer life he shook by çhe hand an old bell-ringer 
Sion House before a crowd of courçiers, and tohl them 
thaç "çhis man's father had given hiln luany a dinncr 
in his necessiçies ". And a strange random accounç is 
given by Foxe of his having joined a party in au 
expediçion to Rome ço obtain a renewal from the 
Pope of certain immuniçies and indulgences for 
town of Bosçon ; a sçory which derives some kind of 



:44 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

credibility from ifs connection with Lincolnshire, but 
is full of ineoherenee and unlikelihood. Folloving 
still the popular lêgend, we find him in the autumn 
of 1515 a raggêd stripling at the door of Freseobaldi's 
banking-house in Florênee, begg'ing for help. Freseo- 
baldi had an establishment in London,  with a large 
eonneetion there; and seeing au English face, and 
seemingly an honest one, he aske,l the boy who and 
what he was. "I ara, sir," quoth he, "of England, 
and my lac is Thomas Cromwell; my father is a 
poor man, and by occupation a eloth shearer; I ara 
strayêd from my country, and ara now eome into Italy 
with the camp of Frenehmen that wêre overthrown af 
Garigliano, where I was pag'e fo a footman, carrying 
after him his pike and burganet." Something in the 
boy's manner was said fo have attraeted the banker's 
interest ; he took him into his house, and after keeping 
him there as long as he desired fo stay, he gave him a 
horse and sixteen dueat.s fo help him home fo England. 
Foxe is the first Eng'lish authority for the story ; and 
Foxe took if from Bandello, the novelist; but if is 
eonfirmed by, or harmonises with, a sketeh of Crom- 
well's early life in a letter of Chappuys, the imperial 
ambassador, fo Chaneellor Granvelle. "Master Crom- 
well," wrote Chappuys in 15,35, "is the son of a poor 
blaeksmith who lived in a small village four toiles 
from London, and is buried in a eommon grave in the 
parish ehurchyard. In his youth, for some offenee, 
he was imprisoned, and had fo leave the country. 
He went fo Flanders, and thenee fo Rome and other 
places in Italy." 
Returning fo England, he lnarried the daughter of 
a woollen dealer, and beeame a partner in the business, 
 Where he was known among the English of the day as lIaser 
FriskybM1. 



THOMAS CROMWELL 245 

where he amassed or inherited a considerable fortune. 
Circumstances afterwards brought him, while still 
young, in contact with Wolsey, who discovered his 
merit, took him into service, and, in 1525, employed 
him in the most iml)ortant work of visiting and 
breaking up he small monasteries, which the Pope 
had granted for the foundation of the new colleges. 
He was engaged wih this business for wo years, 
and was so eflïcient that he obtained a, unpleasant 
notoriety, and coml)laints of his co,duct founl their 
way fo the king. Nothing came of these complaints, 
however, aml Cromwell remaincd with thc cardinal 
till his rail. 
It vas then that the truly nol)le nature which vas 
in him showcd itsclf. H accompanie, l his toaster 
through his dreary confinement af Esher, 1 doing ail 
that man couhl do fo soften the outward vretchedness 
of if; and af the meeting of Parliamcnt, in which he 
obained a star, he rendred hiln a still more gallant 
service. The Lords had passed a bill of impeachlnent 
against Wolsey, violent, vindictive and lnalevolent. 
It was o be submitted to the Colnmons, and Cromwell 
prepared fo attempt an opposition. Cavendish has 
left a most characteristic description of hi. leaving 
Esher at this trying rime. A cheerless November 
evening was closing in with rain and ,torm. Wolsey 
was broken down with sorrow and sickness ; and had 
been unusually tried by parting vith his retinue, 
whom he had sent home, as unwilling o keep them 
attached any longer fo his fallen fortunes. When 
they were all gone, "My lord," says Cavel(lish, 
" returned o his chamber, lamenting the departure of 

1 A dmp, unfurnished house belonging to Wolsey, where ho ws 
ordered fo remaiu till the Govrnmeut hud determined upon their 
course towrds him. 



246 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

his servants, making his moan unto Master Cromwell, 
who eomforted him the best he eould, and desired 
my lord to give hiln leave fo go fo London, where 
he would either lnake or mar before he eame again, 
which vas always his common saying. Then after 
long eommuuieation with nly lord in secret, he de- 
parted, and took his horse and rode to London; at 
whose departing I was by, whom he bade farewell, 
and said, ye shall hear shortly of me, and if I speed 
vell I will hot rail to be here again within these two 
days." Ho did speed well. "After two days he 
eame again with a lnueh plcasanter eountenanee, and 
meeting with me 1)clore he eamc to my lord, said 
unto me that he had adventured fo put in bis foot 
where he t«'uste,1 shortly to be better regardcd or ail 
were done." He had stoppcd the progress of the 
impeaehlnent, in the Lower House, and vas ansvel'ing" 
the artieles one by one. In the eveniug he rode down 
fo Esher for instructions. In the morning he was 
again at his plaee lu Parliament; and he eoudueted 
the defenee so skilfully, t, hat finally he threw out 
thc bill, saved Wolsey, and himself "grew into sueh 
estimation in every man's opinion, for his honest 
behaviour in his lnaster's eause, that he was esteemed 
the most faithfullest servant, [and] was of all men 
greatly eomlnended" 
Henry adlnired his ehivalry, and perhaps his talent. 
Ïhe loss of Wolsey had left hiln without any very able 
man, unless we my eonsider Sir Thomas lIore sneh, 
upon his eouneil, and ho eould not ealeulate ou l|ore 
for support in his anti-Roman poliey; he was glad, 
therefore, to avail himself of the serviee of a man 
who had given so rare a proof of fidclity, and who 
had been trained by the ablest statesman of the age. 
1'o Wolsey Cromwell eould tender no more serviee 



THOMAS CROMWELL OE47 

excepç as a friend, and lais warm friend he rcmained 
ço Ghe lasç. I-Ie became çhe lin2"s secl'eçary, repre- 
sençing Ghe Governmenç in Ghe House of Commons, 
and was aG once on çhe high roa, l Go power. If we 
please we may call him ambiGious; buç an ambiGious 
man would scarcely bave pursued so refined a policy, 
or have calculaçed on çhe admiraGion which he gained 
by adhering Go a fallen minisçer. He did noç scck 
greatness--greatness rather sought him as the llllAl ill 
Eugland most fit fo bear it. His business was to 
prepare the measures which were fo be sublnittcd 
fo Parlialnent l>y the Government,. His influence, 
therefore, grcw necessarily with the rapidity wiGh 
which events were ripening ; and when Ghe conclusive 
step was taken, and t.he king was married, the virtual 
conduct of the Reformation passed into his hands. 
His Protestant tendencies were unknown as yet, 
pcrhaps, even ço his own conscience ; nor ço the last 
could he arrive af any certain spcculative convictions. 
He was lrawn towards the Pl'ot, cstant, s as he rose 
into 1)ower by thc integvity of his nature, which 
compclled him to trust onlythose on the sincerity 
of whose convict, ions he could depcnd. 

Meanwhile (1540) the minisçer who, in the conduct of 
çhe mighty cause which he was guiding, had stooped ço 
dabble in these muddy waters of içrigue, was reaping, 
wiGhin and withouç, çhe harvesç of his errors. The 
consciousness of wrong broughç wit.h iG t.he conscious- 
ness of weakness and moody alternations of retaper. 
The Griumph of lais enemies stared him in çhe face, 
and rash words ,lropped from him, which were hot 
allowed ço fatl upon the ground, declaring whaç he 
would do if çhe kig were çurned from the course 
of the Reformaçion. Carefully hi,s antagonists at 



48 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

the council board had watched him for years. They 
had noted down his public errors; spies had reported 
his most confidential language. Slowly, but surely, 
the pile of accusations had gathered in height and 
weight, till the tiine should corne to make them public. 
Three years before, when the northern insurgents 
had demanded Cromvell's punishlnent, the king had 
answered t, haç he laws were open, and were equal ço 
high and low. Let an aeeuser eome forward openly 
and prove la he Privy Seal had broken he laws, 
and he should be punished as surely and as truly as 
he lneanest eriminal. The ease against him was elear 
at last; if brought forward in the lnidst of the king's 
displeasure, the charges eould hOt rail of attent.ive hear- 
ing, and the release froln t.he detested lnatrimony might 
be idenified wih t, he pulfishlnen of the au,hot of if.. 
For struek down Crolnwell should be, as his toaster 
Wolsey had been, o fise no more. Not only was he 
hated on publie grounds, as fle leader of a revoluion, 
but, in his lnultiplied offiees, he had usurped the func- 
tions of he eeelesiast, ieal courts ; he had mixed hilnself 
in he private eoneerns of families ; he had interfered 
beween wives and husbands, fahei's a.lld sons, brot.hers 
and sisers. In his enorlnous eorrespondenee he appears 
as the universal referee--the resouree of all weak or 
injured persons. The lnad Duehess of Norfolk chose 
him for her pat.ron against the duke. Lady Burgh, 
Lady Pari-, Lady Hungerford, alike lnade him the 
ehalnpion of their domestie wrongs. Justly and un- 
jusfly he had dragged down upon himself the animosity 
of peers, bishops, elergy and gentlelnen, and their day 
of revenge was conle. 
On the lOt.h of June he attended as usual at the 
lnorning sitting of t, he House of Lords. The privy 
council sat in the afternoon, and af three o'clock the 



THOMAS CROMWELL a49 

Duke of Norfolk rose suddenly ai the table: "My Lord 
of Essex," he said, "I arrest you of high treason." There 
were witnesses in readiness, who came forward and 
swore fo have heard him say "that, if the King and 
all his reahn would turn and vary from his opinions, 
he would fight in the ficld in his own person, vith his 
sword in his hand, agaiust the King and all others; 
adding that, if he lived a year or two, he trusted fo bring 
things to that frame that it shouhl hot lie in the King's 
pover to resist or let it" The words "were .instified 
fo his faee" It was enough. Letters were inst.antly 
written fo the ambassadors ai forei'n courts, desiring" 
them fo make known the blow whieh had be«'n struek 
and thc eauses which had led to if.. The twilight of the 
summer evening round TholnaS Cromwell within the 
walls of that grim prison whieh had few outlers exeept 
the seaflbhl ; and far off: perhaps, he heard the pealing 
of the ehureh bells and the SOllgS of revelry in the 
streets, with whieh the eiLizens, short of sight, and 
bestowin on him the usual guerdon of tran.seendent 
merit, exulted iii his fall. "The Lord Crolnwell," says 
Hall, "teint in the eouneil ehamber, was suddenly 
apprehended and eolnmitte, l fo the Tower of London ; 
the whieh lnany lamenred, but more rejoieed, and 
speeially sueh as either had been religious men or 
favoured religious persons: for they bamlueted and 
triumphed together that night, lnany wishing that 
that day had been seven years belote, and some, fear- 
ing lest he should eseape, although he were imprisoned, 
eould nor be lnerry; others, who knew noçhing but 
tl'Uth by him, both lamented hiln and heartily prayed 
for him. But this is true, that of eertain of the eleŒEy 
he was detestably hated ; and speeially of sueh as had 
borne swing, and by his means were put fron if ; for 
indeed he was a man that, in all his doings, seelned 



a5o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

no fo favour any kind of Popery, nor eould llOç al»Me 
he snuffing pride of some prelates." 
The first inention was o bring him fo trial, but a 
parliamentary attainder was a swifter proeess, beter 
suited fo the retaper of the vietorious reaetionists. 
Five lomanists but a few days previously had been 
thus senteneed under Cromwell's direetion. The re- 
trilmt, ion was only the more eomplete whieh rendered 
baek fo him the saine measure whieh he had dealt fo 
ohers. The bill was brought in a week after his arrest. 

Only one person had the courage or the xvish fo 
speak fol" Cromwell. Cranmêl', the first o eome 
forwar, l on behalf of AireA Boleyn, ventured, tir,st and 
alone, to throw a doubt on the treason of t.he Privy 
Seal. "I heal'd yesterday, in your Graee's eouneil," 
he wrote fo the king, "that the Earl of Essex is a 
traitor; yet who eannot be sorrowful and amazed 
tha he should be a traitor agains your Iajesty--he 
whose snrety was only by your $Iajesty--he who loved 
yonr lje.sty, as I ever thought, no less than God-- 
he who studied alvays fo set forwards whatsoever 
vas your lIa.jesty's will and pleasure--he t.hat cared 
for no man's displeasure t.o serve your 3Iajesty--he 
that was sueh a servant, in my j udgment, in wisdoln, 
diligenee, faithfulness and experienee as no prinee in 
this reahn ever had--he that was so vigilant to pre- 
serve yonr Ila.iesty from ail t, reasons, that few eould 
be so seeretly eoneeived but he deteeted the saine in 
the begitming !--I loved him as my friend, fol" so I 
took him to be; but I ehiefly loved him for the love 
whieh I thoug'ht I saxv him bear ever towards your 
(Iraee, singularly above all others. But now, if he be 
a traitor, I ara sorry that ever I loved or trusted hiln; 
and I ara very glad that his treason is discovered in 



THOMAS CROMWELL 25 I 

rime; but yet, again, I ara very sorrowful ; for who 
shall your Grace trust hereafter if you may hot trust 
hiln ? Alasl I lainent your Grace's chance herein. I 
wot hot whom your Grace may trust." 
The intercession was bravely ventured ; but it was 
fruitless. The illegal acts of a minister who had been 
trusted with extraordinary poxvers were too patent 
for denial; and Cranmer himself was forced into 
a passive acquiesce,me, xvhile the enemies of the 
Reformation worked their revenge. Heresy tnd 
truth, treason and patriotism ! these arc words which 
in a war of parties chanp,ed their mcaning with the 
alteruations of success, till rime aud rate have pro- 
nounced the last interpretation, and human opinions 
and sympathies bend to the deciding judgment. But 
while the struggle is still in progress--while the 
partisans on either si, le exclailn that truth is with 
them, and error xvith their antagonists, and the lninds 
of this man and of that lllall are so far the only arbitrs 
--those, at such a rime, are l'lot the least to be coin- 
mended who obey for thcir guide the law as it iu fact 
exists. Men there are who need no such direction, 
who follow t.hcir own course--if may be to a glorious 
success, it may be to as glorious a death. To such 
proud natures the issue to themselves is of trifling 
moment. They live for their work or die for if, as 
their Ahnighty Father wills. But the lav in a free 
country cannot keep pace with genius. If reflects the 
plain sentiments of the better order of average men; 
and if if so happen, as in a perplexed world of change 
it will happen and must, that a stateslnan, or a 
prophct, is beyond his age, and in collision with a 
law which his COlmCieuce forbids him to obcy, he 
bravely breaks it, bravely defies it, and either wins 
the victory in his living person, or, more o[ten, wins 



a5a SELEC'FIONS FROM FROUDE 

if in his death. In fairness, Cromwell should have 
been tried; but if would have added nothing fo his 
ehanees of eseape. He eould uot disprove the aeeusa- 
tions. He eould but bave said that he had done right, 
not wrong--a plea whieh vould have been but a fresh 
erime. But, in the deafening StOl'm of denuneiation 
whieh burst out, the hastiest vengeanee was held the 
greatest justiee. 

For eight years his intluenee had been supreme with 
the king--suprelne in Parlialnent--supreme in Con- 
voeation; the nation, in the ferment of revolut.ion, 
was absolutely eontrolled by him ; and hê has left the 
print of his individual genius st.amped indelibly, while 
the lnetal was af white heat, into the eonstitution of 
the eountry. Wave after wave has rolled over his 
work. Rolnanisln flowed baek over if under Mary. 
Puritanism, under another even grander Cromwell, 
overwhehned if. But Romanism ebbed again, and 
Puritanism is dead, and the polity of the Chureh of 
England remains as if vas left by its ereator. 
And hot in the Chureh only, but in all departments 
of the publie serviee, Cromwell was the sovereig'n guide. 
In the Foreign Offiee and the Home Offiee, in Star 
ChaInber and af council table, in dockyard and law 
eourt, Crolnwell's intelleet presided--Cromwell's hand 
eeeuted. His gigantie eorrespondenee remains fo 
witness for his varied energy. Whether if was an 
alnbassador or a eOlnlnissioner of sewers, a warden 
of a eompany or a tradesman vho was injured by the 
guild, a bishop or a heretie, a j ustiee of the peaee, or 
a serf erying for elnaneipat.ion, Crolnwell was the 
universal authority fo whom all offieials looked for 
instruction, and all suflbrers looked for redress. 
Hated by all those who had grown old in an earlier 



THOMAS CROMWELL 253 

system--by the vealthy, whose interests were touched 
by his reforms--by the superstitious, whose prejudices 
he vounded--he vas the defendcr of the veak, the 
defender of the poor, defender of the "fatherless and 
forsaken "; and for his work, the long maintenance 
of if has borne vitness that if vas good--that he did 
the thing which England's true interests required to 
be done. 
Of the mamer in vhich that work vas done if is 
less easy fo speak. Fierce lavs fiercely executed-- 
an unflinching resolution which neither danger could 
daunt nor saintly virtue movc to mercy--a long list 
of solemn tragedies--weigh upon his memory. He 
lmd taken upon himself a ta.k beyond the ordinary 
strength of man. His diflàculties could be overcome 
only by inflexible persistence in the course which he 
had mrked out for himself and for the State; and 
he supported lais weakness by a determination which 
imitated the unbemling fixity of a lav of nature. He 
pursued au object, the excellence of which, as his 
mind sav it, transcended all other considerations--the 
freedom of England and the destruction of idolatT : 
and those who from any motive, noble or base, pious 
or impious, crossed lais path, he crushed, and passed 
on over their bodies. 
Whether the saine end could have been attained by 
gentler methods is a question which nmny persoas 
suppose they can answer easily in the affirmative. 
Some diffidence of judgment, hovever, ought fo be 
taught by the recollection that the saine end was 
purchased in every other counta T which lmd the 
happiness fo attain fo if at all, only by years of 
bloodshed, a single day or veek of which caused 
larger human misery than the whole period of the 
administration of Cromwell. Be this as if will, his 



254 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

aire was noble. For his actions he paid with his life ; 
an,l he followed his victims by the saine road vhich 
fley had trodden befol'e hin, fo file high t«'ibunal, 
where if may be lat great nam'es vho on earth have 
lived in lnoral emniy may learn a last fo understand 
eaeh offset. 



55 

SIR HUMFRE¥ GILBERT. 

SOME two toiles above the port of Dartmouth, once 
among the most important harbours in England, on a 
prqiecting angle of land which runs out ino the river 
af the head of olle 0[' its most beautiful reachés, there 
has stood for some centuries the Manor House of 
• Greenavay. The water runs deep ail the way to it 
from the sea, and the largest vessels may ride with 
safety within a stone's throw of the windows. In 
the latter hall of the sixteenth century there must 
have met, in the hall of this mansion, a party as 
remarkable as could have been round anywhere in 
England. ttumfrey and Adrian Gilbert, with their 
half-brother, Walter Raleigh, here, when liftle boys, 
played af sailors in the reaches of Long Stream ; in 
the summer evenings doubtless rowing down with the 
ride to the port, and wondering at the quaint figure- 
heads and carved prows of the ships which thronged 
if; or climbing on board, and listening, with hearts 
beating, fo the mariners' tales of the new earth beyond 
the sunset. And here in later lire, matured men, 
whose boyish dreams had become heroic action, they 
used again fo meet in the intervals of quiet, and the 
rock is shown underneath the house where Raleigh 
smoked the first tobacco. Another remarkable mai L 
of whom we shall presently speak more closely, could 
not rail to bave ruade a fourth at these meetings. A 
sailor boy of Sandwich, the adjoining parish, John 



256 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Davis, showed early a genius whieh eould not have 
escaped the eye of such neighbours, and in the atmo- 
sphere of Greenavay he learned tobe as noble as the 
Gilberts, and as tender and delicate as Raleigh. Of 
this party, for the present, we confine ourselves to the 
host and owner, Humfrey Gilbert, knighted afterwards 
by Elizabeth. Led by the scenes of his childhood to 
the sea and to sea adventures, and afterwards, as his 
mind unfolded, to study his profession scientifically, 
we find hiln as soon as he was old enough to think 
for himself, or make others listen fo hiln, " amending 
the gl'eat errors of uaval sea eards, whose eommon 
fault is to make the degree of longitude in every 
latitude of one eolnlnon bigness "; inventing instru- 
ments for taking observations, studying the form of 
the earth, and eonvineing hinself that there was a 
north-west passage, and studying the neeessities of his 
eountry, and diseovering the remedies for them in 
eolonisation and extended markets for home manu- 
faetures. Gilbert was examined before the Queen's 
Majesty and the Privy Couneil, and the reeord of his 
examination he has himself left to us in a paper vhieh 
he afterwards drew up, and strange enough reading it 
is. The most admirable eonelusions stand side by side 
with the wildest eonjeetures. 
Homer and Aristotle are pressed into serviee to prove 
that the oeean runs round the three old eontinents, and 
that Ameriea therefore is neeessarily an island. The 
Gulf Stream, whieh he had earefully observed, eked 
out by a theory of the prbnqn nobile, is ruade to 
demonstrate a channel to the north, corresponding to 
Magellan's Straits in the south, Gilbert believing, in 
common with almost every one of his day, that these 
straits were the only opening into the Pacific, and the 
land to the south was unbroken to the Pole. He 



SIR HUMFREY GILBERT 257 

prophesies a market in the east for our manufactured 
]inen and calicoes : 

The Easterns greatly prizing he saine, as appeareth in Hester, 
where the pomp is expressed of the grea King of India, Ahasuerus, 
who matched he coloured clothes wherewith his houses and tents 
were apparelled, with gold ,nd silver, as part of his greatest treasure. 
These and other such arguments were the best 
analysis which Sir Huln[rey had fo offer of the spirit 
which he felt fo be working in hiln. We lmy think 
what we please of them; but we tan have but olte 
thought of the great grmd words with which the 
memorial concludes, and they alone would explain the 
love which Elizabcth bore him :-- 

ever, therefore, mislike with me for taking in hand any laudable 
and honest enterprise, for if through pleasure or idleness we pur- 
chase shame, the pleasure vanisheth, but the shame abideth for 
ever. 
Give me leave, therefore, without offence, always fo live and die 
in this mind: that he is not vorthy to live at all tlmt, for fear or 
danger of death, shunneth his country's service and his ovn honour, 
seeing that death is inevitable omd the lame of virtue immortal, 
wherefore in this behalf mutare vel timcre sperno. 
Two voyages which he undertook af his own 
cost, which shattered his fortune, aud failed, as they 
naturally lnight, since inefficient help or mutiny of 
subordinates, or other disorders, are inevitable con- 
ditious under which more or less great men must be 
content fo see their great thoughts mutilated by the 
feebleness of their instruments, did hOt dishearten 
him, and in June, 1583, a last fleet of rive ships sailed 
from the port of Dartlnouth with comlnission from 
the queen fo discover and take possession from latitude 
45 ° fo 50 ° north--a voyage noç a little noteworthy, 
there being planted in the course of if the first English 
colony west of the Atlantic. Elizabeth had a forebod- 
ing that she would never see him again. She sent 
7 



a58 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

him a jewel as a last token of her favour, and she 
desired Raleigh fo have his pieture taken belote he 
went. 
The history of the voyage was written by a Mr. 
Edward Hayes, of Dartmouth, one of the prineipal 
aetol's iu it, and as a eomposition it is more remark- 
able for fine writing than any very eommendable 
thought in the author. But Sir Humfrey's nature 
shines through the intinnity of his ehronieler ; and in 
the end, indeed, Mr. Hayes himself is subdued into a 
better lnind. He ha, l lost money by the voyage, and 
we will hope his higher nature was only under a 
temporary eelipse. The fleet eonsisted (it is well fo 
observe the ships and the size of them) of the Delight, 
120 tons; the barque Raleig], , 200 tons (this ship 
deserted off the Land's End); the Golde, Hide and 
the Swallow, 40 tons eaeh ; and the Sqteir.rel, whieh 
was ealled the frig'ate, 10 tons. For the uninitiated 
in sueh matters, xve lnay add that in a vessel the 
size of the last, a member of the Yacht Club would 
eonsider that he had earned a elub-room immortality 
if he had ventured a run in the depth of SUlnlner from 
Cowes to the Channel Islands. 

We were in ail (says l[r. l:[ayes) 60 men, among whom we had 
of cvery faeulty good ehoiee. Besides, for solaee of out own people, 
and allurement of the savages, we were provided of music in good 
variety, noç omitting the least toys, as moŒEris daneers, hobby horses, 
and lçay-like eoneeits fo delight the savage people. 

The expedition reaehed Nevfoundland without 
neeident. St. John's was taken possession of, and a 
eolony left there; and Sir Humfrey then set out 
exploring along the Ameriean eoast fo the south, he 
himself doing all the work in his little 10-ton eut.ter, 
the service being too dangerous fol" the larger vessels 



SIR HUMFREY GILBERT :259 

fo venture on. One of these had remained af 
John's. He was now accompanied only by the Deliglt 
and the Gol«le Hinde, and these two keeping" as near 
the shore as they dared, he spent what remained of the 
summer examinmg every creek and bay, marking" t, he 
soumtings, taking the bearings of the possible harbours, 
and risking his lire, as every hour he was obliged fo 
risk if in sueh a service, in thus leading, as if were, 
the forlorn hope in t.he eomluest of the New World. 
How dangerous if was we shall presently see. If. was 
towards the end of August. 

The evening vas fuir and pleasant, yet hot without token of 
storm to ensue, and most part of this Wednesday night, like the 
swan that singeth before her death, they in the Dclight continued 
in sounding of drums and trumpets and fifes, also winding the 
cornets and hautboys, and in the end of their jollity left with the 
battell and ringing of doleful knells. 

Two days after came the storm; the Delight 
struck upon a bank, and went down in si?.'ht of the 
other vessels, which were unable to render her any 
help. Sir Humfrey's papers, among other things, 
were all lost in ber; af the time considered by him an 
irreparable misfortune. But if was little natter, he 
was never fo need them. The Golden Hi,_de and the 
Sqd.rrel were now left alone of the rive ships. The 
provisions were running short, and the summer season 
was closing. Both crews were on short allowance; 
and with much difficulty Sir Humfrey w£s prevailed 
upon fo be satisfied for the present with what he had 
done, and to lay off for England. 

So upon Saturday, in the Mternoon, the 31st of August, we 
changed our course, and returned bck for England, at which very 
instant, even in winding about, there passed alo.ng between us and 
the land, which we now forsook, a verv lion to our seeming, in 
shape, hair and colour ; hot swimming after the nmnner of a beast 



a6o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

by moving of his fret, but rather sliding upon the water with his 
whole body, except his legs, in sight, neither yet diving uncler and 
again rising as the manner is of vhales, porpoises and other fish, 
but confidently showing himself without hiding, notvithstanding 
hat we presented ourselves in open view and gesture to amaze 
hi2n. Tbus he passed Mong, turniug his head o and fro, yawning 
and gaping wicle, with ougly demonstration of long teeth and glaring 
eyes; and o bidde us farewell, coming right against the Itindc, 
he sent forth a horrible voice, roaring and bellowing as cloth a lion, 
which spectacle we all beheld so far as we were able to discern the 
saine, as men prone fo woncler ai every srange thing. \Vhat 
opinion ohers had thereof, and cbiefly the General himself, I for- 
bear to deliver. But he took it for Bonmn Ornent, rejoicing that he 
was fo war against such an enemy, if it were the devil. 

We have no doubt that he did think it was the 
devil ; mon in those days believing really that evil was 
more than a prineiple or a neeessary accident, and that 
in ail heir labour for God and for right they must 
make their aeeount fo have fo fight with the devil in 
his proper person. But if we are to eall if superstition, 
and if çhis vere no devil in the fol'n of a roaring lion, 
but a mere great seal or sea-lion, it is a more innocent 
superstition to impersonate so rem a power, and it 
requires a bol,ler heart to fise up against it and defy it 
in its living terror, than fo sublimate it away into a 
philosophieal prineiple, and fo forger to bat.tle with it 
in speeulating ou its origin aud nature. But o follow 
the brave Sir Humfrey, whose work of fighting with 
the devil was now over, and who was passing to his 
rewar, l. The 2nd of September the genel'al rame on 
board the Golden Hide "fo make merry with us" 
He greatly deplored the loss of his books and papers, 
but he was full of confidence from what he had seen, 
and talked wit.h eagerness and warmth of the nexv ex- 
pedition fol" the following spring. Apoeryphal gohl- 
mines still oeeupying the mimls of Mr. Hayes and 
others,_they were persuaded tlmt Sir Humfrey was 



SIR HUMFREY GILBERT 6 

keeping fo himself some sueh diseovery whieh he had 
secretly ruade, and they t«'ied hard fo extract if from 
hiln. They could make nothing, however, of his old, 
ironical ansvêl'S, and their sorrow af the catastrophe 
which followed is sadly blendcd with disappointlnent 
that such a secret should have pêrishêd. Sir Hulnfrey 
doubtless saw America with other eyes than theirs, and 
gold mines richer than California in ifs huge rivêrs 
and savalmahs. 

Le,ring the issue of this good hope (bout the gold) (continues 
Mr. ttayes) fo God, who only knoweth the truth thereof, I will 
hsten to the end of this tragedy, which nust be knit up in the 
person of our Generl, nd as it was God's ordinance upon him, 
even so the vehement persuasion of his friends could nothing avril 
fo divert him from his wi!ful resolution of going in his frigte ; and 
when he was entreted by the captoEin, toaster and others, his well- 
wishers in the Hinde, hot to venture, this was his answer--"I 
will hot forsake ny little company going honewards, with whom 
I have passed so many storms and perils" 

Two-thirds of the way home thêy met foul weather 
and terrible seas, " brêaking short and pyralnid-wise". 
Men vho had all their lires "oeeupie,l the sea" had 
never seen if lnore outrageous. " We had also upon 
out mainyal'd an apparition of a little fier by night, 
whieh seamen do eall Castor and Pollux." 

Monday, the ninth of Sepember, in the Mernoon, the frigte 
ws ner cst wy oppressed by wves, but t tht time recovered, 
nd giving forth signs of joy, the GenerM, sitting bMt with a book 
in his hnd, cried unto us in the lfinde so oIten as we did 
approch within hearing, " We are s ner fo heaven by se s by 
lnd," reiterting the sme speech, well beseeming  soldier re- 
solute in Jesus Christ, nd I cn testify that he was. The slne 
Monday night, bout twelve of the clock, or hot long fter, the 
frigte being hed of us in the Golden Hinde, suddenly her 
lights were out, whereof as it were in  moment we lost the sight ; 
and withl our wtch cried, " The General was cast away," which 
ws too true. 



262 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Thus faithfully (concludes Mr. Hayes, in some degree rising 
above himself) I have related this story, wherein some spark of the 
knight's virtues, though he be extinguished, may happily appear; 
he remaining resolute to a purpose honest and godly as was this, fo 
discover, possess and reduce unto the service of God and Christian 
piety those relnote and heathen countries of America. Such fs the 
infinite bounty of God, vho from every evil deriveth good, that 
fruit nmy grow in rime of our travelling in these North-Western 
lands (as has it hot grown ?), and the crosses, turmoils and afflic- 
tions, both in the prepartion and execution of the voyage, did 
correct the intemperate hunmurs, which bcfore we noted to be in 
this gentleman and ruade unsavoury and less delightful his other 
manifold virtues. 
Thus as he was refined and ruade nearer unto the image of God, 
so it 101eased the Divine wil! to resume him unto I-]imself, whither 
both his and every other high and noble mind have always aspired. 

8uch was Sir Humfrey Gilbert; still in the prime 
of his years when the Atlantic swallowed him. Like 
the gleam of a landscape lit suddenly for a moment 
by the lightning, these few seenes flash down to us 
aeross the eenturies: but what a life must that have 
been of whieh this was the eonelusion': We have 
glilupses of him a few years earlier, when he won his 
spurs in Ireland--won them by dceds whieh fo us 
seeln terrible in their ruthlessness, but whieh won the 
applause of Sir Henry bidney as too high for praise 
or even reward. Chequered like all of us with lines 
of light and darkness, he was, nevertheless, one of a 
ree whieh has eeased to be. We look round for 
them, and we can hardly believe that the saine blood 
fs ttowing in our veins. Brave we may still be, and 
strong perhaps as they, but the high moral graee 
whieh ruade bravery and strength so beautiful fs 
departed from us for ever. 



263 

ELIZABETH. 

WttILE the danger 1 lasted the queen had not shown to 
advantage. Sir Francis Walsingham, hot once only, 
but at cvery trying crisis of ber lire, had to describe 
her comluct as "dishonoural)lc and dangerous"-- 
dishonoural)le, because she never hesitated fo break 
a promise when to keep it was inconvenient; and 
dangerous, from the universal distrust which she had 
inspired in those who had once relied upon her. But 
her disposition to compromise, her extreme objection 
to severity or coercion, were better suited fo conciliate 
defeated enemies. Whether it vas policy, or that, 
like Hamlet, she "lacked gall," she nevcr remembered 
an injm3". She fought with treason by being blind 
toit, and ruade men loyal in spire of themselves by 
persistent.ly trusting them. 
Her manners were eminently popular. She was 
hard of feature and harsh of voiee: "her humours," 
as Sir T. Heneage expressed it, "had not grown weak 
with age"" but she was free of aeeess to her presenee, 
quiek-witted and familiar of speeeh vith men of all 
degrees. She rode, shot, jested and drank heer; spat 
and swore upon occasions; swore hot like "a eomfit- 
maker's wife," but round, mouth-filling oaths whieh 
vould have satisfied Hotspur--the hulnan eharaeter 
showing always through the royal robes, yet with the 

 Of the Ctholic conspircy in 1572.--A. 



264 

SELECTION$ FROM FROUDE 

queenly dignity never so impaired that liberties could 
te ventured in return. 
The public policy of the reahn was in the main 
directed by Burghley, but his measures were af 
tilnes liable to be suspended or reversed. She had a 
second ear always open to Catholic advisers--pen- 
sioners, some of them, of Spain--in the household and 
the cabinet. Her ladies of the bedchamber were for 
the lnost part the friends and correspondents of Mary 
Stuart. Her favourite courtiers, men like Lord Oxford 
and Lord Henry Howard, were the most poisonous 
illstruments oI" Spanish intrigue. Her "new minion," 
as he was spitefully called abroad, Leicester's rival, Sir 
Christopher Hatton, was a Catholic in ail but the 
naine. The relations of Elizabeth with these persons, 
however insolently remarked upon by the refugees 
and malignants, were never generMly misunderstood, 
and if regretted, were regretted only for public reasons 
by her wiser statesmen. 
Leicester, no doubt, she would have liked well to 
marry. Leicester had been an objecb ab one rime of 
grave suspicion, and even Cecil's mind once misgave 
him, on the ambiguous position in which this nobleman 
stood tovards his sovereign. But the Spanish ambas- 
sador de Silva inquired curiously into the scandais 
which were flying, and satisfied himself that they 
were without foundation. And the absolute silence 
afterwards of Mendoza, on a subject Oll which hatred 
would have ruade him cloquent, i,s a further and 
conclusive answer fo the charges of Allcn and Sanders. 
Leicester continued till his death an object of excep- 
tional regard. Hatt, on, a handsome, innocent, rather 
absurd pcrson, was attached fo her on the footing of 
a hunmn lapdog, and he repaid her caresses vith a 
genuine devotion, ridiculous only lu the language in 



ELIZABETH 265 

which if was expressed. Elizabeth had nicknames for 
every onê who was about ber person" Burghley was 
lier "spirit"; Leicester her "sweeç Robin"; Oxford, 
lier " boar "; Hatton, lier "Lidds," lier "sheep," her 
mouton, Anglicised into " Mutton ". The letters ad- 
dressed to ber by statesmen are remarkable for the 
absence of formality, for language ot'ten of severe and 
startling plaimmss, unseasoned with a compliment. 
She kept lier intelligence foi- Burghley and Walsing- 
haro, and gave lier folly fo the favourites. Thê liard 
polit.ician of the cabinet exacted in th6 palace the lnost 
profound adulation" she chose fo be adored for her 
beauty, ad complimented as a 1)aragon of perfection. 
Her portraits are usually without shadow, as if 
ber features radiated light. ,Sometimes she was re- 
presented in more than mortal character; as an 
Artemis with bow and crescent ; as the Heathen Queen 
of love and beauty; as the Christian Regina Coeli, 
whose nativity  fell close fo her own birthday, and 
whose functions as the virgin of Protestantism she 
was supposed to supersede. Whên she appeared as a 
mere woman, she was painted in robes, which if is to 
bê presumed that she actually wore, broidered with 
eyes and ears as emblematic of omnipresence--or 
with lizards, crocodiles, serpents and other monsters, 
emblematïc, whatever they meant besicles, of her own 
extraordinary faste. 
Hatton tells lier when he is writing fo her, that "to 
see lier was heaven, and the lack of her was hell's 
forment." " Passion ovêrcomes him," as he thinks upon 
lier swêetness. Leicester "is but hall alive" when hê 
is absent from "hêr most blêssed presênce ". Even in 
business of State she was hot proof against flattery. 

 September 8th. Elizbeth ws born September 7th. 



266 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Mendoza could divert her af any tilne from disagree- 
able subjects by turning the conversatiou upon her 
persoual excellences. Sir John Smith, when sent on 
a visit fo the Court of France, round it prudent fo 
dispraise the queen and ladies there fo her Majesty's 
advantage. 
And there were no attentious which more certainly 
brought substmtial wages. The public service was 
conducte,1 most thriftily--ministers of Stte had their 
reward in doing thê business of thê country. Wal- 
singham spent his private fortune in bis office, and 
ruined himself. Sit" Henry Sidnêy decliued  peerage, 
his vice-royalty in ]reland having left him crippled 
with debt. Sir &unes Crofts excused his accepting a 
pensiou from Spain on tbe ground that the queen 
allowed bim nothing as controller of her househohl. 
Lord Burgbley has left on record in his own haud- 
writiug that the grants which he had received froln 
his lnistress had not covered his expenses in attending 
upon her: tht he had sold lands of his own fo 
lnaintain his state af Court, aud that the fêes of his 
treasurership did uot equal the eost of his stable. But 
the largesses withhehl from stateslnen were givên 
lavishly fo thê favourites and flatterers. Their offiee, 
perhaps, being ignominious, required a higher salary. 
Leieester, who iuherited nothing, his father's estates 
having been eonfiseated, beealne the wealthiest noble- 
man in England. Sineeures, grants of laml and high 
plaees about the Court rêwarded the attbetion of 
Hatton. Monopolies, whieh lnade their fortune "to 
the utter uudoing of thousands of her Majesty's 
subjeets," were heaped on them and others of their 
kind--eheap presents whieh eost the queen nothing. 
To Hatton was given also the Naboth's vineyard 
of his neighbour, the Bishop of Ely--the present 



ELIZABETH 267 

ttatton Garden, so named in memory of the transac- 
tion. 1 
Without family ries, with no near relations, and 
without friends save such as were loyal fo her for 
their country's sake rathcr than hcr own, Elizabeth 
concealed the dreariness of her lire from herself in the 
society of these human playthings, who flattered ber 
faults and humoured her caprices. She vas the more 
thrown upon them because in her views of government 
she stood equally alone, and among abler men scarcely 
found one to sympathise with hcr. She appears in 
history the champion of the Reformat.ion, the first 
Protestant sovereign in Europe, but if was a position 
into which she was driven forward in spire of herself, 
and when she found herself there, if brought ber neither 
pride nor pleasure. 
In her birth she was the symbol of the revolt from 
the Papacy. She could hot reconcile herself with 
Rome vithout condcmning the marriage from which 
she sprung" but her interest in Protestantism was 
limited fo political independence. She mocked at Cecil 
and "his bl'others in Christ". She aflhcted an interest 
in the new doctrines, only when the Scots or the Dutch 
vere nccessary fo her, or when religion could serve as 
an excuse fo escape an unwelcome marriagc. When 
the Spanish ambassador complained of the persecution 
of the Catholics, she answered that no Catholic had 
suffered anything who ackuowledged her as his lawful 
sovereigni and that in spiritual matters she believed 
as they did. Fanatics, Puritan or Papist, she despised 
with Erasmian heartiness. Under her brother and 

1 The reluctance of the bishop fo part with his property called out 
the celebrated letter in which "the Proud Prelte" was told tht if 
he did not instantly comply with the queen's wishes "by God she 
would unfrock him '" 



68 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

sister she had witnessed the alternate fruits of the 
suprmnacy of the two theolog'ical factions. She was 
determined fo hold them both under the law, which 
fo her had more true religion in if than cartloads of 
creeds and articles. Puritanism drev ifs strength from 
the people. The Popish priests were a regiment of the 
Bishop of Rome. She vould permit no authorit.y in 
England which did hot centre in herself. The Church 
shouhl be a department of the State, oanised by 
Parliament and ruled by the national tribunals. The 
moderates of both parties could meet and worship 
under its ambiguous formulas. There shouht be no 
conventicles and no chapels, fo be nurseries of sedition. 
Zealots who couhl not be satisfied lnight pay a fine for 
their precision, and bave their serinons or their sacra- 
ments af home. 
She never ceased fo hope that foreign princes would 
see things as she saw them. To the intelligent lati- 
tudinarian his principles appear so obviously reasonable 
that he cannot understand why they are hot univêrsally 
accepte& Elizabeth desired only a general peace, out- 
ward order and uniformity, with liberty fo every one 
fo think in private as he pleased. What could any 
man in his senses wish for more ? So long as there 
was no Inquisition, she could hot see why the Calvinists 
should refuse fo hear Mass. So long as their subjects 
would conform fo the established ritual, kings might 
well be satisfied fo leave opinion alone. If was to 
this consummation thttt ber foreign policy was always 
directe& It vas for this reason that she always resisted 
the advice of Burghley and Walsingham fo put herself 
af the head of a Protestant League. Unwillingly and 
af long intervals she had sent secret help fo the Prince 
of Orange and the Prince of Condé--not however fo 
emancipate the Low Countries, or change the dynasty 



ELIZABETH 269 

of France, but only fo prevent the triumph of t, he spirit 
of the Council of Trent, and fo briug Philip and 
ouse of Valois ço ext, end over Europe a govermnenç 
analogous ço her own. 
Evençs were çoo stron" for her. Her çheory ws 
t, wo cençuries before içs çime; and nations can only be 
governed on principles wif.h which they sympaçhise 
çhemselves. Yeç Elizabeth may be fairly crediçed 
wit, h a general rectitude of purpose; and for 
immediat, e purpose of keeping England quieç and 
prcventing civil war, she was acting prudently and 
successfully. She could hot forger that she was a 
sovereign of a divi,led people, and that ail her suject.s, 
as long as thcy were loyal, were entit, led to have 
t, heir prejudices respect, ed. The Anglo-Catholics and 
Catholics were still three-quarters of the population 
unit, ed in sympat, hy, unit, ed in the hope of seeing the 
ohl creed restored in its fulness, and as yet only 
diflbring in a point of order. Ail alike were thriving 
un,ler the peace and prospering in their worldly com- 
forts, while France and Flanders were torn in pieces by 
civil war. If she had struck openly into the quarrel, 
Germany would probably bave followed, and Roman- 
ism might perhaps bave been driven back behind the 
Alps and Pyrenees; but as, in doing so, she would 
have created t, he deepest resent«nent in England, the 
attempt, might also bave cost her her own throne, 
and she might have been herself more successful 
provoking rebellion than Mary Stuart or the emissaries 
of the Pope. Her first duty was fo her own people, 
and both for herself and England there were pro- 
tecting conditions which war would forfeit, but which 
would hardly fail ber as long as she remained at peace. 
In fighting out ber long quarrel with Spain and 



270 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

building her Church sysem ou of he broken masonry 
of Popery, her eoneluding years passed away. The 
grea men who had upheld t.he hrone in the days 
of her peril dropped one by one into he grave. 
Walsingham died soon af ter he defeat of the Armada, 
ruined in fort, une, and weary of his ungraeful service. 
Hunsdon, Knowles, Burghley, Drake, folloxved at brief 
intervals, and their mi,stress was lef by herself, sand- 
ing as i seemed on he pilmaele of eal-hly glory, ye 
in all t.he loneliness of greaness, and unable o enjoy 
the honours whieh Burghley's poliey had won for her. 
The firs place among he Proesant powers, whieh 
had been so often ottbred her and so often refused, 
has been foreed upon her in spige of herself. "She 
was Head of he Naine," bu it gave her no pleasure. 
She was he last of her race. No Tudor would sit 
again on he English throne. Her own sad propheey 
was fulfilled, and she lived o see ghose whom she 
mos trused urning heir eyes o he rising sun. 
Old age was eoming upon ber, bringing wih it 
perhaps a eonseiousness of failing faeulties; and 
soliary in he midst of splendour, and friendless 
among he eirele of adorers who swore they lived 
bu in her presenee, she grew weary of a lire whieh 
had eeased o inerest her. Siekening of a vague 
disease, she sough no help from medieine, and tlnall 3, 
refused to ake food. She eould no test in her bed, 
bu sa silent on eushions, saring ino vaeaney wih 
fixed and sony eyes, and so a last she died. 
Her eharaeer I have lef o be gahered from ber 
aeions, from her letters, from he eolnnmnieations 
beween herself and her minisers, and from he 
opinions expressed freely o one another in private 
by hose miuisers hemselves. The many pcrsons 
with whom she was brough ino confidential re- 



ELIZABETH 27I 

lations during her long reign noted down what she 
said fo them, and her words have been brought up in 
judgment a'ainst her" and there have been extremely 
few men and women in this world whose lives would 
bear so close a scrutiny, or who could look forward fo 
being subjected fo if without shame and dismay. The 
lnean thoughts which cross the minds and ai one 
rime or other escape t'fore the lips of most of us, were 
observed and remelnbered when proceeding froln the 
Inouh of a sovereign, and rise like accusing spirits 
in authentic i'righti'ulness oui of the private drawers 
of statesluen's cabinets. Common persons are sheltered 
by obscurity ; t.he larg'est portion of their faults they 
forger themselves, and others do hot care fo recollect" 
while kings and queens are at once refused the 
ordinary allowances for human weakness, and pay for 
their great place in lire by a trial before posterity 
more severe it is fo be hoped than awaits us ail at 
the final judgment bar. 
Thi. too ought to be borne in mind- that sovereigns, 
when circumstauces becone embarrassing, may hot, 
like unvalued persons, stand aside and leave others 
fo deal with them. Subjects are allowed fo decline 
responsibility, to refuse to undertake work which 
they dislike, or fo lay down ai any rime a burden 
which they find too heavy for t.heln. Princes born fo 
govern find their duties cling to them as their shadows. 
Abdication is offert practically impossible. Every day 
they must, do some act or forln SOlne decision from 
which consequences follow of infinite moment. They 
would gladly ,lo nothing if they might, but it is hot 
permitt, ed fo them. They are denicd fhe alternative 
of inaction, which is so often the best safeguard 
against doing wrong. 
Elizabeth's sit, uation was from the very first ex- 



aTa SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

tremely trying. She had few relations, none of any 
weight in the State, and those whom like Hunsdon and 
Sir Fraucis Knowles she took into her cabinet, derived 
their g'reatness from herself. Her unlucky, it nay be 
almost called culpable, attachment to Leicester lnade 
marriage unconquerably distasteful fo ber, and ber dis- 
appointment gave an additional twist to ber natural 
eccentricities. Circmnstances more than choice threw 
lier originally on the side of the Reformation, and 
when she told the Spanish ambassadors that she had 
been forced into separation from the Papacy against 
her will, she probably spoke but the truth. She was 
identitled in ber birth with the cause of independence. 
The first battle had been fought over ber cradle, and 
ber right to be on the throne tm'ned morally, if not in 
law, on the legitimacy of Queen Catherine's divorce. 
Her sister had persecuted her as the child of the woman 
who had caused ber mother so much misery, and her 
friends therefore had naturally been those who were 
most ber sister's enemies. She could hOt bave sub- 
mitted to the Pope without condenming her father, or 
admitting a taint upon her ovn birth, while in Mary 
of Scotland she had a rival ready to take advantage 
of any concession which she might be tempted to 
nlake. 
For these reasons, and not from any sympathy with 
the views either of Luther or Calvin, she chose ber 
party at lier accession. She round herself eompelled 
against ber will fo beeome the patron of hereties and 
rebels, in whose objeets she had no interest, and in 
vhose theology she had no belief. 8he resented the 
neeessity while she submitted to it, and her vaeillations 
are explained by the reluetanee with whid eaeh sue- 
eessive step was foreed upon her, on a road whieh she 
detested. It would bave been easy for a Protestant to 



ELIZABETH .73 

be decided. It would have been easy for a Catholic to 
be decided. To Elizabeth the speculations o[ so-called 
divines xvere but as ropes of sand and sea-slime leading 
fo the moon, and the doctrines for which they were 
rendiug each other fo pieces a dream of fools or en- 
thusiasts. Unfol'tunately ber keenness of insight was 
hot combined with any profound concern for serious 
things. She saw through the emptiness of the forms 
in vhich religion presented itself to the world. She 
had none the more any larger or deeper conviction of 
her own. She was without the inellectual emotions 
which give human character its consistency and power. 
One moral quality she possessed in an eminent degree" 
she was supremely brave. For thirty years she was 
perpetually a mark for assassination, and her spirits 
were never at%cted, and she was never frightened 
into cruelty. She had a proper contempt also for 
idle luxury and indulgence. She lived simply, worked 
hard, and ruled her household with rigid economy. 
But her vanity was as insatiable as if vas common- 
place. No flattery was too tawdry to find a welcome 
with her, and as she had no repugnance to false words 
in others, she was equally liberal of them herself. 
Her entire nature was saturated with artifice. Except 
when speakiug some round untruth Elizabeth never 
could be simple. Her letters and her speeches were 
as fantastic as her dress, and her meaning as involved 
as her poliey. She was Ulmatural even in her prayers, 
and she earried her affeetations into the presenee of 
the Almighty. She might doubt legitimately whether 
she ought fo assist an Earl of Murray or a Prince of 
Orange when in arms against their sovereign" but her 
seruples extended only fo the fulfillnent of ber promises 
of support, when she had herself tempted them into 
insurrection. Obligations of honour were hot only 
8 



:74 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

occasiomflly forgottcn by her, but she did hot seem 
fo understand vhat honour lneant. 
Vain as she was of her own sagaeity, she never 
modified a course reeolmnended fo her by Burghley 
without injury both fo the realm and fo herself. She 
never chose an opposite course without pluuging into 
em|)arrassmeltS, froln vhich his skill and Walsinghaln's 
vere barely able to extrieate he: The g'reat results 
of her reign were the fruits of a poliey whieh was hot 
her own, and whieh she starved and lnutilated when 
energy and eolnpleteness were most ueeded. 
That she pushed no luestion fo extremities, that, 
for instalme, she refused fo allow the succession to the 
erown fo be determined, and permitted the Catholies 
fo expeet the accession of the Queen of Seots, has been 
intêrpreted by the resul into wisdoln. 8he gained 
tilne by if, and her hardest problêms were those 
whieh rime alone eould resolve satisfaetorily. But 
the fortune whieh stood her friend so often never 
served her better than in lengthening her lire into old 
tge. Had the Queen of Seots survived her, her legaey 
fo England would have been a desperate and dreadful 
civil var. And her reluetanee was no result of any 
far-sighted or generous ealeulation. She wished only 
to reign in tluiet till her death, and was eontented fo 
leave the next generation fo settle ifs own ditIieulties. 
Her tenderness towards eonspirators was as remarkable 
as if was hitherto unexampled; but her unwillingness 
fo shed blood extended only fo high-born traitors. 
Unlike her father, xvho ever struek the leaders and 
spared the followers, Elizabeth could rarely bring 
herself fo sign the death-warrant of a nobleman; 
yet without eompunetion she eould order Yorkshire 
peasants fo be hung in seores by martial law. Merey 
was the quality with whieh she was most eager fo be 



ELIZABETH 75 

credited. She deligh,ed in popularity with the multi- 
Lu,le, an,l stu,lied the conditions ot" it ; buç she uçtercd 
no word o blalne, she rather thanked the perpetrators 
for good service donc fo the commonwealth, when 
Essex sent in his report of the women and children 
who were stabbed in the caves of Rat, hlin. She was 
remorseless when she ought to have been most forbear- 
ing, and lenient when she ought fo have been stern; 
and she owed her safety and her sueeess fo the 
ineapaeity and the divisions of her enemies, rather 
t.hal to wisdom and resolution of her own. Time was 
ber friend, tilne and the weakness of Philip; and the 
fairest fcature in ber history, the Olm relation in whieh 
from first fo last she showed sustained and generous 
feeling, is that whieh the perversity of history bas 
seleeted as the blot on her eseuteheon. Beyond and 
beside the politieal causes whieh influeneed Elizabeth's 
attitude towards the tneen of Seot, s, ta'ue human pity, 
truc kindness, a truc desire fo save ber from herself, 
had a real place. From the day of Mary Stuart's 
marriage with Franeis II. the Eng'lish throne was the 
dream of her imagination, and the means to arrive af 
if her ulmeasing praetieal study. Any eontemporary 
European sovereign, any English sovereign in an 
earlier age, would have deemed no means nnjustifiable 
fo remove so perilous a rival. How it would bave 
fared with her after she came fo England, the rate of 
Edward II., of Riehtrd, of Henry VI., of the Princes 
in the Tower, and, later yet, of the unhappy son of the 
unhappy Clarenee, lnight tell. Whatever might bave 
been the indirect advantage of Mary Stuart's prospec- 
tive title, the danger from ber presenee in the reahn 
nust have infinitely exeeeded if. She was "the bosom 
serpent," "the thorn in the flesh," whieh eould hot be 
plueked out ; and after he rebellion of the North, and 



:Z76 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

the discovery of the Ridolfi conspiracy, neither Philip 
nor Alva expected that she vould be permitted fo sur- 
vive. It seems as if Elizabeth: remembering her own 
danger in her sister's lire-rime, had studied fo shov an 
elaborate tenderness fo a person who was in the saine 
relation fo herself. From the beginnin to the end no 
t, race tan be round of personal animosity on the part of 
Elizabet.h ; on the part of Mary no t, race of anything 
save the fiercest hatred. 
But this, like ail other questions connected vith the 
Virgin Queen, shouhl be rather studied in her actions 
than in the opinion of the historian who relates them. 
Actions and words are carved upon eternity. Opinions 
are but forms of cloud created by the prevailing 
currents of the moral air. Princes, who are credited 
on the wron side with the evils which happen in 
their reigns, have a right in equity fo the honour of 
the good. The greatest aehievemen in English history, 
the "breaking the bonds of Ilome," and the establish- 
ment of spiritual indcpendenee, was eompleted without 
bloodshed under Elizabeth's auspices, and Elizabeth 
nay have the glory of the work. 



277 

ELIZABETH'S TREATMENT OF HER SAILORS 
AFTER THE ARMADA. 

THE greatest service ever donc by an E.glish fleet 
had been thus successfully aCCOlnt)lished 1)v nlell whose 
wages had hot been pal(1 froln the rime of their 
engagement, half-starved, with their clothes in rags 
and falling off their backs, anal so ill-f,)uml in the 
necessaries of war that they had eked out thcir 
8nllllllllitioll by what thcy could take in action from 
the enemy hilnself. " In the desire for victory they 
had hot stayed for the spoil of any of the ships that 
they lamed." There was no prize-moncy coming fo 
them fo reward their valour. Thcir oxvn country was 
the prize for xvhich they had fought and conquered. 
They had earned, if ever Englishlncu had earned any- 
whcre, the highest honour and the highest recompense 
which the Govermnent could bestow. 
The rexvard xvhich in fact they received will be 
very briefly told. Food had been provided, aml was 
sent doxvn the river on the 9th--19th of August. The 
one month's victuals ta ken in at Plymouth on the 
23rd of June had been stretched over seven weeks. 
The three days' rations with which the fleet had left 
the Forth had been ruade fo serve for eight days. 
Entire crexvs had thus been absolutely famishing. 
The next point fo be determined was, if the ships 
werc fo be paid off, or were fo remain in commission. 



278 

SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

"Sure bind, sure find," was t,he opinion of Lord 
Howard. If was st,ill possible that t,he Armada might 
return. " A kingdom was a great, wager, and seeurity 
was &mgerous, as they would have round had hot 
God been their friend." Drake " would not advise 
her Majesty to hazard a kingdom with saving a little 
charge" "The Prince of Parma," he said, " was a 
bear robbed of his whelps ; and for his eredit's sake, 
being so good a soldier, vould try fo do solnething." 
The queen, on the other hand, thought of nothing but 
the expense, and was only eager fo stop the drain on 
the exehequer at the earliest possible moment,. The 
quest.ion was answered, and the uneertainty aTas 
ended, by causes independent of t,he will either of 
herself or ber advisers. The straiu of the last few 
mont.hs was taken off; and wit.h it the spur to the 
hearts and spirits of the exhausted seamen. Even ai 
Plymouth short food and poisonous drink had brought 
dysenery amont hem ; and in one vessel, "the El'z«t- 
beth Jonr_ts, whieh had done as well as any ship in any 
service had ever done," there had been " a dangerous 
infection from the beginning". Want of food, want 
of eloçhes, want of thê relief, whieh if hey had been 
paid t.heir va¢es , t,hey might have provided for them- 
selves, had ag(dravated çhe tendeneies fo disease, and 
a frightful morality noxv set in through the entire 
fleet. Boaçloads of poor fellows were earried on shore 
ai Nargae, and were laid down fo die in the st,rees, 
"there being no plaee in he town t,o reeeive theln " 
The otlàeers did what t,hey eould. Howard's and 
Drake's purses were freely opened--some sort of 
shelter was provided ai last in barns and outhouses; 
but çhe assistanee vhieh they eould provide out of 
their personal resourees was alçogeçher inadequate. 
" If vould grieve any man's hearç," wroe Lord 



ELIZABETH AND HER 8AILORS. a79 

Howard, " to sec lnen who had served so valiantly 
fo die so miserably." 
The fear of Parma's coming soon died away. In a 
few days lmWS came that the camp at Dunkirk was 
broken up, tlle stores takell out of the transports, and 
the sailors paid off: the pinnaces sent in pursuit of 
the Arlnada returned with clear tidings that if had 
passed westward round the Orkneys; but the havoc 
among t.he brave lnen who ha,1 driven if from the 
shores of England bêcame daily more and lnore terrible. 
Thêy sickened onê day: thcy died the next. In the 
battlê bcfore Gravelines not sîxty in all had been 
killed: before a month was out there was hardly a 
ship which had enough men left fo weigh the anchors. 
If was characteristic of the helplessncss af heahluarters 
produced by Elizabeth's hardness, that, notwithstanding 
the disorder was traced definitely fo the 1)oisonous beer, 
if continued fo be served out. Nothing better vas 
allowed till if was consumed. The sick retluired fresh 
mcat a.nd vegetables. Within a few hom as they 
were of London, they continue,l to be dieted with the 
usual salt bêef and fish. The lnen expected th;tt, af 
least, after such a service they would be paid their 
wages in full. The queen was cavilling over the 
accounts, and vould givê no orders for lnoney till she 
had delnanded the lneaning of every penny that she 
was charged. If was even necessary for Sir John 
Havkins fo remind the Government that the pay of 
those who died was still due fo their relatives. 
From the severe nature of the service, Lord Howard 
had ben obliged fo add fo he nmnber of officers. He 
was challenged for tlle extra pay, and was obliged to 
petition for some slnall assistanee froln thê ¢lueen in 
defraying if himself. "The mat, ter is hot great," he 
said. " Five hundrêd pounds, with the help of my own 



a8o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

purse, will do ig. However ig fall oug, I musg see ghem 
paid." 
There had been expenses in he flee whieh eould 
no be avoided, and in t,le destitution in whieh he had 
been lef, Howard had used t,hree t.housand pisoles ou 
of he t.reasure aken in he ship of Pedro de Valdez. 
So keen ail aeeoun was exaeed of hin t.ha he Lord 
Adlniral of England, he eomlueror of t,he Armada, 
had o defend hinself agains a eharge of peeulaion. 
"I did ake them," he wrot,e o Walsingham, "as I old 
you I would: for, by Jesus, I had no hree pounds 
lef in he xvorld, and have no anything eould ge 
money in London--lny plat,e was gone belote. Bu I 
will repay i wit.hin en days afer lny eoming home. 
I pray yon le her lIa.jesy know so ; and, by he Lord 
God of Heaven, I had no one erown more, and had i 
no been mere neeessit.y I would no have ouehed one ; 
bu if I had no solne fo have besowed upon some 
poor miserable meu, I should have wished myself ou 
of he world." 
The wors meanness was ye to eome. A surcharge 
appeared in the aeeount,s of six hundred and went,y 
poun.ls for "exraordinary kinds of vieual, wine, 
eidel', sugar, oil and fresh fish," dist, ribut,ed among 
he ships while a Plymough, by he order of Howard 
and Drake. The Lord Admiral explained ha a few 
delieaeies had been hough neeessary for he relief of 
men who, being siek or wounded, lnigh be unable o 
digest sali meat. He admitted that, he had done what 
was unusual ; he said that he had ma,le t.he allowanees 
"in regard of the great«ess of t.he service, for the 
eneouragelnent of those on whose forwardness and 
eourage sueeess depended ". He might have added 
that t,heir legit, imate food had been stolen froln theln 
by the queen's own negleet. He petitioned hulnbly 



ELIZABETH AND HER SAILORS. 28i 

ha she would pass he charge. I is uncerain 
wheher she consened or no. I is certain çha a 
furher sure for çhe saine purpose Lord Howard fel 
obliged fo take upon himself. He sruek the enry 
ouç of his aeeoun book. "I will myself make satisfac- 
tion as vell as I may," he said, "so ha her lIajesty 
shall noç bê eharged wiçhal." 
Lord Howard perhaps, as a noblelnan whose façher 
had reeeived large benefaeçions from çhe Crown, and 
o whom he queen afterwards was moderaçely liberal, 
might be expeeçed o eonçribue a a t, ime of diffieuly 
ou of his privaçe resourees. The saine excuse will no 
eover he treatlnenç of Sir John Hawkins, who owed 
not, hing fo any erowncd head, and was he arehiteeç of 
his ovn forunes. Havkins had hot only been aç the 
head of he loekyards, but he had been t.he person 
employed in eolleeing t.he ships' eolnpanies, and afçer- 
wards in settling the wages with theln. No English 
vessels ever sailed on of porç in better condition. No 
English sailors ever did t.heir duy beçer. Bu Eliza- 
beth had ehanged hêr mind so often in he spring, 
engaging seamen and çhen dismissing them, and hen 
engaging ohers, that beween charges and diseharges, 
he aeeounts had naturally grmvn inçrieae. Htwkins 
vorked hard ço elear them, and spen his own fortune 
freely o make the figures saçisfaeto W ; but. she, who 
had been hersêlf he cause of the confusion, insised on 
an exaeness of statemen whieh i ,cas diflàeul if no 
impossible o give; and Hawkins, in a peçiion in 
vhieh he deseribed himself as a ruined man, sued for 
a yea.r's respiçe fo disenangle t.he disorder. 
The wo staesmen fared no beer who had furnished 
the brain of England, while the flee had been is righ 
arm. Burghley and Walsingham were the soul of t.he 
poliey vhieh had plaeed Elizabeth in triulnph a las 



aaa SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

at the head of Protestant Europe. For them, in the 
hour of victory, there was only abuse, scattered 
freely and in all presences. They who had never 
wavered, who had steadily advised a single course, 
who had never ceased to urge the necessity of pro- 
viding in time for exigencies xvhich they knev fo be 
approaching--they if was who were ruade responsible 
for what had been wanting in the service, and for 
the shifts of purpose which had been the cause of 
the neglect. AI1 irresolutions alld St;K,_, Cecil 
wrote to Walsingham, "are thrown upon us two in 
all her speeches to everybody. The wrong is intoler- 
able." 



H[STORICAL SKETCHES AND 
MISCELLANEOUS. 



285 

THE CHURCH OF ROME IN ITS VIGOUR. 

IqEVER in ail their history, in ancient times or 
modern, never that we knov of, have mankind 
thrown out of themselves anything so grm(l, so useful, 
so beautiful, as the Catholic Church once was. In these 
tines of ours, well-regulated selfishness is the recog- 
lfised rulc of action--every one of us is expected fo 
look out first for himself, and take care of his own 
interests. Af the thne I speak of the Church ruled 
the State with the authority of a conscience; and 
self-interest, as a lnotive of action, was only nalned 
fo be abhorred. The bishops and clergy were regarded 
freely and simply as the immediate lninisters of the 
Almighty; and they seem fo lne to have really 
deserved that high estimate of their character. If 
vas not for the doctrines which they taught only, 
or chiefly, that they were held in honour. Brave 
men do hot fall down before their fellow-mortals for 
the words which they speak, or for the rites which 
they perform. Wisdom, justice, self-denial, nobleness, 
purity, high-mindedness--these are the qualifies be- 
fore which the freeborn races of Europe bave been 
contented fo bow; and in no order of men were such 
qualities fo be found as they were found six hundred 
years ago in the clergy of the Catholic Church. They 
called themselves the successors of the apostles. They 
claimed in their Master's naine universal spiritual 
authority, but they ruade good their pretensions by 



286 SEI,ECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

theholiness of their own lires. They were allowe,1 
to rulc bccause they dcserved to rule, an,1 in the 
fulncss of reverence kings and nobles bent before a 
power which was nearer to God than their own. 
Over prince and subject, chieftain and serf, a body 
of unarmed defenceless nlen reigned supreme by the 
magie of sanetity. They tamed the fiery northern 
warriors wbo had broken in pieees the Roman empire. 
They taught them--they brought them really and 
truly to believethat they had immortal souls, and 
that they wouhl one day stand at the awful judgment 
bar and give aeeount for their lires there. With the 
brave, the honest and the goo, l--with those who had 
not oppressed the poor nor removed their neighbour's 
landmark--with those who had been just in all their 
dcalings--with t.hose who had foug'ht against evil, and 
hM tried valiantly to do their Master's will--at that 
great day it would be well. For cowards, for profli- 
gates, for those who |ived for luxury and pleasure 
and self-indulgence, there was the blackness of eternal 
death'. 
An awful conviction of this tremendous kind the 
clergy had etthctually instilled into the mind of 
Europe. It was hot a PERHAPS; it was P certainty. 
It was hot a form of words repeated once a week at 
church" it was an assurance entertained on all days 
and in all places, without any particle of doubt. And 
the ett?ct of such a belief on lire and conscience was 
simply immeasurable. 
I do hOt pretend that the c|ergy were perfect. 
They were very far from perfect at the best of rimes, 
and the European nations were never complete|y 
submissive to them. It would not have been well 
if they had been. The business of human creatures 
in this planer is not summed up in the most excellent 



CHURCH OF ROME IN ITS VIGOUR a8 7 

of priestly eateehisms. The world and its eoneerns 
continued fo interest men, though priests insisted on 
their nothingness. They could hot prevent kings 
from quarrelling with each other. They could hot 
hinder disputed successions, and civil feuds, and 
wars, and political conspiracies. What they did do 
was to shelter the weak froln the strong. 
In the eyes of the clergy the serf and his lord 
stoo,l on the common level of sinful humanity. Into 
their ranks high birth was no passport. They were 
themselves for the most part chihlrel of the people; 
and the son of the artisan or peasant rose to the mitre 
and the triple crown, just as nowadays the rail-splitter 
and the tailor becolne presidents of the Republic of the 
West. 
The Church ws essentially democratic, while af the 
saine rime it had the monopoly of learning; and all 
the secular power fell fo it which lerning, coin- 
bined with sanctity and assisted by superstition, can 
bestow. 
The privileges of the clergy were extraordinary. 
They were hot menable fo the common laws of the 
land. While they governed the laity, the laity had no 
power over them. From the throne downwards every 
secular office was dependent on the Church. No king 
was a lawful sovereign till the Church placed the 
crown upon his head: and what the Church bestowed 
the Church clamed the r]ght fo take away. The 
disposition of property was in their hands. No will 
could be proved except before the bishop or hs ocer ; 
and no will was held vMid if the testator died out of 
communion. There were magistrates nd courts of 
law for the offences of the 1Mty. If a priest committed 
a crime, he was a scred person. The civil power 
could hOt touch him ; he was reserved for his ordinary. 



:z88 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Bishops' colnmissaries sat in town and city, taking 
cognisance of the moral conduct of every man and 
woman. Offences against lire and property were tried 
here in England, as now, by the common law; but the 
Church Courts dealt with sins--sins of word or act. If 
a man was a profligate or a drunkard ; if he lied or 
swore; if he did hot corne fo communion, or held 
unlawful opinions; if he was idle or unthrifty; if he 
was unkind fo his wife or his servants; if a child was 
disobedient go his father, or a father cruel fo his child ; 
if a tradesman sold adulterated wares, or used false 
lneasures or dishonest veights--the eye of the parish 
priest was everywhere, and the Church Court stood 
always open fo examine and fo punish. 
Imagine wht a trelnendous power this lnust have 
been! Yet iç existed generally in Catholie Europe 
down to the eve of the Refol'mation. If eould never 
have established itself at ail unless aç one rime it had 
worked benefieially--as çhe abuse of iç was one of the 
most façal causes of the Chureh's fall. 
I know nothing in English history mueh lnore 
striking than the answer given by Arehbishop Warham 
to the eomplaints of the English House of Commons 
afçer the fall of Cardinal Wolsey. The House of 
Commons eomplained that the elergy ruade laws in 
Convoeation whieh the laiçy were exeolnmunieated if 
çhey disobeyed. Yet the laws ruade by the elergy, 
the Comnons said, were often at variance with the 
laws of the reahn. 
What did Warham reply ? He said he was sorry 
for the alleged diserepaney ; but, inasmueh as the laws 
ruade by the elergy were always in eonformity with 
the will of God, the laws of the reahn had only tobe 
altered and then the ditfieulty would vanish. 
What must bave been the position of the elergy in 



CHURCH OF ROME IN ITS VIGOUR 2 9 

the fulness of their power when they couhl speak thus 
on the eve of their prostration ? You ]lave only fo 
look from a dist, ance at any old-fashioned cathedral city, 
and you will see in a moment the mediœeval relations 
betveen Church and State. The cathedral is the cîty. 
The first object you catch sight of as you approach is 
the spire tapering into the sky, or the huge towers 
holding" possession of the centre of the landscape-- 
majestically beautiful--imposig by mere size amidst 
the large forms of Nature herself. As you go nearer, 
the vastness of the buihling impresses you more and 
more. The puny dwelling-places of the citizens creep 
af its feet, the pinnacles are glittering in the tints of 
the sunset, when down below among the streets and 
lanes the twilight is darkelfing. And even now, when 
the towns are thrice their ancient size, and the houses 
have stretched upwards from two storeys fo rive ; when 
the great chimneys are vomiting their smoke among 
the clouds, and the temples of modern indust.ry--the 
workshops and the factories--spread their long fronts 
belote the eye, the cathedral is still the governing form 
in the picturethe one object whieh possesses the 
imagination and refuses to be eclipsed. 
As that cathedral was fo the old tovn, so was the 
Church of the middle ages to the secular institutions 
of the world. Its very neighbourhood was sacred; 
and its shadov, like the shadow of the apostles, was 
a sanctuary. When I look at the new Houses of 
Parliament iii London, I see in them a type of the 
change which has passed over us. ïhe House of 
Commons of the Plantagenets sat in the chapter-house 
of Westn,inster Abbey. The Parliament of the Reform 
Bill, five-and-thirty years ago, debated in St. Stephen's 
Chapel, the abbey's small dependency. Now, by the 
side of the enormous pile which has risen out of that 
9 



9o SELECTIONS FRObl FROUDE 

chapel's ashes, the proud minster itself is dwarfed into 
ilsignificance. 
Let us turn fo anorher vasr feature of the middle 
ages--I mean the lnOnasteries. 
Some person of especil and exceptional holiness 
has lived or died at a particula" spot. He has been 
listinguished by his wis, lom, by his piety, by his active 
benevolênce ; and in an age when co\iurers and witches 
were supposed fo be helped by the devil to do evil. he, 
on his part, has been thought to bave possessed in 
larg'er tneasure tlmn eommon men the favour and the 
grace of Hcavcn. Blessed influences hang about the 
spot which he ha. hallowed by his presence. His 
relics--his household possessions, his books, his clothes, 
his bones, retain the shadowy sanctity which they 
received in having once belonged fo him. We all set 
a value, hot wholly unreal, on anything which has 
been the property of a remarkable man. At worsr, it 
is but an exaggeration of narural reverence. 
Well, as nowadays we build monuments fo great. 
men, so in the middle ages they builr shrines or 
chapels on the spots which saints had ruade holy, and 
conmmnities of pions people gat.hered together ¢here 
--beginnin/a" with the personal friends the saint had 
left behind hiln--to try to live as he had lived, fo do 
good as he had done good, and to die as he had died. 
Thus arose religions fraternitiescompanics of men 
who desired .o devote thcmselves to goodness--to give 
up pleasure, and amusement, and self-indulgence, and 
fo spend rheir lives in prayer and works of charity. 
These houses became centres of pions beneficence. 
The monks, as the brotherhoods were called, were 
organised in diflrent orders, vith some variety of 
fuie, lmt t.he broad principle was the saine in all. 
They were to lire for orhers, hot for themselves. 



CHURCH OF ROME IN ITS VIGOUR 29I 

They took vows of poverty, that they might hot be 
entangled in the l)ursuit of lnoney. They took vows 
of chastity, thatthe care of a family might hot distract 
them froln the work which hcy h,l undertaken. 
Their eflbrts of chtrity were hot limite, l fo this world. 
Their days were spent in hard bodily ltbour, in study, 
or in visiting the sick. At night they were on the 
stone-floors of their chapels, hohlilg up thcir withered 
htmls to heven, interceding for the poor souls who 
wcre suflbring in purgatory. 
The worhl, as it always will, pdd honour to excep- 
tiomd excellence. The system sprea,l to the furthest 
lilnits of Christen,lom. The rcligious bouses bec,mm 
plces of refuge, where lnen of noble birth, kings and 
queens and emperors, warriors and statesmen, retired 
to lay down their splendid cares, and end their days 
in peace. Those with whom the world ha,] dealt 
hardly, or those whom it had SUl'feited with its 
unsatisfying pleasures, those who were disappointed 
with earth, aml those who were filled with passionate 
aspirations after heaven, alike round a haven of rest 
in the quiet cloister. And, gradually, lands came to 
them, and wealth, and social dignityall grate[ully 
extended to men who deserved so we]l of thcir fel]ows ; 
while no landlords were more popular than they, for 
the sanctity of the monks sheltered their dependents 
as well as themselves. 
Travel now through Ireland, and you will see in the 
wildest parts of it innumerable relnains o[ religious 
houses, which had grown up among a people who 
acknowledged no rule among themselves except the 
sword, and where every chief ruade war upon his 
neighbour as the humour seized him. The monks 
among the O's and the Mac's were as defenceless as 
sheep among the wolves; but the wolves spared them 



292 

SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

for their eharaeter. In sueh a eountlT as Ireland 
then was, the monasteries eould hOt have survived for 
a generation but for file enchanted atlnosphere xvhieh 
surroundêd them. 
Of authority the religious orders were praetieally 
independent. They were amenable only fo the Pope 
and fo their own superiors. Here in England, the 
king eould hOt send a eommissioner fo inspeet a 
lnonastery, nor even send a polieemm to arrest a 
eriminal who had t.aken shêlter within ifs walls. 
Arehbishops and bishops, powcrful as they were, found 
their authority eease when they entered the gares of 
a Benedietine o," Dominiean abbey. 
No utterly have rimes ehanged, that with your 
utlnost exertions you will hardly be able fo pieture fo 
yourselves the Catholie Chureh in the days Of ifs 
greatness. Out sehool-books tell us how the Emperor 
of Germany hehl the stirrup for Pope Gregory the 
Seventh fo mount his mule; how out own English 
Henry Plantagenet walked barefoot through the 
streets of Canterbury, and knelt in the ehapter- 
house for the monks to flog him. The first of these 
incidents, I was brought up fo believe, proved the 
Pope tobe the man of Sin. Anyhow, they are both 
facts, and not romances; and you may form some 
notion from them how high in the world's eyes the 
Church lnust have stood. 
And be sure if did hot achieve that proud position 
without deserviug if. The Teutonic and Latin princes 
were hot credulous fools; and when thêy sublnitted, 
if was fo something stronger than themselvcs-- 
stronger in limb and lnusele, or stronger in intellect 
and character. 



293 

THE DESTRUCTION OF RELICS AT THE 
REFORMATION, 1532-38. 

EvEr]" monastery, every parish church, had in thosc 
days its special relics, its spccial images, its spccial 
something, to attract the interest of the peol)le. The 
reverencc for the remaius of noble aud pious men, the 
dresses which they had lVOl'll, or the 1)odies in vhich 
their spirits had lived, was in itself a nat«wal and pious 
emotion : but if had 1)een petrifie,l into a dogma ; and 
like every or.ber imaginative feeling which is sulnnitted 
o hat bad process, if had become  fdsehood, a mcre 
superstition, a sul)stitute for pict, y, hot a stimulus to 
if, anal a perpetual occasion of frau,l. The people 
brought oflSrings to the shrines where if was supposed 
that the relics were of greatest potency. The clergy, 
fo secure the offering's, invented the relics, and invented 
the stories of t.he wonders which had been worked by 
them. The greatest exposure of these things took 
place af the visitation of the religious bouses. In 
the meantime, Bishop Shaxton's unsavoury inventory 
of what passed under the naine of relics in the diocese 
of Salisbury will furnish an adequate notion of these 
objects of popular veneration. There " be set forth 
and commended unto the ignorant people," he said, 
"as I myself of cerf.aih which be ah'eady corne fo my 
hands, bave pcrfect knowledge, stinking boots, mucky 
combes, raggcd rochettes, rotten girdlcs, pyl'd purses, 
great bullocks' horns, locks of hair, and tîlthy rags, 



294 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

gobbetts of wood, under the naine of parcels of the 
holy cross, and such pel{'ry beyond estimation" 
Besides matters of this kind, there were images of 
the Virgin or of thc saints ; above all, roods or cruci- 
fixes, of especiM potency, the virtues of which had 
begun to grow uncertain, however, to sceptical Pro- 
testants; and from doubt, to denial, and from lenial 
to passionate hatred, there were but a few brief steps. 
Ïhê most f«mous of the roods was that of Bxley in 
Kcnt, whieh use, l fo smile and 1)ow, or frown and 
shake its head, as its worshippers were generous or 
elose-handcd. The fortunes and misfortunes of this 
image I shall by-and-by bave to relate. There was 
another, however, at 1)overeourt, in Suflblk, of seareely 
inferior faine. This image was of sueh power that 
the door of the ehureh in whieh it stood was open at 
all hours to ail eomers, and no hu,nan hand eould 
close it. Dovereourt therefore beeame a place of 
great and lucrative pilgrimage, mueh resorted to by 
the neighbours on all occasions of diffieulty. 
Now it happened that within the circuit, of a few 
toiles t.here lived four young men, to whom the 
virtues of the food had beeome greatly questionable. 
If it eould work miracles, it must be capable, so they 
substanee; 
thought, of proteeting ifs own a.nd they 
agreed fo apply a praetieal test whieh would deter- 
mine the extent of its abilities. Aeeordingly tlobert 
King of Dedham, Robert Dcbenham of Eastbergholt, 
Nieholas Marsh of Dedhaln, and Robert Gardiner of 
Dedham, "their eouseienees being burdened to see 
the honour of Almighty God so blasphemed by sueh 
an idol," started off" " on a wondrous goodly nighL " 
in February, with hard frost and a elear full moon, 
ten toiles aeross the wolds, to the ehureh. 
The door was open, as the legend deelared: but, 



DESTRUCTION OF RELICS, 1532-38 295 
nothing daunted, they entered bravely, and, lifting 
down the "idol" from ifs shrine, with ifs eoat and 
shoes, and the store of tapers whieh were kept for 
the serviees, they earried if on their shoulders for a 
quarter of a toile from the plaee where it, had stood, 
" without any resistaneo of the said idol" There, 
setting if on the g'round, they st.ruek a light, fastened 
the tapers t.o the body, «md, with the help of them, 
sacrilegiously burnt the image clown fo a heap of 
ashes ; the ohl dry vood "bla.zing so brimly" thtt it 
lighted them a full mlle of their way home. 
For this night's performance, which, if the devil is 
the ft.her of lies, ws  stroke o[" honest work tginst 
him and his family, the world rewrded these men 
after the usuel fashion. One of them, Robert Gardiner, 
escaped the serch which ws mde, tnd disppeared 
till better times', the remttining three were swinç,'im,', 
in ehains six months laçer on the seene of their exploit. 
Their rate was perhaps inevitable. Men who date fo 
l>e the first, in great movements are ever self-immolated 
vietims. But I suppose that it. was better for them 
tobe bteaehing ou their gibbets than erawling at the 
feet of a wooden food, and believing if fo be God. 
These were the first Paladins of the 1Reformation ; 
the knights who slew the dragons and the enehanters, 
and ruade the earth habitable for eommon flesh and 
blood. They were rarely, as we lmve said, men of 
great abilit.y, still more rarely men oF "wealth and 
station"; but men rather of elear senses and honest 
hearts. 
8ix years had passed sinee four brave Suflblk 
peasants had burnt the food ttt Dovereourt; and for 
their reward had reeeived a gallows and a tope. The 
high powers of Sta.te were stepl)ing noxv along the 



296 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

road which these men had pioneered, discovering, 
after ail, that the road was the right road, and that 
the reward had been altogether an unjust one. The 
"materials" of monastie religion were the rem or 
eounterfeit relie.s of rem or eounterfeit saints, and 
images of Christ or the Virgin, supposed fo vork 
miraeulous eures upon pilgrims, and hOt supposed, 
but aseertained, fo bring in a pleasant and abundant 
revenue fo their happy possessors. A speeial inves- 
tigation into the nature of these objeets of popular 
devotion was now ordered, with results vhieh 
more than any other exposure disenehanted the 
people with superstition, and eonverted their fait.h 
into an elually passionat.e ieonoelasm. Af Hales in 
Woreestershire was a phial of blood, as famous for ifs 
powers aml properties as t.he hlood of St. Januarius 
af Naples. The phial was opened by the visitors in 
t.he presenee of an awe-stl'uek lnultitude. No lniraele 
punished the impiety. The mysterious substanee was 
handled by profane fingers, and was round fo be 
a mere innoeent gum, and hOt blood af all, adequate 
fo work no lniraele either fo assist its worshippers or 
avenge its violation. Another rare treasure was pre- 
served af Cardig'an. The story of Out Lady's taper 
there bas a pieturesque vildness, of whieh later ages 
may admire the legendary beauty, being relieved by 
three eenturies of ineredulity from the neeessity of 
raising harsh alternatives of t.ruth or falsehood. An 
image of the Virgin had been round, if was said, 
standing af the mouth of the Tivy river, with an 
infant Christ in her lap, and the taper in her hand 
burning. She was carried fo Christ Church in Cardi- 
gan, but " would not tarry there ". She returned 
again and again to the spot where she was first found ; 
and a chapel was af la.st built there fo receive and 



DESTRUCTION OF RELICS, 532-38 297 

shelter her. In this ch8pel she remained for nine 
years, the taper burning, yet hOt eonsuming, çill some 
rash Welshman swore an oath by lier, and broke 
and the taper ab onee went out, and never eould be 
kindled again. The visitors had no leisure for senti- 
ment. The image w8s çorn from ifs shrine. The 
tŒEEper was round fo be a pieee of l»ainted vood, and 
on experiment was proved submissive fo a last 
eonflagration. 
Kings are said to find the stop , short one from 
deposition fo the seaftbld. The un,leified images passed 
by a svift transition t.o t, he ltalnes. The Lady of 
Woreesçer had been laçely despoile«l of ber apparel. 
" I trust," wrote Latilner fo t.he vieeerent, that "your 
lordship will bestow our great.sibyll fo some good 
purpose--ut l)e'eat memorbe cm .,:oit--she hat.h 
been the devil's instrument fo bring" many, I fear, fo 
eternal tire. She hersclf, with her old sisIer of 
Walsingham, lier younger sister of Ipswich, with t.heir 
two other sisters of Doncaster and Penrice, wouhl 
make a .iolly muster in Smithfield. They would 
hOt be all day in burning." The hard advice was 
taken. The objects of the passionate devotion of 
centuries vere rolled in carts to London as huge dis- 
honoured lumber; and the eyes of the citizens were 
gratified with a more innocent immolation than those 
with vhich the Church authorities had been in the 
habit of indulging them. 
The fate of the rood of Boxley, again, was a famous 
incident of the rime. At Boxley, iii Kent, there stood 
an image, the eyes of which on fit occasions " did stir 
like a lively thing" The body bowed, the forehead 
frowned. It dropped its lower lip, as if fo speak. 
The people saw in this prticular rood, beyond all 
others, the living prescnce of Christ, and oItring's in 



:z98 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

superabundant measure had poured in upon the monks. 
It happened that a l'ationalistic commissioner, looking 
closely, discovered symptoms of motion at the back of 
the figure. Suspicion caused inquieT, and inquiry 
exposure. The mystery had a natural explanation in 
maehinery. The abbot and the elder brethren took 
refuge in surprise, and knew nothing. But the fact 
was patent; anal the unveiled fraud was of a kind 
which might, be useful. "When I ha,1 seen this 
st, range olieet," said the diseoverer, " and eonsidering 
that the inhabitants of the eounty of Kent ha, l in 
rimes past a great dcvotion to the saine image, and 
did keep eontinual pilgrimage thither, by the a, lviee 
of others that were here with me, I did eonvey the 
said image unto Maidstone on the market day; and 
in the chier of the market rime did show it openly unto 
all the people then being present, to see the false, 
erafty and subtle handling thereof, to the dishonour 
of God aud illusion of the said people; who, I dare 
say, if the late monastery were fo be defaeed again 
(t.he Kin"s (Iraee hot o)nded), they would either 
pluek it down to the ground, or else burn if ; for they 
have the said marrer in wondrous detestation and 
hatred." 
But the food was hot allowed o be forgotten after 
a single exhibition: the imposture was g'ross, and 
would furnish a wholesome comment on the suppres- 
sion, if it was shown off in London. From Maidstone, 
therefore, it vas taken to the palaee at Whitehall, and 
perrormed belote the Court. From the palaee it was 
earried on to its last judgment aud exeeution at 
Paul's Cross. It was plaeed upon a stage opposite the 
pulpit, and passed through its postures, while the 
Bishop of Roehester leetured upon it iii a sermon. 
When the erowd was worked into adequate indigna- 



DESTRUCTION OF RELICS, i53a-38 a99 

tion, the scaffold was lnade fo give way, the image 
fe|l, and in a few moments was torn in pieces. 
Thus in all parts of England superstition was at- 
tacked in ifs strongholds, and destroyed there. But 
the indignation whieh was the natural recoil from 
credulity wou|d hOt be satisfied wit, h the destruction 
of ilnages. The idol was not, hing. The -uilt was hot 
wit,h the wood and stone, but in t, he fraud and folly 
whieh had practised vith t.hese brute instruments 
ag'ainst the souls of men. In Scotland anl the Net, hel'- 
lands t.he work of retribution was aceomplishe,1 by a 
rising" of the people thelnselves in armcd l'evolution. 
In England the readiness of the Government spared 
the need of a popular explosion ; the lnonasteries were 
hot saeked by mohs, or the priests murdered ; but the 
saine fiereeness, the salue hot spil'it of ang'er, was abroad, 
though eonfined within the restraint, s of the law. The 
law if.self gave etthet, in harsh and sanguinary penalties 
fo the rage whieh had beên kindled. 



3oo 

TUDOR ENGLAND. 

Br these measures 1 the money-making spirit was for 
a rime driven back, and the country resumed ifs 
natural coursc. I ara hot concerned fo defend the 
economic wisdoin of such proceedings ; but they prove, 
I think, conclusivcly, tlmt the labouring classes owed 
their advantttges hot fo the condition of the labour 
markct, 1)ut to the care of the Stae; and that when 
the State rclaxed its supervision, or failed to enforce 
its rcgulations, the labourers, being lcft to the market 
chances, sank instantly in the unequal strug'gle with 
capital. 
The Government, however, remained st.rong enough 
to hold its ground (except during the discreditable 
interlude of the reig'n of Edward VI.) for the first 
three-luarters of the century ; and until that rime the 
working classes of this country remained in a condition 
more than prosperous. They enjoyed an abundance 
far beyond what in general falls to the lot of that 
order in long-settled countries ; incolnpa-ably beyond 
what the saine class vere enjoying t that very time 
in Germany or France. The laws secured them ; and 
that the laws were put in force we bave /he direct 
evidence, of successive Acts of the legislature justifying 
the general policy by ifs success: and ve htve also the 
indirect evidence of the contented loyalty of the great, 
body of the people af a rime when, if they had been 

 Interfering with the rights of property on behalf of the poor.--A. 



TUDOR ENGLAND 3oi 

discontented, they held in their own hands the means 
of asserting what the law aeknowledged fo be their 
right. The Government had no power fo compel sub- 
mission fo injustice, as was proved by the rate of an 
attempt fo levy a "benevolence" by force, in 1525. 
The people resisted with a determination against which 
the Crowu commissioners were unable fo contend, and 
the scheme ended with an acknowledgment of fault 
by Henry, who retired with a good grace from an 
impossible position. If the peasantry had been suf- 
fering under any real grievances we should no bave 
fai]ed fo ]lave hear, l of them whcn he religious rebel- 
lions furnishcd so fait an opportunity fo press those 
grievances forward. Coml)laint was lou,1 enough when 
complaint was j ust, under the Somerset protectorate. 
The incolnes of the grea nobles cannot be deter- 
mined, for they varied probably as much as they vary 
now. Under Henry IV..the average income of an 
earl was estimated st £2,000 a year. Under Henry 
VIII. the great Duke of Buckingham, the wealthiest 
English peer, had £6,000. And the income of the 
Archbishop of Canterbury was rated at the saine 
amount. Bu the establishmens of such men were 
enormous; their ordinary retinues in rime of peace 
consisting of many hundred persons; and in war, 
when the duties of a nobleman called him fo the field, 
although in theory his followers were paid by the 
Crown, yet the grants of Parliament were Oll so small 
a scale that the theory was seldom converted into fact, 
and a large share of the expenses was paid often out 
of private purses. The Duke of Norfolk, in the 
Scotch War of 1523, dèclared (hOt complaining of 
but luerely as a reason why he should receive support) 
that he had spent all his private means upon the army ; 
and in the sequel of this history we shall find repeated 



3o9_ SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

insfanees of knig'hfs and gentlemen vohmtarily ruining 
themselves in the service of heir eounfry. The people, 
hot universally, buf generally, were animaed by a 
frue spirif of steriee ; by a true eonviefion fhaf fhey 
were bound fo hink firsç of Eng'land, and only next 
of fhemselves" and unless we ean bring ourselves o 
un,:IersLaiM Lhis, we shall never un, lersLand whaL 
Enland xvas under the reins of the Plantaenets 
and Tudors. 2'he expenses of the Court under Henry 
VII. were a little over t;14,000 a year, out of whieh 
were defrayed the whole eost of the king's establish- 
ment, the expenses of entertMning foreign ambassadors, 
the wages and maintenance of the yeomen of the guard, 
the reLilme8 of servants, and all ,eeessary outlay no 
ineurred for publie business. Under Henry VIII., 
of whose extravaganee we have heard so mueh, and 
whose Court was the most magnifieent in the world, 
these expenses were £19,894 16s. 8d., a slnall sure 
when eompared with the present eost of the royal 
establishmeut, even if we adop the relative estimate 
of twelve o one, and suppose it equal o £240,000 a 
year of our money. But indeed it was hot equal o 
£240,000 ; for, although the proportion held in artieles 
of eommon eonsumption, articles of luxu W were very 
dear indeed. 
Passing down from the king and his nobles o the 
body of the people, we find that the ineome qualifying 
a eounLry genLleman fo be justice of the peaee was £20 
a year, and, if he did his duty, his office was no sineeure. 
We remember Justice Shallow and his elerk Davy, 
with his novel theory of magisterial law ; and Shallow's 
broad features have so English a east about them hat 
we may believe there were many sueh, and tha the 
duty was hot always very exeellently done. Bu the 
Justice Shallows were hot allowed fo repose upon their 



TUDOR ENGLAND 3o3 

dignity. The .justice of the peace was required hot 
only to take eognisanee of open ottbnees, but fo keep 
surveillanee over all persons within his distriet, and 
over himself in his own turn there was a surveillanee 
no less sharp, and penalties for negleet prompt and 
peremptory. Four rimes a year he was to make 
proclamation of his duty, and exhort all persons to 
eomplain against him who had oeeasion. 
Tu-enty pounds a year, and heavy duties fo do for 
if, represented the eondition of the squire of the parish. 
By the 2nd of the 2nd of Henry V., " the wages" of a 
parish priest were limited to £5 6s. Bd., exeept in 
eases where there was speeial lieense fronl the bishop, 
when they might be raised as high as £6. Priests 
were probably something better off under Henry 
VIII., but the stature remained in foree, and marks 
an approaeh at least to their ordinary salary. The 
priest had enough, being unlnarried, fo supply him in 
eomfort with the neeessaries of lire. Ïhe squire had 
enough to provide moderate abundanee for hilnself 
and his family. Neither priest nor squire was able to 
establish any steep difference in outval'd advantages 
between himself and the eommols among whom he 
lived. 
The habits of all elasses were open, free and liberal. 
There are two expressions eorresponding one fo the 
other whieh ve frequently meet with in old writings, 
and whieh are used as a kind of index, marking 
whether the eondition of t.hings was or was not what 
it ought fo be. We read of "merry England "--when 
England was hot merry, things were hOt going well 
with it. We heur of "the glory of hospitality," 
England's pre-eminent boast, by the rules of whieh all 
tables, from the table of the twenty-shilling freeholder 
to the table in the baron's hall and abbey refeetory, 



3o4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

were open af the dinner hour to all comers, without 
stint or reserve, or question asked: fo every man, 
according fo his degree, who chose fo ask for if, there 
was free rare tXll-I free lodging; bread, beef and beer 
for lais dinner ; for his lodging, perhaps Olfly a mat of 
rushes in a spare corner of the hall, with a billet of 
wood for a pillow, but fl'eely offered and freely taken, 
the guest probably faring much as his host fared, 
neither worse nor better. There vas little fear of an 
abuse of such license, for suspicious characters had no 
leave fo wander af pleasure; and for any man found 
af large, and unable fo give a suffieient aeeount of 
himse]f, there were the ever-ready parish stoeks or 
town gaol. The "glory of hospit.ality" lasted far down 
into Elizabeth's rime; and then, as Calnden says, "eame 
in great bravery of building, to the marvellous beauti- 
fying of the realm, but fo the deeay " of what he 
valued more. 
In sueh frank style the people lived, hating three 
things with all their hearts" idleness, want and 
eowardiee; and for the rest, earrying their heart.s 
high, aud having their hands full. The hour of rising, 
winter and summer, was four o'eloek, with breakfast 
af rive, after whieh t.he labourers went to work and 
the gentlemen fo business, of whieh they had no little. 
In the eountry every uuknown faee vas ehallenged 
and exalnined--if the aeeoullt given was insufl]eient, 
he was brought before the justiee ; if the village shop- 
keeper sold bad wares, if the village eobbler ruade 
"unhonest" shoes, if servants and masters quarrelled, 
all was fo be looked fo by the justiee; there was no 
fear lest tilue shouhl hang heavy with him. Af twelve 
he dined ; after dinner he went huuting, or to his farm, 
or fo what he pleased. If was a lire unrerined, perhaps, 
but eoloured with a broad, rosy English health. 



TUDOR ENGLAND 305 

Of the education of noblemen and gentlelnen we 
have conra,licGory accounGs, as might be expecGed. 
The universiGies were well filled, by the sons of yeomen 
ehielty. The eosG of supporGing them aG Ghe eolleges 
was little, and wealthy men Gook a pride in helping 
forward any boys of promise. Il seems elear also, as 
Ghe Ret'ormation drew nearer, while thc elergy were 
sinking lower and lower, a marked ehange fol" Ghe 
berger beeame perceptible in a porGion al least of Ghe 
laiGy. The more ohl-fashioned of Ghc higher ranks 
werc slow in moving; for as late as Ghe reign of 
Edward VI. thcrc were pcers of parliamenG unable Go 
read ; but, on the whole, Ghe invcnGi(m of prinGing, and 
the general fermenG whieh was eommcneing all over 
the worhl, had produeed marked effeeGs in ail elasses. 
Henry VIII. himself spoke four languages, and was 
well read in Gheology and hisGory; and the high 
aeeomplishmenGs of More and Sir T. Elliott, of Wyatt 
and Cromwell, were buG the expression of a temper 
whieh was rapidly sl)reading, and whieh gave oeeasion, 
among other Ghings, Go the following refleetion in 
EraslnUS. « Oh, sGrange vicissitudes of hmnan things," 
exelaims he. " HereGofore Ghe heart of learning was 
among sueh as profes_sed religion. Now, while they 
for the lnOSt part give Ghelnselves up vet.ri 1.txui 
pec¢i,-«qt¢e, the love of learning is gone from them 
to seeular princes, the court and Ghe nobility. May 
we noG justly be ashamed of ourselves ? The feasts of 
priesGs and divines are drowned in wine, are filled 
wiGh seurrilous jesGs, sound wiGh intemperaGe noise 
and tulnulG, flow wiGh spiteful slanders and tlefamation 
of oflers ; while al princes' tables nodcst disputaGions 
are held eoneerning things whieh make for learning 
and piety." 
A letter to Thomas Cromwell from his son's tuGor 
20 



3o6 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

vill not be without interest on this subject ; Cromwell 
•vas likely to bave been unusually carcful in his 
children's training, and we need not suppose that all 
boys were brought up as prudently. Sir Peter Carew, 
for instance, being a boy aU about the saine rime, and 
giving trouble aU the High School at Exeter, was led 
home to his father's house at Ottery, coupled between 
two fox-hounds. Yet the education of Gregory Crom- 
well is probably hot far above vha many young men 
of the middle and higher ranks vere begiming to 
reeeive. Heu W Dowes xvas the tutor's naine, beyond 
whieh faet I know nothing of him. His letter is as 
follows :-- 
"After that it pleased your mastership to give me 
in eharge, hot only to give diligent attendauee upon 
Master Gregory, but alsb fo instruet him vith good 
letters, honest mamers, pastyme of instrulnents, and 
sueh other qualities as should be for him meet and 
eonvenient, pleaseth it you fo understand that for the 
aeeomplishlnent thereof I have endeavoured myself by 
all ways possible to exeogitate hov I lnight most profit 
him. In vhieh behalf, through his diligence, the sue- 
eess is sueh as I trust shall be to your good eontentation 
and pleasure, and to his no small profit. But for cause 
the smmner was spent in the service of the wild gods, 
[and] it is so mueh fo be reg'al'ded after what fashion 
youth is brought up, in vhieh tilne that that is learned 
for the lnost part will hot be vholly forgotten in the 
older years, I think it my duty fo aseertain your 
mastership how he spendeth his rime. And fil'SU after 
he hath heard mass he taketh a leeture of a dialogue 
of Erasmus' Colloquies, called Pietas Peceq'ilis, wherein 
is deseribe,1 a very pieture of one that should be virtu- 
ously brought up ; and for cause if is so neeessary for 
him, I do hot only eause him to read if over, but also 



TUDOR ENGLAND 307 

fo practise the precepts of the saine. After this he 
exerciseth his hand in writing one or two hours, and 
readeth upon Fabyan's Chro; i«Ic as long. The residue 
of the day he doth speud upon the lute and virginals. 
When he rideth, as he doth very oft, I tell him by the 
way some hisfory of the Romans or fhe Greeks, which 
I cause him to rehearse again in a Cale. For his 
recreation he useth o hawk and hunt and shoot in 
his long bow, which frameth and succeedcth so well 
with him that he seemeth fo be thereuuto given by 
laLure." 
I bave spoken of Lle organisaLion of the country 
population, I have ow to speak of that of the towns, 
of the trading classes and lnamffacturing classes, the 
regulations respectiug which are no less remarkable 
and no less illu,qLrative of Lhe naLional character. If 
the tendency of Lrale fo assume aL last a rotin of mere 
sclf-interesL 1)e irresisLible, if poliLical economy repre- 
sent the laws fo which in the end iL is force,1 to submit 
itself, the nation spare,l no eflbrts, either of art or 
policy, o defer o the last momenL the unwelcolne 
conclusion. 
The namcs aml shadows linger abouL London of 
cerLain ancient societies, the members of which lnay 
still occasionally be seen in quaint gilt barges pursuing 
their own ditficult way among the swarming steamers ; 
when on certain days, the traditions concerning which 
are fast dying out of memory, the Fishmonger.s' Com- 
pany, the Gol([miths' Company, the Mercers' Company, 
make procession dovn the river for civic" feastings at 
Greenwich or Blackwall. The stately tokens of ancient 
honour still belong fo them, and fhe remnants of 
ancient wealth and patronage and power. Their 
charters may be read by curious antiquaries, and the 
bills of rare of their ancient entertainments. Eut for 



308 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

what purpose they were called into being, what there 
was in these associations of eommon trades fo surround 
with gilde,1 insignia, and how they came fo be possessed 
of broad lands and Chureh preferlnents, few people 
now eare fo think or to in«luire. Trade and traders 
bave no dignity any more in the eyes of any one, 
except what money lends fo them ; an, l these outwar, l 
symbols seareelv rouse even a passin. feelin of euri- 
osiLv. And yeL these eompanies were once something 
more than names. They are ail which now remain of 
a vast org'a.nisation whieh once penetrated the entire 
tra,lin lire of Englandan oganisation set on foot 
to remise that most neeessary, if most diNeult, condi- 
tion of eomnereial excellence under whieh man should 
dcal faithfully with his brot.her, and ail vares offered 
for sMe, of whatever kind, should honestly be vhat 
they pret.end t.o be. I spoke of t.he military prineiple 
whieh direeted t.he distribution and the arrangemênts 
of land. The analogy will best explain a state of 
thingçs in whieh every occupation was treat.ed as the 
division of an arlny:, regiments being quartered in 
every town, eaeh with it.s own self-eleeted oNeers, 
whose duty was fo exereise authority over all persons 
professing the business fo whieh they belonged; who 
were to sec that no person undertook fo supply articles 
whieh he had hot been edueate,l fo mannfaeture; who 
were fo determine the priees af whieh sueh articles 
ougt justly fo be sold: above all, who were fo take 
eare that the eommon people really bought at shops 
and stalls what they supposed themselves fo be bny- 
ing; that eloth put up for sale was çl'Ue eloth, of truc 
texture and full weight ; that leather was sound and 
well tanned; wine pure, measures honest; flour un- 
mixed with devil's dustwho were generally fo look 
o it that in all eontraets between man and man for 



TUDOR ENGLAND 309 

the supply of mm's necessities, what we cMI honesty 
of dea[ing should be truly and faithfully observed. 1 
An organisation for this purpose did onee rcMly exist 
in England," reM[y trying fo do the work whieh it 
was inteudcd fo do, as hall the pages of out early 
statutes witness. In London, as the metropolis, a 
eentrM eouneil sat for every braneh of trade, and this 
eouneil was in eommunieation with the ehaneellor and 
the Crow. If was composed of the highest and most 
respeetable members of the profession, and ils offiee 
was to determine priees, fix wages, arnmge the rules 
of apprentieeship, ara[ liseuss ail dctails eomeet.ed 
with the business on whieh lcgislatiou might be re- 
quired. Further, this eouneil reeeived the reports of 

Throughout the old legislation morality went along with 
po]itics and economics, and formed the lire and spirit of them. 
The Iruiterers in Lhë streets were prohibited from selling lolums and 
apples, because the apprentices played dice with theln for their 
wares, or because the temptation induced children and servants to 
steal money to buy. When parlialnent came fo be held regularly 
in London, an Order of Council fixed the rates which the hotel- 
keeper might charge for dinners. 5Iesses were served for four ai 
twopence per head ; the bill of rare providing bread, fish (sal$ and 
fresh), two comses of meat, ale, with tire and candlcs. And the 
care of the Government did hot cease with their meals, and in an 
anxiety that neither the burgesses nor their servants should be led 
into sin, stringent orders were issued against street-walkers coming 
near their quargers.--Guildh«ll MS. Journ«ls 12 and 15. 
The sanitary regulations for the eity are peeuliarly interesting. 
The seavengers, eonstables and olïieers of the wards were ordered, 
"on pain ot death," fo see ail streets and yards kept elear of dung 
and rubbish and all other filthy and eorrupt things. Carts vent 
round every 5Ionday, Wednesday and Saturday to earry off the 
litter front the bouses, and on each of those days twelve buekets of 
water vere drawn for " every person," and used in eleaning their 
rooms and passages. 
Partieular pains were taken to keep the Thames elean, and at 
the mouth of every sewer or watereourse t.here was a strong iron 
grating two feet deep.--Guild]cll 3IS. Journal 15. 
u And hOt in England Moue, but tlnougltout Ettl'ope. 



3o ELECTIONS FROM FROUI)E 

the searchers--high officers taken froln their own body, 
whose business was to inspeet, in eompany vith the 
lord mayor or some other eity dignitary, the shops of 
the respeetive traders; to reeeive eomplaints, and to 
examine into then. In eaeh provincial town local 
eouneils sat in eomeetion with t, he munieipal authori- 
ries, who fulfilled in these plaees the saine duties ; and 
their report.s 1,ein" forward(,,1 to the central body, and 
eonsidere«l by them, represent.ations on all neeessary 
mattors were then nade to the privy eouneil; and 
by the pl'ivy eouneil, if requisite, were submitted fo 
Pal'liament. If these repl'esent.atiols were judged to 
require legislative interferenee, the statut.es whieh 
were passed in eonsequenee were retul'ned through 
the ehaneellor fo the mayors of the various towns 
and eities, hy whom they were proelaimed as law. 
No person was allmved to open a trade or to eom- 
lnenee a manufacture, either in London or the provinces, 
unless he had lb'st served his apprentieeship ; unless 
he eouhl prove fo the satisfaction of the authorities 
that he vas competent in his craft; and unless he 
submitted as a marrer of eourse to their supervision. 
The legislature had undel'taken hot fo let that indispens- 
able task go wholly unattempted, of distributing the 
various funetions of soeiety by the rule of eapaeity: 
of eompelling every man to do his duty in an honest 
following of his proper ealling, seeuring to him that 
he in his tm'n should hot be injured by his neighbour's 
misdoings. 
The Stat.e further promising for itself that all 
able-bodied men should be round in work, and hot 
allowing any man to work at a business for whieh 
he was unfit, insisted as its natural rig'ht that ehildren 
should hot be allowed to grow up in idleness, to be 
returlmd af lnature age upon its hands. Every ehild, 



TUDOR ENGLAND 311 

so far as possible, vas to be trained up in solne busi- 
ness or ealling, "idleness being the lnother of ail 
sin," and the essential duty of every man being to 
provide honestly fol" himself and his family. The 
edueative theory, fOl" sueh it was, was simple but 
efthetive- if was based on the single prineiple that, 
next to the knowledge of a lnan's dut, y to (lod, and 
as a lneans towal'ds doing that duty, the fil'st eondition 
of a wort, hy lire was the ability to maintain it in 
independenee. Varieties o[" inapplieable knowledg'e 
might be g'ood, but they Wel'e hot êssential; sueh 
knowledge might be Icft to tle leisure of after yeal'S, 
or if might be dispensed with without vital injury. 
Ahility to labour eouhl hot be dispensed with, and 
this, therefore, the State felt it to be its own duty to 
see provided; so reaelling, I eannot but think, the 
heart of the whole lnattel'., q'he ehildl'el of those 
who eould attbrd the small entranee fees were ap- 
prentieed to trades, the l'est vere appl'entieed to 
agrieult.ure; and if ehihlren were round growing up 
idle, and their fathers or their fl'iends failed to prove 
that they vere able to seeure them an ultimate main- 
tenanee, t, he nayol's in towns and t.he magist.rates in 
the eountry had authority to take possession of sueh 
ehildren, and apprentiee them as they saw fit, that 
when they grew up " they lnight hot be driven" by 
want or ineapaeity " to dishonest eourses " 
ueh is an outline of çhe organisation of English 
soeiety un«ler the Plantagenets and Tudors. A detail 
of the working of the trade laws would be beyond 
my present purpose. It is obvious that sueh laws 
eould be enforeed only under eireumstanees when 
production and populat, ion remained (as I said before) 
nearly stationary ; and if would be madness fo attelnpt 
to apply t.hem fo the ehanged eondit.ion of the present. 



THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND. 

I" we look back on 8cotland as if stood in the fil'St 
,luarter of the sixteent.h century, we see a country in 
which the o1,1 feu,lai organisation continued, so far 
as if generally aflcted the people, more vigorous 
than in any other part of civilised Erope. Esewhere 
the g'rowt, h or" t.rade an,1 of large towns had created 
a mid, lle class, with an organisation of their own, 
indcpendent of the lords. In Seotland the towns 
were still seanty and poor; sueh as they were, they 
were for the most part under the eontrol of the great 
nobleman who happeued fo lire nearest fo them; and 
a people, as in auy sense iu,lependent of lords, knights, 
al»bots or prelates, under whose rule they were born, 
had as yet no existence. The tillers of the soil (and 
the soil was very miserably tilled) lived under the 
shadow of the eastle or the monastery. They followed 
their lord's fortunes, fought his battl, beliéved in 
his polities, and supported him loyally in his sius or 
his good deeds, as the oese might be. There was 
lnueh moral beauty in the lire of those tilnes. The 
loyal attaehment of man fo man--of liege servant fo 
liege lordof all forms under whieh hmnan beings 
ean lire and work together, has most of graee and 
humanity about, if. If oelmot g on without mutual 
eonfidenee and aflbetionlnUt.ual benefits given and 
reeeived. The length of time whieh the system 
lasted proves that in the main there lnUSt have beelt 



THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 33 

a line fidelity in the people--truth, justice, genel'osity 
in their leaders. History brings dow lnany bad 
stories to us out of those rimes; just as in these 
islands nowadays you lnay find bad instances of 
the abuses of rights of loroperty. You may find 
stories--too lnany also--of husbands ill-using their 
wives, and so on. Yet we do hot therefore lay the 
blame on marriage, or suppose that the institution of 
property on the whole does more harm than good. 
do hot doubt that down in thtt feudal system SOlne- 
where lie the roots of some of the tinest qualities in 
the European peoples. 
nO lnuch fol" the temporal side ot' the marrer; and 
the spiritual was not ver 3" unlike i. As no one lived 
independently, in our modêrn sense of the word, so 
no one thought independently. The nlinds ot" men 
were looked after by a Church which, for a long rime 
also, did, I suppose, very largely fulfil the purpose 
for which it was intended. It kept alive and active 
the belief that the world was created and governed 
by a just Being, who hated sins and crimes, and 
steadily punished such things. It taught men that 
they had ilnlnortal souls, and that this little bit of lire 
was an entirely insignificant portion of their real 
existence. It taught these truths, indeed, along with 
a great deal which we now consider to have been a 
lnistake--a great many theories of earthly things 
which have since passed away, and special opinions 
clothed in outward [orms and ritual observances 
which we here,  most of us at least, do not think 
essential for our soul's safety. But lnistakes like 
these are hurtful only when persisted in in the face 
of fuller truth, after truth has been discovered. On}y 

 Edinburgh, iqovember, 1865.--A. 



2t4 ELECTI()NS FROM FROUDE 

a very foolish nan wouhl now uphold the Ptolemaic 
asronomy. ]3u the Ptolelnaic astronolny, when firs 
invened, was bsed on rel if incolnplee observations, 
and formed a groundwol"k vit.hout which furher 
progress in h science would have been probbly 
impossible. The heol"ies nd cerelnonils of he 
Catholic Church suied well wih an age in which 
little vas kllowil alibi llluch was imagined" when 
supestition was active anal science was hot yet born. 
When I ara tohl here or anywhere that the Middle 
Ages were rimes o lnere spiritual darkness and 
pricstly oppl'ession, with the other usual formulas, 
I sty, as I said before, it" the Catholic Chul'c], for 
those mmy centul'ies that if veigned supvelne over 
al[ men's consciences, was no better than the thing 
which we see in thc genevation which immcdiately 
preceded the Re formation, it couhl hot have existed 
af ail. You might as vell al'gue that the old fading 
tree could never have been green and young. In- 
stitutions do hot live on lies. They either lire by the 
truth and usefulness which there is in them, or they 
(lo hot live at al[. 
So things went on for several hundl'ed years. There 
were scandals enough, and crimes enough, and feuds, 
and murders, and civil wars. Systelns, however good, 
cannot prevent evil. They can but compress if within 
moderate and tolerable limits. I should conclude, how- 
ever, that, measuring by the average happiness of the 
masses of the people, the medioeval institutions were 
very well suited for thc inhabitants of t.hese countries 
as they then vere. Adam Smith and Beltham them 
selves couhl hardly have mended theln if they had 
tried. 
But rimes change, and good things as well as bad 
grow old and have fo die. The heart of the lnatter 



THE REFORMA'FION iN CO'I'I,AND 3 1 5 

which the Catholic Church had taught vas the fear of 
God; but the language of if and the forlnulas of if 
were ruade up of hmnan ideas ami notions about things 
which the mere increase of human knowledge gradually 
lna,le incre,lible. To trace the reason of this would 
lea, l us a long way. If is intelligible enough, but if 
wouhl take us into subjects better avoided here. If 
is enough fo sa 3- that, while the essence of religion 
l'emains the saine, the mode in which if is expressed 
changes and laits changed--chalges as living languages 
change and become dêad, as institutions change, as 
fOl'mS of govêl'mnent change, as opinions on all things 
in heaven and carth change, as hall the theorie. held 
af tlfis rime aluong ourselves will probal)ly change-- 
that is, the outward and lnortal parts of them. Thus 
the CaLholic formulas, insead of living" symbols, became 
dead and powerless cabalistic signs The religion lost 
its hohl on the conscience and the intellect, and the 
effect, siugularly enough, appeared in the shepherds 
belote if lnade itself felt among the flocks. From the 
see of St. Peter to the far molmsteries in the Hebrides 
or the Isle of Arran, the laity were shocked and 
scandalised af the outrageous doing's of lfigh cardinals, 
prelates, priests and lnonks. If was clear enough that 
these great personages thelnselves did hot believe what 
they taught; so why should the people believe if ? 
And serious lnen, fo whom the fear of God was a living 
reality, began to look into the lnatter for thelnselves. 
The first steps everywhere wcre taken with extreme 
reluctance ; and had the popes and cardinals been wise, 
they xvould bave taken the lead iii the inquiry, cleared 
their teachiug of ifs lumber, and taken out a new lease 
of lire both for if and for thelnselves. An infallible 
pope and ail iufallible council might bave done sonae- 
thing in this way, if good sense had been among the 



316 SE LECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

attributes of their omniscience. What they did do was 
somcthing very difl'crent. If ws as if, when the new 
astronolny began fo be taught, the professors of that 
science in all the universities of Europe had met 
together and decided that Ptolemy's cycles and epi- 
cycles werc eternal verities; that the theory of the 
rotttion of the earth was and must be a damnable 
héresy; and had invited the civil authorities to help 
theln in puting dow by force ail doctrincs but their 
own. This, or something very like if, was the position 
ttken up in theology by the Council of Trent. The 
bishops as,sembled there did hot reason. They decided 
by vote that certain things wcre true, and were fo 
believed; and the only arguments which they con- 
descended fo use were tire and faggot, and so on. How 
iL fared vith them, and with this experiment of theirs, 
we all know tolerably well. 
The eflbct was ve T dittrent in dittrent countries. 
Here, in Scotland, the failure vas lnost marked and 
complete, but the way in which it calne about was 
lu lnany ways peculiar. In Gerlnany, Luther was 
supported by princes and nobles. In England, the 
Rcforlnation rapidly mixed itself up with poIitics and 
,[ucstions of rival jul'isdiction. Both in England and 
(ermany the revolution, wherever i established if.self, 
was accepted early by the Crown or the Government, 
and by theln legally recognised. Here, if was far 
othervisc: the Protestantisln of Scotland was the 
creation of the commons, as in tUl'n the commons 
be said to have been created by Protestantism. There 
were nmny young high-spirited men, belonging o the 
noblest falnilies in the country, who were among the 
earliest to rally round the Reforlning preachers; but 
authority, both in Church and State, set the other way. 
The congregations who g'athcred in the fields around 



THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 37 

Wishart and John Knox were, for the most part, 
farmers, labourers, artisans, tradesmen, or the slnaller 
gent.ry ; and t.hus, for the first rime in Seot, land, there 
was ereated an organisat.ion of men det,ehed from the 
lor,ts and from the Chureh--brave, nohle, resolute, 
daring peol)le , bound together by a sacrod cause, un- 
reeognised 1» 5- the leaders wholn they had followed 
hit,herto with undouhting allegiance. That spirit whieh 
g'rexv in rime fo be the ruling power of Seotland--that 
whieh forlned eventually ifs laws and ifs ereed, and 
,letermined ifs ai'ter fortunes as  nation--had its first 
g'erm in these half-outlawed wandering" cong'regations. 
In this if was that the Reformation in Seotlm,1 differcd 
from the Reformation in anv or-ber part of Europe. 
Esewhere it round a mi,ldle elss existing--ereate, l 
already by t, rade or by other eauses. It raised and 
clevate,l them, but it did hot materially attçet their 
politieM eondit.ion. In Seotland, t.he eommons, as 
an or-anised hody, were simply ereated by rclig'ion. 
Belote the l%eformation t.hey ha, l no politieal exist- 
ence: and therefore it has 1)een that the print of their 
origin has gone so deeply into their soeial constitution. 
On theln, and theln only, the burden of t.he work of 
the Rêformation was event.ually thrown; and when 
they trimuphed af last, it was inevitable that both 
they and it should reaet one upon the or.ber. 



318 

THE NORMANS IN IRELAND. 

VHEN the vave of the Norman invasion first rolled 
aeross St. George's Channel, the sueeess was as easy 
and appeared as eolnplete as William's eonquest of 
the ,Saxons. There was no unity of purpose among 
the Irish ehieftains, no national spirit whieh eould 
support a sustained resistanee. The eountry was open 
and undefeluled, and after a few feeble struggles the 
eontest eeased. Ireland is a basin, the eentre a fertile 
undulating plain, the edges a fringe of mountains that 
forln an ahnost unbroken eoast line. Into these 
highlands the Irish tribes were driven, where they 
were allowed fo retain a partial independenee, under 
eondition of paying tribute ; the Norman immigrants 
dividing among themselves the inheritanee of the 
dispossessed inhabitants. Strongbov and his eom- 
panions beeame the fendal sovel'eigns of the island, 
holding their estates under the English Crown. The 
eolnmon law of England was intro, lueed; the king's 
writ passed eurrent from the Giant's Cuseway to 
Cape Clear; and if the leading Norman families had 
relnained on the estates whieh they had eonquered, 
or if those who did relnain had retained the eharaeter 
whieh they brought with them, the entire country 
would, in all likelihood, have settled down obediently, 
and at length willingly, under a rule whieh if would 
have been without power fo resist. 
An expeeta, tion so natural was defeated by two 



THE NORMANS IN IRELAND 319 

causes, alike unforeseen and perplexing. The northern 
nations, when they overran the Roman empire, vere in 
search of holnes; and they subdued only fo colonise. 
The feu(lai system bound the noble fo the lands 
which he possessed; and a theory of ownership of 
estates, as consisting lnerely in the receipt of rents 
from other occupants, svas alike unheard of in fact, 
o and l'epugnaut fo the priuciples of feudal society. 
To Ireland belongs, among ifs other misfortunes, the 
credit of having tirst given birth fo alsentees. The 
descendants of the fit,st invaders preferred fo regard 
their inheritance, hot as a theatre of duty on wl,ich 
they were fo resi,le, but as a possession which they 
might farm for their in,lividual advantage. They 
managed their properties by agents, as sources of 
reveuue, leasinff them even among the Irish them- 
selves; and the tenantry, deprived of the supporting 
presence of their lords, and governed only in a merely 
mercenary spirit, transferred back their allegiance fo 
the exiled chiefs of the old race. This was one grave 
cause of the English failure; but serious as it svas, 
if would hOt bave suflàced alone fo explain the full 
extent of the evil. Some most poverful families 
rooted themselves in the soil, and never forsook if; 
the Ger:ddines, of Munster and Kildare ; the Butlers, 
of Kilkelmy ; the De Burghs, the Birmilghams, the De 
Courcies, and many others. If these had been united 
among themselves, or ha,l retained their allegiance fo 
England, their iufluence could hot have been long 
opposed successfully. Their several principalities 
vould have formed separate centres of civilisation; 
and the strong system of order would have absorbed 
and superseded the most obstinate resistance which 
could have been offered by the seattered anarchy of 
the Celts. 



32o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Unfortunately, the materials of good were converted 
into the worst inst.ruments of evil. If an objection had 
been raised to the colonisation of America, or fo the 
COmlUeSt of India, on the ground that the character of 
Englishmen wouhl be too weak fo contend successfully 
against that of the races with wholn they would be 
brought into contact, and that they wouhl relapse into 
barbarism, such an alarm wouhl have seemed too pre- 
posterous tobe entertained; yet, prior to experience, 
if wouM have been equally reasonable fo expect that 
the nodern Englishman would adopt the habits of the 
Hindoo or the Mohiean, as that the fiery knights of 
Normandy would have stooped fo imitate a race whom 
they despised as slaves; tlmt they would have flung 
away their very knightly names to assume a barbarous 
e«luivalent ; and vould so utterly have east aside the 
eonnnanding features of their northern extraction, that 
their ehildren's ehildren eould be distinguished neither 
in soul nor body, neither in look, in dress, in language, 
nor in disposition, from the Celts whom they had 
subdued. Sueh, however, was the extraordinary 
faet. The Irish who had been eonquered in the field 
revenged their defeat on the minds and hearts of their 
eonquerors ; and in yielding, yielded only to fling over 
their new masters the subtle spell of the Celtie dis- 
position. In vain the Government attempted to stem 
the evil. Stature was passed after stature forbidding 
the "Englishry" of Ireland fo use the Irish language, 
or intermarry with Irish families, or eopy Irish habits. 
Penalties were multiplied on penalties; fines, for- 
feitures, and at last death itself, were threatened for 
sueh offenees. But all in vain. The stealthy evil 
erept on irresistibly. Fresh eolonists were sent over 
fo restore the system, but only for themselves or their 
ehildren tobe swept into the stream: and from the 



THE NORMANS IN IRELAND 32 

cenury which succeeded the con,luest till the reign of 
the eighth Henry, the strange phenomenon repeated 
itself, generation after generation, battling the wis,lom 
of statesmen, an,l paralysing every eflbrt af a reme, ly. 
Here was a diculty which no skill could contend 
ag'ainst, and which was increased by the exertions 
which were ruade fo oppose if. The healthy elements 
which werê introduced to leaven the ohl became them- 
sêlves infected, and swelled the mass of evil; and the 
clearest observers were those who were most dispose,l 
fo ,lespair. PopcT bas been the sca.pegoat which, for 
thc last three centuries, bas borne the reproach of 
Irêlan,l ; but belote Popet T had ceased fo be the faith 
of the worhl, the problem had long presented itself in 
ail ifs hopelessness .... There was no true care for 
the common wealthat was the especial peculiarity by 
which the higher classes in Ireland were unfortunately 
distinguished. In England, t, he last consi,lerat.ion of 
a noble-minded man was his personal advantage; Ire- 
land was a theatre for a universal scramble of selfish- 
ness, and the inva, lers caught the national contagion, 
and became, as the phrase went, ipss Hibe'tis 
ltibertiores. 
The explanation of this disastrous phenomenon lay 
part.ly in the circumstances in wbich they were placed, 
part.ly in the inhercnt tendencies of human nature 
itself. The Norman nobles entered Ireland as indê- 
pendent adventurers, who, each for himself, carved 
out his fortune with his sword; and, unsupported as 
they were from home, or supported only af precarious 
intervals, divided from one another by large tracts of 
country, and surrounded by Irish dependents, it was 
doubtless more convenient for them fo govern by 
humouring the habits and traditions fo which their 
vassals would most readily submit. The English 
2I 



322 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

Government, occupied with Scotland and France, had 
no leisure fo maintain a powerful central authority; 
and a central disciplinarian rule enforced by the 
sword was contrary fo the genius of the age. Under 
the feudal system, the kings governed only by the 
consent and with the support of the nobility ; and the 
maintenance at Dublin of a standing military force 
would have been regarded with extreme suspicion in 
Englan,1, as vell as iu Ireland. Hence the attitirs of 
both countries vere, for the most part, administered 
undcr the saine forms, forms which were as ill suîted 
fo the waywardness of the Celt, as they met exactly 
the stronger nature of the Saxon. At intervals, when 
the Government was exasperaed by unusual outrages, 
some prince of the blood vas sent across as viceroy; 
aud hall a century of acquiescence in disorder would 
be followed by a spasmodic severîty, whi6h irritated 
without subduing, ami forfeited atlction while it 
failed to terrify. At all other rimes, Ireland was 
governed by the Norman Irish, and these, as the 
years went on, were tempted by their convenience fo 
strengthel fhemselves by h-ish alliances, to identify 
their interests vith those of the native chiefs, lu order 
to conciliafe their support; to prefer the position of 
wild and independent sovereigns, resting on the attach- 
meut of a people whose affections they had gained by 
learning to resemble them, to that of lnilitary lords 
over a hostile population, the representatives of a 
distant authority, on which they could not rely. 
This is a partial account of the Irish difficulty. We 
must look deeper, however, for the full interpretation 
of if; and outward circumstances never alone suffice 
to explain a moral transformation. The Roman 
military colonists relnained Roman alike on the Rhine 
and on the Euphrates. The Turkish conquero-s caught 



THE NORMANS IN IRELAND 323 

no infection from Greece, or from the provinces on the 
Danube. The Celts in En'land were absorbed by the 
Saxon invaders ; and the Mogul an,t t.he Anglo-Indian 
alike have shoxvn no têndeney fo assimilate with the 
Hincloo. When a marked type of human eharaeter 
yields belote another, the ehange is owing fo some 
element of power in that other, whieh, eomin" in 
eontaet with elements weaker than itself, subdues 
and absorbs them. The Irish spirit, whieh exereised 
so fatal a faseination, was enahled fo trimnph over 
the Norlnan in virtue of representino" eel'tain 1)crennial 
tendeneies of hummity, whieh are latent in all man- 
kind, and whieh opportunity lnay af any momelt 
develop. If xws hot a national spirit--the elans 
were never united, exeept by some comlnon hatred; 
and the norlnal relation of the ehieN towards eaeh 
other was a relation of ehronie war and hostility. If 
was rather an impatienee of eontrol, a deliberate 
preferenee for disorder, a deterlnination in eaeh in- 
dividual man fo go his own way, vhether if was a 
g'ood way or a bad, and a reek]ess hatred of industry. 
The result vas the inevitable one--oppression, misery 
and wrong. But in detail faults an,t graees were so 
interwoven, that the offensiveness of the evil was 
disguised by the eharm of the good; and even the 
Irish viees were the eounterfeit of virtues, eontrived 
so eulmingly that if was hard to distinguish their true 
texture. The fidelity of the elansmen fo their leaders 
was faultlessly beautiful; extravaganee appeared 
like generosity, and improvidenee like unselfishness : 
anarehy disguised itself under the naine of liberty; 
and war and plunder were deeorated by poetry as t.he 
honourable oeeupation of heroie natures. Sueh were 
the Irish with whom the Norman comluerors round 
themselves in eontaet ; and over them all was thrown 



3)_4 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

a peeuliar imaginative graee, a eareless atmosphere of 
humour, SOlnetilnes c,-a-- sometimes melancholy, always 
attraet.ive, whieh ai onee disarmed t.he hand whieh 
was raiscd to strike or punish theln. These spirits 
were dangel'OUS neighbours. 3Ien who first entered 
the eountry ai mature age might be fortified by ex- 
perience agMnst their influence, but on the young they 
nust have exerted a eharln of fatal poteney. The 
rosier-nurse first ehanted the spell over the eradle in 
wild passionate melodies. It was breathed in the ears 
of the gl'owing boy by the minstrels who haunted the 
halls, and the lawless at.traetions of disorder proved 
oo strong fro" the manhood whieh was trained among 
so perilous assoeiations. 
For sueh a eountry, therefore, but one form of 
government eould sueeeed--an effieient military des- 
poisln. The people eould he wholesomely eontrolled 
only by an English deputy, sustained by an English 
army, and armed with arbit.rary power, t.ill the in- 
veterate turbulenee of their tempers had died away 
under repression, and they had learnt in their in- 
proved eondition the value of order and rule. This 
was the opinion of all statesmen vho possessed any 
rem knowledge of Ireland, from Lord Talbot under 
Heu W VI. to the lai.est vieeroy who attempted a 
milder method and found it rail. " If the King were 
as wise as Solomon the Sage," said the report, of 1515, 
" he shall never subdue the wild Irish to his obedienee 
without dread of t.he sword and of the miht and 
strengh of his power. As long as they may resist 
and save their lires, they will hot obey the King." 
Ufortunately, although English statesmen were able 
to see the eourse whieh ought tobe followed, it had 
been too iueonvenient to pursue that eourse. They 
had put off the evil day, preferring to elose their eyes 



THE NORMANS IN IRELAND 

against the lnischief instead of grappling with it 
resolutely; and thus, af the opening of the sixteenth 
century, vhen the hitherto neglected barbarians were 
about fo become a sword in the Pope's hands fo fight 
the battle against the Reformation, the " King's Irish 
enenfies" had recovered all but absolute possession 
or" the island, and nothing remained of SÉl'Oll'bo'v'8 
eOl(lUeSts save the shadow of a titular sovereignty, 
and a country stl'engthened in hostility by the mcal,s 
which had been used to subdue it. 



326 

SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS. 

THERE was (1567) one plague-spot in the Spanish 
elnl)ire--olm damning exception fo the splendid ortho- 
doxy of the subjects of the Castilian prince. Political 
ingenuity has as yet contrived no schelne of govern- 
lnent which on the whole works better than monarchy 
by hereditary succession. To choose a ruler by the 
accident of birth is scarcely less absurd in theory than 
the lnethod so much ridiculed by Plato, of selection 
by lot : yct the necessity of stability, and the difilculty, 
hitherto unsurmoulted, of finding any principle of 
elcction which vill work long without confusion, 
have brought men to acquiesce in an arrangement 
for which reason has nothing fo ul'ge; and fo provide 
a relnedy for the mischief otherwise inevitable by 
crecting a sovereignty of law, supreme alike over 
monarch and subject, and by restricting the priviieges 
of the Çl'OIvn within strict constitutional limits. 
The evil of the hcreditary principle appears in ifs 
most aggravated form, when, through royal intermar- 
riages, two nations have bcen tied together which 
have no natural connection either in language, habit 
or tradition; espccially when they are situated at a 
grcat distance from one anothcr, and when a country 
bcfore independent is governed by the deputy of an 
alicn sovcrcign. 
Such was the position of the densely peopled group 
of provinces on the lnouth of the Rhine, under the 



SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS 327 

Spanish prince. Their own dukes, long the equals 
of the proudest of the European sovereigns, had 
beeome extinet. ïhe title and the authority had 
lapsed fo a monareh who was ignorant of their lan- 
guage, indittbrent fo their eustoms, and with interests 
of his own separate from, and perhaps opposite fo, 
theirs. IL was the more neeessary for them fo insist 
on their established hereditary privileges, larger, 
happily for them, than those xvhieh bound the hands 
of any other duke or king. So long as thesc rights 
remained unviolated the Netherlands had given little 
eause fo their new sovereign fo eomplain of their 
loyalty. The people had round their advantage in 
being attaehed to a powerful monarehy, whieh pro- 
teeted them from their dangerous neighbours. ïhey 
had paid for the eonneetion by eontributing freely 
with their wealth and blood to the greatness of the 
empire of whieh they were a part. 
They had endured without eomplaining oeeasional 
exeesses of the prerogative, but they had endured 
them as permitted by themselves, hot as eneroaeh- 
ments whieh they were unable to resist. The ob- 
servanee of the eoronation oat.h was not left fo the 
authority of eonseienee, and the monareh was without 
power to peijure himself however great might be his 
desire. Eery provinee had its own j urisdietion--its 
separate governor, by whom its military strength 
was administered ; every town had its eharter and its 
munieipal eonstitution, and against the will of the 
eitizens legally deelared no foreign garrison might 
be admitted within their valls; oppression was im- 
possible until the eivil libelies whieh the king had 
sworn to respeet were first invaded and erushed. 
Thus the provinees were thriving beyond all other 
parts of Europe. Their great eities were the marts of 



3a8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

the vorld's commerce--their traders eovered the seas, 
and the produce of their looms was exposed for sale in 
every market-place in Christendom. Their merchants 
were sueeeeding to the wealth and the importanee 
whieh were fading from Gcnoa and Veniee ; and their 
sovereigns had been long eareful to eoneiliate the 
loyalty of subjeets so emineutly useful. The burghers 
of Bruges and Antwerp had done more for Charles 
V. lu his long" grapple with Franee than the mines of 
Mexieo and Peru; and uutil the provinees felt t.he 
first shoek of the religious eonvulsion, no question 
had risen fo overeloud the pride of the Flelnings in 
the glories of their imperial toaster. 
Where the minds of men were in sueh aetivity the 
doetrines of the Reformation readily round entrance ; 
yet notwithstanding, with skilful handling, the eol- 
lision might have been avoided between the people 
and the Crown, and the Netherlands might have 
been hehl loyal, hot only to the Spanish Crown but 
to the See of Rome. As in England, the movement 
began tlrst among the artisans and the smaller trades- 
mon. The possession of wealth inelines men every- 
where to think well of the institutions under whieh 
they have prospered, and the noblemen and opulent 
eitizens of Flanders aud Brabant were little inelined 
to trouble themselves with new theories. They were 
Catholies beeause they had been born Catholies, but 
they hcld their relig'iou with those uueonseious lirai- 
rations whieh are nceessitated by oeeupation in the 
worhl. The modern Englishman eonfesses the theoretie 
value of poverty, the danger of riches, and the para- 
lnount elaims upon his attention of a world beyond 
the grave ; yet none the less he regards the aeeumula- 
tiou of wealth as a personal and national advantage. 
He labours to inerease his own ineome; he believes 



SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS 329 

that he does well if he leaves his falnily beyond the 
neeessity of labouring for their livelihood; he remis 
and respects the _Nermon Oll the Mount ; he condelnnS 
and will even 1)unish with lnOdera(iol those vho 
impugn ifs inspirat.ion ; yet in the praet.ieal Old)inions 
which he professes and on which he acts, he directly 
eontradiets it.s pl'eeepts. The att, itude of the wealt.hy 
NeLherlander towards the Catholie faith was very 
lnuch thê saine. He did hot wish fo becolne a Pro- 
restant. He was rcady fo t.reat the profession of 
Protestantisln as a eonsidcrablc ottçnee; but as thc 
Publiean was nearer the kingdOln of heaven t.han the 
Pharisee, so the lnanufaeturers of Çlhent were pro- 
teeted froln fanaticisln by their worldliness. They 
were willing to eontime Catholies t.hemselves; and 
to lnaintain the Catholie Chureh in all its (lio-nity and 
honour; but they did not dêsil'e to ruin themselves 
and their eountry by thê dêath or exile of their most 
industrious workmen. 
Bêtween this point of view and that of the Spanial'l 
there was an irreeoneilable dittl'enee. The Cat.holie 
religion vas of eourse true, pal'amount--or whatevêr 
else it wished fo be ealled; but they believed in it as 
established reli'ions alvays are beliêved in by men 
vho have nmeh êlsê of a useful kind to t.hink about. 
To the Spaniard, on thê othêr hand, his religion vas 
the all in all. It did hot change his naturê--beeausê 
his mind was fastened on the theologieal aspêet of it. 
He was eruêl, sensual, eovetous, unserul)ulous. In his 
hunger for gold hê had extel'lninatêd wholê faces and 
nations in the New World. But his a.variee was like 
the aval'iee of thê spendthrift. Of thê eareful con- 
centration Of his faeulties in t.he pursuit of wêalth by 
industrious methods, he was ineapablê. The daily 
oeeupation of thê Fleming was with his ledgèr or his 



33 ° SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

factory--the Spaniard pasoed from the mass and the 
confessional to the hunting-field, the tilt-yard or the 
field of battle. 
The most important of the national characteristics 
were combined in the person of Philip II. The energy, 
the high-mettled spirit, the humour, Che romance, the 
dash and pover of the Spanish character lmd no place 
in him. lIe was slov, hesitating, and in COllllllOll 
matters uncertain. Il'hot deficient in personal courage, 
he was without military taste or military ambition. 
But he had few vices. ])ul'ing his marriage with 
Mary Tudor, he indulged, if is sai«l, in some forbidden 
pleasures ; but hc ha«l no natural tendencies fo excess, 
and if he did hot forsake his faults in this way, he 
was forsaken by them. He was lnoderate in his 
habits, careful, busines.like, and usually kind and 
conciliatory. He could under no circumstances have 
been a great man; but with other opportunities he 
might have passed muster among sovereigns as con- 
siderably better than the average of them: he might 
have received credit 'or many negative virtues, ,nd 
a conscientious application fo the common duties of 
his office. Ho was one of those lilnited but hOt ill- 
lneaning men, to whom religion furnishes usually 
a healthy principle of action, and who are ready and 
eager fo submit to its authority. In the unfortunate 
conjuncture at which he was set fo reign, what ought 
fo have guided him into good becalne the source of 
those actions which have ruade his naine infamous. 
With no broad intelligence fo test or correct his 
superstitions, he gave prominence, like the rest of his 
countrymen, fo those particular features of his creed 
which could be of Slnallest practical value to him. 
Ho saw in his position aud in his convictions a call 
from Providence to restore through Europe the shak- 



SPAIN AND THE NEYHERLANDS 33 

ing fabric of the Church, and he lived to shmv that 
the lnost cruel curse which can afltict the world is the 
tyranny of ignorant conscientiousness, and that there 
is no crilne too dark for a devotee fo perpetrate under 
the seeming sanction of his creed. 
Charles V., in whom Burgundian, German and 
Spalfish blood were mixed in equal proportions, was 
as much broadcr in his sylnpathies than Philip as he 
was superior to him in intellecb. He too had hated 
heresy, but as Emperor of Germany he had been 
forced fo bear with it. His edict for the suppression 
of the new opinions iii the Netherlands was as cruel 
as the most impassioued zealot could desire, and af 
rimes and places the persecution had been as sanguin- 
ai T as in Spain: but it was limited everywhere by 
the unwillingness of the local magistrates fo support 
the bishops; in some of the states if vas liever 
enforced af all, and ever)'where the emperor's diffi- 
culties with France soon compelled hiln fo let if drop. 
The var outlived him. The peace of Cambray round 
Philip on the throne ready fo take advantage of the 
leisure which af last had arrived. Charles, in his 
dying instructions, commendcd to his son those duties 
which he had hilnself neglected. He directed him fo 
put away the accursed thing, fo rebuild the House of 
the Lord, which, like another David, he was hilnself 
unfit fo raise. Philip received the message as a 
Divine command. When the emperor died he was 
at Brussels. He had ten thousand Spanish troops 
wibh hiln, a ready-made instrument for the work. 
He set himself af once fo establish more bishops iii 
the provinees, with larger inquisitorial powers. If 
was hot fo be t.he fault of the sovereign if the bill 
of spiritual health was hot as elean in his northern 
dolninions as in Arragon and Castile. 



332 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDÊ 

But each year of delay had lnade the problem more 
diflieult of solugion. Progesgangism, while it left the 
higher elasses ungouehed, had sprea.d like a eontagion 
alllOllg ghe commons. The congl'egations of argisans 
in every gl'eat OU-ll and seaport lmlnbered their gens 
of t]mu.sands. Tire lllelllbers of gheln were t.he ver 3' 
flowcr of ghe provincial indusgry; and lhe ediels 
eonteml)laged lhcir exgel'minagion by miliga W fOl'Ce, 
aefing as ghe uneongrolled insgl'Ulneng of improvised 
illegal gribunals. The ordinary local eourgs were go 
be superse,led by mere margial law; and ghe Negller- 
land noldes did nol ehoose Go surrender thelnselves 
bound hand and foot go Spanish despogisln. ïheir 
eonslitut, ional right.s onee suspended for lheir spiritual 
purg'agion, lnighg be losg for ever; and wighoug pro- 
fessing any sylnpaghy wit.h heresy, wigh he mos 
eagel" deelaragion thal they desired as ar, lengly as 
Phi lip lbhe l'e-esgablishlneng of orghodoxy, they refused 
Go allow the loeation of foreign g'arrisol!s among ghem. 
They elailned lheir righl go deal with their own 
people by gheir own laws; and Philip, art.er a bursg 
of passion, had been eompelled Go yiehl. Ïhe Spanish 
troops were Sellg holne, and ghe king, leaving his 
sistel', the Duehess of Parlna, go do her besg withoug 
lhem, retul'ned o Madrid, go bide his rime. Seven 
yeal'S passed belote an opporgunigy arrived go reopen 
lhe question. The eg'eng 3iargareL assisge,l by ber 
faithful lninisger, lhe Bshop of An'as, laboured 
siduously Go do her brogher's pleasure. Nogwigh- 
standing ghe opposigion, she round insgrulnents more 
or less willing go enforee the ediegs--solne sharing 
Philip's bigot. W, some anxious Go filld favour in his 
eyes. Men eapable of greag and prolonged eflbl'tS of 
resisganee are usually slow Go eolnmenee sgrug'g'les of 
which t, hcy, berger than any ole, foresee ghe probable 



SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS 333 

conse,[uences. Year after year some hundreds of poor 
men were raeked, and hang'ed, and burnt, but no 
blessing followed, and tlhe evil did hot a.bate. The 
lnoderate Catholies, whose hunuu,ity had hot been 
ext.in'uished by their ereed, beeame Lutherans in 
their reeoil froln eruelties whieh they were unable fo 
prevent.; and Lut, heranism, faee o faee wit.h it.s 
feroeious enemy, developed quiekly into Calvinism. 
The hnnted worklnen either passed into France fo 
t.heir Huguenot. brothers, or took service with the 
privateers, or migrated by thousands into Engqan,l 
with their families, earrying wit.h them t.hcir art.s a,l 
indnst.ries. Faetories svere elosed, trade ws paralyse, l, 
or was transfel'red froln the Seheldt fo t.he Thames. 
"çhe spirit of disafletion went deeper and dceper into 
t, he people, and the hard-headed and indifl?rent lnan 
of business was eonverted by his losses into a pat.riot.. 
To the pet.itions for the moderation of the ediets the 
Duehess of Parma eould answer only that she ha, l no 
power, or t.hat she lnUSt eonsult her brother ; and t.he 
nol)lenen, who had first interposed fo prevent, the 
eontinuanee of the Spaniards anlol,g" them, beg'an fo 
eonsult what further st.eps might ho possible. Fore- 
lnOSt among these were the St.adt.holders of the 
difl?rent provinces; William of Nassau, Prinee of 
Ormge; Count Egmont, the hel'O of Gravelines and 
St. Quentin ; Iontigny, Horn, and t.he Iarquis Bel'g- 
hen. The Prince of Orange was still under thirty 
and capable of new impressions, his friends were 
middle-aged men, unlikely fo change their ereed, but 
unwilling" fo sit by and see their fellow-eount.rymen 
murdered. Something t.hey were able fo eflet for a 
tilne, by impeding the action of their own courts ; but 
local remedies were partial and diffieult fo earry out. 
The vague powers of the bishops superseded the laws 



334 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

of the states, and the laws themselves had been 
formed in Catholic rimes when heresy was univer- 
sally regarded as a serious offence: the Stadtholders 
could not alter them without open revoit against the 
sovereign, which as yet they had hOt coutemplated. 
They could but solicit Philip therefore to moderate 
the violence of the administration, and suspend the 
edicts till milder measures had been tried. 
Such advice to the King of Spain was like the 
carnal policy of the children of Israel in making 
terres with the idolaters of Canaan. What fo him 
were the lives and industries 6f his subjeets eom- 
pared fo their immortal souls ? Better that the Low 
Countries were restored fo the oeean from whieh 
they had been reeovered, better that every man, 
woman and ehihl shouhl perish from off the land, 
than that he should aeknowledge or endure as his 
subjeets the enemies of God. To him the man 
who endeavoured fo proteet a heretie was no less 
infanous than the heretie himself. Compared vith 
the service of the Almighty, the rights of the 
provinees were mere forms of man's devising; aud, 
with a purpose hard as the flinty pavement of his 
own Madrid, he temporised and gave doubtful 
answers, and marked fhe naine of every man who 
petitioned to him for lnoderation, t.hat he might 
make an example of him when the rime for if 
should eome. 
Af length, driven mad by heir own sufferings, 
eneouraged by the attitude of their leaders, and by the 
apparent absence of any foree whieh eould eontrol them, 
the eommons of the Netherlands rose in rebellion, 
saeked ehurehes and eathedrals, burnt monasteries, 
killed monks when they eame in their way, set up 
their own serviees, and broke into the usual exeesses 



SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS 335 

which the Calvinists on their side considered also 
supremely meritorious. 
The Stadtholders put them down everywhere, used 
the gallows freely, and restored order; but the thing 
was done, the peace had been broken, and Philip had 
the plea at last for which he lmd long waited--that 
his subjects were in insurrection, and required the 
presence of his own troops fo bring them fo obedience. 
An army small in number but perfect in equipment 
and discipline, vas raised from among the choicest 
troops which Spain and Italy couhl provide. The 
ablest living sohlier was chosen to command them. 
The Duchess of Parma was superseded, and the 
military govermnent of the Netherlands was en- 
trusted fo Ferdinand of Toledo, Duke of Alva. 
The naine of Alva lins descended through Protestant 
tradition in colours blak as if he had been dipped in 
the pitch of Cocytus. Religious history is partial in 
ifs verdicts. The exterminators of the Canaanites are 
enshrined among the saints, and had the Catholics 
corne off victorious, the Duke of Alva would have 
been a second Joshua. He xvas now sixty years old. 
His lire from his boyhood had been spent in the field, 
and he possessed all the qualities in perfection which 
go fo the making of a great commander and a great 
military administrator. The one guide of his lire 
was the law of his country. He was the servant of 
the law and not its master, and he was sent to his 
new government to enforce obedience fo a rule which 
he himself obeyed, and which all subjects of fhe 
Spanish Crown were bound to obey. His intellect 
was of that strong practical kind which apprehends 
distinctly the thing to be done, and uses vithout 
flinching the appropriate lneans to do it. He xvas 
proud, but with the pride of a Spaniard--a pride 



336 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

in lais race and in his count,ry. He vas ambitious, 
lmt if was hot an ambit,ion which touched his loyalty 
fo creed or king-. In hiln çhe Spain of the sixteenth 
century foun,l its truest and most complete represen- 
tative. Careless of pleasure, earêless of his lire, 
telnperate in his personal habits, without passion, 
without ilnag'inat,ion, with nerves of steel, and with 
a supreme conviction that the duty of suhjeets was 
fo obey t, hose who were set over thelnsueh was 
t.he ramons, or infamous, l)uke of Alva, when in 
lnne, 1567, in t.he saine month when Nary 8tuart 
was shut up in Loehleven, he set out from Italy for 
the Nethêl'lands. He took with him ten thousand 
sohlieçs, eomplet, e in t.he ess«,ntials of an army, even 
to two thousand eourtestms, who were under military 
,liseipline. He passed over )Iont Cenis t, hrough Savoy, 
Brg'un,ly and Lorraine. In the middle of August he 
was at Ïhionville; belote September he had entered 
Brussels. 
The Prince of Orange, vho knew the meaning of 
his eoming', had provided for his safety, and had re- 
t, reated with his four 1)rothers into Gerlnany. Egmont, 
eonseious of no crime exeept of having desire,l fo serve 
his country, remained wit.h Count Horn fo reeeive 
t, he new governor. In a few weeks they round 
themselves arrested, and wit.h t.heln any nobleman 
or gentlemau t, hat Alva's arln eould reaeh, vho had 
signed the petitions fo the king. Proeeeding" fo 
business with eahn skill, t, he duke distribut.ed his 
troops in garrisons alnong the towns. With a sum- 
mary eolnmand he suspended the local magistrates 
and elosed t.he local courts. The administrat.ion of 
the provinces was ruade over fo a eouneil of whieh 
he xvas hilnself president, and froln whieh there was 
no appeal. Tribunals eomm{ssioned by this body 



8PAIN AND THE NETHERLAND8 337 

were ereeted ail over the country, and so swift and 
steady were their operations, that in three months 
eighteen hundred persons had perished af the stake 
or on the seaftbld. 
Deprived of their leaders, and stupefied by these 
prompt and dreadful measures, the people ruade little 
resistanee ; a few partial eflbl'tS were instantly erushed, 
and their one hope was then iii the Prince of Orange. 
The prinee, aeeepting Alva's measures as an open 
violation of the eonstitution, without ,liselailning his 
allegianee fo Philip, af onee deelarêd war against his 
representative, raising money on the eredit of his 
own estates, and gathering eontributions wherever 
hatred of Catholie tyranny opened a purse fo him. 
He raised two atomes in Germany, and while he 
himself prepared fo eross the Meuse, his brother, 
Count Louis, entered Friesland. Fortune was af 
first favourable. D'Aremberg, who was sent by 
Alva fo stop Louis, blundered into a position where 
even Spanish troops eould not save him froln disaster 
and defeat. The patriots won the firs battle of the 
war, and d'Aremberg was killed, l Bu the brief 
flood-tide soon ebbed. Alva waited only to send 
Horn and Egmon fo the seaflbld, and took the field 
in person. Count Louis' military ehes was badly 
furnished, and soon empty. The Germans would no 
fight without pay, and Louis had no money fo pay 
them with. As Alva advaneed upon them they fell 
baek without order or purpose, till they entrapped 
themselves in a peninsula on the Ems, and there, in 
three miserable hours, Count Louis saw his entire 
foree mowed down by his own eannon, whieh the 
Spaniards took a the first rush, or drowned and 

 Bale of Heiliger Lee, lIay 23, 1568. 
22 



33 8 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

smothered in the tideway or the mud. The duke's 
loss, if his own report of he engagemen was true, 
was but sevell 1111311.1 The account lnoM5 favoural)le 
fo the patriots does hot raise if above eighty. Count 
Louis, with a fcw stragglers, swam tlle river and 
ruade his way o his brother, for whose fortune so 
tremeudous a eatastrophe was no favoural)le omen. 
Thc Gerlnan states, already lukewarm, beeamê fl'eez- 
ing in thcir imliIt)reuee. Maximilian forbadc Orange 
o lcvy t.roops within tlle empire. ()range however 
had a position of his own in Nassau, froln whieh he 
eould aet af his own risk upou his own resourees. 
He published a justifieation of himself fo Europe. 
By loan and lnortgage, by the sale of every aere 
whieh he eouhl dispose of, he again raised money 
enough fo lnove; and on the fifth of Oetober he led 
thil'ty thousand men over tlle Meuse and entered 
Brabant. 

 Battle of Jemmingen, July .Ol. 



339 

THE PROBLEM OF LIFE. 

THEE seems, in the first place, to lie in ail men, in 
1)roportion fo the strength of their understanding, a 
conviction ha here is in ail hulnan things a real 
ortier and purpose, notvit.hstanding the chaos in 
which af rimes they seem fo be involved. Sufl[wing 
scattered blindly without remedial purpose or retri- 
butive propriety--good and evil distributed with 
the most absolute disregard of moral merit or demerit 
 enorlnous crimes perpetrated with impunity, or 
vengeance when if cornes falling hot on the guilty, 
but the innocent 
Deser a beggar born, 
And needy nothing trimmed in jolligy 
these phenomena present, generation after generation, 
the saine perplexing and even lnaddening features; 
and without an illogieal but none the less a positive 
eertainty that things are hOt as they seemt.hat, in 
spire of appearanee, there is justice af the heart of 
them, and that, in the working out of the vast drama, 
j ustiee will assert somehow and SOlnewhere ifs sovereign 
fight and power, the better sort of persons would find 
existence altogether unendurable. This is what the 
Greeks meant by the "AdTç or destiny, whieh af the 
bottom is no other than moral Providence. Pronetheus 
ehained on the rock is the eounterpart of Job on his 
dunghill. Torn with unrelaxing agony, the vulture 
with beak and talons rending af his heart, the Titan 



34o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

still defies the tyrant at whose command he suflrs, 
and, strong in conscious innocence, appeals fo the 
eternal Moîpa which vill do him right ils the end. 
The Olympian gods were cruel, jealous, capricious, 
nalignant; but beyond and al)ove the Olympian gods 
lay the silent, brooding, everlasting rate of whieh 
vietiln and tyrant were alike the instruments, and 
vhieh af last, far off; al'ter ages of misery if might 
be, but still belote all was over, wouhl vindieate the 
sovereignty of justiee. Full as it,may be of eontra- 
dietions and perplexities, this obseure belief lies af 
the very eore of out spiritual nature, and it is ealled 
fat.e or it is ealled predest.ination aeeording as it is 
rcgarded pantheistieally as a neeessary eondition of 
the univcrse, or as the deeree of a self-eonseious 
being. 
Intilnately connected with this belief, and perhaps 
the faet of whieh it is the inadequate expression, is 
the existenee in nature of Olnlaipresent organie laws, 
penetrating the material world, penetrating the moral 
world of hulnan lire and soeiety, whieh insist on being 
obeyed in all that we do and handlewhieh we ealmot 
alter, eannot modify--whieh will go with us, and 
assist and befriend us, if we reeognise and eomply 
with theln--whieh inexorably make themselves felt 
in failure and disaster if we negleet or attempt fo 
thwart them. Search where we will among created 
things, far as the microscope will allow the eye fo 
pierce, we find organisation everywhere. Large forms 
resolve thelnselves into parts, but these parts are but 
organised out of other parts, down so far as we can 
see into infinity. When the plant meets with the 
conditions which agree with if, it thrives; under 
unhealthy conditions it is poisoned and disintegrates. 
It is the saine precisely with each one of ourselves, 



THE PROBLEM OF LIFE 34I 

vhether as individuals or as agg'regated into associa- 
tions, into fmnilies, into nations, into institutions. 
The remotest fibre of human action, from the poliey 
of empires ço t, he mosç insignifieanç çritle over whieh 
ve waste an idle hour or moment, either moves in 
harmony with the true lav of out being, or is else af 
diseord with if.. A king or a parliament enaets a law, 
and we ilnagine we are creating solne new reg'ulation, 
o eneounçer unpreeedented eireumstanees. The law 
içself whieh applied ço flmse eireumstanees was enaet.ed 
from eçerlfiçy. Iç has its existenee in,lependent of 
us, an,1 will enforee içself either o reward or punish, 
as the attitude whieh we assume towar,ls it is wise or 
unwise. Out human laws are but ghe copies, more or 
less imperfeet, of the eternal laws so far as we ean 
read them, and eithêr sueeee,1 and promote out wêlfare, 
or rail and bring eonfusion and ,lisasçer, aeeording as 
the legislator's insight, has deteeçed çhe true prineiple, 
or has been ,listorted by ignoranee or seltislmess. 
And hese laws are absolute, intlexible, irreversible, 
the steady friends of the wise and good, çle eternal 
enemies of the bloekhead and the knave. No Pope 
ean dispense with a sçaçut.e enrolled in t.he Chaneery 
of Heaven, or popular vote repeal it. The discipline 
is a stern one, and manv a wild endeavour men have 
ruade o obtain less hard eondifions, or ilnagine them 
other çhan they are. They bave eoneeived t.he rule 
of the Ahnight,y ço be like the rule of one of theln- 
selves. They have faueiêd tha they eould bribe or 
appease Him--çempç Him by penanee or pious ofl'ering 
ço suspend or çul'n aside His displeasure. They are 
asking thaç His own eternal naçure shall beeome 
other than iç is. One t.hing only they ean do. They 
for çhemselves, hy ehanging fleir own eourses, ean 
lnake tle law whieh çley have broken theneeforward 



34 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

their friend. Their dispositions and nature will revive 
and become healthy again when they are no longer in 
opposition fo the will of their Maker. This is the 
natural action of vhat we call repentance. But the 
penalties of the wrongs of the past remain unrepealed. 
As men have sown they must still reap. The pro- 
fligate who bas ruined his health or fortune may learn 
before he dies that he has lived as a fool, and may 
recover something of his peace of mind as he recovers 
his understanding; but no miracle takes away bis 
paralysis, or gives back fo his children the bread of 
which he bas robbed them. He may himself be 
pardoned, but the consequences of lais acts remain. 
Once more: and if is the most awful feature of our 
condition. The laws of nature are general and are no 
respecters of persons. There has been and there still 
is a clinging ilnpression that the sufferings of men are 
the results of their own particular misdeeds, and that 
no one is or can be punished for the faults of others. 
I shall hot dispute about the word "punishlnent" 
"The fathers have eaten sour grapes," said the Jewish 
proverb, "and the children's teeth are set on edge." So 
said Jewish experience, and Ezekiel answered that 
these words should no longer be used anaong them. 
"The soul that sinneth, it shall die." Yes, there is a 
promise that the soul shall be saved, there is no such 
promise for the body. Every man is the architect of 
lais own character, and if to the extent of lais oppor- 
tunities he bas lived purely, nobly and uprightly, the 
misfortunes wbich may fMI on him ihrough the crimes 
or errors of other men cannot injure the immortal 
part of him. But it is no less true that we are nmde 
dependent one upon another fo a degree which tan 
hardly be exag.'gerated. The winds and waves are 
on the side of the best navigatorthe seaman who 



THE PROBLEM OF LIFE 343 

best understands them. Place a fool at the helm, and 
crew and passengers will perish, be they ever so 
innocent. The Tower of Siloam fell hot for any sins 
of the eighteen who were crushed by it, but through 
bad lnortar probably, the rotting of a beam, or the 
uneven set.tling of the foundations. The persons 
who should have suflbred, ccording to our notion of 
distributive justice, were the ig'norant architects or 
masons who had donc their work amiss. But the 
guilty had perhaps long been turned fo dust. And 
the law of g'ravity brought the tower down at ifs 
own rime, indittç, rent to the persons who might be 
under it. 
Now the feature which dist.inguishes man from 
other anima]s is that he is able to observe and discover 
these laws which are of such mighty momeut fo him, 
and direct his conduct in conformity with them. The 
more subtle may be revealed only by complicated 
experience. The plainer and more obviousamong 
those especially which are calle«l moral--have been 
apprehended among the higher races easily and readily. 
I shall hOt ask how the knowledge of them bas been 
obtained, whether by external revelation, or by natural 
insight, or by some other influence working through, 
hulnan faculties. The fact is all that we are concerned 
with, that from the earliest rimes of which we have 
historical knowledge there have always been men who 
have recognised the distinction between the nobler and 
baser parts of their being. They have perceived that 
if they would be men and hOt beasts, they must control 
thcir animal passions, prefer truth to falsehood, courage 
to cowardice, justice to violence, and compassion to 
cruelty. These are the element.ary principles of 
morality, on the recognition of which the welfare and 
improvelneut of mankind depeud, aud human history 



344 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

has been liGle more than a record of Ghe sGruggle 
whieh began aG the beginning and will eonGinue to 
the end beGween Ghe fev who have had abiliGy to sec 
into the truGh and loyalGy Go obey iG, and Ghe multi- 
Gude who by evasion or rebellion have hoped Go thrive 
in spire of it. 
Thus we sec that in the better sort of men there 
are Gvo elementary eonvieGions; thaG Ghere is over 
ail things an unsleeping, inflexible, all-ordering, jusG 
power, and that this power governs the vorld by laws 
which can be seen in Gheir effecGs, and on t, he obedience 
to whieh, and on noGhing else, human welfare depends. 
And now I will suppose some one whose tendeneies 
are naGurally healthy, though as yeG no speeial occasion 
shall have roused him fo serious Ghought, growing up 
in a eivilised eommunity, where, as usually happens, a 
compromise has been sGruek beGween vice and virtue, 
where a certain differenee beGween right and wrong 
is reeognised deeenGly on the surface, while below it 
one hall of Ghe people are rushing steadily after the 
thing ealled pleasure, and the other hall labouring in 
drudgery to provide Ghe means of it for the idle. 
Of praeGieal jusGiee in sueh a eommuniGy Ghere will 
be exeeedingly little, but as soeieGy eannot go along 
aG all wiGhouG paying moraliGy some outward homage, 
Ghel'e will of course be an established religion--an 
Olympus, a Valhalla, or some s'steln of Gheogony or 
theology, with temples, priests, liGul\g'ies, public con- 
fessions in one forln or another of the dependenee of 
the t.hings we sec upon whaG is not seen, with certain 
ideas of duGy and penalGies imposed for negleeG of 
These Ghere will be, and also, as obedienee is disagree- 
able and requires abstinence from various indulgences, 
Ghere will be eontrivanees by whieh the indulgences 
ean be seeured, and no harm eome of it. By Ghe side 



THE PROBLEM OF LIFE 345 

of the moral law there grows up a law of ceremonial 
observanee, fo whieh is attaelled a notion of superior 
sanetity and espeeial obligation, lIorality, though 
hot ai first disowned, is slighted as eomparatively 
trivial. Dut,y in t,he high sense eolnes to mean re- 
ligious duty; that is fo say, t, he attentive observanee 
of certain forms and eeremonies, and these fol'ms 
and eeremonies eolne into eollision little or hot at all 
with ordinary lire, anal ultimately have a tendeney 
fo resolve themselves into payments of money. 
Thus rises vhat is ealled idolatry. I do hot mean 
by idolatry the more worshi 1) of lnanufaetured images. 
I nlean t, he scparation between praetieal obligttion, 
and new moons and salbaths, outward aets of devotion, 
or formulas of partieular opinions. It is a st.are of 
things perpetually reeurring: for there is nothing, if 
it wouhl only aet, more agreeable fo all parties eon- 
eerned. Priests find their oflàee lnagnified and t, lleir 
eonsequenee inereased. Laynlen ean be in favour 
with God and man, so priests tell thenl, wMle t.heir 
enjoyments or oeeupations are in no way interfel-ed 
vith. The misehief is that the laws of nature remain 
meanwhile unsuspended; and all the funetions of 
soeiety beeome poisoned through negleet of them. 
Religion, whieh ought fo have beell a restraint, be- 
eolnes a fresh instrument of evil--to the inlaginative 
and the weak a eontemptible superstition,-to the 
edueated a lnoekery, fo knaves and hypocrites a eloak 
of iniquity, fo all alike--to those who sutthr and those 
who seem to profit by it--a lie so palpable as fo be 
worse thall atheism itself. 
There eomes a rime when all this has fo end. The 
over-indulgenee of the few is the over-penury of t.he 
many. Injustiee begets misery, and misery resent- 
ment. Solnething happens perhaps--some mmsual 



346 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

oppression, or some aet of religions mendaeity espe- 
eially glaring. ueh a person as I ara supposing asks 
himself, " What, is t.he nleaning of these things?" 
His eyes are opened. Gradually he diseovers that he 
is living" sm'roun,led wit.h falsehood, drinking lies like 
water, his eonseienee polluted, his intelleet degraded 
]y t.he abominat, ions whieh envelop his existenee. 
At tirst pm'haps he will l'eel mo.st keenly for himself, 
He will hot. suppose that, he ean set, t.o rights a world 
that. is out of joint, lmt he will himself relinquish his 
share in what he detests and dcspises. He withdraws 
into himself. If what ohers are doing and saying is 
obviously wrong, t.hen he has to ask himself what is 
right, and what is the true purpose of lais existenee. 
Light, breaks more eleariy on him. He beeomes 
eonseious of impulses t, owar,ts somet.hing purer and 
higher than he has yet. êxperieneed or even imagined. 
Whenee t, hese impulses eome he eannot, tell. He is 
too keenly aware of the selfish and eowardly thoughts 
whieh fise up to mat and t.hwarr lais nobler aspirat.ions, 
to believe t, hat t.hey ean possibly be his own. If he 
eonquers his baser nat.ure he feels t.hat he is eonquer- 
ing himself. The eonqueror and rhe eonquered eannot 
be t.he saine : and he therefore eoneludes, hot in vanity, 
but. in 1)rofound humiliation and self-abasement, thar 
t, he infinite g'raee of God and not.hing else is reseuing 
him from destruetion. He is eonverted, as the the6- 
logians say. He sers his face upon anorher road from 
t.har whieh he has hitherto travelled, and fo whieh he 
can never return. II has been no nerit of his own. 
His disposition will rather be to exag'gerate lais mwa 
wort, hlessness, thaç he nlay exalç the more what bas 
been done for him, and he rcsolves t, heneeforward fo 
enlist himself as a soldier on the side of t.rut, h and 
right, and fo bave no wishes, no desires, no opinions 



THE PROBLEM OF LIFE 347 

bu whaç t.he service of his Masçer imposes. Like a 
soldier he abandons his freedom, desiring only like a 
soldier t;o ae and speak no longer as of himself, 
as eommissioned from some suprelne aut,horiçy. In 
sueh a condition a 1113,11 beeomes magnet.ie. There are 
epidelnies of nobleness as well as epidemies of disease ; 
and he infeet, s others with his own ent;husiasm. Even 
in çhe mos eorrupç ages t, here are always more persons 
han we suppose who in their heart.s rebel against the 
prevailing fashions" one t, akes courage from anof, hel', 
one supports auot, her; eommunit.ies fol'iii thcmsclvcs 
with higher prineiples of aeçion and lmrer intMlcetual 
beliefs. As their nmnbers mult.iply t, hey eaU:eh tire 
wit,h a eommon idea and a eommon indignaçion, and 
ult.imaçely burst ouç iuto open war with the lies and 
iniquit.ies tlîaç surround çhem. 
I bave been deseribing a natura| proeess whieh has 
repeated itself lnany t.imes in human histsol'y, and, 
unless the old opinion t.hat we are more than ani- 
mat, ed elay, and that out nature has nobler afiinities, 
«lies away into a dream, will repeat if.self af reeurl'ing 
intervals, so long as out race survives upon t.he planer. 



348 

SELF-SACRIFICE. 

THERE remains another feature in the Greek creed, a 
form of superstition hot apparently growing faint, 
but, increasing in distinctness of recognition and 
gathering increasing hohl on the imagination; which 
possessed for Euripides a terrible interest, and seemed 
fo fascinate him with ifs horror. If was a superstition 
marvellous in itself, and more marvellous for the in- 
fluence which it was destined fo exert on the religious 
history of mankind. On the one hand, if is a mani- 
festation of Satan under the most hideous of aspeets ; 
on the other, if is an expression and symbol of the 
most profound of spiritual truths. 
Throughout human lire, from the first relation of 
parent and ehild fo the organisation of a nation or a 
ehureh, in the daily intereourse of eommon lire, in out 
loves and in out friendships, in out toils and in out 
amusements, in trades and in handierafts, in siekness 
and in health, in pleasure and in pain, in war and in 
peaee, af every point where one human soul cornes 
n eontaet with another, there is fo be round every- 
where, as the eondition of right eonduet, the obligation 
fo saerifiee self. Eve.-y aet of man whieh ean be ealled 
good is an aet of saerifiee, an aet, whieh the doer of if 
would have left undone' had he not preferred some 
other person's benefit fo his own, or the exeellenee of 
the work on whieh he was engaged fo his personal 
pleasure or eonvenienee. In eommon things the law 



SELF-SACRIFICE 349 

of sacrifice takes the forln of positive duty. A soldier 
is bound to stand by lais eolours. Everyone of us is 
bound to speak the truth, whatever the eost. But 
beyond the limit.s of positive enaetment, thê saine 
road, and the saine road only, leads up to the higher 
zones of eharaeter. ïhe good servant prêfers his 
employer to himself. The good elnployer eonsiders 
the welfare of lais servant lnore than his own profit. 
Thê artisan or t, he labourer, who has the sense in him 
of preferring right fo wrong, will hot be content with 
the perfunet.ory exeeution of the task allotted to him, 
but will doit as exeellently as he ean. From the 
sweeping of a floor to thê governing of a eountry, from 
the baking of a loaf to the watehing by the siek-bed of 
a friend, there is the saine fuie everyvhere. It attends 
the man of business in the erowded world; it follows 
the artist and the poet into his solitary studio. Let 
the thought of self intrudê, let the painter but pause 
to eonsider how lnueh reward his work will bring to 
him, let him but warm himself with the prospeets of 
the faine and the praise whieh is to eome o him, and 
the eunning will forsake lais hand, and the pover of 
his genius will be gone from hiln. The upward sweep 
of exeellenee is proportioned, with strietest aeeuraey, 
to oblivion of the self whieh is aseending. 
From the rime when men began tirst to refleet, 
this peeuliar feature of their nature was observe& 
The law of animal lire appears tobe merely self-pre- 
servation; the law of man's lire is self-annihilation; 
and only at rimes when men bave allowed thelnselves 
to doubt whether they are really more than developed 
animals has self-interest ever been put forward as a 
guiding prineiple. Honesty may be the best poliey, 
said Coleridge, but no honest man vill aet on that 
hypothesis. Saerilïee is the first element of religion, 



35o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

and resolves itself in theological lauguage into the 
love of God. 
Only those, however, who are themselves noble- 
minded ean eonseiously apprehend a noble emotion. 
Truths are pereeivcd and aeknowledg'ed, perhaps for 
a rime are appropriately aeted on. They pass on into 
eonmon hands ; like g'old belote if ean be ruade avail- 
able for a eurreney, they beeome alloyed with baser 
metM. The most beautiful feature in humanity, the 
distinet reeog'nition of whieh was the greatest step 
ever taken in the eourse o[" true prog'ress, beeame, 
when ruade over fo priests and theologians, the most 
hideous and most aeeursed of eal'ieatures. 
By the side of the law of sacrifice if. was observed 
also from obvious experienee t.hat the fortunes of man 
were eompassed with uneertainties over whieh he had 
no eontrol. The owner of enormous wealth was brought 
to the dunghill, the prince to a dungeon. The best 
and the worst were alike the prey of aeeidents. Those 
vho had risen highest in earthly distinction were those 
xvho seemed speeially lnarked for the buffets of destiny. 
Those who eould bave endured with equanimity the 
loss of riches and poxver, eould be reaehed through loss 
of honour, through the suttl'ings of family and friends, 
through the lnisgivings of their own hearts on the rem 
nature of the spiritual powers by whieh the earth and 
universe are governed. 
The arbitrary eapriee displayed in these visitations 
of ealamity naturally perplexed even the wisest. 
Conseious that they were in the hands of forces whieh 
it was impossible to resist, of beings whose wrath the 
most perfeet virtue failed to avert, men inferred that 
the benevolenee of the gods was erossed by a sportive 
malignity. They saw that all that was most excellent 
in human soeiety was bought by the saerifiee of the 



SELF-SACRIFICE 351 

few good fo the many worthless. The self-devotion 
of those who were willing to forger thelnselves was 
exacted as the purchase-money of the welfare of the 
rest. The conclusion was that the gods envied man- 
kind too COlnplete enjoylnent. They delnandêd of 
them fronl rime fo tilne the lnost precious thing which 
they possessed, and the most precious possession of any 
falnily or nation was the purest and most ilmocent 
mellber of if. 
If was among the Semitic n,tions that the pl'ol»itia- 
tory ilUlnolatiol of a hlllnal beiug fil'St beeame an 
institution. Homer knew l,othing of if. The Trqian 
youths who were slaughtered at the pyrê of Patroclus 
were the victims merely of the wrath of Achilles, and 
the massacre of them was the savage accompalfilnent 
of the funeral rites of his dead fl-ien,l. By the Selnitic 
nations of Palestiue, the el,lest born of lnan and 
beast was supposed fo belong to the gods, and af any 
lnoment lnight be clainled by thenl. The iutended 
sacrifice of Isaac is an evident allusion to the customs 
from which the son of Abraham was lniraculously 
redeemed. The deaths of the first-born in every house 
in Eg'ypt on the night of the Passover, the story 
of Jephthah, the brief but expressive lnention of the 
King of Moab, who, in distress, impaled his son on the 
wall of his city, the near escape of Jolmthan, wholn 
the lot llad detected, as marked by the curse of his 
father, the Phcenician legend of the exposure of 
Andromeda to the sea monster, point all in the saine 
direction. The Carthaginians, a colony from Tyre, af 
the crisis of their struggle with Rome, devoted to the 
anger of the gods four hundred of the sons of their 
principal nobles. 
Af some rime in the interval between Homer and 
the Persian wars, this singular superstition was carried 



352 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

into Greece, and was at once incorporated in the 
received mythology. The great national story of the 
Trojan war was probably the first which it interpene- 
trated ; and there sprung up in the midst of if the as 
yet unknown incident which has impressed so power- 
fully the ilnagination of mankind, the sacrifice of 
Iphigenia at Aulis. 
The name Iphigenia is probably Jephthagenia, a 
Grecised version of "Jephthah's daughter," and reveals 
the origin of the story. The "idea" once accepted 
passed into other heroic traditions. Human sacrifice, 
symbolic or actual, vas adopted into the religious 
ceremonials of Athens. It was a growing belief which 
spread through successive generations, and prepared 
the way in the end for the reception of the doctrine of 
the Christian Atonelnent. 



353 

NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE. 

WHEN two countries, or sections of countrics, stand 
geographically so l-elate,l fo one another that t,h,:ir 
union umlcr a common g'overnmcnt will con,luce te» 
the advantage o thc st, r(»ngcr pe(»ple, such countries 
will continue separate as long Oldy as the country 
which ,lesires to preserve ifs indcpendence possesses 
a power o resistance so vigorous that the eflbrt fo 
overcome if is too exhausting to be permanently main- 
tained. 
A lmtural right fo liberty, irrespective of the al)ility 
fo dcfend if, exists in nations as much as and no more 
than if exists in imlividuals. Had nature meant us 
fo live uncontrollcd by any vill but, out own, we should 
have been so constructed that the pleasures of one 
would hot interfere with the pleasures of anothcr, 
or that each of us would discharge by instinct those 
duties which the welfare of the COlnmunity re(luires 
from all. In a vorhl in which we are ruade fo dt.pend 
so larg'ely for our well-being on the conduct of out 
neighbours, and yet are created infinitely unequal in 
ability and worOfiness of character, the superior part 
bas a natural right fo govern ; the inferior part has 
a natural right fo be governed ; and a rude but adequate 
test of superiority and ilffcriorit,y is provided in the 
relative strength of the diflbrent orders of human 
beings. 
Among vild beasts and savages lnight constitutes 
3 



354 SELECTIONS FROM FR()UDE 

rig'ht. Alnong reasonahle being's right is for ever 
tending fo create lnig'h. Inferiority of nmnbers is 
eoml)ensated by snperior eohesiveness, inelligenee and 
daring. ïhe herser sort of men submi willingly o 
be governed by.those who are nobler and wiser han 
themselves; organisation ereates superioriy of foree ; 
and the ignoran and the selfish may be and are.iusly 
compelled for their OWll advm,tage fo obey  rule which 
reseues theln fron, their natural weakness. There 
neither is nor ean he m inhercnt privilege in any 
persol, or set ot' persons to live mlworthily af their 
own wills, when thcy ean 1)e le(l or driven into lllOl'e 
honourable eourses; ami the rights of manoir sueh 
rights there be--are hot fo liberty, lmt fo wise direetion 
and eontrol. 
hMividuals eammt he independent, or soeiety can- 
hot exist. Wit.l individuMs t, hc eontel,tion is hot for 
freedoln alsolnt.ely, but for an extension of the limits 
within whieh their fl'eelom must be restrained. Ïhe 
independel,ee of ntions is spoken of Solnetimes as if 
if reste«l on anot.her foundation--as if eaeh separate 
raee or eommunity had a divine titledeed fo dispose of 
ifs own fortunes, anti develop its t, cndeneies i sueh 
direetion as seems gvo,l fo itself. But t.he aSSUlnption 
breaks (lown belote the en(luiry , What eonstitutes a 
nation ? Anti t, he rig'ht of a peol)le to self-govern- 
ment eonsists and ean eonsist in nothing 1)nf their 
power fo defend themselves. No other definition is 
possible. Are geographieal bonndaries, is a distinet 
frontier, ruade the essential ? 31ountain ehains, rivers, 
or seas form, no doubt, the normal dividing lines 
between nation and nation, beeuse they are elements 
of strength, and materiM obstaeles fo invasion. But 
as the absenee of a defined frontier eannot take away 
a right fo liberty where there is strength fo maintain 



NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE 355 

if, a lnountain barrier conveys no prerogative against 
a power which is powerful enough fo overleap that 
barrier, nor the ocean ag'ainst those vhose la'er skill 
and courage can convert the ocean into a highway. 
As little can claire fo freedom be ruade coinci«lent 
with race or language. When the t.ies of kimh'ed and 
of speech have force enough fo bind together a power- 
fui community, such a community may be able fo dcfend 
ifs independence ; but if it can hot, the l)retension in 
itself has no claire on consideration. Distinctions of 
such  kiml are merely fauciful aud capricious. All 
societies of men are, la thc mrt, ure of thing's, forced 
into relations with other socicties of meu. They 
exchange ohligations, cmfcr bencfits, or inflict injuries 
on each other. Thev are natUl'al friemls or natural 
rivals ; and unit,e, or elsc find thcmselvcs in collision, 
when the weakcr is COml)elh,d fo give xwry. The 
individual has fo sacrifice his imlel)cu,lcnce t,o his 
family, the family fo the trihe ; the tribe mcrgcs itself 
in somc larger community; ami the rime t which 
these successive surrcmlel'S of [ihcrty arc demamlc«l 
depemls l)rctical]y on nothing else tha.n the inalility 
o persist in separaio. Whcre 1)Ol)ulation is scanty 
and habits are peacel'ul, he hea«l of each household 
lnay be sovereign over his chil,h'el and servants, 
owing no allegiance t.o any high¢,r chier or law. As 
among the Cyclops-- 
Necessity and common danger drivc familles into 
&llince for self-defence; the smller circlcs of inde- 
pendence lose themselves in ampler areas ; and those 
who refuse to conform to the nexv authority &re either 
required to take themselves clsewhere, or, if they 



356 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

remain and persist in disobedienee, may bet, reated as 
eriminals. 
A tn'ibe, if local eircmnst.anees are favourahle, may 
,Ici'end ifs free, loln affainst a more powel'fU] neig'hhour, 
sa lonff as t.he in,lepen,lenee of sueh a ribe is a lesser 
evil glmn he eosg of igs suiuffat, ion : lmt. an independ- 
mme so prot.raet.ed is rarely ot.lwr han a lnisfol'tme. 
On the whole, lnd as a rule, superior s{reng'h is the 
equivalen of superior meri" and when a weakm" 
people are indueed or foreêd t.o par wih t.heir 
separat.e existence, and are nç t.rea, ted as sulieets, 
but, are a, hnite,1 freelv o slmre t.he privileg'es of the 
nation i whieh t, hey are absorle,1, they forfeit nohing" 
whieh t, hev m,e,l earo t,o lose, and tacher gain t, han 
suflbr 1,y t.h,, exelangè. I is pssible tha a nollêr 
people may, tln'ough fm'eê f eireumsanees, or great 
numerieal inferiorigy, he oppressed for & rime ly the 
brute force of baser adversaries; just as, within the 
linigs ,»f a nat.ion, part.ienlar classes may be tyrmmised 
over, or opinions whieh prove in t.he en,1 t, rue mav 
be put down by violence, and the professors of sueh 
opinions perseeuted. Bu the eflbrt of nat«n'e is eon- 
stant.ly to redress Oto I,alanee. Where freedom is so 
preeious t, hat without i lire is unendm'able, lnen wit.h 
tlose convictions fight oo fiereely t.o be pel'manenly 
snbdued. Trut.h ffrows by it.s own virt.ue, and false- 
hoods sinks and fa,les. An oppressed cause, when if. 
is jus, agt.raegs friends, and eolmnands moral supporg, 
whieh eonvers itself sooner or later into material 
srengO. As a broad prineiple, i may be said that, 
as nature has so eonst, iguted us ha we lnus be rulêd 
in smne way, and as af. any given im tle rule inevit.- 
ably will be in hê hands of tlose who are t,hen t.he 
srongest,, so nat.ure also has allotted superiorit,y of 
st.rengh o superiority of inellee and eharaeter ; and 



NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE 357 

in decidig that the weker shll obey the more 
powerful, she is in reMity savin" them from them- 
selves, an,1 then lnost eonfers true liberty when she 
seems most t,o be taking it away. Tlu,re is no freedm 
possible fo man except i obMience to law; and those 
who c«umot preseri])e a law fo thcmselves, if they 
,lesire fo bc free must l)e eontet to aecept direction 
from others. The rig-ht t,o resist ,lepends on the power 
(»f resistanee. A nation whieh can mMntail ifs inde- 
pemlenee possesses alrea,ly, unless assist, el by extra- 
or, linary a, lvantagcs of sit«ation, thc qualities whic] 
eomluest ean onlyjustify itsclf by eonferring. It may 
]»e leld fo be as gond in ail cssedial eondit.ions as the 
natio whieh is emleavoul'ing to overeomc iç; 
]roman society bas rather lost than gaiued when a 
pcoplc loses it.s freedom which knows how fo lnake a 
wh()lesoine use of freedoln. But when resistanee has 
bcen tricd and failed--whcn the incquality has been 
provcd beyon,l dispute by long and painful expêl'icnee 
--tlw wisdom, and ultilnatcly thc duty, of the weaker 
ptrty is fo aeeept the benefits which are oflred in 
exehange for subinission: and a nation whieh af once 
will not defcnd its lil)erties in the field, nor yet allow 
itsclf to be goverlmd, l>ut stl'ug''les fo preserve the 
indeln,lenee which if wants the spirit to uphold in 
arlns, by insubordination and anarehy and secret crime, 
may bewail ifs wrongs in wild and weeping cloquenee 
in the ears of lnankindlnay at lent'rb, in a rime 
when flic methods by whieh stcrner ages repressed 
this kind of eonduct are unpermitted, lnake itself so 
int.olerable as fo be east off and bidden go upon it.s 
own bad way: but if will hot go for its own benefit ; 
it xvill have established no prineiple, and vindieated 
no natural rigat: liberty profits only those who tan 
govern thenaselves bett, cr than others ean govern them, 



358 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

and those who tl'e aide fo govern t,hemselves wisely 
bave no need to petition for a privilege which t, hey 
ean keep or take for t.hemselves. 
In gle seene hefore Harflem'. in ghe play of Henry 
the Viffl, hel'e are inrodueed represênt.atives of 
the three nations whieh remained unsubduèd after 
Eng'lan,l was eon,luere, l l»y the NornlanS, and the 
eo-ordinagion of whieh, umler a eommon sovereigny, 
was a problem st, ill waiging tobe aeeoml)lishel. Cl'e- 
less always of angiquarian pedanry, Shakespeare drew 
men cm,1 women as he St r tlwm round him, in the 
London of his ,wn day; and Fluellen, Captain Jamie, 
ami Captain Macmn'is Wel'e the Wpieal Welshman, 
Neot, ami lrishmm, as t.hey were to he lnet with in 
E I izaletl 's tl'tinban, ls. 
Vluellen, hot-ldooded, volulde, argumentative, is 
yet most ln'ave, most loyal, and most honourable. 
Amou R" his thousand charactêrs there is hot oae which 
Nlmkespeare has sketched more tenderly, or with a 
more lovinff and aflctionate irony. Capt.ain Jamie 
is "a lnal'vellous falerous gêntleman," well read in 
the ancient wars. learnêd "in the disciplines of the 
Romans," and ablê to hohl discourse on them vith 
any man, lmt shrewd and silent,, more prone to list.en 
than t.o speak, more given to blows t.han to words, and 
determiled only "to do good service, or li,,;ge in the 
ground for it ". Maclnorris, thoug'h no less brave than 
his companions, ready to sttmd in the breach while 
"there were throats to be cut, or work to be done," 
yet roal'S, l'alt.s, boasts, swears by his fat.her's soul, 
and threatens to cut off any man's head vho dares to 
say that he is as good as himself. 
Captain Jamie never melt.ions Scotland" we learn 
his country from his dialect, and from what others 
say of him. Fluellen, a Welshman fo the last fibre, 



NATIONAl, INDEPENDENCE 359 

yet traces his Welsh leek to the good service wbich 
Welshlnen did, "in a gardcu where leeks did grow," 
at Crecy, under the English Edward. He «lelight, s in 
thinking that ail the waters of the Wye cannot wash 
lais Majesty's Welsh blood out of his body. 5lac- 
morris, at the mention of his uation, as if on the 
watch for insuls from Saxon or Britou, blazes into 
purposeless fury. " My nation ': What ish my nation ? 
Is a villain, and a bastard, and a knave, and a rascal ? 
What ish my uatiou ? Who t, alks or' my mtion ?" 
Had William falleu at Hastings instea, l of Harold, 
and had the Norman invasion failed, itis likely that 
the Lowland Seots would have followed the example 
of Northumberland, ami have drifted gradually ino 
eombination with the rest of the island. The Cn- 
ques ruade the diffieulty greaer; bu il" the Norman 
kings ha«l been content to wait for the natural action 
of tinle, increasing iutercourse and an obvious COnl- 
lmmity of interest wouhl have probably antedated the 
Union by several centre'les. The prelnature violence 
of Edward the First hardencd Scotland irrecoverably 
into a separate nat.ionality. The deterlnination to 
defend their independence created the patriotic vir- 
tues which enabled the Northern Britons to hold at 
bay their larger rival. The Union, wben it came 
about at last, was eflcçed on equal ternls. Two 
separate self-governed peoples entered slowly and 
deliberately into voluntary part.nership on terres of 
mutual respect. The material wealth whicb Scotland 
contributed fo the empire was colnparatively iusiglfifi- 
cant; but she introduced into ita race of men who 
had been hannnered to a retaper which nlade them 
more valuable than nmuntains of gohl: and among 
the elements of greatness in the comt.ry known to 
later history as Great Britain, the rugged Scotch 



36o SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

resolution fo resist COmluest fo the death, tried in a 
hundred bales, holds a place second to noire. 
The Lowland Scos were Tentons; he language 
of he Lohians was no disinguishable froln he 
language of Norhumberland; and he Union with 
Scotland migh have seemed so far an easier fea 
than he Union wih Wales. On he oher hand, the 
Wclsh were fewer in number, less proeeed by situa- 
tion, less able o obain help from ot.her [luarers. 
They were neihcr slaves nor eowards. They loved 
heir freedoln, hey foug'h for if long" and despel'aely, 
rising again and again when eivil wars in England 
oflç:red t.hem a gleam of hope. When l'esisanee 
heeame obviously hopeless, they loyally and wisely 
aeeeped their fae. They had no o sutthr froln 
prolong'ed severiy, for severiy was mmeeessary. 
There was no general eonfiseaion, no violent iner- 
ferenee with loeal habits or usages. They pl'eserved 
their lauguage with singular success, and their cllsLOlllS 
so far as their eusolns were eompaible wih English 
law: while in exehange for independenee hey were 
almied o the privileges of English eiizenship in as 
full measure as he English t.hemselves. They con- 
inued proud of heir naionaliy, vain vih rue Celt.ie 
vanity of peligrees whieh lose hemselves in infiniy. 
Ye, being wisely handled, restrained only in essenials, 
and lef to heir own vay in the ordinary eurren 
of heir lives, hey were eonened o forge heir 
animosities; hey eeased o pine after poliieal liberty 
whieh hey were eonseiously Ulmble fo preserve; and 
finding themselves aeeeped on elual terres as join 
inheriors of a lnag'nifieent empire, he iron ehain 
beeame a golden ornamenk Their sensibiliies were 
humoured in he itle of the heir of he erown. In 
bestowing a dynasy upon England hey round a 



NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE 3 6 1 

gratification for their honourable pride. If they have 
contributed less of positive strength than the Scots to 
the British empire, they have never been it,s shame 
or its veakness; an,l the retention of a few harlnless 
peculiarities has not prevented thym from being whole- 
some and vorthy members of the United Common- 
wealth. 
Ireland, the last of the three countries of which 
England's interest demanded the annexation, was by 
nature better furnished than either of them with 
means to resist her approaches. Instead of a narrow 
river for a frontier, she had seventy mlles of dangerous 
sea. She had a territory more difficult to penetrate, 
and a population greatly more lmmerous. The courage 
of the Irish vas undisputed. From the first mention 
of the Irishman in history, faction fight and foray 
have been the occupation and the delight of his exist- 
ence. The hardihood of the Irish kern was proverbial 
throughout Europe. The Irish soldiers, in the regular 
service of France and Spain, covered themselves with 
distinction, were ever honoured with the most danger- 
ous posts, have borne their share in every vietory. In 
out own ranks they have formed hall the strength of 
out armies, and detraetion has never ehallenged their 
right to an equal share in the honour whieh those 
armies bave won. Yet, in their own eountry, in their 
efforts to shake off English supremaey, their patriot.ism 
has evaporated in words. No advantage of numbers 
has availed theln : no saered sense of hearth and home 
has stirred their nobler nature. An unappeasable 
diseontent has been attended with the paralysis of 
manliness; and, with a few aeeidental exceptions, 
eontinually " • " 
teeutrlng insurrections have only issued 
in absolute and ever disgraeeful defeat. 
Could Ireland have but, fought as Seotland fought 



362 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

she would have been mistress of her own destinies. 
In a successful struggle for freedom, she would have 
developed qualities which would have ruade ber 
worthy of possessing if. She would have been one 
more independent country added to the commonwealth 
of nations; and her history would have been another 
honourable and inspiriting clmpter among the brighter 
records of lnankind. She might bave stood alone; 
she might lmve united herself, had she so pleased, 
with Englaud on fair and equal conditions; or she 
might bave preferred alliances with the Continental 
powers. There is no disputing against strength, nor 
lmppily is there need fo di.pute, for the strength 
which gives a right to freedom, implies the presence 
of those qualities which ensure that it will be rightly 
used. :No count T can win and keep its freedom 
in the presence of a dangerous rival, unless it be on 
the whole a well and justly governed country; and 
where there is just government the moral ground 
is absent on which conquest can be defended or 
desired. 
Again, could Ireland, on discovering like the Welsh 
tlmt she was too weak or too divided to encounter 
England in the field, have acquiesced, as the Wclsh 
acquiesced, in the alternative of submission, there 
was not originally any one advantage which England 
possessed which she vas hot willing and eager to 
share with her. If England was fo become a great 
power, the annexation of Ireland was essential fo 
her, if only fo prevent the presence there of an enemy ; 
but she had everything to lose by treating her as a 
conquered province, seizing her lands and governing 
her by force; everything to gain by conciliating the 
Irish people, extending fo them the protection of her 
own laws, the privileges of her own higher civilisation, 



NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE 363 

and assimilating them on every side, so far as their 
temperament allowed, fo ber subjects ai home. 
Yet Ireland would neither resist courageously, nor 
would she honourably submit. Her chiefs and leaders 
had no real patriotism. In Scotland, though the nobles 
might quarrel among themselves, they buried their 
feuds and stood side by side when there was danger 
from the hereditary foe. There was 1)ever a rime 
when there was hOt an abundance of Irish who would 
make comlnon cause with the English, when there 
was a chance of revenge upon a domestic eneny, or 
a chance merely of spoil fo be distributed. All alike, 
though they would make no stand for lil)erty, as little 
could endure order or settled govermnent. Their 
insurrections, which might bave deserved sympathy 
had they been honourable eflbrts fo shake off an alien 
yoke, were disfigured with crimes which, on one 
memorable occasion ai least, brought shame on their 
cause and naine. When insurrection finally failed, 
they betook themseL'es fo assassination and secret 
tribunals; and all this, while they were holding up 
themselves and their wrongs as if they were the 
victims of the lnost abominable tyranny, and inviting 
the world to judge between them and their oppressors. 
Nations are hot permitted fo achieve independence 
on these terres. Unhappily, though unable fo shake 
off the authority of England, they were able fo irritate 
her into severities which gave their accusations some 
show of colour. Everything which she most valued 
for herself--her laws and liberties, ber orderly and 
settled government, the most ample security for 
person and property--England's first desire was fo 
give fo Ireland in fullest measure. The retaper in 
which she was met exasperated-ber into harshness 
and at rimes fo cruelty; and so followed in succes- 



364 SELECTIONS FROM FROUDE 

sion alternations of revolt and punishment, severity 
provoked by rebellion, and breeding in turn fresh 
cause for mutiny, till it seemed at last as if no 
solution of the problem was possible save the ex- 
pulsion or destruction of a race which appeared 
incurable. 

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