Select letters; Latin text, with English notes. Edited by A.J. Church and W.J. Brodribb

ii^'nliiayr tiVt

y*"'

SELECT LETTERS

OF

PLINY THE YOUNGEK

LATIN TEXT, WITH ENGLISH NOTES

Edited by

A. J. CHUECH, M.A.

PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON

and

W. J. BEODEIBB, M.A.

LATE FELLOW OP ST. JOHN'S COLI^QE, CAMBRIDOB

NEW EDITION

LONDON
LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO.

AND NEW YORK : 15 EAST 1%'^ STREET

1888

1 ?€2-

PKIKTFI) BY

eroiTiswooDK axd co., Niiw-sTUEirr squarb

LONDON

i

PEEFACE

TO

THE SECOND EDITION.

Some ol the faults which disfigured the First Edition
have, we trust, been removed from this. For assist-
ance in this task, as well as for the uniform kindness
with which they have spoken of our work, we have to
thank many critics. We feel bound to make especial
mention of our obligation to Mr. J. R. King, author
of a review in the Academy, and to Mr. J. B. Mayor
for many valuable suggestions privately made.

A. J. C.

W, J. B.

Henley-on-Thames :
Aprii 22, 1872.

I

PREFACE,

We have here made a Selection, amounting to about
two-fifths of the whole, from the Epistles of the
Younger Pliny. This selection will, we hope, be
found useful as a class-book for the upper forms of
schools. Pliny, indeed, has been strangely neglected
by teachers and students of classical literature. His
letters, though somewhat formal, having probably been
written with some view to publication, are models in
their way. They are in a very elegant style; they
are the expression of a highly cultivated mind, and of
a singularly refined and afiectionate disposition, and
their subject-matter is often of the highest interest,
especially as showing to us that better side of Roman
life under the Empire which indeed it would not be
easy to find pourtrayed elsewhere. Difficulties, some-
times considerable, are to be found in them, but they
have the advantage of being free from the recondite
allusions and the obscurities, often intentional, with
which the letters of Cicero are ci'owded. The only
objection that may fairly be made to them — namely,
that their Latinity is not always of the purest type,
we have endeavoured to obviate by pointing out such
words and phrases as seem to differ from the usage of
the Augustan writers. On the other hand must be

Vi PREFACE.

considered the invaluable assistance which the ' modern '
tone of Pliny's thoughts will give to the young
student in the task of finding Latin equivalents for
his own language. The value of his descriptions of
scenery, for instance, has long been recognised by
masters of the craft of Latin prose writing.

We have divided the Select Letters into five sec-
tions, according to the topics of which they treat, and,
wherever the subject-matter admitted of it, have ar-
ranofed them in chronological order.

Our text is, in the main, that of Keil. We have
derived great help in putting together our notes from
the edition of Doring.

Alfred J. Church

W. J. Bkodribb, ■
Henlet-on-Thames :
Pec. 22, 1 «70.

INTRODUCTION.

Of the younger Pliny we know really nothing but
what he himself tells us in his correspondence, and in
the Panegyric addressed by him to Trajan. From
these we are able to draw a general outline of his life,
and to form an adequate conception of his tastes and
character. The few allusions to him which are to be
found in the writers of the time are so slight as to
add nothing to our acquaintance with him. We have
quoted the passages in which these allusions occur at
the end of this Introduction.

His full name was Caius Plinius Caecilius Secundus.
The second of these names was derived from his uncle
and adopting father Plinius, author of the Natural
History. The third, the ' nomen gentile,' was that of
his father. He was well-born. The ' Caeeilia gens '
to which he belonged, though originally plebeian, was
an ancient and honourable house.

Novum Comum (Coiuo on Lake Como) was the
place of his birth. This seems to be a matter of
almost absolute certainty. There is only one passage
in his letters (VI. 34) which lends the slightest coun-
tenance to the belief that Verona was his native town.
The expression ' Veronenses nostri,' which he there
uses, implies indeed close local ties with Verona, but
can hardly be set against the facts that his family had
estates at Comum, that he himself had several villas
there, that he invariably speaks of the place with

VIU INTRODUCTION.

special affection, and that in inscriptions which have
been found on the spot the names of the Plinii fre-
quently occur. A writer of tlie fifth century, Aurelius
Cassiodorus, assumes him to have been a Novoco-
mensis, following no doubt a trustworthy tradition of
his time.

The year of his birth may be inferred from a state-
ment which he makes in the famous letter describing
the eruption of Vesuvius and the circumstances of his
uncle's death (A. III. 5). He was then, he says, in
his eighteenth year, and the event in question hap-
pened in A. D. 79. Consequently a. d. 62, the seventh
year of Nero's reign, was the date of his birth. He
lost his father when he was quite a child, and was then
adopted by his uncle the elder Pliny, from whom he
derived his * cognomen ' Secundus. It was a pleasure
to him, as we gather from his letters, to dwell on the
recollections of his youth. For his uncle and adopted
father he felt the highest admiration, and under the
influence of his example acquired a sincere love of
letters, and as great industry as weak health would
permit in their pursuit.

His education was conducted under the most favour-
able auspices. Verginius Rufus, who had twice de-
clined the empire, and who recalled to men's minds the
patriotism of better days, was his guardian, and seems
to have introduced him to public life (A. VIII. 8).
Senecio, Arulenus Eusticus, and Ilelvidius, names
commemorated by Tacitus, were among his youthful
friends. He studied oratory under the guidance of
the two most fashionable teachers of the time, Quin-
tilian, and Nicetes Sacerdos (VI. 6). Stoic influences
appear to have had a large share in forming his mind.
"When a mere lad (B. XX. 5) he attended the lectures

INTRODUCTION. . IX

of the eminent Stoic philosopher, Musonius Rufus.
This, we may presume, was his first introduction to
philosophical studies. He also attempted poetry, for
which, he says (YII. 4), he had such a liking that
when a boy of fourteen he wrote a Greek tragedy.
If, however, we may judge from a specimen of his
verses given us in the same letter, his success as a
poet must have been very moderate. In his twentieth
year he had to serve as a ' tribunus ' with the Roman
army in Syria. Here he had opportunities, of which
he conscientiously availed himself, of carrying on his
education under the instruction of Euphrates and
Artemidorus, Stoic professors whom he mvich admired
and esteemed (B. XX. XXI.) He was, it would
appear, from his own account (B. III. 8), at this early
age, a sufficiently accomplished orator to speak in im-
portant causes.

On his return from Syria he found Domitian em-
peror. During this reign he attained the quaestorship
(VII. 16) and the praetorship (B, XX.), the latter
office probably in a.d. 93, the year of the expulsion of
the philosophers and professors from Rome by an im-
perial edict. He himself appears about the same time
to have temporarily retired from public life and to
have passed the last three years of Domitian 's reign
in comparative seclusion. The tyrant took umbrage
at this, and had his life been prolonged, Pliny would
have been added to his other victims. An information
against him by one of the worst of the ' delatores,'
Metius Cams, was actually found among the papers
of the deceased emperor (E. XIV. 14).

Domitian was succeeded by Nerva in a.d. 96. The
new and better age brought with it brilliant prospects
of advancement for Pliny. The retirement of the

X INTRODUCTION.

last three years had the effect of quickening the
energy with which he now entered on his profession as
an advocate. His letters imply that he was diligent
and successful. Sevei'al of the causes in which he
was eno-aged involved the fortunes of some of the
wealthiest and most unscrupulous adherents of the
late regime, and demanded courage as well as ability.
We may excuse the self-complacent vanity with
which Pliny often dwells on these memorable occa-
sions. Cicero, it would seem, w^as the model he
regularly proposed to himself for imitation. Some-
times he would emulate the eloquence of Demosthenes,
and was frequently compared to him by his contem-
poraries (B. I.). He soon became sufficiently distin-
guished to number among his friends Tacitus and the
best literary men of his time. His success at the bar
paved the way to public honours. Trajan recognised
his merits and conferred on him a series of distinctions.
He became augur, praefect of the acrarium, and at-
tained the consulate in a. d. 100. It was as consul
that in conformity with the practice of the time he
composed the Panegyricus addressed to Trajan. In
A. D. 103 he was appointed pro-praetor of the Asiatic
province of Pontica. Why he was styled pro-praetor
and not proconsul, as were former governors of that
j)rovince, has been discussed in Masson's very elaborate
life published at Amsterdam in 1709. The difference
of the titles appears from one of the letters to Trajan
(X. 77) to have implied something more than that
Pliny's appointment was conferred by the emperor and
not by the senate, although we cannot define in what this
consisted. He was pro-praetor with consular power,
and is thus described in an extant inscription. Nearly
two years were passed by him in his province. It was

INTRODUCTION. XI

here that he had occasion to write the famous letter in
which he records the impressions made on him by his
contact with the Christian Church. We then lose
sight of him. Of the time and circumstances of his
death we know nothing. We may gather from his
letters that he lived to the age of forty- six, but the
various accounts of the year of his death differ widely
and are quite untrustworthy. They vary, in fact,
between a.d. 107 and 117.

Pliny was twice married, but left no children. His
,«econd wife, Calpurnia, seems to have been well suited
to his companionship, and he always speaks of her
with great esteem and affection. She was a ficraceful
and accomplished woman, and had a genuine sympathy
with her husband's professional life, and with his lite-
rary tastes and pursuits.

His extant works consist of ten books of letters, and
of the Panegyricus. The latter, as has been already
said, is addressed to the emperor Trajan, and as might
be expected from the occasion of its delivery is written
in an adulatory tone, which certainly does not exalt its
amiable author in our estimation. It would, however,
we think, be uttei'ly unjust to infer from it anything
like a spii'it of really base servility. Pliny, after all,
Avas only, in all probability, employing the conven-
tional language of the age, and he may well have sin-
cerely regarded Trajan as an eminent benefactor to
the empire and to the world. The Panegyricus is of
some value to us, from its allusions to himself, and to
the circumstances of the period. The letters of the
first nine books are addressed to a wide circle of
friends, among whom were some of the best and most
distinguished men of the time. The tenth book is
made up of his correspondence with Trajan during

Xll INTRODUCTION.

the period of his provincial governorship. His letters
were probably intended for publication, and they un-
doubtedly deserved it. They are full of interest and
instruction, and, as this volume shoAvs, embrace a
great diversity of subjects. Some of the most charac-
teristic features of the age are vividly brought before
us, and light is frequently thrown on aspects of Roman
life which would otherAvise have been hidden in almost
total darkness. We are introduced to almost every
phase of the best society of Rome. We get glimpses
into the life and habits of the Roman aristocracy, and
learn how Pliny and his friends passed their leisure
when in the retirement of their country houses. But
for these letters we should know next to nothing
of Tacitus, of Silius Italicus, and indeed generally ot
the men of letters of the time. We are made ac-
quainted with some of the most famous Greek rheto-
ricians, a class of men, it would seem, to whom the
literary circles of Rome looked up Avith respectful ad-
miration. We have detailed accounts of great public
prosecutions, and allusions to the courts of law and
eminent advocates. The character of Regulus, one of
the wretched hangers-on of the court of Domitian, is
amusingly illustrated by a number of ludicrous anec-
dotes. The story of the haunted house at Athens
reminds us of the conventional ghost story with which
we are all familiar. The descriptions of scenery and
of rural life, and the evident pleasure with which they
are dwelt ui)on, seem strikingly to anticipate modern
tastes and sentiments. In the letters, too, which tes-
tify to Pliny's humane considerateness towards his
slaves and dependants there is a distinct approach to
the modern spirit. We see that there was much that
was good and noble in an age which we commonly

INTRODUCTIOJN". Xlll

associate with the ideas of decline and decadence. The
very prevalence of suicide, to which the pages of
Tacitus and Pliny continually bear witness, though,
of course, it had its weak and morbid side, was not
simply the offspring of moral degeneracy, but was par-
tially due to feelings and convictions which we are
obliged to respect. The higher aspects of the time,
both intellectual and moral, are brought before us in
these letters with an abundance of valuable illustration.
Pliny's correspondence has been truly said * to give
us the fullest and fairest portrait we possess of a
Roman gentleman. He was, as we have seen, a gen-
tleman by birth and education, and he had, in an
eminent degree, as his letters testify, the tastes and
habits of a gentleman. Of the advantages of wealth
and position with which he began life, he appears to
have made a good use. He was an exceedingly indus-
trious man, although he says that, compared with his
uncle, he regarded himself as a mere idler. (B. XI.)
The recreations he chiefly allowed himself were of a
more or less intellectual kind ; and even when he
indulged in the pleasures of the chase, he tells us, with
something very like a touch of pedantry, that he often
had his writing materials with him. For the coarser
amusements of the time, the gladiatorial shows, and
even the chariot races of the circus, he had a positive
distaste. He loathed and despised the vulgar display
of wealth which in an age so devoted to material en-
joyments was often carried to a ludicrous excess by
rich and uncultivated parvenvs. At the same time he
seems to have taken the utmost pains to encourage
better and purer tastes, and to inspire others with his
own love of learning and refinement. It is pleasant to

* Merivale's History of the Eomans under the Empire, ch. Ixiv.

XIV INTRODUCTION.

find a wealthy Koman gentleman endeavouring to dif-
fuse education and culture, and with an enlightened
liberality, worthy of a better time, contributing largely
to the establishment of a school at his native Comum,
and presenting the same town with a library (B, II. ;
D. 11.)

The chief blemish in Pliny's character, as in that of
Cicero, whom he emulated in letters, was an anxious
desire of fame which often betrayed him into a petty
vanity occasionally quite exceeding the limits of good
sense and good taste. There is a marked tone of self-
complacency in the letters which tell us of any gene-
rous or noble action. He does not in the least conceal
his gratification at receiving a complimentary poem
from Martial, even though the poet was enough of a
flatterer to praise a Domitian with extravagant eulogy
(B. XIII.) He naively confesses (D. XII.) that he
feels a pleasure in the acknowledgment and recognition
of his good actions. Following the precedent of
Cicero's request to Lucceius, he does not hesitate, in a
letter addressed to Tacitus (A. V.), to express a hope
that his name will find a place in the historian's works,
and he even singles out an incident in his career which
he anxiously desires may be commemorated. Still
more difficult is it to understand how he could have
seriously persuaded himself that his attempts at poetry,
the feebleness of which must have been apparent to
the least discerning of critics, deserved even so much
as mention. While, however, we cannot acquit him of
excessive vanity and self-consciousness, we must feel
there is something singularly attractive in his sweet-
ness and amiability, above all, in his genuine sympathy
with cultivated tastes. To reproach him with a want
of devotion to the old ideal of republican days, is, we

INTRODUCTIOiS. XV

think, to misunderstand the man and his age. We
may well suppose that he regarded a true restoration
of Roman freedom as hopelessly unattainable, and that
with' his great contemporary, Tacitus, he had recon-
ciled himself to the imperialism of a Trajan as the most
promising combination of liberty and order which the
circumstances of the time allowed.

The following passages contain all the extant allu-
sions to Pliny : —

Nee doctum satis, et parnm severum,

Sed non rusticulum nimis Jibeilum,

Facundo mea Plinio Thallia

li perfer. Martial, x. 19.

Quattuor sunt genera dicendi ; copiosum, in quo Cicero
dominatur; breve, in quo Sallustius regnat; siccum, quod
Frontoni adsoribitur ; pin^ue et floridmn, in quo Plinius
Secundvis quondam et nunc nullo veterum minor Symmachus
luxuriatur. — Macrobius (Saturn.), v. 1,

Epistolas omnes, retractatis exemplaribus enucleatisque,
uno volumine includam, Q. Sjmmachi rotunditatem, C. Plinii
disciplinam maturitatemque, vestigiis praesumtuosis insecu-
turus. — SiDONius Apollinaris, i. 1.

Si reare quemquam mortalium (cui tamen sermocinari
Latialiter cordi est) non pavere, quum in examen aurium
tuarum, quipj)e scriptus, adducitur, tuarum, inquam, aurium,
quarum peritiae, si me decursorum ad hoc aevi temporum
praerogativa non obruat, nee Frontonianae gravitatis aut
ponderis Apuleiani fulmen aequiparem, cui Varrones vel
Atacinus yel Terentius, Plinii vel avunculus vel Secundus,
compositi impraesentiarum rusticabuntur. — Idem. iv. 3.

Ego Plinio, ut discipulus, adsurgo. — Idem. iv. 22.

C. Plinius pro Accia Variola plus gloriae de centumvirali
suggestu domum retulit, quam quum Marco Ulpio, incom-
parabili principi, comparabilem panegyricum dixit. — Idem.
viii. 10.

Celsus et Crispinus. His consulibus Plinius Secundus
Novocomensis orator et historicus insignis habetur, cujus
ingenii plurima opera exstant. — Aueelius Cassiodorus, in
Chronico sub Trajano.

Section A.
LETTEES EEFEMING TO MATTERS

OF

HISTOEICAL AND POLITICAL INTEREST

B

C. PLINI SECUNDl

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE.

A. I. (iii. 16.)

[Pliny here relates some of the noble sayings and deeds of
Arria, wife of Caecina Paetus, who was put to death by the
Emperor Claudius, a.d. 42, as having been concerned in the re-
volt of Scribonianus (Sueton. Claudius, 13). Arria's daughter
of the same name became the wife of Paetus Thrasea, the
circumstances of whose death under Nero, a.d. 67, are related
by Tacitus {Ann. xvi. S-l). Fannia, Pliny's informant, was the
daughter of this Thrasea, and the wife of Helvidius Priscus
(E. XII.)]

C. PLINIUS NEPOTI SUO S.

Adnotasse videor, facta dictaque virorum femina-
rumque Illustviiim alia clariora esse, alia maiora. Con- 2
firmata est opinio mea hesterno Fanniae sermone.
Neptis haec Arriae illius, quae marito et solatium mor-
tis et exemplum fuit. Multa referebat aviae suae non
minora hoc, sed obscuriora : quae tibi existimo tam
mirabilia legenti fore, quam mihi audienti fuerunt.
Aegrotabat Caecina Paetus, mai-itus eius ; aegrotabat 3
et filius, uterque mortifere, ut videbatur : filius deces-
sit, eximia pulchritudine, pari verecundia, et paren-
tibus non minus ob alia carus, quam fjuod filius erat.
Huic ilia ita funus paravit, ita duxit exserpiias, ut 4
iguoraret maritus. Quin immo, quoties cubiculum

B 2

4 C. TLIXI SECUXDl

eius iiitrarct, vivere filium, atque etiam commodiorem
esse siinulabat, ac persaepe interrogauti, quid ageret
puer, ves\)ondQhat, Be7ie guievit, libenter cibum sumpsit.

5 Deinde, cum diu cohil)itae lacrymae vincerent ])ro-
runiperentque, egrediebatur. Tunc se dolori dabat.
Satiata, siccis oculis, composito vultu redibat, tanquam

6 orbitatem foris reliquisset. Praeclanim quidcni illud
eiusdeni, ferrum stnngere, perfodere pectus, cxtrahere
pugioneni, porrigere marito, addere vocem inuuortaleni
ac paene diviuam, Paete, non dolet. Sed tamen
ista facienti, ista dicenti gloria et aeternitas ante oculos
erant : quo niaius est, sine praemio aeternitatis, sine
praemio gloriae abdere lacrymas, operire luctuni,

" amissoque filio, matrem adhuc agere. Scribonianus
arma in Illyrico contra Claudiuin moverat : fuerat
Paetus in partibus ; occiso Scriboniano, Rnmam ti-ahe-

8 batur, Erat adscensurus navem: Arria militcs orabat,
ut siniul iuiponeretur. Nempe eiiltn, incpiit, daturi
estis consiilari viro servulos aliquos, quorum e manu
cibum capiat, a quibus vestiatur, a quibus calcietur :

9 omnia sola pracstabo. Non impetravit. Conduxit
piscatoriam nauculam, iugensque navigium minimo
secuta est. Eadem apud Claudium uxori Scribo-
niani, cum ilia profiteretur indicium. Ego, inquit, te
audiam, cuius in gremio Scribonianus occisus est,
et vivis ? Ex quo manifestum est, ei consilium pul-

10 cherrimae mortis non subitum fuisse. Quin etiam.
cum Thrasea, gener eius, deprecarctur, ne mori per-
geret, interque alia dixisset, Vis ergo Jiliam tuam,
si mihi pereundum fuerit, mori mecum? respondit: Si
tarn diu tantaque concordia vixerit tecum, quam ego

ii cum Pueto, volo. Auxerat hoc response curam suo-
rum : attcntius custodiebatur : sensit, et, Nilul agitis,
inquit : potcstis enim efficcre, ut male moriar ; ut non

12 moriar, non potestis. Dum haec dicit, exsiluit cathedra,
advorsoque parieti caput ingenti impetu impegit, et
corruit. Focillata, Dixeram, inquit, vobis, inventuram
me, qunmlibet duram, ad mortem viam, si vos facilem

13 negassetis. Videnturne haeo tibi maiora illo : Paete,
non dolet, ad quod per haec perventum est ? cum

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE.

interim illud quiflcm ingens fama, haec nulla circum-
fert. Unde colligitur, quod initio dixi, alia esse
clariora, alia maiora. Vale.

A. II. (vi. 16.)

[In this and the following letter Pliny records, for the in-
formation of Tacitus, who was then collecting materials for
his History, his recollections of the great eruption of Vesuvius
(August 24, A.D. 79). Pliny was then in his eighteenth year,
and was residing in the neighbourhood with his mother and
his uncle, the elder Pliny, who was in command of the fleet
off Misenum. The first letter is chiefly occupied with a de-
tailed narrative of the elder Pliny's death, caused as it was by
his philosophic anxiety to investigate the phenomena of the
eruption ; the second gives the Avriter's own impression of the
scene. No more than a passing allusion is made to the de-
struction of the two cities, Pompeii and Herculaneum, the chief
event with which we are accustomed to connect the eruption.
For an account of this we have to go to Dion Cassius.

Vesuvius had been inactive from the earliest historical
times. Nothing more than vague traditions testified to its
volcanic character.

These letters are all the more valuable because that portion
of the History in which Tacitus related these events is lost.]

C. PLINIUS TACITO SUO S.

Petis^ yit tibi avunculi mei exitum scribam, ouove-
rius trkdere posteris possis. Gratias ago; nam
video, morti eius, si celebi-etur a te, jmmortalem
gloriam esse propositam. Quamvis enim pulcherri- 2
marum clade terrartrm, ut p6"puli,ujt urbesT memorabili
casu, quasi semper victurus, occiderit; quamvis ipse
plurima opera et mansura condiderit : multum tamen
})erpetuitati eius scviptornm tuorum aeternitas adTTetT
Ecjjjidem beatos puto, quibus deorum munere datum 3
estaut facere scribenda, aut scribere legenda ; beatissi-
mos vero, quibus utnxmque. Horum in nuraero avun-
culus mens et. suis libris et tuis ei^,. Quo libentius
suscipio, deposco etiam, quod iaiungis. Erat Miseni, 4

6 C. PLINI SECUNDI

classemque imperio praesens regebat. Nonum Kaleiul.
Septembres, hora fere septiina, mater nica iudicat ci,
apparere nubem inusitata et niagnitudine et, specie.

5 Usus ille sole, mox frigicla, gustavcrat iacens, stu-
debatque. Poscit soleas, adscendit locum, ex quo
maximc miraculum illud conspici potcrat. Nubes
(incertum procul intuentibus, ex quo monte ; Vesu-
vium fuisse postea cognitum est) onebatur, cuius
similitudinem et formara non alia magis arbor, qyuvca

6 pinus, expresserit. Nam longissimo vclut truuoo
elata in altum, quibusdam ramis difFundebatur : credo,
quia recenti spiritu evecta, deinde senescente eo desti-
tuta, aut etiani_pondere suo victa, in latitudinem vanes-
cebat : caridida iu^erdum, uiterdmii sordida et macu-

7 losa, prout terram cineremve sustulerat. • Magnum
propiusque nosccndum, ut eruditissimo viro, visum,
lubet Liburnicam aptari : mihi, si venire unajtsUfiai*
facit copiam. llespondi, studere me mall^ : et forte

8 ipse, quod scriberem, dederat. Egrodiebatur domo :
accipit codicillos Rectinae Cacsi Bassi imminenti peri-
culo exterritae : nam villa eius subiacebat, nee ulla
nisi navibus fuga: ut se tanto discrimini eriperet,

9 orabat. Vcrtit ille coni-ilium, et quod studioso aninio
inclioaverat, obit maxinio. Deducit quadriremes ; ad-
scendit ipse non Rectinae modo, sed multis (erat enim

10 frequens amoenitas orae) laturus auxilium. Proj)erat
illuc, unde alii fugiunt ; rcctumque cursuni, recta
gubernacula in periculum tenet, adeo solutiis nietu, ut
omnes illius mali motus, omnes figuras, ut deprehende-

11 rat oculis, dictaret enotaretque. lam navibus cinis
incidebat, quo propius accederent, calidior et densior ;
iam pumices etiam, nigrique et ambusti et fracti igne
lapides : iam vadum subitum, ruinaque montis litora
obstantia. Cunctatus paullvuu, an retro flecteret, mox
gubernatori, ut ita faceret monenti, Fortes, inquit,

\2fortuna iuvat : Pomponianum pete. Stabiis erat, di-
remtus sinu medio. Nam sensira circumactis cur-
vatisque litoribus mare infunditur. Ibi, quamquam
nondum periculo a])propinquante, conspicuo tamen, et,
ciun cresceret, proximo, sarcinas contulcrat in naves,

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 7

certus fugae, si contrarius ventus resedisset : quo tunc
avunculus mens secundissimo invectus complectitur
trepidantem, consolatur, hortatur : utque timorem eius
sua securitate leniret, deferri se in balineum iubet ;
lotus accubat, coenat, atque hilaris, aut, quod est acque
magnum, similis hilari. Interim e Vesuvio monte is
pluribus locis latissimae flammae altaque incendia re-
lucebant, quorum fidgor et claritas tenebris noctis
excitabatur. Ille, agrestium trepidatione ignes relictos
desertasque villas per solitudinem ardere, in remedium
formidinis dictitabat. Turn se quieti dedit, et quievit
verissimo quidem somno. Nam meatus animae, qui
illi propter amplitudinem corporis gravior et sonantior
erat, ab iis, qui limini obversabantur, audiebatur. Sed 14
area, ex qua diaeta adibatur, ita iaui cinere mixtisque
pumicibus oppleta surrexerat, ut, si longior in cubiculo
mora, exitus negaretur. Excitatus procedit, seque
Pomponiano ceterisque, qui pervigilaverant, reddit.
In commune consultant, an intra tecta subsistant, an 15
in aperto vagentur. Nam crebris vastisque tremoribus
tecta nutabant, et quasi emota sedibus suis, nunc
hue nunc illuc abire aut referri videbantur. Sub divo le
rursus, quamquam levium exesorumque, pumicum
casus metuebatur. Quod tamen periculorum collatio
elegit. Et apud ilium quidem ratio rationem, apud
alios timorem timor vicit. Cervicalia capitibus im-
posita linteis constringunt. Id munimentum adversus
decidentia fuit. lam dies alibi, illic nox omnibus 17
noctibus nigrior densiorque : quam tamen faces multae
jVariaque lumina solabantur. Placuit egredi in litus,
et e proximo adspicere, ecquid iam mare admitteret;
quod adhuc vastum et adversum permanebat. Ibi super is
abiectum linteum recubans, semel atque iterum frigidam
poposcit, hausitque. Delude flammae flammarumque
praenuntius odor sulfurls alios in fugam vertunt,
excitant ilium. Innixus servulis duobus adsurrexit, 19
et statim concidit, ut ego colligo, crassiore caligine
spiritu obstructo, clausoque stomacho, qui illi natura
invalidus et angustus et frequenter aestuans erat. Ubi 20
dies redditus (is ab eo, quern novissime viderat, tertius)

8 C. PLINI SECUNDI

corpus inventum est integrum, illaesum opertumque,
21 ut fuerat iudutus : habitus corporis quiescenti, quam
defuncto, similior. Interim Miseni ego et mater. Sed
nihil ad historiam; nee tu aliud, quam de exitu eius,
S2 scire voluisti. Finem ergo faciam. Unum adiiciam,
omnia me, quibus interfueram, quaeque statim, cum
maxime vera memorantur, audieram, persecutum. Tu
potissiraa excerpes. Aliud est enim epistolam, aliud
historiam, aliud amico, aliud omnibus scribere. Vale.

A. ni. (vi. 20.)

PLINIUS CORNELIO TACITO SUO S.

Ais, te adductum Uteris, quas exigenti tibi de morte
avunculi mei scripsi, cupere cognoscere, quos ego
Miseni relictus (id enim ingressus abruperam) non
solum metus, verum etiam casus pertulerim.

Quamqitam animus meminisse horrct,

incipiam.

2 Profecto avunculo, ipse reliquum tempus studiis
(ideo enim remanseram) impendi. Mox baliueum,

3 coena, somnus inquietus et brevis. Praecesserat per
multos dies tremor terrae, minus formidolosus, quia
Campaniae solitus. Ilia vero nocte ita invaluit, ut

4 non moveri omnia, sed verti crederentur. Irrumpit
cubiculum meum mater: surgcbam, invicem si qui-
esceret, excitaturus. Resedimus in area domus, quae

5 mare a tectis modico spatio di^^debat. Dubito, con-
stantiam vocare an imprudentiam debeam : agebam
enim duodevicesimum annum. Posco librum Titi
Livi, et quasi per otium lego, atque etiam, ut coepe-
ram, excerpo. Ecce, amicus avunculi, qui nuper ad
eum ex Hispania venerat, ut me et matrem sedentes,
me vero etiam legentem videt, illius patientiam, securi-
tatem meam corripit: nihilo scgnius ego intentus in

6 librum. lam hora diei prima, et adhuc dubius ct
quasi languidus dies, lam quassatis circumiacentibus

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 9

tectis, quamqiiam in aperto loco, angusto tamen, magnus
et certus ruinae metus. Tuin dcniuni excedere oppido 7
visum. Seciuitur vulgus attonitum ; quodque in pavore
simile prudentiae, alienum consilium suo praefert, in-
gentique agmine abeuntes premit et impellit. Egressi s
tecta consistimus. Multa ibi miranda, multas formi-
dines patimur. . Nam vehicula, quae produci iusse-
ramus, quamqnam in pianissimo campo, in contrarias
partes agebantur, ac ne lapidibus quidem fulta in eodem
vestigio quiescebaut. Praeterea mure in se resorberi, 9
et trenjore terrae quasi repelli videbamus. Certe pro-
cesserat litus, multaque animalia maris siccis arenis
detinebat. Ab altero latere nubes atra et horrenda,
ignei spiritus tortis vibratisque discursibus rupta, in
longas flammarum figuras dehiscebat : fulguribus illae
et similes et maiores erant. Tum vero ille idem ex 10
Hispania amicus, acrius et instantius, Sifrater, inquit,
tuus, avujiculus vivit, vnlt esse vos salvos : si periit,
superstites voluit : yroinde quid cessatis evadere ? Re-
spondimus, non commissuros nos, ut de salute eius
incerti, nostrae consuleremus. Non moratus ultra, 11
proripit se, efFusoque cursu periculo aufertur. Nee
multo post ilia nubes descendere in terras, operire
maria. Cinxerat Capreas et absconderat: Miseni
quod procurrit, abstulerat. Tum mater orare, hortari, -.2
iubere, quoquo modo fugerem ; posse enim iuvenem :
se et annis et corpore gravem bene morituram, si mihi
causa mortis non fuisset. Ego contra, salvum me,
nisi una, non futurum: dein mannm eius amplexus,
addere gradum cogo. Paret aegre, incusatque se,
quod me moretur. lam cinis ; adhuc tamen rarus. 13
Respicio ; densa caligo tergis imminebat, quae nos,
torrentis modo infus"a terrae, sequebatur. Dejlectamus,
inquam, dum videmus, ne in via strati comitantium turha
in tenebris obteramur. Vix consederamus, et nox, non 14
qualis illunis aut nubila, sed qualis in locis clausis
lumine exstincto. Audires ululatus feminarum, infan-
tium quiritatus, clamores virorum. Alii parentes, alii
liberos, alii coniuges vocibus requirebant, vocibus
uoocitabant. Hi suum casumj illi suorum miserabantur.

10 C. PLINI SECUNDI

15 Erant qui mctu mortis mortem precarentur. JNIulti ad
deos manus tollere: plurcs, iiusqiiam iam dcos uUos,
aetcrnamque illam ct novissimaiu iioctem mundo inter-
prctabantur. Nee defuerunt, qui fictis nientitis(|ue
terroribus vera pericula augerent. Aderant,. qui ]Mi-
seni, illud ruisse, illud ardere, falso, sed credcntibus,

16 nuntial)ant. Paullum reluxit ; quod non dies nobis,
sed adventantis ignis indicium videbatur. Et ignis
quidem longius substitit : tenebrae rursus, cinis rursus
multus et gravis. Hunc identidem adsurgentes excu-
tiebamus; operti alioqui atque etiam oblisi pondere

17 essemus. Possera gloriari, non gemitum mihi, non
vocem parum fortem in tantis periculis excidisse, nisi
me cum omnibus, omnia mecum perire, misero, magno

18 tamen mortalitatis solatio credidissem. Tandem ilia
caligo tenuata quasi in fumura nebulamve decessit:
mox dies verus, sol etiam efFulsit, luridus tamen, qualis
esse, quuni deficit, solet. Occursabant trepidantibus
adhuc oculis mutata omnia, altoque cinere, tanquam

19 nive, obducta. Rogressi jNIisenum, curatis utcunque
corporibus, suspensam dubiamque noctem spe ac metu
exegimus. Metus praevalebat : nam et tremor tcrrae
perseverabat, et plerique lymphati tcrrificis vaticina-

20 tit)nibus et sua et aliena mala ludificabantur. Nobis
tamen ne tunc quidem, quamquam et expertis peri-
culum, et exspectantibus, abeundi consilium, donee de
avunculo nuntius. Haec, nequaquam historia digna,
non scripturus leges, et tibi scilicet, qui requisisti,
iniputabis, si digna ne epistola quidem videbuntur.
Vale.

A. IV. (iv. 11.)

[The incident -which is the subject of this letter is noticed
by Suetonius in his life of Domitian, ch. viii. Domitian had
thoncht fit to revive the ancient punishment of unchaste vestals,
and Cornelia, the chief of that college, who, it seems, had been
accused of uncliastity more than once and acquitted, waH
finally convicted and buried alive. Iler guilt, however, at
least in this particular case, was a matter of doubt. It was

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 11

believed on the strength of the confession of Licinianus, a
senator, who, being suspected by the Emperor of having in-
trigued with her, admitted, from the fear of worse conse-
quences, that such was the case. It appears from Suetonius
and tlie present letter that her other alleged paramours had
been flogged to death in the comitium. The circumstances of
Cornelia's horrible death are told in detail in this letter.

Licinianus was allowed to retire into exile, and by the
clemency of Nerva was permitted to live in Sicily, where he
maintained himself by the profession of rhetoric]

C. PLINIUS MINICIANO SUO S.

Audistine Valerium Licinianum in Sicilia profiteri?
Nondum te puto audisse : est enira recens nuntius.
Praetorius hie modo inter eloquentissimos causarum
actores habebatur : mine eo decidit, ut exul de sena-
tore, rhetor de oratore fieret. Itaque ipse in praefa- 2
tione dixit dolenter et graviter: Quos tibi, Fortuna,
ludosfacis? Facts enim ex professoribus senator es, ex
senatoribus professores. Cui sententiae tantum bilis,
tantum amaritudinis inest, ut mihi videatiir ideo pro-
fessus, ut hoc diceret. Idem, cum Graeco palHo 3
amictus intrasset, (carent enim togae iure, quibus aqua
et igui interdictum est) postquam se composuit, cir-
cumspexitque habitum suum: Latine, m(\\\\i, declama-
turus sum. Dices, tristia et miseranda : dignum tamen 4
ilium, quia haec ipsa studia incesti scelere maculaverit.
Confessus est quidem incestum : sed incertum, utrum .'>
quia verum erat, an quia graviora metuebat, si negasset.
Fremebat enim Domitianus, aestuabatque ingenti invi-
dia destitutus. Nam cum Corneliam, vestalium maxi- 6
mam, defodere vivam cupisset, ut qui illustrari seculum
suum eiusmodi exemplis arbitraretur, Pontificis Maximi
iure, seu potius immanitate tyranni, licentia domini,
reliquos pontifices non in Regiam, sed in Albanam
villam convocavit. Nee minore scelere, quam quod
ulcisci videbatur, absentem inauditamque damnavit
incesti, cum ipse fratris filiam incesto non pollu-
isset solum, verum etiam occidisset : nam vidvia ab-
ortu periit. Missi statim pontifices, qui defodiendam 7

12' C. PLINI SIXUNDl

necandamque curarcnt. Ilia nunc ad Vcstam,niinc ad
ceteros deos manus tcndens, nuilta, scd hoc frcquentis-
sime, claniitabat : Mc Ccrsrir liicestum jnitiit, qua sncra

^facicnte vir/'f, triuiiiphariL lilandioiis hacc, an irri-
dcns ; ex fiducia sui, an ex conteinptu Principis dix-
erit, dubium est. Dixit, donee ad su})i)licium, nescio

9 an iiniocens, certe tanquam innocens, ducta est. Quin
etiam, cum in illud subterraneum eubiculum demit-
teretur, haesissetque descendenti stola, vertit se ac
recollegit ; cunique ei carnifex nianum daret, aversata
est, et rcsiluit, foedumque contagiuni, quasi ])lane a
casto puroque corpore, novis^ima sanctitate reiecit,
omnibusque numeris pudoris iroWrju irpovoiav nx^v

10 evay^vuws -rrsaslv. Praeterea Celer, eques Romanus,
cui Cornelia obiiciebatnr, cum in comitio virtris caede-
retur, in hac voce jierstitcrat : Quid feci? Nihil feci.

11 Ardebat eroo Domitianus et crudelitatis et iniquiratis
infamia. Arripit Licinianum, quod in agris suis oc-
cultasset Corneliae libertam. lUe ab iis, quibus erat
curac, praemonetur, si comitium et virgas ])ati nollet,
ad confession em confugeret, quasi ad veniani; fecit.

12 Locutus est pro absente Ilerennius Senecio talc
quiddam, quale est illud, Ketrat YldrpoKkos. Ait
enim : Ex advocoto nuntins foetus num. Becexsit

13 Licinianus. Gratum hoc Domitiano, adeo fjuiilem, ut
gaudio proderetur, diceretque, Absolvit nos Licinianus.
Adiecit etiam, non esse verecundiae eius instandum :
ipsi vero permisit, si qua posset, ex rebus suis raperet,
antequam bona publicarcntur ; exsilium niolle, veliit

14 ])racmium, dedit. Ex quo tamen postea dementia
divi Nervae translatus est in Sicilian!, uln nunc ])ro-

15 fitetur, seque de fortuna jjraefatiouibus vindicat. Vides,
quam obsequenter paream tibi, qui non solum res
urbanas, verum etiam peregrinas tam sedulo scribo, ut
altius repetam. Et sane putabam te, quia tunc abfuisti,
nihil aliud de Liciniano audisse, quam relegatum ob
inccstum. Summam enim rcrum nuntiat iama, nou

leordinem. Mereor, ut vicissim, quid in oi)i)ido tuo,
quid in finitimis agatur (sclent enim notabilia quaedam
incidere) perscribas: denique quidquid voles, dum-

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 13

luodo non minus longa epistoLa nuntia. Ego non
paginas tantum, sed etiam versus syllabasque nume-
rabo. Vale.

A. V. (vii. 33.)

[Pliny hopes that Tacitus, Avho was then engaged on the
composition of his History, which he is sure was destined to
be an immortal work, would not fail to mention him. He
proceeds to relate an incident whicli had occurred in Domi-
tian's reign, on his connection with which the Emperor Nerva
had paid him a very high compliment. Pliny had been
appointed by the Senate with Herennius Senecio to plead the
cause of the province of Baetica against its governor, Baebius
INIassa. The incident in question, which Pliny hopes that
Tacitus will record, arose out of this trial. There is a very
singtdar letter of Cicero's {Epp. ad Fain. v. 12), which bears
a striking resemblance to this epistle. In it he asks his old
iViend and neighbour, the historian Lucceius, to devote a
separate work to the achievements of his consulate, and even
to magnify them at the expense of truth. Pliny seems to
allude to this strange display of vanity at the close of this
letter.]

C. PLINIUS TACITO SUO S.

Auguror, nee me fallit augurium, historias tuas im-
mortales futuras : quo magis illis (ingenue fatebor)
inseri cupio. Nam si esse nobis curae solet, ut facies ?
nostra ab optimo quoque artifice exprimatur, nonne
debenius optare, ut operibus similis tui scriptor prae-
dicatorque contingat? Demonstro ergo, quamqviam 3
diligentiam tuam fugere non possit, cum sit in publicis
actis, demonstro tamen, quo magis credas, iucundum
mihi futurum, si factum meum, cuius gratia periculo
crevit, tuo ingenio, tuo testimonio ornaveris. Dederat 4
me senatus cum Herennio Senecione advocatum provin-
ciae Baeticae contra Baebium Massam, damnatoque
Massa_. censuerat, ut bona eius publice custodirentur.
Senecio, cum explorasset, consules postulationibus
vacaturos, convenit me, et. Qua concordia, inquit,
iniunctam nobis accusationem exsecuti sumus, hac

14 C. TLIXI SIX'UXDl

adeamus consules, pctamusfjne, ne bona dissipnrisinant,

5 quorum esse m custodia dehnxt. Respondi, Qnum shims
fidvocati a senatu dtiti, disjnre num peractas putes
jnirtes nostras, seitatus corjnitione Jinita. Et illc, Tu,
quern voles, tibi tenninum statues, cut nulla cum pro-
vincia necessitudo, nisi ex benejicio tuo, et hoc recenti :

6 ipse et vatus ibi, et quaestor in ea. fui. Turn ego, 67
Jixum tibi istud ac deliberatuni, sequar te, ut, si qua

7 ex hoc invidia erit, non tantum tua. Venimus ad
consules, dicit Senecio, quae res ferebat : aliqua sub-
iuugo. Vixdum conticueramus, et jNIassa questus, Sene-
rionem non advocati Jidem, sed inimici amaritudinem

i implesse, impietatis reuni postulat. Horror omnium :
ego autem, Vereor, inquam, clarissimi consules, ne mihi
JSIassa silentio suo praevaricationem ohiecerit, quod
?ion et me reum postulavit. Quae vox et statim ex-

9 cepta, et postea multo sermone celebrata est. Divus
quidem Xerva (nam privatus qnoque attendebat liis,
quae recte in publico fierent) missis ad me gravissimis
Uteris, non mihi solum, verum etiam seculo est gratula-
tus, cui exemplum (sic enim scripsit) simile antiquia
10 contigisset. Haec, utcunque se habent, notiora, clariora,
maiora tu facies : quamquam non exigo, ut excedas
actae rei modum. Nam nee historia debet egredi
veritatem, et houeste factis Veritas sufficit. Vale.

A. VI. (ix. 13.)

[This long letter gives us a detailed account of a memorable
proceeding which Pliiiy looked back upon with pecuHar
pleasure, and which, it appears, he had made the subject, of
one of his works. Among the victims of Domitian's caprici-
ous cruelty was Ilclvidius, the son of the iamous Helvidius
Priscus, pon-in law of Thrasea, and continually mentioned by
Tacitus. The father was put to death by Vespr,sian, the .son
by Domitian, on the accusation of Publicius Certus, who, as
well as Helvidius, was a senator. Pliny, on the death of
Domitian, resolved to avenge him, chiefly, as he says, on
public grounds. Accordingly, on the accession of Nerva, a.u.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 15

99, he impeached Publicius before the senate. It seems to
have been a hazardous experiment. Pliny represents that he
was at first assailed with angry questions and remarks. The
accused was praefectus aerarii and was soon to be consul ; he
had besides a host of influential friends. For his counsel he
had Veiento, notorious for his informations under Domitian,
still powerful for evil, and the intimate friend of the Emperor
Nerva, as we may infer from A. VII . But the senate
would not hear the defence. The case was at an end, and
the accused, though he escaped actual punishment, was super-
seded in his office, and the consulship, to which he must have
shortly risen, was refused him. Pliny considers that he gained
his point. He subsequently published his speech, with many
additions. Soon after its publication Certus died, and Pliny
mentions the popular rumour, which represented him as
imagining from that time that the image of his accuser, sword
in hand, was continually before him.]

C. PLINIUS QUADRATO SUO S.

Quanto studiosius hitentiusque legist! libros, quos
de Helvidii ultlone composui, tanto impensius postulas,
ut perscribam tibi qiiaeque extra libros, quaeqiie
circa libros, totum denique ordinem rei, cui per
aetatem non interfuisti. Occiso Domitiano statui 2
mecum ac deliberavi, esse magBam pulchramque
materiam insectandi nocentes, miseros vindicandi, se
proferendi. Porro, inter multa scelera multorum,
nullum atrocius videbatur, quam quod in senatu
senator senator!, praetorius consulari, reo index manus
intulisset. Fuerat alioqui mihi cum Helvidio amicitia,
quanta potuerat esse cum eo, qui metu temporum
nomen ingens paresque yirtutes secessu tegebat.
Fuerat cum Arria et Fannia : quarura altera Helvidii 3
noverca, altera mater novercae. Sed non ita me iura
privata, ut publicum fas et indignitas facti et exempli
ratio incitabat. Ac primis quidem diebus redditae x
libertatis pro se quisque inimicos suos, dumtaxat
minores, incondito turbidoque clamore postulaverant
simul et oppresserant. Ego et modestius et constantius
arbitratus immanissimum reum non communi temporum
in^idia, sed proprio crimine urgere, cum iam satis

16 C. PLINI SECUXDI

ille primus impetus defrcmuisset, et languidior in dies
ira ad iustitiam rcdisset, quamquam tum maxime
tristis, amissa luipcr uxore, mitto ad Anteiam, (nupta
haec Helvidio fuerat,) rogo ut vcniat, quia me recens

5 adliuc luctus limine coiitiueret. Ut venit, Destinatum
est, inquam mihi, maritum tuum non inultum pati.
Nuntia Arriae et Fanniae ; (ab exsilio redierant :) co7f-
sule te, co7isule illas, an velitls adscrihi facto, in quo c(jo
c.omite non egeo : sed non ita c/loriae meae faverim, ut

6 vohis societate eius invideam. Perfert Anteia mandata ;
nee illae morantur. Opportune scnatus intra diem
tertium. Omnia ego semper ad Corellium retuli,
quem providentissimum aetatis nostrae sapientissi-
mumque cognovi : in hoc tamen contentus consilio
meo fui, veritus, ne vetaret : erat enim euuctantior
cautiorque. Sed nou sustinui inducere in animum,
quo minus illi eodem die facturum me indicarcm,
quod an facerem, non deliberabam, expertus usu, de
eo, quod destinaveris, non esse consulendos, quibus

7 consultis obsequi debeas. Venio in senatum : ius
dicendi peto : dico paullisper maximo adsensu. Ubi
coepi crimen attingere, reum destinare, (adhuc tamen
sine nomine) undique mihi reclamari. Alius : Scianuis,
quis sit, de quo extra ordinem referas ; alius : Quis
est ante relationem reus? alius: Sah:i simiis, qui sn-

^ persumus. Audio imperturbatus, interritus : tantum
susceptae rei houestas valet, tantum ad fiduciam vel
metum difFert, nolint homines, quod facias, an non
probent. Longum est omnia, quae tunc hinc inde

9 iacta sunt, recensere. Novissime consul : Sccundc,
sententiae loco dices, si quid volueris. Permiscris, in-
quam, quod usque adhuc omnihits permisisti. llcsido :

10 aguntur alia. Interea me quidam ex consularibus
amicis secreto curatoque sermone, quasi nimis fortiter
incauteque progressum, corripit, revocat, monct, ut
desistam, adicit etiam notabilem me futuris principibus.

11 Esto, inquam, dum malis. Yix ille discesserat, rursus
alter : Quid audes ? cur ruis 9 quibus te pcriculis ob-
icis? Quid praesentibus conjidis, incertus futurorum ?
Lacessis lioviincm iam praefectum aeraiii, et brevi

EPISTOLAE SELECT AE. 17

consulem : praeterea qua (/ratia, quihus nmicltils ful-
tum ! Nominat quendam, qui tunc ad orienteui ani-
plisjlmum exercitum, non sine niagnis dubiisque ru-
moribus, obtinebat. Ad haec ego: Omnia, praecepi,'^-
atque animo mecum ante peregi : nee recuso, si ita
casus attulerit, lucre poenas oh honestissimurn factum,
dum Jlagitiosissimiim ulciscor. lam censendi tempus.
Dicit Domitius Apollinaris, consul designatus, dicit 13
Fabricius Veiento, Fabius Maximiuus, Vettius Pro-
culus, collega Publicii Certi, de quo agebatur, uxoris
autem meae, quam amiseram, vitricus : post hos Am-
mius Flaccus. Omnes Certum, nondum a me nomina-
tum, ut nominatum defendunt : crimenque quasi in me-
dio relictum defensione suscipiunt. Quae praeterea n
dixerint, non est necesse narrare ; in libris habes.
Sum enim cuncta ipsorura verbis persecutus. Dicunt
contra Avidius Quietus, Cornutus Tertullus. Quietus: is
Iniquissimum esse, querelas dolentium excludi : ideo-
que Arriae et Fanniae ius querendi non axiferendum :
nee interesse, cuius ordinis quis sit, sed quam caussam
hnbeat. Cornutus : Datum se a consulihus tutorem 16
Helvidi Jiliae, petentibus matre eius et vitrico : nunc
quoque non sxistinere deserere officii sui partes, in quo
tamen, et suo dolori modum imponere, et optimarum
feminariun perferre modestissimum adfectum : quas con-
tentas esse, admonere senatum Publici Certi cruentae
adulationis, et petere, si poena Jiagitii manifestissimi
remittatur, nota certe quasi censoria inuratur. Turn 17
Satrius Rufus medio ambiguoque sermone : Puto, in-
quit, iniuriam factam Publicio Certo, si non absolvitur :
nominatus est ah amicis Arriae et Fanniae, nominatus
ah amicis suis. JVec dehemus soliciti esse. Idem enim
nos, qui bene sentimus de homiiie, indicaturi sumus : si
innocens est, sicuti et spero et malo, donee aliquid pro-
hetur, credo, poteritis absolvere. Haec illi, quo quis- is
que ordine citabantur. Venitur ad me : consurgo, utor
initio, quod in libi'o est, respondeo singulis. Mirum
qua intentione, quibus clamoribus omnia exceperint,
qui modo reclamabant. Tanta conversio vel negotii
dignitatem, vel proventum orationis, vel actoris con-

c

18 C. TLIXI SECUXDI

19 stantiam subsecuta est. Finio. Incipit respondere
Veiento : nemo i)atitur : oLtui'batur, obstrepitur : adeo
quidem, ut diceret: Eofio, Patres C, ne me cfx/atis
im])lorare auxilium tribunorum. Et statim INlurenu
tribunus ; Permitto tibi, vir clarissime Veiento, dicere.

JO Tunc quoque reclamatur. Inter moras consul citatis
nominibus et peracta discessione, mittit senatum ; ac
paene adhuc stantem tentantemque dicere Veientonem
relinquit. Multum ille de hac (ita vocabat) contumelia
questus est Homerico versu :

S) ytpov, ^ nd\a hi) ffe veoi reipnvfft fxaxV''^^-

Non fere quisquam in senatu fuit, qui non me com

^' plecteretur,exoscularetur, certatimque laude cumularet,
quod intermissum tamdiu morem in publicum consu-
lendijsusceptis propriis simultatibus,reduxissem : quod
deuique senatum invidia liberassem, qua flacrrabat apud
ordines alios, quod severus in ceteros, senatoribus solis,
dissimulatione quasi mutua, parceret. Haec acta sunt

'^' absente Certo. Abfuit enim, seu tale aliquid suspi-
catus, sive, ut excusabatur, infirmus. Et relationeui
quidem de eo Caesar ad senatum non rcniisit ; obtinui
tamen, quod intenderam. Nam coll(\u;a Certi consula-

^■^ turn, successorem Certus accepit : ])lancque factum est,
quod dixeram in fine : Ecddut praemium sub opthno
principe, quod a pessimo accepit. Postea actionem
meam, utcunque potui, recollegi : addidi multa. Accidit

^^ fortuitum (sed non tanquam fortuitum) quod, editis
libris, Certus intra paucissimos dies implicitus morbo
decessit. Audivi referentes, banc imagiuem menti eius,

*^ banc oculis oberrasse, tanquam videret me sibi cum
ferro imminere. Verane haec, adfirmare non ausim :
interest tamen exempli, ut vera videantur. Habes

'^ epistolam, si modum epistolae cogitas, libris, quos
legisti, non minorem. Sed imputabis tibi, qui contentus
libris non fuisti. Vale.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 19

A. VII. (iv. 22.)

LPliny in tliis letter illustrates by two interesting anecdotes
the independent spirit of his friend Junius INIauricus, to whom
Epp. i. ] 4, ii. 1 8, vi. 14 are addressed. His name first occurs in
Tacitus {Hist. iv. 40) in connection vvitli a singularly coura-
geous act. He ventured to ask Domitian, who was at the
time prsetor of the city and had just taken his seat in the
senate (this was a.d. 70), that access to the imperial registers
might be given to members of the house, so that they might
know on the best authority whom the various delatnres had
proposed to impeach. Tlie question was evaded, but it had
the good effect of leading to a general attack on some of the
most infamous of these men. Mauricus, as we might have
expected, Avas in exile during Domitian's reign. (See B. XX.)
lie was, as we gather from E. XVI., recalled by Nerva. He is
again mentioned by Tacitus {Agr. 45), with his brother
Arulenus liusticus. It is evident fi'om the tone of the letters
addressed to him that he was one of Pliny's intimate friends."]

C. PLINIUS SEMPRONIO EUFO SUO S.

Interfui principis optinil cogiiitioni, in consilium
adsumptus. Gymnicus agon apud Viennenses ex cu-
iusdam testamento celebrabatur. Hunc Trebonius Ru-
finus, vir egregius nobisque amicus, in duumviratu
sue tollendum abolendumque curavit. Negabatur ex
auctoritate publica fecisse. Egit ipse causam non
minus feliciter quam diserte. Commendabat actionem, 2
quod tanquam homo Romauus et bonus civis in negotio
suo mature ct graviter loquebatur. Cum sententiae 3
perrogarentur, dixit lunius Mauricus (quo viro nihil
firmius, nihil verius) non esse I'estituendum Viennen-
sibus agona : adiecit, Vellem etiam Romae tolli posset.
Constanter, inquis, et fortiter. Quidni? Sed hoc
Maurico novum non est. Idem apud Nervam impera- 4
torem non minvis fortiter. Coenabat Nervacum paucis.
Veiento proximus, atque etiam in sinu recumbebat.
Dixi omnia, cum hominem nominavi. Incidit seiTno 5
de CatuUo Messalino, qui, luminibus orbatus, ingenio
Baevo mala caecitatis addiderat : non verebatur, non eru-

c 2

20 C. TLINI SECLWDI

besccbat, non miserebatur : quo sacpius a Domltiano rion

6 sccus ac tela, quae et ipsa caeca et iiuprovida f'eruntur,
in oi)tluium quemque coutorquebatur. De luiius nc-
quitia sanguinariisque seuteutiis in commune omues
super coeuam loquebantur, cum ipse imperalor, Quid

7 pNtninus passurum fitisse, si vioeret? et Mauricus,
Nohiscian coenarct. Longius abii, libens tamen. Pla-
cuit agona tolli, qui moi'cs Viennensium infccerat, ut
noster liic omnium. Nam Viennensium vitia intra
ipsos residunt, nostra late vagantur, utque in corpori-
bus, sic in imperio, gravissimus est morbus, qui a capite
diffunditur. Yale.

A. VIIL (ii. 1.)

[This letter contains an account of the circumstances of the
death of Verginius Rufus, one of the most eminent men of
his time. Pliny, it seems, had special reasons for speaking well
ol" him. Verginius had, by the wish of the elder Pliny, been his
guardian, had treated him as a son, and had done much il.r
his adviMicement in life. Oitr knowledge about the facts (,f
his life is drawn chiefly from Tacitus. He was consul I'orthe
fiisttime under Nero, a.d. 63 {Ann. xv. 23) ; he was 'legatus '
oi' Lower Germany, where he had crushed the revolt of Julius
Vindex, at the time of that emperor's death ; the imperial
j)ower was twice offered to him by the army of that province,
and tAvice declined by him : first, after the .*U25pression of the
above-mentioned revolt ; secondly, after the death of Otho
(IJist. i. 8 ; ii. 51). His death, on this hitter occasion, was de-
manded by the angry and disappointed soldiery, who charged
him with attempting the life of Vitellius (///si. ii. G8). Having
escaped this peril, he lived, in honour and prosperity, as we learn
from the presentletter,totheageof eighty-three,and was holding
his thi:d consulate (which was conferred on him 1 y the Em-
peror Nerva, a.d. 97) at the time of his death. Pliny speaks
of him as a writer of playful verses (v. 3), and compares the
two following letter.s.

liomanus, to whom this and Epp. B. XXHI., E. 111., K.
v., are addressed, was, we should sujipose, the same per-
son as Voconius IJomanus, who is spoken of in ii. 13 as cna

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 21

of Pliny's most intimate and accomplished fi-iends, and who
is recommended by him to Trajan, in Kpp. ad Traj. iv., as
worthy of senatorial rank. If so, he was Pliny's fellow-student,
and by his friend's account was an agreeable talker, a clever
lawyer, and a charming writer of letters.]

C. PLINIUS EOMANO SUO S.

Post aliquot annos insigne, atque etiam memorabije
populi Romani oculis spectaculum exhlbuit publicum
funus Vergini Kufi, maximi et clarissimi civis, perinde
felicis. Triginta annis gloriae suae supervixit. Legit 2
scripta de se carinina, legit historias, et posteritati suae
interfuit. Perl unctus est tei'tio consulatu, ut summum
fastigium privati hominis impleret, cum principis
nolui.^set. Caesares, quibus suspectus atque etiam 3
invisus virtutibus fuerat, evasit: reliquit incolumem
optimum atque amicissimum, tauquam ad luuic ipsum
hoiiorom publici funeris reservatus. Annum teitium 4
et octogesimum excessit in altissima tranquillitate, pari
veneratione. Usus est firma valetudine : nisi quod
solebant ei manus tremere, citra dolorem tamen.
Aditus tantum mortis durior longiorque, sed hie ipse
laudabilis. Nam cum vocem praepararet, acturus in 5
consulatu principi gratias, liber, quern forte acceperat
grandiorem, et seni et stanti ipso pondere elapsus est.
Hunc dum sequitur coliigitque, per leve et lubriciun
pavimentura, fallente vestigio, cecidit, coxamque fregit,
quae parum apte collocata, reluctaute aetate, male coiit,
Huius viri exsequiae magnum ornamentum principi, 6
magnum seculo,magnum etiam foro etrostris attulerunt.
Laudatus est a consule Cornelio Tacito : nam hie supre-
mus felicitati eius cumulus accessit, laudator eloquen-
tissimus. Et ille (juideim plenus annis abiit, plenus 7
honoribus, illis etiam quos recusavit : nobis tamen
quaerendus ac desiderandus est, ut exemplar aevi
prioris, mihi vero praecipue, qui ilium non solum
publice, sed etiam })rivatlm, quantum admirabar, tantum
diligebam ; primum quod utrique eadem rogio, mu- 8
nici[)ia finitima, agri etiam possessionesque coniunc-
tae : praeterea quod ille mihi tutor relictus, adfectura

22 C PLINI SEaWDI

parentis cxliibiiit. Sic candltlatum me sufTragio ornavit:
sic ad omnes honores meos ex seccssibus adcucurrit,
cum iam pridcm eiusmodi officiis remmtiasset : sic illo
die, quo sacerdotes solent nomiuarc, quos dignissimo3

9 sacerdotio iudicant, me semper nominabat. Quin etiam
in hac novissima valetvidine veritus, ne forte inter quin-
que\iros crearctur, qui minuendis publicis sumptibus
iudicio senatus constituebantur, cum illi tot amici senes
consularesque superessent, me huius aetatis, per quem
excusaretur, elegit, his quidem verbis : etiam si JiUum

10 haberem, tihi mandarem. Quibus excausis necesse est,
tauquam immaturam mortem eius in sinu tuo defleam :
si tamen fas est aut fieri, aut omnino mortem vocari,
qua tanti viri mortalitas magis finita quam vita est.

1 ' Vivit enim vivetque semper, atque etiam latius memoria
hominum et sermone versabitur, postquam ab oculis re-

•2 cessit. Volui tibi multa alia scribere, sed totus animus
in hac una contemplatione defixus est. Verginium
coo-ito, Vero-inium video, Verjjinium iam vanis imajri-
nibus, recentibus tamen, audio, adloquor, teneo : cui
fortasse cives aliquos virtutibus pares et habemus et ha-
bebimus, gloria neminem. Yale.

A. IX. (vi. 10.)

[A monument Avhich Avas in the cour.se of erection to the
memory of the illustrious Verginius Kufus was, it appears,
unfinished ten years after his death. This, Pliny says, was
attributable to the indifference of the person to whom the
matter had been intrusted. He expresses his indignation
at this neglect, which was aggravated by the circumstance
that Verginius had given special directions that an epitaph
composed by himself should be inscribed on his tomb.]

C. PLINIUS ALBINO SUO S.

Cum venissem in socrus meae villam Alsiensem,
quae aliquando Rufi Vergini fuit, ipse mihi locus
optimi illius et maximi viri desiderium non sine dolore
renovavit. Hunc enim colei'e secessum, atque etiam

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 23

senectutis suae nidulum vocare consueverat. Quocuii- 2
(liie me contuUssem, ilium animus, ilium oculi require-
hant. Libuit etiam monimentum eius videre, et
vidisse poenituit. Est enim adhuc imperfectum : nee 3
dillicultas operis in caussa, modici, ac potius exigui ;
sed inertia eius, cui cura mandata est. Subit indignatio
cum miseratione, post decimum mortis annum reliqui-
as neglectumque cinerem sine titulo, sine nomine iace-
re, cuius memoria orbem terrarum gloria pervagetur.
At ille mandaverat caveratque, ut divinum illud et 4
jmmortale factum versibus inscriberetur :

HIC SITUS EST EUFUS, PULSO QUI VINDICE QUONDAM
IMPERIUM ADSERUIT NON SIBI, SED PATKIAE.

Tam rara in amicitiis fides, tam parata oblivio mortuo- 5
rum, ut ipsi nobis debeamus etiam conditoria exstruere,
omniaque heredum officia praesumere. Nam cui non s
est verenduni, quod videmus accidisse Verginio? cuius
iniuriam ut indigniorem, sic etiam notiorem ipsius
claritas facit. Vale.

A. X. (ix. 19.)

[This letter continues the subject of that which precedes it.
A friend, Ruse by name (a promising young advocate, as we
learn from vi. 23), had intimated to Pliny that he thought
the epitaph which Verginius Kufus had ordered to be inscribed
on his tomb savoured of vanity, and that Frontinus, who had
forbidden all such memorials of himself, had acted more wisely.
Pliny defends Vorginius. He had known, he says, and esteemed
both these men, and felt that, if any preference was to be
made, it was due to Verginius, a man of singular modesty,
with which this epitaph was not really inconsistent.]

C. PLINIUS RUSONI SUO S.

Sio"nificas, leglsse te in quadam epistola mea, iussisse
Verginium Rufum inscribi sepulcro suo :

Hie situs est Eufus, pulso qui Vindice quondam
imjoerium adseruit no7i sibi, sid patriae.

24 C. PLINI SECUNDI

Roprehendis, quod iussei'it ; addis etiain, melius recti-
usque Frontinuni, quod vetuerit omnino monumeutuni
sibi fieri ; meque ad extremum, quid de utroque senti-

2 am, consulis. Utrumque dilexi ; miratus sum magis,
quern tu reprchendis, atque ita miratus, ut non puta-
rem satis innquam laudari posse, cuius nunc milil sub-

3 eunda defensio est. Omnes ego, qui magnum aliquod
memorandumquc fccerunt, non modo venia, verum
etiam laude dignissiinos iudico, si immortalltatem quam
meruere sectantur, victurique nominis famam suprcmis

4 etiam titulis prorogare nituntur. Nee facile qviemquam
nisi Verglnium invenio, cuius tanta in praedicando

5 verecundia, quanta gloria ex facto. Ipse sum testis,
familiariter ab eo dilectus probatusque, semel omnino,
me audiente, provectum, ut de rebus suis hoc unum
referret, ita secum aliquando Cluvium locutum : Sets,

Vergini, quae liistoriae Jides debentur : proinde, si quid
in historiis meis leqis nJiter ac i-elles, rogo igfioscos. Ad
hoc ille ; Tune ignoras, Cluvi, idco me J'ecisse, quod
feci, ut esset liberum vohis scribere, quae libuisset?

6 Agedum, hunc ipsum Frontinum in hoc ipso, in quo
tibi parcior vi letur et pressior, comparemus. Vctuit
exstrui monumentum : sed quibus verbis? I/njjcnsa
monumenti supercacua est : memoria nostri durabit, si
vita meruimus. An restrictius arbitrarls ])cr orbem
terraruin legendum dare, duraturam memoriam sui,
quam uno in loco duobus versiculis signare, qut)d

7 feceris ? Quamquam non habeo proposltum ilium
reprehendendi, sed hunc tuendi : cuius quae potest
apud te iustior esse defensio, quam ex collatione eius,

8 quein praetulisti ? ]\Ieo quidcm iudicio neuter cul pan-
das, quorum nterque ad gloriam pari cuplditate,
diverse itiuere, contendit: alter, dum experit debi-
tos titulos : alter, dum mavult videri contempslsse.
Vale.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 25

A. XL (ii. 11.)

j_We have in this letter the particulars of a cause celebre^
twice alluded to by Juvenal as a flagrant illustration of one
of the many abuses of his time. According to the Satirist,
the criminal, though condemned, often practically escaped
with impunity.

Exsul ab octava Marius bibit et friiitur Dis
Iratis: at tii, victrix provincia, ploras. — i. 49.

The second allusion is in the following passage :

Quanta autera inde feres tarn dirae praemia culpae,
Cum teuues nuper Marius disciiixerit Afros? — viii. 119.

The case, as we here gather from Pliny, was not one of
mere ordinary oppression of a province by plundei' and extor-
tion. Marius Priscus, proconsul of Africa, was charged Avith
having received bribes to condemn and put to death innocent
persons. The question arose in the senate, and was discussed
with great warmth, whether under these circumstances he
f ould be tried by a select commission of judices in the praetor's
court. When the worst charges against him were clearly
understood to be true, the trial was adjourned to the next
meeting of the senate, and was heard before an unusually full
house, the Emperor presiding. Pliny was counsel for the
province. It was an era in his life. He was, he says, nervous
and anxious when he rose to speak in so great a cause
befiire that august assembly. The accused was himself a man
of high position ; he had been consul, and a member of one
of the great religious colleges. He was defended by Salvius
Liberalis, an able advocate, who was again opposed to Pliny
in a similar case (A. XHL), and who, according to Suetonius
( Vesp. xiii.), said when he was pleading the cause of some
rich person, ' What is it to the Emperor if the accused has a
hundred million sesterces ? ' Salvius, Pliny tells us, put forth
all his strength on this occasion. He was answered by
Tacitus in a speech exhibiting the best qualities of the his-
torian's eloquence. The trial lasted three days. Marius
was condemned, and sentenced to banishment from Eome and
Italy. He was also ordered to refund to the aerarium the
moneys which he had unlawfully received.

The trial of Marius took place a.d. 100, in Trajan's reign.]

26 C, PLIXI SECUNDI

C. TLINIUS ARRIANO SUO S.

Solet esse gaudio tibi, si ([uid actum est in senatii
dio-num ordine illo. Quaiiivis eiiiin quietls amore se-
cesseris, insidet tamcn animo tuo niaiestatis publicae
cura. Accipe ergo, quod per hos dies actum est, per-

2 soiiae claritate famosum, severitate exempli salubre, rei
magnitudine aeternum. Marius Priscus, accusantibus
Afris, quil)us pro coiisule praefuit, omissa defensione,
indices petiit. Ego et Cornelius Tacitus, adesse pro-
vincialibus iussi, existimavimus fidei nostrae convenire,
notum senatui facere, excessisse Priscum immanitate
et saevitia crimina, quibus dari indices possent, cum ob

3 innocentes condemnandos,interliciendos etiam, pecnnias
accepisset. Kespondit Fronto Catius, deprecatusque
est, ne quid ultra repetundarum legem quaereretur,
omniaque actionis suae vela vir movendarum lacry-

4 maruni peritissimus, quodam velut vento miseratiouis
implevit. Magna contentio, magni utrinqne clamores,
aliis cognitioncm senatus lege conclusam, aliis liberam

i solutamque diccntibus, quantumque admisisset reus,
tantum vindicandum. Novissime consul designatus
lulius Ferox, vir rectus et sanctus, Mario quidem

6 indices interim censuit dandos, evocandos autem, qui-
bus diccretur innocentium poenas vendidisse. Quae
sententia non praevalnit niodo, sed omnino post tantas
dissensiones fuit sola frcquens : adnotatumqne experi-
mentis, quod favor et misericordia acres et vehementes

7 primos impetus habent, paullatim, consilio et ratione
quasi restincta, considunt. Unde evenit, ut, quod
multi clamore permixto tuentur, nemo tacentibus
ceteris dicere velit: patescit enim, cum separaris a

6 turba, contemplatio rerum, quae turba teguntur.
Venerunt, qui adesse erant inssi, Vitellius Honoratus
et Flavins Martianus, ex quibus Honoratus trecentis
millibns exsilium equitis Romani, septemque ami-
corum eius ultimam poenam, Martianus unius equitis
llomani septingentis millibns ])lura supplicia argne-
batur emisse : erat enim fustibus caesus, damnatus in

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 27

nietallum, strangulatus in carcere. Sed Honoratum 9
cognitioni senatus mors opportuna subtraxit, Mar-
tianus inductus est absente Prisco. Itaque Tuccius
Cerialis consularis iure senatorio postulavit, ut Pris-
cus certior fieret, sive quia miserabiliorem, sive quia
invidiosiorem fore arbitrabatur, si praesens fuisset,
sive (quod maxime credo) quia aequissimum erat,
commune crimen ab utroque defendi, et si dilui non
potuisset, in utroque puniri. Dilata res est in proxi- 10
mum senatum, cuius ipse conspectus augustissimus
fuit. Princeps praesidebat ; erat enim consul : ad hoc
lanuarius mensis cum cetera, tum praecipue senatorum
frequenlia celeberrimus: praeterea causae amplitudo,
auctaque dilatione expectatio et fama, insitumque mor-
talibus studium magna et inusitata noscendi, omnes
undique exciverat, Imaginare, quae solicitudo nobis, 11
qui metus, quibus super tanta re, in illo coetu, prae-
sente Caesare, dicendum erat. Equidem in senatu non
semel egi : quin immo nusquam audiri benignius soleo:
tunc me tamen, ut nova omnia novo metu permovebant.
Obversabatur praeter ilia, quae supra dixi, causae 12
difficultas : stabat modo Consularis, modo Septemvir
Epulonum, iam neutrum. Erat igitur perquam one- 13
rosum, accusare damnatum : quem ut premebat atroci-
tas criminis, ita quasi peractae damnationis miseratio
tuebatur. Utcunque tamen animum cogitationemque 14
collegi, coepi dicere non minore audientium adsensu,
quam solicitudine mea : dixi horis paene quinque. Nam
XII clepsydris quas spatiosissimas acceperani,suntaddi-
tae quatuor. Adeo ilia ipsa, quae dura et adversa dicturo
videbantur, secunda dicenti fuerunt. Caesar quidera 15
mihi tantum studium, tantum etiam curam (nimium est
enim dicere solicitudinem) praestitit, ut libertum meum
post me stantem saepius admoneret,voci lateriqueconsu-
lerem, cum me vehementius putaret intendi, quam graci-
litas mea perpeti posset. Respondit mihi pro Martiano
Claudius Marcellinus. Missus deinde senatus, et revo- 16
catus in posterum. Neque enim iam inchoari poterat
actio, nisi ut noctis interventu scinderetur. Postero 17
die dixit pro Majio Salvius Liberalis, vir subtilis, dis-

28 C. TLINI SECL'NDI

positus, acer, dlsertus : in ilia vero causa omnes avtes
suas protulit. Rcspondit Cornelius Tacitus eloqucn-

18 tissinie, ct, quod exiniium orationi inest, o-f^i&jy. Dixit
pro Mario rursus Fronto Catius insigniter: utque iam
locus ille poscebat, plus in precibus teniporis, quam in
dcfensione consunipsit. Pluius actionem vespera inclu-
sit, non tamen sic, ut abrumperet. Itaque in tertiuni
diem j)robationes exierunt. Iam hoc ipsum puk-hrum
et antiquum, senatum nocte dimitti, triduo vocari,

19 triduo contineri. Cornutus Tcrtullus, Consul desicc-
natus, vir egregius, et pro veritate firmissimus, censuit
septhicjcnta millia, quae acceperat Marius, aerario infer-
enda, Mario urhe Italiaqiie interdicenchim ; Martiano
hoc ai/i/)lins, Africa. In fine sententiae adiecit. Quod
ego et Tacitus iniuncta advocatione dilirjentcr forti-
terque faucti essemus, arhitrari senatum, ita nos fecisse,

20 ut dif/uwn viandatis partihus fuerit. Adsenserunt con-
sules designati, omnes etiam consulares usque ad Pom-
])eium Collcgam : ille et scptingenta iniUia., aerario in-
ferenda, ct JSlartianum in quinqueuninin relegandum :
Marium repetundarum poenae, quam iam passus esset,

21 censuit relinquendum. Erant in utraque sententia
multi, fortasse etiam plures in hac vel solutiore vel
molliore. Nam quidam ex illis quoque, qui Cornuto
videbantvir adsensi, hunc, qui post ii)sos censuerat, se-

22 quebantur. Sed cum fieret disccssio, qui sellis consuluni
adstiterant, in Cornuti sententiani ire cocjierunt. Turn
illi, qui se Collegae adnumerari i>atiebantur, in diver-
sum transierunt: Collega cum paucis relictus. Multum
postea de impulsoribus suis, praecipue de Regulo,
questus est, qui se in sent ntia, quam ipse dictaverat,
deseruisset. Est alioqui llegulo tam mobile ingenium,

23 ut plurinuim audeat, plurimum timeat. Hie finis cog-
nitionis amplisr.imae. Superest tamen XsiTovpyioi/ non
leve, Ilostilius Firminus, legatus Marl Prisci, qui per-
niixtus caussae graviter vehementerque vexa-tns est.
Nam ct rationibus Martiani, et sermone, quem ille
habuerat in ordine Leptitanorum, operam suam Prisco
ad turpissimum ministerium commodasse, sti})ulatusque
de Martiano quinquaginta millia denariorum probabatur,

EFISTOLAE SELECTAE. 29

ipse praeterea accejusse sestertium decern rnillia, foe-
dissimo quidem titulo, nomine unguentarii, qui titulus a
vita hominis compti semper etpumicati non abhorrebat.
Placuit, censente Cornuto, referri de eo proximo 24
senatu, tunc enim, casu incertum, an conscientia, abCu-
erat. Habes res urbanas. Invicem I'usticas scribe, 2.5
quid, arbusculae tuae, quid vineae, quid segetes agant,
quid oves delicatissimae. In summa, nisi aeque longam
epistolam reddes, non est quod postea, nisi brevissimam,
expectes. Vale.

A. XII. (ii. 12.)

[The subject of this letter is in close connection Avith that
of the preceding. The ' legatus ' of Mariiis Priscus was found
to be involved in the guilt of his chief, for whom he had
undertaken some disgraceful business. The money he liad
leceived on this account had been entered in the accounts
under a false description. The case was heard before the
senate ; and it was decided after some discussion, that he
sliould not be deprived of his senatorial rank, but that, in the
assignment of the provincial governorships, his name should be
passed over. The sentence, Pliny says, though accepted as
being less harsh than degradation from the senatorial order,
was in fact painfully humiliating, while at the same time
it was inconsistent with the public interests.]

C. PLINIUS AREIANO SUO S.

AsiTovpyiov illud, quod superesse Mari Prisci causae
proxime scripseram, nescio an satis circumcisum, tamen
et adrasum est. Firminus inductus in senatum re- 2
spondit crimini nolo. Secutae sunt diversae sententiae
consulum designatorum. Cornutus Tertullus censuit
ordine movendum : Acutius Nerva, in sortitione pro-
vinciae rationem eius non habendam. Quae sententia,
tanquam mitior, vicit, cum sit alioqui durior tristiorque.
Quid enim miserius, quam exsectum et exemtum hon- 3
orilms senatoriis, labore et molestia non carere ? quid
gravius, quam tanta ignominia adfectum, non in solitu

30 C. PLIXI SECUNDI

dine latere, sccl in hac altissima specula consj)icien(lum
* se nioustrandunKiuc praebere ? Praeterea quid publico
minus aut congrucns aut decorum? notatum asenatu in
senatu sedere ? ipsisque illis, a quibus sit notatus, ae-
quari ? subniotuui a jjroconsulatu, quia se in le^atione
turpiter gesserat, de iiroconsulibus iudicare ? damna-

5 tumque sordium, vol daninare alios vel absolvere ? Sed
hoc pluribus visum est. Numerantur enim sententiae,non
ponderantur : nee aliud in publico consilio potest fieri, in
quo nihil est tarn inaequale, quam aequalitas ipsa. Nam

6 cum sit impar prudentia, par omnium ius est. Implevi
promissum, prioriscjue epistolae fidem exsolvi, quam ex
spatio temjtoris iam recei)isse te colligo. Nam et fes-
tinanti et diligenti tabellario dedi: nisi quid impedi-

7 menti in via passus est. Tuae nunc partes, ut primuni
iJlam, deinde hanc remunereris Uteris, quales isthinc
redire uberrimae possunt. Vale.

A. XIII. (iii. 9.)

^This letter is on a kindred subject to the two preceding. Tlie
province of Baetica (one of the divisions of Hispania Ulterior,
and taking its name from the river Baetis, the Guadalquiver)
had been grievously wronged by its proconsul Caecilius
Classicus, the year of whose government coincided with that
of the notorious Marius Priscus iii Africa. It was a singular
fact that Classicus came from Africa, and Priscus from Baetica.
The misdoings of Classicus, however, were on a wider scale
than those of Priscus, and his guilt was so transparent that
his death, which occurred just before his impeachment, Avas
possibly, as Pliny hints, his own act. But the province would
not let the matter drop, and pressed the case against a number
of persons who had lent tliemsclves to the iniquities of the
proconsul. In all these various proceedings Pliny was counsel
for the provincials. The proof of the proconsul's guilt was
sufficiently easy ; it was indeed amply furnished by his own
letters. It was much more difficult, Pliny says, to convict
his accomplices ; so that the entire cause was exceedingly
laborious and intricate. Pliny's efforts on behalf of the pro-
vince were on the whole successful, though it would appear

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 31

that some of the accused were men with very powerful
friends.

The different trials were held before a bench of jndices,
who, we may suppose, had been specially selected for the
occasion. Classicus, had he lived, would have been im-
peached, as Priscus was, before the senate.

Cornelius Minicianus, to whom this and A. IV. are ad-
dressed, is mentioned also in vii. 22. He is recommended by
Pliny for a military tribunate, and is describi.>d as a man of
illustrious birth, great wealth, and a zealous love of letters.
He had distinguished himself as an uj^right judge, and as a
courageous advocate.

The ' Minician gens' (derived originally from Brixia, now
Brescia) appears only under the Empire.]

C. PLINIUS MINICIANO SUO S.

Possum lam perscribere tibi, quantum in publica pi o-
vinciae Baeticae causa laboris exhauserim. Nam fuit 2
multiplex, actaque est saepius cum magna varietatc.
Unde varietas ? unde plures actiones ? Caecilius Classi-
cus, homo foedus et aperte malus, proconsulatum in ea
non minus violenter quam sordide gesserat, eodem anno,
quo in Africa Marius Priscus. Erat autem Priscus 3
ex Baetica, ex Africa Classicus. Inde dictum Baeti-
corum (ut plerumque dolor etiam venustos facit) non
illepidum ferebatur : Derli mahim et accept. Sed 4
Marium una civitas publice, multique privati reum
peregerunt; in Classicum totaprovinciaincubuit. Ille 5
accusationem vel fortuita vel voluntaria morte prae-
vertit. Nam fuit mors eius infamis, ambigua tamen : ut
enim credibilevidebatur, voluisseexire de vita,quum de-
fendi non posset, ita mirum, pvidorem damnationis morte
fugisse, qviem non puduisset damnanda committere.
Nihilominus Baetica etiam in defuncti accusatione per- 6
stabat. Provisum hoc legibus, intermissum tamen, et
post longam intercapedinem tunc reductum. Addide-
runt Baetici, quod simul socios ministrosque Classici
detulerunt: nominatimque in eos inquisitionem postu-
laverunt. Aderam Baeticis, mecumque Lucceius '
Albinus, vir in dicendo copiosus, ornatus : quem ego
eum dim mutuo diligerem, ex hac officii societate amare

32 C. PLIXI SHCUXDI

8 anlcntlus cocpi. Ilabct qiiidcm o;loria, in stiuliis piae-
scrtim, quiddam ciKoivcovrjiov : nobis tanien nuliinn ccr-
tamen, nulla contentio : cum uterque pari iugo non
pro se, sed pro causa niteretur. Cuius et magnitudo et

9 utilitas visa est postulare, no tantum oneris singulis
actionibus sidjircmus. Vorebanuir, ne nos dies, ne vox,
ne latera deficcrent, si tot crimina, tot reos uno velut
fasce coniplecteremur : deinde, ne iudicum intentio
niultis noniinibus niultisque causis non lassaretur modo,
veruni etium confunderetur: niox, ne ifratiasino-ulorum
collataatque permista, pro singulis quoque vires omnium

10 acciperet : postremo, ne potentissiini, vilissimo quoque
quasi piaculari dato, alicnis pocnis elabeientur. Et-

11 enini turn maxinie favor et ambitio dominatur, cum
sub alitjua sj)ecie severitatis delitescere potest. Erat
in consilio Sertorianum illud exenii)lum, qui robustis-
simum et infinnissimum militemiussitcaudam equi . . .
reli(iua nosti. Nam nos quoque tam numerosum agmen

12 reoruni ita demum videbamus posse superari, si per sin-
gulos carperetur. Placuit in primis ipsum Classicum
ostendere nocentem: hie aptissimus ad socios eius et
ministros transitus erat, quia socii ministrique probari,
nisi illo nocente, non poterant. Ex quibus duos statini
Classico iunximus, Baebium Probum, et Fabium IIis-

I3panuin, utrumque gratia, Hispanum etiam facundia,
validum. Et circa Classicum quidem brevis et expcdi-
tus labor. Sua nianu relicjuerat scriptum,(iuid ex qua-
que re, quid ex quaque causa accepisset. Miserat etiam
epistolas Romam ad amiculam quandam, iactantes et
gloriosas, his quidem verbis : lo to, liher ad ti; venio :

14 iam sestertiuin fjnadiogies rederji, parte i^endita Bacti-
corum. Circa Hispanum et Probum nudtum sudoris.
Horum antequam crimina ingi'cderer, necessarium
credidi elaborare, ut constarct, ministerium crimen esse :

15 quod nisi effecissem, frustra ministros probassem.
Neque enim ita defendebantur, ut negarent, sed ut
neccssitati veniam precarentur : esse enim se provinci-

16 ales, et ad omne proconsuhim imperium metu cogi.
Solet dicere Claudius Restitutus, qui inilii rcspondit,
vir cxercitatus et vigilans, et quamlibet subitis j)aratus,
nunquam sibi tantum calighiis, tantum perturbationis

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 33

offusum, quam cum ea praerepta et extorta defensioni
suaecerneretjinquibusomnemfiduciamreponebat. Con- 17
silii nostri exitus fuit: bona Classici, quae habuisset
ante provinciam, placuit senatui a reliquis separari, ilia
filiae, haec spoliatis relinqui. Additum est, ut pecuniae,
quas creditoribus solverat, revocarentur. Hispanus et
Probus in quinquennium relegati. Adeo grave visum est,
quod initio dubitabatur, an omnino crimen esset. Post is
paucos dies Clavium Fuscum, Classici generum, et Stil-
lonium Priscum, qui tribunus cohortis sub Classico fu-
erat, accusavimus, dispari eventu. Prisco in biennium
Italia interdictum: absolutus est Fuscus. Actione 19
tertia commodissiraum putavimus plures congregare,
ne, si longius esset extracta cognitio, satietate et taedio
quodam iustitia cognoscentiura severitasque languesce-
ret : et alioqui supererant minores rei, data opera huuc
in locum reservati, excepta tamen Classici uxore, quae
sicut implicita suspicionibus, ita non satis con^dnci pro-
bationibus visa est. Nam Classici filia, (quae et ipsa 20
inter reos erat) ne suspicionibus quidem haerebat. Ita-
que cum ad nomen eius in extrema actione venissem,
(neque enim, ut initio, sic etiam in fine verendum erat,
ne per hoc totius accusationis auctoritas minueretur)
honestissimum credidi, non premere immerentem, id-
que ipsum dixi libere et varie. Nam modo legates 21
interrogabam, docuissentne me aliquid, quod re proba-
ri posse confiderent ? modo consilium a senatu petebam .
putaretne debere me, si quam haberem in dicendo facul-
tatem, in iugulum innocentis, quasi telum aliquod, in-
tendere ? postremo totum locum in hoc fine conclusi,
Dicet aliquis, ludicas ergo ? Ego vera non iudico :
memini tamen, me advocatum ex iudicibus datum. Hie 22
numerosissimae causae terminus fuit, quibusdam abso-
lutis, pluribus damnatis, atque etiam relegatis, aliis in
tempus, aliis in perpetuum. Eodem senatusconsulto 23
industria, fides, constantia nostra plenissimo testimo-
nio comprobata est dignum solumque par pretium
tanti laboris. Concipere animo potes, quam simus 24
fatigati, quibus toties agendum, toties altercandum, tarn
multi testes interrogandi, sublevandi, refutandi. lam 25

D

34 C. rUNI SECUNDI

ilia quam ai'dua, quam molesta, tot reorum amicis se-
ci-cto ro^antibus negare, adversantibus palain obsistere?
Referam uniim aliquid ex iis, quae dixi. Cum mlhi
quidam e iudicibus ipsis pro reo gratiosissimo reclania-
rent, Non miinis^ inquam, hie innocens erit, si ego omnia

26 dixcro. Coniectabis ex hoc, quantas contentiones,
quantas etiam ofFensas subierimus, dumtaxat ad breve
tempus. Nam fides in ])raesentia eos, quibus resistit,
ofFendit, deinde ab illis ipsis susplcitur laudaturque.
Non potui magis te in rem praesentem perducere.

"T Dices, Non fuit tanti. Quid enim mild cum tarn loJKjtt
epistola ? Nolito ergo identidem quaerere, quid Romae
geratur. Et tamen memento esse non epistolam longam,
quae tot dies, tot cognitiones, tot denique reos cau-

28 sasque complexa sit. Quae omnia videor mihi non mi-
nus breviter, quam diligenter, persecutus. Temere dixi
diligenter : succurrit quod praeterieram, et quidem sero:
sed, quamquam praepostere, reddetur. Facit hoc Home-
rus, multifiue illius exemplo. Est alioqui perdecorum ;

29 a me tamen non ideo fict. Ex testibus quidam, sive
iratus, quod evocatus esset invitus, sive subornatus ab
aliquo reorum, ut accusationem exarmaret, Norbanum
Licinianum, legatum et inquisitorem, reum postulavit,
tanquam in causa Castae (uxor haec Classici) praevari-

30 caretur. Est lege cautum, iit reus ante peragatur,
tunc de praevaricatore quaeratur, videlicet quia optime

81 ex accusationo ipsa accusatoris fides aestimatur. Nor-
bano tamen non ordo legis, non legati nomen, non
inquisitionis officium praesidio fuit : tanta conflagravit
invidia homo alioqui flagitiosus, et Domitiani tempori-
bus usus, ut multi : electusque tunc a provincia ad
inquirendum, non tamquam bonus et fidelis, seil

32 tanquam Classici inimicus. Erat ab illo relegatus.
Dari sibi diem et edi crimina postulavit. Neutnnn
impetravit : coactus est statim respondere : respondit ;
malum pravumque ingenium hominis facit, ut dubi-

3.3 tem, confidenter an constanter, certe paratissime. Ob-
iecta sunt multa, quae magis, quam jn-aevaricatio, no-
cucrunt. Quiii etiam duo consulares, Pomponius Kufus
et Libo Frugi, laeserunt eura testimonio, tanquam apud

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 35

iudlcem, sub Domitiano, Salvii Liberalis accusatoribus
adfuisset. Damnatus et in insulam relegatus est. Itaque 34
cum Castam accusarem, nihil magis pressi, quam quod
accusator eius praevaricationis crimine corruisset. Pressi
tamen frustra : accidit enim res contraria et nova, ut,
accusatore praevaricationis damnato, rea absolveretur.
Quaeris, quid nos, dum haec aguntur ? Indicavimus 35
senatui, ex Norbano didicisse nos publicam causam,
rursusque debere ex integro discere, si ille praevari-
cator probaretur; atque ita, dum ille peragitur reus,
sedimus : postea Norbanus omnibus die bus cognitionis
intermit, eandemque usque ad extremuni vel constan-
tiam vel audaciam pertulit. Interrogo ipse me, an sn
aliquid oraiserim rursus : et rursus paene omisi. Summo
die Salvius Liberalis reliquos legatos graviter increpuit,
tanquam non omnes, quos mandasset provincia, reos
peregissent, atque, ut est vehemens et disertus, in dis-
crimen adduxit. Protexi viros optimos, eosdemque
gratissimos ; mihi certe debere se praedicant, quod
ilium turbinem evaserint. Hie erit epistolae finis, re 37
vera finis : literam non addam ; etiamsi adliuc aliquid
praeterisse me sensero. Vale.

A. XIV. (iv. 9.)

[The subject of this letter is the impeachment of Julius
Bassus and his defence by Pliny. Bassus is described as a
man whom misfortunes had made famous. After long delays,
he had been acquitted of charges brought against him in the
reign of Vespasian ; he was, however, subsequently banit^hed
by Domitian, but recalled by Nerva, under whom he became
governor of Bithynia. Here his ill -fortune pursued him, and
he was charged by the province with various corrupt practices.
His accusers, it appears, were determined to press the case
against him, and Bassus, fearing the worst, instructed Pliny
to conduct the principal part of his defence. If we may trust
Pliny, Bassus had been guilty of no graver offence than re-
ceiving presents from some of the provincials with whom he
had been on friendly terms during his quaestorship in the

d2

36 C. PLIXI SECUNDI

province. He liad, however, as Pliny admits, clearly trans-
gressed the letter of the law, so that his defence was a difficult
matter, and required great tact. The case was argued before
the senate, and lasted four days, the speech of the principal
accuser being prolonged into the night of the third day, so
that, contrary to the usual practice, the Senate House was
lighted up. It was ultimately decided that the accused miglit,
without any loss of dignity, have his cause tried before an
inferior court composed of a commission of judices. Pliny
professes himself to have been satisfied with the result. Popular
feeling seems, on the whole, to have been with Bassus. As he
left the house, he was saluted with the acclamations of a
crowd of citizens, who sympathised with the troubles of his
old age.

We know nothing of Cornelius Ursus, to whom this and
Epp. V. 20 ; vi. 5, 13 ; viii. 9 (the three first of which are
connected in their subject-matter with the present letter) are
addressed.]

C. PLINIUS CORNELIO URSO SUO S.

Causam per hos dies dixit lulius Bassus, homo
laboriosus et adversis suis clarus. Accusatus est sub
Vespasiano a privatis duobus : ad senatum remissus,
diu pependit, tandemque absolutus vindicatusque est.
" Titum timuit, ut Domitiani amicus ; a Domitiano rele-
gatus est. Revocatus a Nerva, sortitusque Bithyniam,
rediit reus, accusatus non minus acriter, quam fideliter
defensus. Varias sententias habuit, plures tamen quasi

3 mitiores. Egit contra eum Pomponius Rufus, vir paratus
et vehemens ; Rufo successit Theophanes, unus ex le-

4 gatis, fax accusationis et origo. Respondi ego. Nam
mihi Bassus iniunxerat, ut totius defensionis funda-
menta iacerem, dicerem de ornamentis suis, quae illi
et ex generis claritate et ex periculis ipsis magna

5 erant, dicerem de conspiratione delatorum, quam in
quaestu habebant, dicerem causas, quibus factiosissi-
mum quemque, ut ilium ipsum Theophanem, off'endisset.
Eundem me voluerat occurrere crimini, quo maxime
premebatur. In aliis enim, quamvis auditu gravioribus,
non absolutionem modo, verum etiam laudem mere-

6 batur : hoc ilium onerabat, quod homo simplex et
iucautus quaedam a provincialibus, ut amicis, acceperat.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 37

Nam fuerat in provincia eadem quaestor. Haec accu-
satores furta ac rapinas, ipse munera vocabat ; sed lex
raunera quoque accipi vetat. Hie ego quid agerem ? 7
quod iter defensionis ingrederer ? Negarem ? Verebar,
lie plane furtum videretur, quod confiteri timerem.
Praeterea rem manifestam infitian, augentis erat crimen,
non diluentis ; praesertim cum reus ipse nihil integrum
advocatis reliquisset. Multis enim, atque etiam Principi,
dixerat, sola se munuscula, dumtaxat natali suo aut
Saturnalibus, accepisse, et plerisque misisse. Veniam 8
ergo peterem ? lugularem reum, quem ita deliquisse
concederem, ut servari, nisi venia, non posset. Tanquam
recte factum tuerer ? Non illi profuissem, sed ipse im-
pudens extitissem. In hac difficultate placuit medium 9
quiddam tenere. Videor tenuisse. Actionem meam,
ut praelia solet, nox diremit. Egeram horis tribus et
dimidia ; supererat sesquihora. Nam cum e lege accu-
sator sex horas, novem reus accepisset ; ita diviserat
t«mpus reus inter me et eum, qui dicturus post erat,
ut ego quinque horis, ille reliquis uteretur. Mihi 10
successus actionis silentium finemque suadebat. Teme-
larium est enim, secundis non esse contentum. Ad hoc
verebar, ne me corporis vires iterato labore desererent ;
quem difficilius est repetere, quam iungere. Erat etiam i 1
periculum, ne reliqua actio mea et frigus ut deposita,
et taedium ut resumpta pateretur. Ut enim faces ignem
assidua concussione custodiunt, dimissum aegerrime
reparant; sic et dicentis calor et audientis intentio
continuatione servatur, intercapedine et quasi remis-
sione languescit. Sed Bassus multis precibus, paene 12
etiam 1 aery mis, obsecrabat, implerem meum tempus.
Parui, utilitatemque eius praetuli meae. Bene cessit :
inveni ita erectos animos senatus, ita recentes, ut
priore action e incitati magis, quam satiati viderentur.
Successit mihi Luceius Albinus, tam apte ut orationes 13
nostrae varietatem duarum, contextum unius habuisse
credantur. Kespondit Herennius PoUio instanter et 14
gravitcr, deinde Theophanes rursus. Fecit enim hoc
quoque, ut cetera, impudentissime, quod post duos, et
eonsulares et disertos, tempus sibi, et quidem laxius,

38 C. PLINI SECLNDI

vindicavit. Dixit in noctcm, atque etiani nocte iiilatis

islucernis. Postcro die egerunt pro Basso Hoinullus et

Fi'onto, mirifice : quartum diem probationes occupa-

16 verunt. Censuit Baebius INIaccr, consul designatus,
lege repetundarum Bassum tencri : Caepio Hispo,

17 salva dignitate indices dandos. Utei'que recte. Qui
fieri potest, inquis, cum tarn diversa censnerint ? Quia
scilicet et Macro, legem intuenti, consentaneum iuit
damnare eum, qui contra legem niunera acceperat, et
Caepio, cum pntaret licere senatui, sicut licet, et
mitigai-e leeces et intendere, non sine ratione veniam

18 dedit facto, vetito quidem, non tamen musitato. rrae-
valuit sententia Caepionis : quin immo consurgenti
ei ad censendvmi acclamatum est, quod solet residcnti-
bus. Ex quo potes aestimare, quanto consensu sit
exceptum, cum diceret, quod tam favorabile fuit, cum

ly dicturus videretur. Sunt tamen, ut in senatu, ita in
civitate, in duas pai-tes honiinum indicia divisa. Nam
quibus sententia Caepionis plaeuit, sententiam Macri,
ut rigidam duranique, reprehendunt : quibus Macri,
illam alteram dissolutam atque etiam incongruenten^
vocant ; negant enim congruens esse, retinere in

20 senatu, cui indices dederis. Fuit et tertia sententia.
Valerius Paullinus adsensus Caepioni, hoc amplius
censuit, referendum de Theophane, cum legationem
7-enuntiasset. Arguebatur enim nuilta in accusatione
fccisse, quae ilia ipsa lege, qua Bassum aceusaverat,

21 tenerentur. Sed banc sententiam consules, quamquam
maxiinae parti senatus mire probabatur, non sunt per-
secuti. Paullinus tamen et iustitiae famam et constan-

22 tiae tulit. Misso senatu, Bassus magna hominum
frequentia, magno clamore, magno gaudio exceptus
est. Fecerat eum favorabilem renovata discriminum
vetus fama, notumque periculis nomen, et in procero

23 corporc moesta et squalida senectus. Habebis banc
interim epistolam ut irpohpoixov : exspectabis orationem
plenam onustamque : exspectabis diu: neque enim
leviter et cursim, ut de re tanta, retractanda est. Vale.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 39

A. XV. (li. 7.)

[_On the motion of the Emperor Trajan a statue had been
decreed by the senate to "Vestricius Spurinna, who had been,
as we learn from Tacitus {Hist. ii. 11, 18, 36), one of Otho's
generals, and who was one of Pliny's most intimate friends.
The honour was paid to him in consideration of his having
completely overawed, without actual hostilities, the German
tribe of the Bructeri. A statue had been also voted to his
son Cottius, who had died in his father's absence. The dis-
tinction, Pliny says, was well deserved, and would have a
good moral effect.

Spurinna, as we may infer from v. 17, was an accomplished
man, and liked to encourage literary merit. J^pp- iii. 10 and
v. 17 are addressed to him. We have a pleasant picture of
his old age in E. XV.

Of Macrinus, to whom this and Epp. iii. 4 ; vii. 6, 10 ; viii.
17; ix. 4 are addressed, we know nothing, except what we
are told in Ep. viii. 5, that he had a singularly excellent wife,
with whom he had lived in uninterrupted harmony tor thirty-
nine years.]

C. PLINIUS MACRINO SUO S.

Heri a senatu Vestricio Spurinnae, Principe
auctore, triumphalis statua decreta est, non ita, ut
multis, qui nunquam in acie steterunt, nunquam
castra viderunt, nunquam denique tubarum sonum,
nisi in spectaculis, audierunt, verum ut illis, qui
decus istud sudore et sanguine et factis adsequeban-
tur. Nam Spurinna Bructerum regem vi et armis 2
induxit in regnum: ostentatoque bello, ferocissimara
gentem (quod est pulcberrimum victoriae genus)
terrore perdomuit. Et hoc quidem virtutis prae- 3
mium ; illud solatium doloris accepit, quod filio eius
Cottio, quem amisit absens, habitus est honor sta-
tuae. Rarum id in iuvene : sed pater hoc quoque
merebatur, cuius gravissimo vulneri magno aliquo
fomento medendum fuit. Praeterea Cottius ipse4
tarn clarum specimen indolis dederat, ut vita eius
brevis et angusta debuerit hac veluti immortalitate
proferri. Nam tanta ei sanctitas, gravitas auctoritas

40 C. PLINl SEC'UNDl

etiam, ut posset senes illos provocare virtnte, quibus
6 nunc honore adaequatus est. Quo quideni honore,
quantum ego interpretor, non modo defuncti niemoria?,
dolori pati-is, verum etiam exemplo prospectum est.
Acuent ad bonas artes iuventutem adolcscentibus
quoque (digni sint modo) tanta praemia constituta ;
acuent principes viros ad liberos suscipiendos et gaudia
ex superstitibus, et ex amissis tam gloriosa solatia.

6 His ex causis statua Cotti publice laetor, nee pri-
vatim minus. Amavi consummatissimum iuvenem
tam ardenter, quam nunc impatienter requiro. Erit
ergo pergratum mihi banc effigiem eius subinde intueri,
subinde respicere, sub hac consistere, praeter banc

7 commeare. Etenim si defunctorum imagines domi
positae dolorem nostrum levant, quanto magis eae,
quibus in celeberrimo loco non modo species et vultus
illorum, sed bonor etiam et gloria refertur ? Vale.

A. XVI. (iii. 20.)

[It appears from this letter that vote by ballot had been
lately introduced into the senate as a remedy for the unseemly
disorder and confusion which had commonly attended the
election of magistrates. Pliny thinks the new ^stem will
work well for a time, but he says that he is afraid that it may
lead to the evils which opponents of the ballot in the present
day hold to be inseparable from it. In iv. 25 (addressed
tt) Messius Maximus) he alludes to an evil which had sprung
from it. Vote by ballot, as we learn from Cicero (De Leg.
iii. 15, 16), had been introduced into the eomitia by four suc-
cessive laws {leges tabellariae). The ultimate result was, that
magistrates were elected, laws passed or repealed, judicial pro-
ceedings decided on this system, the principle of which had
thus been fully recognised. All this business was, in the
time of Tiberius, transferred from the eomitia to the senate
Tas we are told by Tacitus, Ann. i. 15), but was for a time
trmsacted by open voting.]

»

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 41

C. PLINIUS MAXIMO SUO S.

Meministine, te saepe legisse, quantas contentiones
excitarit lex tabellaria, quantumque ipsi latori vel
gloriae vel reprehensionis adtulerit ? At nunc in 2
senatu sine ulla dissensione hoc idem, ut optimum,
placuit ; omnes comitiorum die tabellas postulaverunt.
Excesseramus sane manifestis illis apertisque suffragiis 3
licentiam concionum. Non tempus loquendi, non
tacendi modestia, non denique sedendi dignitas custo-
diebatur. Magni undique dissonique clamores ; pro- 4
currebant omnes cum suis candidatis ; multa agmina in
medio, multique circuli et indecora confusio : adeo
desciveramus a consuetudine parentum, apud quos
omnia disposita, moderata, tranquilla, maiestatem loci
pudoremque retinebant. Supersunt senes, ex quibus 5
audire soleo hunc ordinem comitiorum. Citato nomine
candidati, silentium summum. Dicebat ipse pro se,
explicabat vitam suam, testes et laudatores dabat, vel
eum, sub quo militaverat vel eum, cui quaestor fuerat,
vel utrumque, si poterat ; addebat quosdam ex suf-
fragatoribus ; illi graviter et paucis loquebantur.
Plus hoc quam preces proderat. Nonnunquam candi- e
datus aut natales competitoris aut annos aut etiam
mores arguebat. Audiebat senatus gravitate censoria.
Ita saepius digni quam gratiosi praevalebant. Quae 7
nunc immodico favore corrupta ad tacita suifragia, velut
ad remedium decucurrerunt ; quod interim plane re-
medium fuit : erat enim novum et subitum. Sed s
vereor, ne procedente tempore ex ipso remedio vitia
nascantur. Est enim periculum, ne tacitis suffragiis
impudentia irrepat. Nam quotocuique eadem hones-
tatis cura secreto, quae palam? Multi famam, con-
scientiam pauci verentur. Sed nimis cito de futuris : 9
interim beneficio tabellarum habebimus magistratus,
qui maxime fieri debuerunt. Nam ut in recuperatoriis
iudiciis, sic nos in his comitiis, quasi repente apprehensi,
sinceri indices fuimus. Haec tibi scripsi, primum, ut 10
aliquid novi scriberem, deinde ut noununquam de

42 c. ruxi SECUNDi

republica loquercr, cuius niateriac nobis quanto rarior,
quain veteribus, occasio, tanto minus oniitteiifla est.

11 Et llercule quousquc ilia vul^aria? Quid (Kjisf
Ecquid commode vales'? Ilabeant nostrae quoque
literae aliquid non huinile, nee sordidum, nee j)rivatia

12 rebus incluj^uin. Sunt quidem cuncta sub uniua
arbitrio, qui pro utilitate couunuui sulus oniniuui curas
laboresque suscepit: quidaui tamen salubri tempera-
inento ad nos quoque, velut rivi ex illo benignissimo
fonte, decurrunt, quos et haurire ipsi, et absentibus
ainicis quasi ininistrare ej)istolis possumus. Vale.

A. XVII. (vi. 19.)

[This letter refers to an attempt made \>y the Emperor
Trajan to stop the corrupt practices of candidates for office.
Such persons had been in tlie habit of entertaining, giving
presents, and depositing money in the hands of agents for the
purpose of bribery. For these abuses the Emperor was asked
to find a remedy. This he did by at once fixing a limit to
the legal expenses of candidates, and also by compelling them
to invest a third part of their projierty in the soil of Italy.
The keen competition for land to which this enactment gave
rise enormously enhanced its price ; and, as Pliny tells his
friend Nepos, now was the time for selling Italian estates and
purchasing others in tlie provinces. Trajan, of course, designed
this singular measure in the interest of Rome and Italy,
for the security and prosperity of which he Avas peculiarly
anxious.]

C. PLINIUS NErOTI SUO S.

Selstu accessisse pretium agris praecipue suburbanis?
Causa subitae caritatis res luultis agitata seruionibus.
Proxirais comitiis honestissiuias voces senatus expressit :
candidati ne coiiviventur, ne inittant munera, ne yec-

2 unias deponnnt. Ex quibus duo priora taui aperte
quam imuiodice fiebant, hoc tertium, quanquam occul-

s taretur, pro comperto habebatur. HomuUus deinde
noster vigilanter usus hoc consensu senatus, senteutiae
loco postulavit, ut consoles desidoriuin universoruni

EPISTOLAE SELECTAK. 43

notum Prlncipl facerent, peterentque, sicut aliis vitiis
huic quoque provideiitia sua occurreret. Occurrit : a
nam sumptus candidatorum, foedos illos et infames,
ambitus lege restrinxit ; eosdem patrimonii tertian)
partem conferre jussit in ea quae solo continerentur,
deforme arbitratus, ut erat, honorem petituros urbem
Italiam, non pro patria, sed pro hospitio aut stabulo
quasi peregrinantes habere. Concursant ergo candi- 5
dati ; certatim, quidquid venale audiunt, emptitant,
quoqvie sint plura venalia efficiunt. Proinde si poenitet
te Italicorum praediorum, hoc vendendi tenipus tarn
Hercule quam in jjrovinciis comparandi, dum idem
candidati iilic vendunt, ut his emant. Vale.

A. XVIII. (viii. 24.)

[This is a pleasant and interestin<^ letter, showing, as it
does, Pliny's good sense and good feeling. It is a specimen
of his liberal and enlightened views as to the government of a
conquered country, which had peculiarly strong claims on the
indulgence of the conqueror. PUny's friend Maximus, who
had been Quaestor in Bithynia, and had brought back thence
a singularly good name, was to be governor of the more im-
portant province of Achaia, where he would have the regula-
tion of such cities as Corinth, Athens, and Lacedaemon. Pliny
exhorts him to remember what Greece had been, how much
Rome owed to her, and to look upon the old age of a country
as being as venerable as that of a man. It would, he says, be
a brutal and barbarous act to rob such a land of the little
liberty which yet remained to her. There can be hardly a
doubt that Pliny, when he wrote this letter, had in his mind
the famous and elaborate epistle addressed by Cicero to his
brother Quintus, in which the duties and qualifications of a

provincial governor are pointed out in detail E])}). ad Quint.

i. 1.]

C. PLINIUS MAXIMO SUO S.

Amor in te mens cogit, non ut praecipiam, (neque
enim praeceptore eges) admoneam tamen, ut, quae
scis, teneas et observes, aut scias melius. Cogita, te 2
missum in provinciam Achaiam, illam veram et meram

44 C. PLINI SECUXDI.

Graeciam, ubi humanitas, literae, etiam fruges, inventae
esse creduntur ; missum ad ordinanduin statum libera-
rum civitatum, id est, ad homines maxime homines, ad
liberos maxime liberos, qui ius a natura datum virtute,
mentis, amicitia, foedere denique et religione tenuerunt.

3 Reverere conditores decs et nomina deorum. Reverere
gloriam veterem, et banc ipsam senectutem, quae in
homine venerabilis, in urbibus sacra. Sit apud te ho-
nor antiquitati, sit ingentibus factis, sit fabulis quoque.
Nihil ex cuiusquam dignitate, nihil ex libertate, nihil

4 etiam ex iactatione decerpseris. Habe ante oculos,
banc esse terram, quae nobis miserit iura, quae leges
non victis sed petentibus dederit ; Athenas esse, quas
adeas, Lacedaemonem esse, quam regas, quibus re-
liquam umbram, et residuum libertatis nomen eripere,

5 durum, ferum, barbarumque est. Vides a medicis,
quamquam in adversa valetudine nihil servi ac liberi
difFerant, mollius tamen liberos clementiusque tractari.
Recordare, quid quaeque civitas fuerit, non, ut de-
spicias, quod esse desierit. Absit superbia, asperitas.

6 Nee timueris contemptum. An contemnitur, qui
imperium, qui fasces habet, nisi qui humilis, et sordidus,
et qui se primus ipse contemnit ? Male vim suam
potestas aliorum contumeliis experitur, male terrore
veneratio adquiritur, long»:;que valentior amor ad obti-
nendum, quod veils, quam timor. Nam timor abit, si
recedas ; manet amor : ac sicut ille in odium, hie in

7 reverentiam vertitur. Te vero etiam atque etiam
(repetam enim) meminisse oportet officii tui titulum,
ac tibi ipsum interpretari, quale quantumque sit or-
dinare statum libcrarum civitatum. Nam quid ordina-

8 tione civilius ? quid libertate pretiosius ? Porro quam
turpe, si ordinatio eversione, libertas servitute mutetur?
Accedit, quod tibi certamen est tecum : onerat te
quaesturae tuae fama, quam ex Bithynia optimam
revexisti : onerat testimonium Principis : onerat tri-
bunatus, praetura, atque haec ipsa legatio, quasi

9 })raemium data. Quo magis nitendum est, ne in
longinqua pro^'incia, quam suburbana, ne inter ser-
vientes, quam liberos, ne sorte, quam iudif-id missus.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 45

ne rudis et incognitus, quani exploratus probatusque,
humanior, melior, peritior fuisse videaris : cum sit
alioqui, ut saepe audisti, saepe legisti, multo deformius
amittere, quam non adsequi laudem. Haec velim ic
credas (quod initio dixi) scripsisse me admonentem,
non praecipientem ; quamquam praecipientem quoque.
Quippe non vereor, in amore ne modum excesserim.
Neque enira periculum est, ne sit nimium, quod esse
n aximum debet. Vale.

A. XIX. (ix. 5.j

[Pliny here commends his friend Calestrius Tiro, the
governor of Baetica, for seeking, by kindness and courtesy in
his administration, to win the esteem of the provincials, but'
warns him against forgetting the distinction of classes.]

C. PLINIUS TIEONI SUO S.

Egregie facis (inquire enim) et persevera quod ius-
titiam tuam provincialibus multa humanitate commen-
das : cuius praecipua pars est, honestissimum quemque
complecti, atque ita a minoribus amari, ut simul a
principibus diligare. Plerique autem, dum verentur, 2
ne gratiae potentium nimium impertire videantur,
sinisteritatis atque etiam malignitatis famam con-
sequuntur. A quo vitio tu longe recessisti ; scio, sed
temperare mihi non possum quominus laudem similis
monenti, quod eum modum tenes, ut discrimina ordi-
num dignitatumque custodias ; quae si confusa, turbata,
permixta svmt, nihil est ipsa aequalitate inaequalius.
Vale.

46 C. PLINI SliCUNDI

A. XX. (Epp. ad Traj. xcvi.)

[Ill tills llimous letter, which gives us the earliest ii.fdrina-
tion that we possess from external sources about primitive
Cliristianity, Pliny puts before the Emperor a grave difficulty
which had occurred in his province. Persons belonging to
the sect known as Chnstuini had been brought before him.
He had had no hesitation in punishing with severity those
who confessed the fact and gloried in it. But this was not
all. An anonymous accusation had involved great numbers
of all ages and ranks. Some of these persons he liad exa-
mined. He had not discovered anything criminal in the
superstition, but he is alarmed at its wide spread, and
seeks advice. The Emperor's letter, which is appended,
directs Pliny to punish sach Christiani as might be brought
before him, but not to make search for them. Anonymous
accusations were to be disregarded ]

C. PLINIUS TRAIANO LMP.

Sollemne est mihi, Domine, omnia, de quibus du-
bito, ad te referre. Quis enim potest melius vel cunc-
tationem meam reo;ere, vel ignorantiam instruere ?
Cognitionibus de Christianis interfui nunquam : ideo
nescio, quid et quatenus aut puniri soleat, aut quaeri.

2 Nee mediocriter haesitavi, sitne aliquod discrimen aeta-
tum, an quamlibet teneri nihil a robustioribus dif-
ferant, dcturne poenitentiae venia, an ci, ([ui omnino
Christianus fait, deslsse non prosit, nomen ipsum,
etiamsi flagitiis careat, an flagitia cohaerentia noniini
})uniantur. Interim in iis, qui ad me tanquam Chris-

.3 tiani deferebantur, hunc sum secutus moduni. Interro-
gavi ipsos, an esseut Christiani'? Confitentes iterum
ac tertio intcrrogavi, supplicium minatus: perse verantes
duci iussi. Nec^ue enim dubitabam, qualecunqvie esset,
quod fiiterentur, pervieaciam certe, et inflexibilem ob-

4 stinationeni debere puniri. Fuerunt alii similis amen-
tiae : quos, quia cives Romani erant, annotavi in urbem
remittendos. Mox ipso tractatu, ut fieri solet, difli'un-

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 4 i

dente se crimine, plures species inciderunt. Propositus 5
est libellus sine auctore, multorum iiomina continens.
Qui negarent se esse Christianos, avit fuisse, cum, praee-
unte me, deos appellarent, et imagini tuae, quam pro-
pter hoc iusseram cum simulacris numinum afFerri,
thure ac vino supplicarent, praeterea male dicerent
Christo, quorum nihil cogi posse dicuntur, qui sunt
revera Christian!, ego dimittendos putavi. Alii ab 6
indice nominati, esse se Christianos dixerunt, et mox
negaverunt : fuisse quidem, sed desiisse, quidam ante
triennium, quidam ante plures annos, non nemo etiam
ante viginti quoque. Omnes et imaginem tuam, deo-
rumque simulacra venerati sunt et Christo male dixe-
runt. Affirmabant autem, hanc fuisse summam vel 7
culpae suae, vel erroris, quod essent soliti stato die ante
lucem convenire, carmenque Christo, quasi deo, dicere
secum invicem, seque sacramento non in scelus aliquod
obstringere, sed ne furta, ne latrocinia, ne adulteria
committerent, ne fidem fallerent, ne depositum appellati
abnegarent: quibus peractis morem sibi discedendi
fuisse, rursusque coeundi ad capiendum cibum, pro-
miscuum tamen, et innoxium : quod ipsum facere desi-
isse post edictum meum, quo secundum mandata tua
hetaerias esse vetueram. Quo magis necessarium ere- 8
didi, ex duabus ancillis, quae ministrae dicebantvu',
quid esset veri et per tormenta quaerere. Sed nihil
aliud inveni, quam superstitionem pi'avam et immodi-
cam, ideoque, dihxta cognitione, ad consulendum te
decurri. Visa est enim mihi res digna consultatione, 9
maxime propter periclitantium numerum. Multi enim
omnis aetatis, omnis ordinis, utriusque sexus etiam,
vocantur in periculum, et vocabuntur. Neque enim
civitates tantum, sed vicos etiam atque agros super-
stitionis istius contagio pervagata est : quae videtur
sisti et corrigi posse. Certe satis constat, prope iam lo
desolata templa coepisse celebrari, et sacra sollemnia
diu interuiissa repeti: passimque venire victimas,
quarum adhuc rarissimus emptor inveniebatur. Ex quo
facile est o[)inari, quae turba hominum emendari possit,
si sit poeuitentiae locus.

48 r. PLIXI SECUNDI EPISTOLAE SECUNDAE.

TRAIANUS PLINIO S.

Actum, quern debuisti, mi Secunde, in excutiendis
causis eorum, qui Christiani ad te delati fuerant, secu-
tus es. Neque enim in universum aliquid, quod quasi
2 certam formam habeat, constitui potest. Conquirendi
non sunt : si deferantur et arguantur, puniendi sunt,
ita tamen, ut, qui negaverit se Christianum esse, idque
re ipsa manifestum fecerit, id est, supplicando diis
nostris, quamvis suspectus in praeteritum fuerit, veniam
ex poenitentia impetret. Sine auctore vero propositi
libelli, nullo crimine locum habere debent. Nam et
pessimi exempli, nee nostri saeculi est.

Section B.

LETTEES ON SUBJECTS OF LITERARY
INTEREST.

51

B. I. (i. 2.)

[Pliny sends to his friend a volume of speeches which he
was revising, and on which he wishes to have a candid
opinion. He had taken, he says, not without some hesitation,
Demosthenes for his model, and the subject (see note on
desidia) had lent itself to the style. He hopes that his friend
will express himself freely, as he is thinking of publishing — a
course to which he is inclined by the favourable reports which
the booksellers give him of the sale of his former works.

Several letters (A. XL XII., B. XXIV., &c.) are addressed
to Arrianus. Pliny in Ep. iii. 2, speaks of him as a valued
friend whose judgment both in ordinary matters of business
and in literary questions he greatly respected.]

C. PLINIUS ARRIANO SUO S.

Quia tardiorem adventum tuum prospicio, libriim
queni prioribus epistolis promiseram, exhibeo. Hunc
rogo, ex consuetudine tua et legas et emendes, eo
magis, quod nihil ante peraeque eodem ^»;X&) scripsisse 2
videor. Tentavi enim iraitari Demosthenem semper
tuum, Calvumnupermeum, dumtaxat figuris orationis :
nam vim tantorum vii'orum, pauci, quos aequus amavit,
adsequi possunt. Nee materia ipsa huic (vereor, ne s
improbe dicam) aemulationi repugnavit : erat enim
prope tota in contentione dicendi, quod me longae de-
sidiae indormientem excitavit, si modo is sum ego, qui
excitari possim. Non tamen omnino Marci nostri 4
\rjKv6ovs fugimus, quoties paullulum itinere decedere
non intempestivis amoenitatibus admonebamur : aeres
enim esse, non tristes, volebamus. Nee est quod 5
putes, me sub hac exceptione veniam postulare. Nam,
quo magis intendam limam tuam, confitebor et ipsum
me et contubernales ab editione non abhorrere, si
modo tu fortasse errori nostro album calculum adieceris.
Est enim plane aliquid edendum, atque utinam hoc 6
potissimum, quod pai-atum est ! (audis desidiae vo-
tum) edendum autem ex pluribus causis : maxime
quod libelli, quos emisimus, dicuntur in manibus esse,

£ 2

52 C, PLIXI SECL'NDI

quamvis iam gratiam novitatis exuerint ; nisi tamen au-
rilnis nostris bibliopolae blandiuiitur. Sed sane blan-
diautur, dum per hoc mendacium nobis studia nostra
comraendent. Vale.

B. II. (i. 8.)

[It appears from this letter that Pliny had presented a
library to the inhabitants of his native ' municipium,' and
had promised an anni;al sum of money for the maintenance of
the cliildren of its poorer freeborn citizens. He had made a
speech on the occasion in the local ' curia ' before the ' de-
curiones,' a body which seems to have corresponded to our
mayor and corporation. He now gives his reasons for wish-
ing to publish this speech, and he asks his friend, Avho had
already seen it and made a few general remarks on it, to read
it through carefvdly and criticise it in detail. He may seem,
he says, to be extolling his own merits, but he feels that on
the whole the publication will have a good effect, both on
himself and on others. His liberality had not tivken a vulgar
and popular form, and it was consequently all the more expe-
dient to set forth its usefulness, and encourage his fellow-
citizens to take advantage of it.

Pompeius Satuminus is spoken of at length in B. XIX.
He seems to have been remarkable for the variety of his
accomplishments.]

C. PLINIUS POMPEIO SATUENINO SUO S.

Peropportune mihi redditae sunt literae tuae, quibus
flagitabas, ut tibi aliquid ex scriptis meis mitterem,
cum ego id ipsum destinassem. Addidisti ergo calcaria
sponte currenti, pariterque et tibi veniam recusandi

i laboris, et niihi exigendi verecundiam sustulisti. Nam
nee me timide uti decet eo, quod oblatum est : nee te
gravari, quod depoposcisti. Non est tamen, quod ab
lioniine desidioso aliquid novi operis exspcctes. Peti-
turus sum enim, ut rursus vaces sermoni, quern apud

8 municipes meos habui bibliothecam dedieaturus. Me-
mini quidem, te iam quaedam adnotasse, sed gene-
raliter: ideo nunc rogo, ut non tantum universitati

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 53

elus attendas, vernm etiam particulas, qua soles lima,
persequaxns. Erit enim et post emendationera liberuin
nobis vel publicare vel continere. Quin iinmo fortasse 4
hanc ipsam cunctationem nostram in alterutram sen-
tentiam emendationis ratio deducet, quae aut indignum
editione, dum saepius retractat, inveBiet, aut dignum,
dum id ipsum experitur, efficiet. Quamquam huius 5
cuuctationis meae causae non tarn in scriptis, quam in
ipso materiae genere consistunt. Est enim paullo quasi
gloriosius et elatius. Onerabit hoc modestiam nostram,
etiamsi stilus ipse fuerit })ressus demissusque, propterea
quod cogimur cum de munificentia parentum nostro-
rum, turn de nostra disputare. Anceps hie et lubri- 6
cus locus est, etiam cum illi necessitas Icnocinatur.
Etenim si alienae quoque laudes parum acquis auribus
accipi Solent, quam difficile est obtinere, ne niolesta
videatur oratio de se aut de suis disserentis ? Nam cum
ipsi honestati, tum aliquanto magis gloriae eius praedi-
cationique invklemus, atque ea demum recte facta mi-
nus detorquemus et carpimus, quae in obscuritate et
silentio reponuntur. Qua ex causa saepe ipse mecum, 7
nobisne tantum, quidquid est istud, composuisse, an et
aliis debeamus? Ut nobis, admonet illud, quod plera-
que, quae sunt agendae rei necessaria, eadem peracta
nee utilitatem parem nee gratiam retinent. Ac, ne 8
longius exempla repetamus, quid utilius fuit, quam
munificentiae rationem etiam stilo prosequi ? Per hoc
enim adsequebamui', primum ut honestis cogitationibus
immoraremur ; deinde ut pulchritudinem illarum lon-
giore tractatu pervideremus ; postremo, ut subitae lar-
gitionis comitem poenitentiam caveremus. Nascebatur
ex his exercitatio quaedam contemnendae pecuniae.
Nam cum homines ad custodiam eius natura restrinx- 9
erit, nos contra multum ac dlu pensitatus amor li-
beralitatis communibus avaritiae vinculis eximebat :
tantoque laudabilior munificentia nostra fore vide-
batur, quod ad illam non impetu quodam, sed consilio
trahebamur. Accedebat his causis, quod non ludos lo
aut gladiatores, sed annuos sumptus in alimenta in-
genuorum pollicebamur. Oculorum porro et aurium

54 C. rLINI SECUNDI

voluptates adeo non egent commendatlone, ut non tam

i 1 iucitari debeant oratione, quam rci)rimi : ut vero ali-

quis libcnter cducationis tacdium laborcmque suscipiat,

non praemiis niodo, vcrum etiani exquisitis adborta-

12 tionibus imj)etrandum est. Nam si medici salubres sed
volui)tate carentes cibos blandioribus alloquiis prose-
quuutur, quanto magis decuit publico consulentem
utilissimum munus, sed non perinde populare, comitate
oratiouis inducere ? praesertim cum enitendum habe-
remiis, ut, quod jjarentibus dabatur, et orbis probaretur ;
honoremque paucorum ceteri patienter et cxspectarent

13 et mercrentur. Sed ut tunc communibus magis com-
modis quara privatae iactantiae studebamus, cum in-
tentionem efFectumque muneris nostri vellemus intelligi,
ita nunc in ratione edendi vercmur, ue forte non alio-
riun utilitatibus, sed propriae laudi servisse videamur.

14 Praeterea meminimus, quanto maiore animo honestatis
fructus in conscientia, qixam in fama, reponatur. Sequi
enim gloria, non appeti, debet ; nee, si casu aliquo non
sequatur, idcirco quod gloriam non meruit, minus pul-

15 chrum est. li vero, qui benef'acta sua verbis adornant,
non ideo praedicare, quia fccerint, sed ut praedicarent,
fecisse creduntur. Sic, quod magnificum referente alio
fuisset, ipso qui gesserat recensente, vanescit. Homines
enim, cmn rem destruere non possunt, iactationem
eius incessunt. Ita si silenda feceris, factum ipsum,

16 si laudanda, quod non sileas, ipse culparis. ]Me vero
peculiaris quaedam impcdit ratio. Etenim hunc ipsum
sermoncm non ai)ud populum, sed apud deciu-iones

17 babui, nee in propatulo, sed in curia. Vereor ergo, ut
sit satis congruens, cum in dicendo adsentationem vulgi
acclamationcmque defugerim, nunc eadem ilia editione
sectari: cumquc ])lcbem ipsam, cui consulebatur, li-
mine curiae parietibusque discreverim, ne quam in
speciem ambitionis inciderem, nunc eos etiam, ad quos
ex munere nostro nihil pertinct praeter exemplum,

18 velut obvia ostentatione conquirei*e. Habes cuncta-
tionis meae causas : obsequar tamen consilio tuo, cuius
mihi auctoritas pro ratione sufficiet. Vale.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 55

B. III. (v. 8.)

[The friend to whom this letter is addressed had, with
other friends, urged Pliny to undertake some historical work.
Pliny replies that his own wishes and the example of his
uncle pointed in the same direction, but that there were many
reasons which made him hesitate. He admits indeed that it
is easier on the whole to succeed as a historian than as a poet
or as an orator, and he explains his grounds for so thinking ;
but he says that, as he had the intention of re-writing some
of his more important speeches, and of thus handing down to
posterity the result of his forensic labours, he could not for
the present enter on a new field of literary work. He also
points out that the selection of a suitable period for historical
writing is beset Avith difficulty, and he hopes that when he is
prepared to begin, his friend will choose for him the subject-
matter of his work.

Titinius Capito is mentioned in B. XXV. as a constant and
liberal patron of literature, in which he was also himself pro-
ficient. From i. 17 it appears that he was a lover of the
memories of the Republic, having in his house the statues of
Brutus and Caasius.]

C. PLINIUS CAPITONI SUO S.

Suades, ut historiam scribanij et suades non solus :
multi hoc me saepe monuerunt, et ego volo, non quia
commode facturum esse confido (id enim temere cre-
das, nisi expertus), sed quia mihi pulchrum in primis
videtui", non pati occidere, quibus aeternitas debeatur,
aliorumque famam cum sua extendere. Me autem 2
nihil aeque ac diuturnitatis amor et cupido solicitat,
res horaine dignissima, praesertim qui nullius sibi con-
scius culpae posteritatis memoriam non reformidet.
Itaque diebus ac noctibus cogito, si qua me quoqiie 3
possim Tollere liumo (id enim voto meo sufficit : illud
supi'a votum) victorqiie virum volitare per ova. Quam-
quam o ! Sed hoc satis est, quod prope sola historia
polliceri videtur. Orationi enim et carmini parva gra- 4
tia, nisi eloquentia est summa : historia quoquo moda
Bcripta delectat. Sunt enim homines natura curiosi, et
quamlibet nuda rerum cognitione capiuntur, ut qui

56 C. PLINI SECUNDI

sermunculis etiam fabellisque ducantur. Me vero ad
hoc studium impellit doraesticum quoque exemplum.

5 Avunculus meus, idemque per adoptionem pater, his-
torias, et quidem religiosissime, scripsit. Invenio autem
apud sapientes, honestissimum esse maiorum vestigia
sequi, si modo recto itinere praecesserint. Cur ergo

6 cunctor ? Egi magnas et graves causas. Has (etiamsi
mihi tenuis ex eis spes) destino retractare, ne tantus
ille labor meus, nisi hoc, quod reliquura est studii, ad-

7 didero, mecum pariter intercidat. Nam si rationem
posteritatis habeas, quidquid non est peraclum, i)ro
non inchoato est. Dices, Potea simul et re^cribere ac-
tiones, et componere histuriam. Utinam ! sed utrumque

8 tam magnum est, ut abunde sit alterum efficere. Un-
devicesimo aetatis anno dicere in foro coepi, et nunc
demum, quid praestare debeat orator, adhuc tamen
per caliginem, video. Quid, si huic oneri novum ac-

9 cesserit ? Habet quidem oratio et historia multa corn-
munia, sed plura diversa in his ipsis, quae communia
videntur. Narrat ilia, narrat haec : sed aliter. Huic
pleraque humilia et sordida et ex medio petita, illi

10 omnia recondita, splendida, excelsa conveniunt. Hanc
saepius ossa, musculi, nervi ; illam tori quidam et
quasi iubae decent. Haec vel maxime vi, amaritudine,
instantia ; ilia tractu et suavitate atque etiam dulce-
dine placet. Postremo alia verba, alius sonus, alia

11 constructio. Nam plurimum refert, ut Thucydides
ait, «T^/Aa sit, an aywvia-fjLa : quorum alterum oratio,
alterum historia est. His ex causis non adducor, ut
duo dissimilia, et hoc ipso diversa, quod maxima, con-
fundam misceamque, ne tanta quasi colluvione tiir-
batus ibi faciam, quod hie debeo: ideoque interim
veniam (ne a meis verbis recedam) advocandi peti).

12 Tu tamen iam nunc cogita, quae potissimum tempor.i
adgrediar. Vetera et scripta aliis ? parata inquisitio,
sed onerosa collatio : intacta et nova ? graves oftensae,

13 levis gratia. Nam praeter id, quod in tantis vitiis
hominum plura culpanda sunt, quam laudanda: tum si
laudaveris, parens ; si culpaveris, nimius fuisse dicavis,
quamvis illud plenissime, hoc restrictissime lecerid.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 57

Sed haec me non retardant : est enim mihi pro fide 14
satis animi. Illud peto, praesternas ad quod hortaris,
eligasque materiam, ne mlhi, iam scribere parato, alia
rursus cunctationis et morae iusta ratio nascatur. Vale.

B. IV. (vii. 9.)

[This is a letter of literary advice to a friend. Fuscus
wished to know how he might most profitably pursue his
studies with the view of becoming a good speaker. Pliny
recommends him to turn Greek into Latin and Latin into
Greek, and points out the special advantages of the practice,
the very laboriousness of which, as he says, readers it pecu-
liarly useful. He tells him not to confine himself to one kind
of composition, but to practise himself from time to time in
the writing of history, of letters, and of poetry, each of which
has its distinct use in the cultivation of a good style.

Fuscus, to whom E. I. is addressed, was, as we gather
from Epp. vi. 11, 26, an accomplished and learned man of
senatorian family, whom Pliny highly esteemed. He was
living in a.d. 118, in which year he was consul with the
Emperor Hadrian.]

C. PLINIUS FUSCO SUO S.

Quaeris, quemadmodum in secessu, quo iamdiu
frueris, putem te studere oportere. Utile in primis, 2
et multi praecipiunt, vel ex Graeco in Latinum, vel ex
Latino vertere in Graecum : quo genere exercitationis
proprietas splendorque verborum, copia figurarum, vis
explicandi, praeterea imitatione optimorum similia in-
veniendi facultas paratur : simul quae legentem fefel-
lissent, transferentem fugere non possunt. Intelligentia
ex hoc et iudicium adquiritur. Nihil obfuerit, quae 3
legeris hactenus, ut rem argumentumque teneas, quasi
aemulum scribere, lectisque conferre, ac sedulo pen-
sitare, quid tu, quid ille commodius. Magna gratula-
tio, si non nulla tu ; magnus pudor, si cuncta ille
melius. Licebit interdum et notissima eligere, et certare
cum electis. Audax haec, non tamen improba, quia 4

58 C. I'LIXI SIX'UXDI

secreta, contcntio : quamquam nuiltos vidcmus ciusino-
di certainina sibi cum niulta laiule sumpsisse, quosque
subscqui satis hal)el)ant, duin non dospcrant, aiiteres-

5 sisse. Potcris et, quae dixcris, post oblivioneui rctrac
tare, multa retiuere, plura transire, alia interscribere,

6 alia rcscribere. Laboriosum istud ct taedio plenum,
sed difficultate ipsa fructuosum, recalescerc ex iutegro,
et resumere impetum I'ractum omissumque, ])ostremo,

\ nova velut membra pcracto corpori intexere, nee tamen

7 priora turbare. Scio, nunc tibi esse praecipuum stu-
dium orandi • sed nou ideo semper pugnacem hunc et
quasi bellatorium stilum suaserim. Ut enim terrae variis
mutatisque seminibus, ita iiigcnia nostra nunc liac,

8 nunc ilia meditatione recoluntur. Volo interdum ali-
quem ex histoi'ia locum appreliendas, volo epistolam
diligentius scribas. Nam saepe in oratioues quoque
non historicae modo, sed prope poeticae descriptionis
necessitas incidit ; et pressus sermo purusque ex e])is-

9 tolls pctitur. Fas est et carmine remitti : non dico
continuo et longo (id enim ])erfici nisi in otio non
potest), sed hoc arguto et brevi, quod apte quan-

10 taslibet occupationes curasque distinguit. Lusus vo-
cautur, sed hi lusus non minorem interdum gloriam,
quam seria consequuntur : atque adeo (cur enim te ad
versus non versibus adhorter ?)

n Ut laus est cerae, mollis cedensquc sequatur

si doctos digltos, iussaque fiat opus,
et nunc informet Martem castamque JNIinervam,

nunc Venerem efhiigat, nunc Veneris puerum
utque sacri fontes non sola inccndia sistunt,

saepe etiam flores vernaque prata iuvant :
sic hominum ingenium flecti ducique per artes

non rigidas docta mobilitate decet.

12 Itaque summi oratorcs, summi etiam viri sic se aut
exercebant aut dclectabant, immo dclectabant exer-

13 cebantque. Nam mirum est, ut his opusculis ani-
mus intendatur, remittatur. Kecipiunt enim amores,
odia, iras, misericordiam, urbanitatem, omnia denique,
quae in vita atque etiam in foro caussisque ver-

EPISTOLAK SELECTAE. 59

santur. Inest his quoque eaclem, quae aliis carmi- 14
nibus utilitas, quod metri necessitate devincti, soluta
oratione laetamur, et quod facilius esse comparatio
ostendit, lihentius scribimus. Habes plura etiam for- i5
tasse, quam requirebas ; unum tamen oraisi ; non enim
dixi, quae legenda arbitrarer : quamquam dixi, cum
dicerem, quae scribenda. Tu memineris sui cuiusque
generis auctores diligenter eligere. Aiunt enim, mul-
tum legendum esse, non multa. Qui sint hi, adeo notum 16
provulgatumque est, ut demonstratione non egeat : et
alioqui tam immodice epistolam extendi, ut, dum tibi,
quemadmodum studere debeas, suadeo, studendi tem-
pus abstulerim. Quin ergo pugillares resumis, et ali-
quid ex his, vel istud ipsum quod coeperas, scribis ?
Vale.

B. V. (viii. 19.)

♦

[Pliny, having at the time of writing many causes of
sorrow, dwells on the solace which he found in literature.
At the same time he begs his friend's opinion on a book
which accompanied his letter.]

C. PLINIUS JVIAXIMO SUO S.

Et gaudium mihi et solatium in Uteris; nihilque
tam laetum, quod his laetius, tam triste, quod non
per has sit minus triste. Itaque et infirmitate uxoris,
et meorum periculo, quorundam vero etiam morte
turbatus, ad unicum doloris levamentum studia con-
fugio ; quae praestant, ut adversa magis intelligam, sed
patientius feram. Est autem mihi moris, quod sum 2
daturus in manus hominum, ante amicorum iudicio
examinare, in ]»rimis tuo, Proinde, si quando, nunc
intend e libro, quern cum hac epistola accipies, quia
vereor, ne ipse, ut tristis, parum intenderim. Impe-
rare enim dolori, ut scriberem, potui ; ut vacuo animo
laetoque, non potui. Porro, ut ex studiis gaudium, sic
studia hilaritate proveniunt. Vale.

60 C. TLIXI SECUXDI

B. VI. (ix. 11.)

[Pliny expresses his surprise at hearing that there were
booksellers at Lugdunum (Lyons), and liis pleasure at learn-
ing that his own works were held in esteem in tlie provinces.]

C. PLINIUS GEMINO SUO S.

Epistolam tuam iucundissimara recepi, eo niaxime,
(luod aliquid ad te scribi volebas, quod libris inseri
posset. Obveniet materia, vel haec ipsa quam monstras,
vel potior alia. Sunt enim in hac offendiculanonnulla:
2 circumfer oculos, et occurreut. Bibliopolas Lugduni
esse non putabam, ac tanto libentius ex literis tuis
oognovi venditari libellos meos, quibus peregre manere
gratiam, quam in urbe collegerint, delector. Incipio
enim satis absolutum existimare, de q to tanta divcrsi-
tate regionum discreta homiuum iudicia cousentiunt.
Vale.

B. VII. (vii. 20.)

[Pliny and Tacitus had recently been interchanging woiks
with each other for the sake of mutual criticism. Pliny
delights in the thought of being conjoined in i^ublic e&tima-
tion with a man whom he had always greatly admired, and
had set before himself as a literary model. The passage
relating to the age of the two friends is worthy of notice.]

C. PLINIUS TACITO SUO S.

Librum tuum legi, et quam diligentissime ])otui,
adnotavi, quae commutanda, quae eximenda arbitrarcr.
Nam et ego verum dicere adsuevi, et tu libentcr audirc.
Neque enim ulli patientius repreheuduntur, quam qui

2 maxime laudari mei-entur. Nunc a te librum meum
cum adnotationibus tuis cxspecto. O iucundas, o pul-
chras vices ! Quam me dclcctat, quod, si qua posteris
cura nostri, iL«qucquaque narrabitur, qua Concordia.

3 simplicitate, fide, vixerimus I Erit rarum et insigne,

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 61

duos homines, aetate, dignitate propemodum aequales,
nonnullius in literis nominis (cogor enira de te quoque
parcius dicere, quiade me simul dico) alterum alterius
studia fovisse. Equidem adolescentulus, cum iam tu 4
fama gloriaque floreres, te sequi, tibi longo, sed prox-
ivius, intervallo et esse et haberi concupiscebam. Et
erant multo clarissima ingenia : sed tu mihi (ita simili-
tudo naturae ferebat) maxime imitabilis, maxime imi-
tandus videbaris. Quo magis gaudeo, quod, si quis 5
sle studiis sermo, ima nominamur ; quod de te loquen-
tibus statim occurro. Nee desunt, qui utiique nostrum
praeferantur. Sed nihil interest mea, quo loco iun- 6
gimur ; nam mihi primus, qui a te proxiraus. Quin
etiam in testamentis debes adnotasse : nisi quis forte
alterutri nostrum amicissimus, eadem legata, et quidem
pariter, accipimus. Quae omnia hue spectant, ut in- 7
vicem ardentius diligamus, cum tot vinculis nos studia,
mores, fama, suprema denique hominum indicia con-
stringant. Vale.

B. VIII. (viii. 7.)

[Pliny, modestly confessing his inferiority to his friend
Tacitus, acknowledges a book which he had sent to him, and
promises to criticise it.]

C. PLINIUS TACITO SUO S.

Neque ut magistro magister, neque ut discipulo dis-
cipulus (sic enim scribis), sed ut discipulo magister,
(nam tu magister, ego contra : atque adeo tu in scholam
revocas, ego adhuc Saturnalia extendo) librum misisti.
Num potui longius hyperbaton facere, atque hoc ipso 2
probare, eum me esse, qui non modo magister tuus, sed
ne discipulus quidem debeam dici ? Sumam tamen per-
sonam magistri, exseramque in librum tuum ius, quod
dedisti, eo liberius, quo nihil ex meis interim missurus
sum tibi, in quo te ulciscaris. Vale.

62 C. TLINI SECUNDI

B. IX. (ix. 14.)

[This, like the j)rececling, is a letter of friendly compli-
ment to his friend Tacitus.]

C. PLINIUS TACITO SUO S.

Nec ipse tibi plaudis, ct ego nihil magis ex fide,
quam de te scribo. Posteris au aliqua cura nostri,
nescio : nos certe meremur, ut sit aliqua, non dico iuge-
nio (id enim supcrbuin), sed studio, ct labore, et reve-
rentia posteroruni. Pergamus modo itinere instituto,
quod ut paucos in lucem famamque provexit, ita multos
c tenebris et silentio protulit. Vale.

B. X. (ix. 23.)

[Pliny tells his friend Maximus of tAVO incidents which had
gi'eatly gratified him ; the former as showing that he was
coupled with Tacitus as a representative of Koman letters,
the latter as proving that his name was not unknown in the
provinces, lie defends what might have been thought vanity
by the example of Demosthenes.]

C. PLINIUS M.iXIMO SUO S.

Frequenter agenti mihi evenit, ut centumviri, oum
diu se intra iudicum auctoritatem gravitatemque tenu-
issent, omnes repente quasi victi coactique consur-

2 gerent laudarentque. Frequenter e senatu famam,
qualeui niaxime optaveram, rettuli: nunquam tamen
maiorem cepi voluptatem, quam nuper ex scrmone
Corneli Taciti. Narrabat, sedisse se cum quodam
Circensibus proximis : hunc post varios eruditos-
que sermones requisisse, Italicus es, an provincialis ?

3 se respondisse, Nosti me, et quidem ex studiis. Ad
hoc ilium, Tacitus es, an Plinius 9 Exprimere non pos-
sum, quam sit iucundum mihi, quod nomina nostra,
quasi litcrarum propria, non hominum, literis reddun-

EPISTOLAE SEI.ECTAE. 63

tur ; quod uterque nosti'um his etiam ex studiis notus,
quibus aliter ignotus est. Accidit aliud aute pauculos •*
dies simile. Recumbebat mecum vir effregius, Fabius
Kufinus : super eum municeps ipsius, qui illo die pri-
mum venerat in urbem ; cui Rufinus, demonstrans me,
Vides hunc ? Multa deinde de studiis nostris. Et ille,
Plinius est, inquit. Verum fatebor, capio magnum ^
laboris mei fructum. An, si Demosthenes lure laetatus
est, quod ilium anus Attica ita noscitavit, Ovtos earv
At] fx,oa-6svr)s, ego celebritate nomlnis mei gaudere non
debeo ? Ego vero et gaudeo, et gaudere me dico.
Neque enim vereor, ne iactantior videar, cum de me ^
aliorum indicium, non meum, profero : praesertim apud
te, qui nee ullius invides laudibus, et faves nostris.
Vale.

B. XI. (iii. 5.)

[In this letter we have a complete list of the -works of the
elder Pliny. His way of life, too, is described in detail. So
unwearied was his industry that absolute recreation appears
to have been a thing unknown to him. The results of these
incessant literary labours, which were on a prodigious scale,
are now, with the exception of a few fragments, solely repre-
sented by the ' Natural History,' a much more comprehensive
treatise than its name would suggest to a modern reader. It
embraced the study both of organic and inorganic nature, and
thus included a multitude of subjects which have no con-
nection with ' natural history ' in our sense. As the most
trustworthy account we possess of this remarkable man, who
was not merely distinguished by such varied attainments, but
who had served as an officer in Germany and had been pro-
curator in Spain, the present letter is especially interesting.

Baebius Macer, to whom this letter is addressed, is men-
tioned in A. XIV. as consul elect at the time when Pliny was
engaged in the defence of Julius Bassus, who was impeached
by the province of Bithynia.]

C. PLINIUS MACEO SUO S.
Pergratum est mihi, quod tam diligenter libros

64 C. PLINI SECUNDI

avuncull mei lectltas, ut habere omnes velis, quaeras-

2 que, qui sint omnes. Fungar indicis partibus, atcjue
etiam, quo sint ordine scripti, notum tibi faciam. Est
enini haec quoque studiosis non iniucunda cognitio.

3 De iaculatione eqestri unus. Hunc, cum prae-
fectus alae militaret, pari ingenio curaque composuit.
De vita Pomponii Secuudi duo, a quo singula-
riter amatus, hoc memoriae amici quasi debitum munus

4 exsolvit. Bellorum Germaniae viginti, quibus
omnia quae cum Germanis gessimus bella collegit.
Inchoavit, cum in Germania militaret, somnio raonitus.
Adstitit ei quiescenti Drusi Nerouis effigies, qui Ger-
maniae latissime victor ibi periit: commendabat me-
moriam suam, orabatque, ut se ab iniuria oblivionis

5 adsereret. Studiosi tres, in sex volumina propter
amplitudinem divisi: quibus oratorem ab iucunabulis
instituit et perficit. Dubii sermonis octo: scripsit
sub Nerone, novissimis annis, quum omne studiorum
genus paullo liberius et erectius periculosum servitus

6 f ecisset. A fine Aufidii Bassi tritjinta unus.
Naturae historiarum triginta septem, opus dif-
fusum, eruditum, nee minus varium quam ipsa natura.

7 Miraris, quod tot volumina, multaque in his tam scru-
pulosa, homo occupatus absolverit ? Magis miraberis,
si scieris, ilium aliquamdiu causas actitasse, decessisse
anno sexto et quinquagesimo, medium tempus dis-
teutum impeditumque qua officiis maximis, qua amicitia

8 principum egisse. Sed erat acre ingenium, incredibile
studium, summa vigilantia. Lucubrare Vulcanalibus
incipiebat, non auspicandi causa, sed studendi, statim a
nocte multa : hieme vero, ab hora scptima, vel quum
tardissime, octava, saepe sexta. Erat sane somni para-
tissimi, nonnunquam etiam inter ipsa studia instantis

y et deserentis. Ante lucem ibat ad Vespasianum impe-
ratorem, nam ille quoque noctibus utebatur : inde ad
delegatum sibi officium. lievex'sus domum, quod re-
10 licum temporis, studiis reddebat. Post cibum saepe
(quem interdiu levem et facilem veterum more sume-
bat) aestate, si quid otii, iacebat in sole : liber le-
gebatur : adnotabat excerpebatque. Nihil enira legit.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 65

quod non excerperet. DIcere etiara solebat, nullum
esse librum tarn malum, ut non aliqua parte prodesset.
Post solem plerumque frigida lavabatur. Delude ii
gustabat, dormiebatque minimum. Mox, quasi alio
die, studebat in coenae tempus. Super hanc liber
legebatur, adnotabatur, et quidem cursim. Memini 12
quendam ex amicis, cum lector quaedam perperam pro-
nuntiasset, revocasse et repeti coegisse : huic avuncu-
lum meura dixisse : Intellexeras nemije ? quum ille
adnuisset. Cur ergo revocabas ? decern amjdius versus
hac tita interpellatio7ie perdidimus. Tanta erat parsi- 13
monia temporis. Surgebat aestate a coena luce ; hieme
intra primam noctis, et tanquam aliqua lege cogente.
Haec inter medics labores urbisque fremitum. In 14
secessu solum balinei tempus studiis eximebatur. Cum
dico balinei, de interioribus loquor. Nam dum de-
stringitur tergiturque, audiebat aliquid aut dictabat. In 15
itinere, quasi solutus ceteris curis, huic uni vacabat.
Ad latus notarius cum libro et pugillaribus, cuius manus
hieme manicis muniebantur, ut ne caeli qviidem aspe-
ritas ullum studiis tempus eriperet: qua ex causa
Romae quoque sella veliebatur. Repeto, me correptum I6
ab eo, cur ambularem. Poteras, inquit, has horas non
perdere. Nam perire omne tempus arbitrabatur, quod
studiis non impertiretur. Hac intentione tot ista vo- 17
lumina peregit, Electorumque commentarios centum
sexaginta mihi reliquit, opisthographos quidem et minu-
tissime scriptos : qua ratione multiplicatur hie nu-
merus. Referebat ipse, potuisse se, cum procuraret
in Hispania, vendere hos commentarios Largio Licinio
quadringentis millibus nummum : et tunc aliquanto pau-
ciores erant. Nonne videtur tibi, recordanti quantum I8
legerit, quantum scripserit, nee in officiis ullis,nec in am-
icitia principum fuisse ? rursus, cum audis, quid officiis
laboris impendent, nee scripsisse, nee legisse ? Quid est
enim, quod non aut illae occupationes impedire, aut haec
instantia non possit efficere ? Itaque soleo ridere, 19
cum me quidam studiosum vocant, qui, si comparer
illi, sum desidiosissimus. Ego autem tantum, quern
partim publica, partim amicorum officia distringunt ?

F

66 C. PLLM SECUXDI

Quis ex Istls, qui tota vita Uteris adsident, collatus illi,
*o non quasi somno et inertiae deditus erubescat? Ex-
tendi epistolam, cum hoc solum, quod requirebas,
scribere destinassem, quos libros reliquisset. Confido
tamen, haec quoque tibi non minus grata, quam ipsos
libros, futura: quae te non tantum ad legendos eos,
verum etiara ad simile aliquid elaborandum, possunt
aemulationis stimulis excitare. Vale.

B. Xn. (iii. 7.)

[Pliny tells his friend of the death of Silius Italicus, who
under the pressure of an incurable disease had terminated his
hfe. He reviews the political character of the deceased,
makes a brief allusion to his poetry, and speaks more at
length of his tastes as a connoisseur. Headers of tlie De Bello
Punico will notice the special veneration which he is said to
have paid to the statue of Virgil. Silius had survived ail his
contemporaries, and Pliny takes occasion from this circum-
stance to moralise on the brevity of life, and the necessity of
our leaving behind us some permanent memorial of ourselves.]

Modo nuntiatus est Silius Italicus in Neapolitano

2 suo inedia finisse vitam. Causa mortis valetudo. Erat
illi natus insanabilis clavus, cujus taedio ad mortem
irrevocabili constantia decucurrit, usque ad supremum
diem beatus et felix, nisi quod minorera ex libens
duobus amisitj sed majorem meliorcmque florentem

3 atque etiam consularem reliquit. Laeserat famam
suam sub Xerone ; credcbatur sponte accusasse : sed
in Vitelli amicitia sapienter se et comiter gesserat : ex
proconsulatu Asiae gloriam reportaverat : maculam

4 veteris industriae laudabili otio abluerat. Fuit inter
principes civitatis sine potentia, sine invidia. Saluta-
batur, colebatur, multumque in lectulo iacens, cubiculo
semper non ex fortuna frequenti, doctissimis sermoni-

5 bus dies transigebat, cum a scribendo vacaret. Scribe-
bat carmma maiore cura quam ingenio ; nonnunquam

6 iudicia hominum recitationibus experiebatur. Novis-

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 67

slme, Ita suadentibus annis, ab urbe secessit, seque in
Campania tenuit, ac ne adventu quidem novi principis
inde commotus est. INIagna Caesaris laus, sub quo 7
hoc liberum fuit : magna illius, qui hac libertate ausus
est uti. Erat (fnXoKuXos usque ad emacitatis reprehen-
sionem. Plures isdem in locis villas possidebat, ada- 8
matisque novis, priores negligebat. Multum ubique
libromim, multum statuarum, multum imaginum, quas
non habebat modo, verum etiam venerabatur, Vergili
ante omnes, cuius natalem religiosius, quam suum, ce-
lebrabat, Neapoli maxime, ubi monimentum eius adire,
ut temi)lum, solebat. In hac tran([uillitate annum 9
quintum et septuagesimum excessit, delicato magis
corpore, quam infirmo. Utque novissimus a Nerone
factus est consul, ita postremus ex omnibus, quos Nero
consules fecerat, decessit. Illud etiam notabile : ulti- lo
mus ex Neronianis consularibus obiit, quo consule Nero
periit. Quod me recordantem, fragilitatis humanae
miseratio subit. Quid enim tarn circumcisum, tarn ii
breve, quam hominis vita longissima? An non videtur
tibi Nero modo fuisse, cum interim ex iis, qui sub illo
gesserant consulatum, nemo iara superest? Quamquam 12
quid hoc miror? Nuper Lucius Piso, pater Pisonis
illius, qui a Valerio Festo per summum facinus in
Africa occisus est, dicere solebat, Neminem se videre in
senatu, quern consul ipse sententiarn rogavisset. Tam 13
angustis terminis tantae multitudinis vivacitas ipsa
concluditur : ut mihi non venia solum dlgnae, verum
etiam laude videantur illae regiae lacrymae. Nam
ferunt, Xerxem, cum immensum exercitum oculis ob-
isset, illacrimasse, quod tot millibus tarn brevis immi-
neret occasus. Sed tanto magis hoc, quidquid est 14
temporis, futilis et caduci, si non datur factis (nam
horum materia in aliena raanu), certe studiis prof eramus,
et quatenus nobis denegatur diu vivere, relinquamus
aliquid, quo nos vixisse testemur. Scio te stimulis non 15
egere ; me taraen tui caritas evocat, ut currentem quo-
que instigem, sicut tu soles me. ^Ayadrj S" spa, cum
invicem se mutuis exhortationibus amici ad amorem
immortalitatis exacuunt. Vale,

F 2

68 C. TLINI SECUNDI

B. XIII. (iii. 21.)

[This letter is an obituary notice of the poet Martial.
Pliny expresses a high opinion of his talents, and speaks of
the help which he had given him. This help Avas in fact
an acknowledgment of some high compliments which the poet
had paid him in an epigram, part of which is here quoted,
and wliich may be found in x. 19.

Cornelius Priscus, to whom this and letters ii. 13, vi. 8,
vii. 8, &c. are addressed, is mentioned in v. 20 as a Consularis.
Probably he was the Priscus who was consul a.d. 93, the
year of Agricola's death (v. Tac. Agr. 44).]

C. PLINIUS PRISCO SUO S.

Audio Valerium Martialera decessisse, et raoleste
tero. Erat homo ingeniosus, acutiis, acer, et qui plu-
rinium in scribendo et salis haberet et fellis, nee can-

2 doris minus. Prosecutus eram viatico secedeutem.
Dederam hoc amicitiae, dederam etiam versiculis, qnos

3 de me composuit. Fuit moris antiqui, cos, qui vel
singulorum laudes, vel urbium scriijserant, aut honor-
ibus aut pecunia ornare : nostris vero temporibus, ut
alia speciosa et egregia, ita hoc in priniis exolevit. Nam
postquam desimus facere laudanda, laudari quoque

♦ ineptum putamus. Quaeris, qui sint versiculi, quibus
gratiam rettuli? Remitterem te ad ipsum volumen,
nisi quosdara tenerem : tu, si placuerint hi, ceteros in

5 libro requires. Adloquitur Musam, mandat, ut domum
nieam Esquilis quaerat, adeat reverenter :

Sed, ne tempore nou tuo disertam
pulses ebria ianuam, videto.
Totos dat tetricae dies Minervae,
dum centum studet auribus vii'orura
hoc, quod secula posterique possint
Arpinis quoqiie comparare chartis.
Seras tutior ibis ad lucernas.
Haec hora est tua, cum furit Lyaeus,
cum regnat rosa, cum madent capilli.
Tunc me vel rigidi legant Catones.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 69

Meritone eum, qui liaec de me scrlpsit, et tunc cliinisi 6
Hmicissime, et nunc, ut aniicissimum, defunctum esse
doleo ? Dedit enim mihi, quantum maximum potuit,
daturus amplius, si potuisset. Tametsi quid homini
potest dari maius, quam gloria, et laus, et aeternitas ?
At non erunt aeterna quae scripsit. Non erunt for-
tasse : ille tamen scripsit tanquam essent futura. Vale.

B. XIV. (ii. 3.)

[This letter is an eulogium of Isaens, a rhetorician of whom
Juvenal speaks (iii. 74) as a singularly powerful speaker, and
who is noticed at some length by Philostratus in his Liven
of the Sophists. Isaeus did not practise as an advocate, but
delivered extempore declamations with wonderful correctness
and fluency, Pliny tells us, though on this point Philostratus
contradicts him.

Three letters beside this are addressed to Nepos. He is not
to be identified with the praetor Licinius Nepos (iv. 29, &c.),
but is the Varisidius Nepos of iv. 4, for whom Pliny asks
from Sosius Senecio a military tribuneship. Nepos was a
warm, admirer of Pliny. He afterwards obtained the gover-
norship of a province.]

C. PLINIUS NEPOTI SUO S.

Magna Isaeum fama praecesserat : maior inventus
est. Summa est facultas, copia, ubertas : dicit semper
ex tempore, sed tamquam diu scripserit. Sermo Grae-
cus, immo Atticus : praefationes tersae, graciles, dul-
ces ; graves interdum et erectae. Ponit controversias 2
plures, electionem audltoribus permittit, saepe etiam
imparatus : surgit, amicitur, incipit. Statim omnia ac
paene pariter ad manum : sensus reconditi occursantj
verba, sed qualia ! quaesita et exculta. Multa lectio in
subitis, multa scriptio elucet. Prooemiatur apte, narrat 3
aperte, pugnat acriter, colligit fortiter, ornat excelse :
postremo docet, delectat, adficit ; quid maxime, dubites.
Crebra vorj/xara, crebri syllogismi, circumscripti et

70 C. PLINI SECUNDI

effect! : quod stilo quoque adsequi magnum est. In-
credibilis memoria : repetit altius, quae dixit ex teni-

4 pore, ne verbo quidem labitur. Ad tantam e^tv studio
et exercitationc pervenit: nam diebus et noctibus nihil

5 aliud agit, nihil audit, nihil loquitur. Annum sexa-
gesimum excessit, et adhuc scholasticus tantum est:
quo genere hominum nihil aut simplicius, aut sincerius,
aut melius. Nos enim, qui in foro verisque litibus
terimur, multum malitiae, quamvis nolimus, addiscimus.

6 Schola, et auditorium, et ficta causa, res inermis, in-
noxia est, nee minus felix, senibus praesertim. Nam
quid in senectute felicius, quam quod dulcissimum est

7 in iuventa ? Quare ego Isaeura non disertissiraum
tantum, verum etiam beatissimum iudico, quem tu nisi

8 cognoscere concupiscis, saxeus ferreusque es. Proinde,
si non ob alia nosque ipsos, at certe ut hunc audias,
veni. Numquamne legisti, Gaditanum quendam, Titi
Livi nomine gloriaque commotum, ad visendum cum
ab ultimo terrarum orbe venisse, statimque, ut viderat,
abisse ? 'A</>iXoVaXov, illiteratum, iners, ac paene etiam
turpe est, non putare tanti cognitionem, qua nulla est
iucundior, nulla pulchrior, nulla denique humanior.

9 Dices : Habeo hie quos legam, non minus disertos.
Etiam : sed legcndi semper occasio est, audiendi non
semper. Multo magis, ut vulgo dicitur, viva vox ad-
ficit. Nam licet acriora sint, quae legas, altius tamen
in animo sedent, quae pronuntiatio, vultus, habitus,

10 gestus etiam dicentis adfigit; nisi vero falsum putamus
illud Aeschinis, qui cum legisset llhodiis orationen^
Demosthenis, admirantibus cunctis, adiecisse fertur:
Tt 8s, si avTov Tov Orjpiov rjKOvaaTS ; Et erat Aeschines,
si Demostheni cretlimus, \a/u,7rpo<^(ui/oTaToy. Fatebatur
tamen, longe melius eadeni ilia pronuntiasse ipsum,

11 qui pepererat. Quae omnia hue tendunt, ut audias
Isaeum : vel ideo tantum, ut audieris. Vale.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 71

B. XV. (v. 5.)

[Pliny here deplores the premature death of Caius Fannius,
who, though he was a pleader in large practice, had found
time to complete a considerable part of a work on the deaths
of those who had been executed or banished by Nero. This
book had attracted numerous readers, but Fannius had not
lived to finish it. Pliny relates a singular dream which the
deceased man had taken to be a warning of his approaching
end.]

C. PLINIUS MAXIMO SUO S.

Nuntiatur mihi C. Fannium decessisse, qui nuntlus
gravi me dolore confudit : primum, quod amavi homi-
nem elegantem disertum : delude, quod iudicio eius
uti solebam. Erat enim natura acutus, usu exercitatus,
veritate promptissimus. Angit me super ista casus 2
ipsius ; decessit veteri testamento : omisit, quos maxi-
me diligebat : prosecutus est, quibus ofFensior erat.
Sed hoc utcuuque tolerabile ; gravius illud, quod pul-
cherrimum opus imperfectura reliquit. Quamvis enim 3
agendls causis distringeretur, scribebat tamen exitus
occisorum aut relegatorum a Nerone, et iam tres
libros absolverat, subtiles, et diligentes, et Latinos, at-
que inter sermonem historiamque medios ; ac tanto
magis reliquos perficere cupiebat, quanto frequentius
hi lectitabantur. Mihi autem videtur acerba semper 4
et immatura mors eorum, qui immortale aliquid parant.
Nam qui voluptatibus dediti quasi in diem vivunt, vi-
vendi causas quotidie finiunt : qui vero posteros cogi-
tant, et memoriam sui operibus extendunt, his nulla
mors non repentina est, ut quae semper inchoatum
aliquid abrumpat. Caius quidem Fannius, quod acci- 5
dit, multo ante praesensit. Visus est sibi per noctur-
nam quietem iacere in lectulo suo compositus in
habitu studentis, habere ante se scrinium (ita solebat) :
mox imaginatus est venisse Neronem, in toro sedisse,
prompsisse primum librum, quem de sceleribus eius
ediderat, eumque ad extremum revolvisse ; idem ia

72' c. ruxi SEcuNDi

6 secundo ac tertio fccisse ; tunc abiisse. Expavit ; et sic
interprclatus est, tanquam idem sibi futurus esset scri-

7 bendi finis, qui fuisset illi legcudi : et fuit idem. Quod
me recordantem miseratio subit, quantum vigiliarum,
quantum laboris exhauserit frustra. Occursant animo
mea mortalitas, mea scripta. Nee dubito, te quoque
eadem cogitatione terreri pro istis, quae inter manus

8 habes. Proinde, dum suppetit vita, enitamur, ut mors
quam paucissima, quae abolere possit, inveniat. Vale.

B. X^^. (vi. 21.)

[Pliny praises one of his literary contemporaries, a writer
of comedies not inferior, in his judo;ment, to those of Plautus
and Terence. lie had lately heard him read one of them to
a select audience, and had been much inipre.ssed with his
genius.]

0. PLINIUS CANINIO SUO S.

Sum ex iis, qui mirantur antiques : non tamen, ut
quidam, temporum nostrorum ingenia despicio. Neque
enim, quasi lassa et efFeta, natura nihil iam laudabile

2 parit. xVtque adeo nuper audii Yergilium llomauum
paucis legeutem comoediam, ad exemplar veteris co-
mocdiae scriptam tarn bene, ut esse quandoque possit

3 exemplar. Xescio, an noris hominem. Quainquam
nosse debes; est enim probitate morum, ingeuii ele-

4 gantia, operum varietate monstrabilis. Scripsit mimi-
ambos tenuiter, argute, venuste, atque in hoc genere
eloquentissime. Nullum est enim genus, quod, abso-
lutum, nun posc-it eloqucutissimum dici. Scripsit co-
raoedias, Menandrum alioscjue aetatis eiusdem aemula-
tus. Licet has inter Plautinas Terentianasque numeres.

5 Nunc primum so in vetere comocdia, scd non tanfjuam
inciperet, ostendit. Non illi vis, non granditas, non
subtilitas, ncm amaritudo, non dulcedo, non lepos defuit.
Ornavit virtutes, insectatus estvitia; fictis nominibus

6 deceuter, veris usus est apte. Circa me tantum be-

EnSTOLAfil SELECTAE. 73

iiignitate nlnila modiim excessit, nisi quod tamen poetis
meiitiii licet. In summa, extorquebo ei librum, le- 7
gendumque, immo ediscendum, mittam tibi. Neque
enim dubito futurum, ut non deponas, si semel sump-
seris. Vale.

B. XVII. (ix. 22.)

L Pliny here recounts the praises of the poet Passennus
PauUns, expresses the grief which he had felt when the life of
his friend had recently been endangered by sickness, and con-
gratulates himself and literature in general on the fact that
the danger was past.]

C. PLINIUS SEVERO SUO S.

Magna me solicitudine adfecit Passennj Paulli vale-
tudo, et quidem plurimis iustissimisque de causis. Vir
est optimus, honestissimus, nostri amantissimus ; prae-
terea in literis veteres\ aemulatur, exprimit, reddit :
Propertium in primis, a quo genus ducit, vera soboles,
eoque simillima illi, in quo ille praecipuus. Si elegos 2
eius in manum sumpseris, leges opus tersum, molle,
iucundum, et plane in Propertii domo scriptum. Nuper
ad lyrica deflexit, in quibus ita Horatium, ut in illis
ilium alterum, effingit. Putes, si quid in studiis cogna-
tio valet, et huius propinquum. Magna varietas, magna
mobilitas. Amat, ut qui verissime ; dolet, ut qui im-
patientissime ; laudat, ut qui benignissime ; ludit, ut
qui facetissime : omnia denique tamquam singula absol-
vit. Pro hoc ego amico, pro hoc ingenio, non minus 3
aeger animo, quani corpore ille, tandem ilium, tandem
me recepi. Gratulare mihi ; gratulare etiam literis
ipsis, quae ex periculo eius tantum discrimen adierunt,
quantum ex salute gloriae consequentur. Vale.

74 C. PLINI SECUNDI

B. XVIIL (viii. 4.)

[Pliny's friend and fullow-townsman, Caniniua Rufus, was
thinking of describing in a poem Trajan's two campaigns in
Dacia. The result of this war, which lasted from a.d. 101 to
106, was two triumphs, the defeat and death of the Th^aci^.n
king Decebalus, and the reduction of Dacia to a province.
Such a subject, Pliny says, could not fail to present a wide
scope for poetical genius. Among the difficulties of the work
would be the adaptation to verse of the rude and barbarous
names which would have to be introduced. Pliny, however,
encourages his friend to persist in his design, and expresses a
hope that he shall soon be permitted to see the opening linea
of the poem.]

C. PLINIUS CANINIO SUO S.

Optime facis, quod bellum Dacicum scrlbere paras.
Nam quae tarn recens, tarn copiosa, tam lata, quae de-
ni(|ue tam poetica, et (quamquam in verissimis rebus)

2 tam fabulosa materia ? Dices immissa terris nova flu-
mina, novos pontes fluminibus iniectos, insessa castris
montium abrupta, ])ulsum regia, pulsum etiara vita re-
gem nihil desperantera ; super haec, actos bis trium-
])hos ; quorum alter ex invicta gente primus, alter

3 novissinms fuit. Una, sed maxima, difficultas, quod
haec aequare dicendo, arduum, immensum, etiam tuo
ingenio, quamquam altissime adsurgat, et amplissimis
opcribus increscat. Nonnullus et in illo labor, ut
barbara et fera nomina, in primis regis ipsius, Graecis

4 versibus non resultent. Sed nihil est, quod non arte
curaque, si non potest vinci, mitigetur. Praeterea, si
datur Homero et mollia vocabula et Graeca ad levitatera
versus contrahere, extendere, inflectere ; cur tibi similis
audentia, praesertim non delicata, sed necessaria, ne-

5 getur? Proinde iure vatum, invocatis diis, et inter cos
ipso, cuius res, opera, consilia dicturus es, immitte
rudentes, pande vela, ac, si quando alias, toto ingenio
vehere. Cur enim non ego quoque poetice cum poeta?

* Iliad iam nunc paciscor : prima quaeque ut absolveris,
mittito immo etiam antequam absolvas ; sicut erunt

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 75

receutia, et rudia, et adhuc similia nascentibus. Ee- 7
spondebis, non posse perinde carptim ut contexta,
perinde inchoata placere ut efFecta. Scio. Itaque et
a me aestimabuntur ut coepta, spectabuntur ut membra,
extremamque limam tuam opperientur in scrinio nostro.
Patere hoc me super cetera habere amoris tui [)ignus,
ut ea quoque uorim, quae nosse neminem velles. In 8
summa, potero fortasse scripta tua magis probare,
laudare, quauto ilia tardius cautiusque ; sed ipsum te
magis amabo, magisque laudabo, quanto celerius et
incautius miseris. Vale.

B. XIX. (i. 16.)

[Pliny here descants on the hterary accompHshments of his
friend Pompeius Saturninus, who was on a visit to him at the
time, and whose advice we find him asking in B. II. in
reference to the publication of a speech lately delivered by
him.

The Erucius to whom this letter is addressed is mentioned in
ii. 9, where we find that Pliny had been the means of securing
for him senatorial rank and a quaestorship. Aulus Gellius
speaks of him as a man attached to the study of ancient lite-
rature, and as having been prefect of the city and twice
consul. He was nephew to the Septicius to whom Pliny
dedicates his letters.]

C. PLINIUS ERUCIO SUO S.

Amabam Pompeium Saturninum, hunc dico nostrum,
laudabamque eius ingenium, etiam antequam scirem,
quam varium, quam flexibile, quam multiplex esset :
nunc vero to turn me tenet, habet, possidet. Audivi 2
causas agentem acriter et ardenter, nee minus polite et
ornate, sive meditata sive subita proferret. Adsunt
aptae crebraeque sententiae, gravis et decora con-
Btructio, sonantia verba et antiqiia. Omnia h<vec mire
placent, cum impetu quodam et flumine praevehuntur,
placent, si retractentur. Senties, quod ego, cum ora- 3
tiones eius in manus sumpseris ; quas facile cuilibet

76 C. TLIXI SIXUXDI

4 veterum, quorum est aeniulus, coniparabis. Idem ta-
men in liistoria magis satisfaeiet vel brevitate, vel luce,
vel suavitate, vel splendore, ctiam sul)liiiiitatc narrandi.
Nam in coneionibus eadcm, quae in oratioiiihus, vis
est : pressior tamen, et circumscriptior, et adductior,

5 Praeterea facit versus, qualos Catullus aut Calvus.
Quantum illis leporis, dulcedinis, amaritndiiii>*, amoi is !
Inserit sane, sed data opera, niollibus Icvibusquc duri-
usculos quosdam; et hoc, quasi Catullus aut Calvus.

6 Leiiit mihi nuper epistolas : uxoris esse dicel)at : Plau-
tum vel Tereutium metro solutum lejzi credidi. Quae
sive uxoris sunt, ut adfirmat, sive ij)sius, ut ncgat, pari
gloria dignus, qui aut ilia componat, aut uxorem, quam
virginem accej)it, tarn doctam politamque reddiderit.

7 Est ergo mecum per diem totum : eundem antcipiam
scribam, eundem cum scripsi, eundem etiaiu cum re-
mittor, non tanquam eundem, lego. Quod te quoque

8 ut facias, et hortor et moneo. Neque enim debet ope-
ribus eius obesse, quod vivit. An, si inter eos, quos
nunquam vidimus, floruisset, non solum lihros eius,
verum etiam imagines conquireremus ; eiusdem nunc
honor praesentis et gratia, quasi satietate, languescit?

9 At hoc pravum malignumque est, non admirari homi-
nem admiratione dignissimum, quia videre, adloqui,
audire, complecti, nee laudare tantum, verum etiam
araare contigit. Vale.

B. XX. (iii. II.)

(_PIiny here dwells on the merits of his friend Arteniidorns,
whose acquaintance he had first made when sei"V'iiigas military
tribune in Syria, and whom ho liad served botli by jiersonal
support and by the loan of a sum of money when Domitian
expelled the philosophers from liome. To this class Aitfini-
dorus belonged, though he was free from the peculiarities
which were offensively evident in some of them. He was
son-in-law of the .'Simons Stoic philosopher, ]\Iusonius Rufus.
(Comp. Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 59 ; JJist. iii. 81, &c.)]

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 77

C. PLINIUS lULIO GENITORI SUO S.

Est omniuo Artemidori uostri tam benigna natura,
ut officia amicorum in mains extollat : inde etiam menm
nieritum, ut vera, ita supra meritum praedicatione
circumfert. Equidem, cum essent philosophi ab urbe 2
submoti, fui apud ilium in suburbano : et quo notabi-
lius hoc et periculosius esset, fui praetor. Pecun'iam
etiam, qua tunc illi ampliore opus erat, ut aes alienum
exsolvei'et, contractum ex pulcherrimis causis, mus-
santibus magnis quibusdam et locupletibus amicis, mu-
tuatus ipse, gratuitam dedi. Atque haec feci, cum, 3
septem amicis meis aut occisis aut relegatis (occisis
Senecione, Kustico, Helvidio ; relegatis Maurico, Gra-
tilla, Arria, Fanuia), tot circa me iactis fulminibus
quasi ambustus, mihi quoque impendere idem exitium,
certis quibusdam notis augui-arer. Non ideo tamen 4
eximiam gloriam meruisse me, ut ille praedicat, credo,
sed tantum effngisse flagitium. Nam et C Musonium, 5
socerum eius (quantum licitum est per aetatem), cum
admiratione dilexi, et Artemidorum ipsum iam tum,
cum in Syria tribunus militarem, arcta familiaritate
complexus sum : idque primum nonnullius indolis dedi
specimen, quod virum aut sapientem, aut proximum
simillimumque sapienti, intelligere sum visus. Nam ex 6
omnibus, qui nunc se philosophos vocant, vix unum aut
alteram invenies tanta sinceritate, tanta veritate. Mitto,
qua patientia corporis hiemes iuxta et aestates ferat, ut
nuUis laboribus cedat, ut nihil in cibo, in potu volupta-
tibus tribuat, ut oculos animumque contineat. Sunt 7
haec magna, sed in alio : in hoc vero minima, si ceteris
virtutlbus comparentur, quibus meruit, ut a C. Mu-
sonio ex omnibus omnium ordinum adsectatoribus gener
adsumeretur. Quae mihi recordanti est quidem iucun- 8
dum, quod me cum apud alios, tum apud te, tantis
laudibus cumulat : vereor tamen, ne modum excedat,
quem benignitas eius (illuc enim, unde coepi, reverter)
non solet tenere. Nam in hoc uno interdum, vir 9
alioqui prudentissimus, honesto quidem, sed tamen
errore versatnr, quod |)luris amicos suos, quam sunt,
arbitratur. Vale.

78 C. TLINI SECUNDl

B. XXI. (i. 10.)

[Thi3 letter is an account of a Stoic philosopher whose
acquaintance Pliny had made as a youth when he was on
military service in Syria. Pliny speaks of the philosopher in
terms of the highest esteem and admiration ; he dwells on his
remarkable abilities, the excellence and uprightness of his
character, and the sweetness of his disposition and manners —
a specially noteworthy quality in a Stoic. He concludes with
an expression of regret that his legal occupations interfere
with his enjoyment of so good a man's society.

Euphrates is the subject of one of Philostratus' Lives of the
Sophists, and his oratorical powers are spoken of by Arrian,
the pupil of Epictetus and the author of Alexander's Expedi-
tion into Asia {Dissert. Epictet. iii. 15, iv. 8), and by Marcus
Aurelius, afterwards Emperor (x. 31).]

C. PLINIUS ATTIO SUO S.

Si quando urbs nostra liberalibus studiis floruit, nunc

2 maxime floret. Multa clnraque cxempla sunt. Suflfi-
ceret unum, Euphrates philosophus. Hunc ego in
Syria, cum adolescentulus militarem, penitus et domi
inspexi, amarique ab eo laboravi, etsi non erat laboran-
duni. Est enim obvius et expositus, plenusque humani-

3 fate, quam praecipit. Atcpie utinam sic ipse, quam
spem tunc ille de me concopit, impleverim, ut ille
multum virtutibus suis addidit ! aut ego nunc illas
magis niiror, quia niagis intelligo. Quamquam ne nunc

4 quidem satis intelligo. Ut enim de pictore, sculptore,
fictore, nisi artifex, iudicare, ita, nisi sapiens, non potest

« perspicere sapientem. Quantum mihi tamen cernere
datur, multa in Euphrate sic eminent et elucent, ut me-
diocriter quoque doctos advertant et adficiant. Disputat
subtiliter, graviter, ornate: frequenter etiam Platoni-
cam illam sublimitatem et latitudinem eflSngit. Sermo
est copiosus et varius : dulcis in primis, et qui repuor-

6 nantes quoque ducat, impellat. Ad hoc, proceritas
corporis, decora facies, demissus capillus, ingens et cana
barba : quae licet fortuita et inania putentur, illi ta-

7 men phiiimum vcnerationis adquirunt. Nullus horror

EPiSTOLAE SELECTAE. 79

in cultu, nulla tristitia, multum severitatis : reverearis
occursum, non reformides. Vitae sanctitas sumrna,
comitas par. Insectatur vitia, nun homines : nee cas-
tigat errantes, sed emendat. Sequaris monentem
dttentus et pendens: et persuaderi tibi, etiam cum
persuaserit, cupias. lam vero liberi tres, duo mares, 8
quos diligentissime instituit. Socer Pompeius lulianus,
cum cetera vita, turn vel hoc uno magnus et clarus,
quod ipse provinciae princeps, inter altissimas condi-
tiones, generum non honoribus principem, sed sapientia,
elegit. Quamquam quid ego plura de viro, quo mihi 9
frui non licet ? An ut magis angar, quod non licet ?
Nam distringor officio, ut maximo, sic molestissimo.
Sedeo pro tribunal!, subnoto libellos, conficio tabulas :
scribo plurimas sed illiteratissimas literas. Soleo non- lo
nunquam (nam id ipsum quando contingit !) de his oc-
cupationibus apud Euphratem queri. Ille me conso-
latur ; adfirmat etiam, esse banc philosophiae, et quidem
pulcherrimam partem, agere negotium publicum, cog-
noscere, iudicare, promere et exercere iustitiam, quae-
que ipsi doceant, in usu habere. Mihi tamen hoc ii
unum non persuadet, satius esse ista facere, quam cum
illo dies totos audiendo discendoque consumere. Quo
magis te, cui vacat, hortor, cum in urbem proxime
veneris (venias autem ob hoc maturius), illi te expolien-
dum limandumque permittas. Neque enim ego, ut 12
multi, invideo aliis bonum quo ipse careo, sed contra
sensum quendam voluptatemque percipio, si ea, quae
mihi denegantur, amicis video superesse. Vale.

80 C. PLINI SECUNDI

B. XXII. (i. 13.)

[Pliny complains that, though there were many poets of a
high order in Rome, the audiences which were gathered at
their recitations were careless and indifferent. He himself, he
says, set a better example, prolonging his stay in town that
he might encourage by his presence these rising men of
genius.]

C. PLINIUS SOSIO SENECIONI SUO S.

Magnum proventum poetarum annus hie attulit.
Toto mense Aprili nullus fere dies, quo non recitaret
aliquis. luvat me, quod vigent studia, profenmt se
ingenia homiuum et ostentant : tametsi ad audiendum

2 pigre coitur. Plerique in stationibus sedent, temj)u.s-
que audiendi fabulis conterunt, ac subinde sibi nuntiari
iubent, an iam recitator intraverit, an dixerit praefa-
tionem, an ex magna parte evolverit librum : tuni
demum, ac tunc quoque lente cunctauterque, veniunt :
nee tamen permanent, sed ante finem recedunt, alii

3 dissimulanter et furtim, alii simpliciter et libere. At
Herculc memoria pareutum Claudium Caesarem fe-
ruut, cum in palatio spatiaretur, audissetque clamoreni,
causam requisisse ; cumque dictum esset, recitare
Noniauum, subitum recitanti inopinatumque venisse.

* Nunc otiosissimus quisque multo ante rogatus, et iden-
tidem admonitus, aut non vcnit, aut, si venit, queritur

o se diem, quia non perdiderit, perdidisse. Sed tanto
magis laudandi probandique sunt, quos a scribendi
recitandique studio haec auditorum vel desidia vcl
superbia non retardat. Equidem prope nemini defui.
Erant sane plerique amici : neque enim est fere quis-

6 quam, qui studia, ut non simul et nos amet. His ex
causis longius, quam destinaveram, tempus in urbe
consumpsi. Possum iam repetere secessum, et scribere
alicpiid, quod non recitem ; ne videar, quorum recita-
tionibus adfui, non auditor fuisse, sed creditor. Nam
ut in ceteris rebus, ita in audiendi officio perit gratia,
si reposcatur. Vale.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 81

B. XXIII. (vi. 15.)

[Pliny here relates the amusing incident of a ridiculous
interruption which had happened at a recitation of Passennus
Paidlus. For an account of Passennus see B. XVII.]

C. PLINIUS KOMANO SUO S.

Mirificae rei non interfuisti : ne ego quiclem : sed
me recens fabula excepit. Passennus Paullus, splen-
didus eques Romanus et in primis eruditus, scribit
elegos. Gentilicium hoc illi : est enim municeps Pro-
pertl, atque etiam inter maiores suos Propertium
numerat. Is cum recitaret, ita coepit dicere, Prisce, 2
iubes. Ad hoc lavolenus Priscus (aderat enim, ut
Paullo amicissimus), Ego vero nun iubeo. Cogita, qui
risus hominum, qui ioci. Est omnino Priscus dubiae 3
sanitatis: interest tamen officiis, adhibetur consiliis,
atque etiam ius civile publice respondet : quo magis,
quod tunc fecit, et ridiculum et notabile fuit. Interim 4
Paullo aliena deliratio aliquantum frigoris attulit. Tam
sollicite recitaturis providendum est, non solum ut sint
ipsi sani, verum etiam ut sanos adhibeant. Vale.

B. XXIV. (viii. 12.)

[PUny, in reply to a friend who desired his presence on
a certain day, excuses himself. He felt himself obliged to
attend a recitation given by Titinius Capito, an accomplished
author, a patron of letters, and a friend of his own, who had
written moreover on a subject in which Pliny felt great
interest, The Deaths of Distinguished Men.]

C. PLINIUS MINUTIANO SUO S.

Hunc solum diem excuso. Recitaturus est Titinius
Capito, quem ego audire, nescio magis debeam, an
cupiam, Vir est optimus, et inter praecipua seculi

G

82 C. PLINI SECUNDI

ornamenta numcrandus : coUt stiulia, stucliosos amat,
fovet, provehit, multorum, qui aliqua componunt, por-
tus, sinus, praemium ; omnium cxemplum ; ipsarum
dcniquc literarum iam senescentium reductor ac refbr-

2 mator. Domum suani recitantibus praebet : auditoria,
non apud se tantum, benignitate mira frequentat ;
mihi certe, si modo in urbe, defuit nunquam. Porro
tanto turpius gratiam non referre, quanto honestior

3 caussa rcferendae. An, si litibus tererer, obstrictum
esse me crederem obeunti vadinionia mea ; nunc, quia
mihi omne negotium, omnis in studiis cura, minus ob-
ligor tanta sedulitate celebranti, in quo obligari ego.

4 ne dicara solo, certe maxime possum ? Quod si illi
nullani vicem, nulla quasi mutua officia deberem, soli-
citarer tanien vel ingcnio hominis pulcherrimo et max-
imo, et in summa severitate dulcissimo, vel honestate
matei'iae. Scribit exitus illustrium virorum, in his

5 quorundam mihi earissimorum. Videor ergo fungi pio
munere, quorumque exsequias celebrare non licuit,
horum quasi funebribus laudationibus, seris quidem,
Bed tanto magis veris, interesse. Vale.

B. XXV. (viii. 21.)

[We have in this letter Pliny's reasons for composing and
reading aloud to his friends various light and playful eflusions.
It was his practice to read the entire composition, and not, as
was the haT)it of most authors, to select a few passjiges. By
this means he hoped to get the benefit of thorough and candid
criticism.]

C. PLINIUS AERIANO SUO S.

Ut in vita, sic in studiis, pulcherrimum et humanis-
simum existimo, severitatem comitatemque miscere, ne
2 ilia in tristitiam, haec in petulantiam excedat. Qua
ratione ductus, graviora opera lusibus iocisque dis-
tino-uo. Ad hos proferendos et tempus et locum op-
portunissimum elegi ; utque iam nunc adsuescerent et

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 83

ab otiosis et in triclinio audiri, lulio mense, quo maxime
lites quiescunt, positis ante lectos cathedris, amicos col-
locavi. Forte accidit, ut eo die mane in advocationem a
subitam rogarer : quod mihi causam praeloquendi dedit.
Sum enim deprecatus, ne quis ut irreverentem operis
argueret, quod recitaturus, quamquara et amicis et
panels, idem iterum amicis, foro et negotiis non absti-
nuissem. Addidi, hunc ordinem me et in scribendo
sequi, ut necessitates voluptatibus, seria iucundis ante-
ferrem, ac primum amicis, tum mihi scriberem. Liber 4
fuit et opusculis varius et metris. Ita solemus, qui
ingenio parum fidimus, satietatis periculum fugere.
Recitavi biduo : hoc adsensus audientium exegit : et
tamen ut alii transeunt quaedam, imputantque, quod
transeant ; sic ego nihil praetereo, atque etiam non
praeterire me tester. Lego enim omnia, ut omnia
emendem, quod contingere non potest electa recitan-
tibus. At illud modestius et fortasse reverentius. Sed 5
hoc simplicius et amantius. Amat enim, qui se sic
amari putat, ut taedium non pertimescat ; et alioqui
quid praestant sodales, si conveniunt voluptatis suae
causa ? Delicatus ac similis ignoto est, qui amici librum
bonum mavult audire, qviam facere. Non dubito, cupere 6
te, pro cetera mei caritate, quam maturissime legere
hunc adhuc musteum librum. Leges, sed retractatum ;
quae causa recitandi fuit ; et tamen non nulla iam ex
eo nosti. Haec vel emendata postea, vel (quod inter-
dum longiore mora solet) deteriora facta, quasi nova
rursus, et rescripta cognosces. Nam, plerisque mutatis,
ea quoque mutata videntur, quae manent. Vale.

09

Section C.

LETTERS ON SUBJECTS CONNECTED WITH

THE AUTHOR'S PROFESSION AS AN

ADVOCATE

C. I. (ii. 14.)

I Pliny describes his growing disgust at tlie character of the
practice in the court of the Centumviri. The causes were, for
the most part, insignificant, the advocates yoving and in-
experienced, but full of offensive assurance, the audience
actually hired to applaud. He relates an anecdote, which he
had heard from his master Quintilian, of the origin of this
practice of hiring claqueurs.']

C. PLINIUS MAXIMO SUO S.

Verum opinaris : distringor centumviralibus causis,
quae me exei'ceiit magis, quam delectaut. Sunt enim
I'leraeque parvae et exiles. Raro incidit vel person-
arum claritate vel negotii magnitudine insignis. Ad 2
hoc, pauci, cum quibus iuvat dicere : ceteri audaces,
iitque etiam magna ex parte adolescentuli obscuri, ad
declamandum hue transeunt, tam irreverenter et te-
niere, ut mihi Attilius noster expresse dixisse videatur,
sic in foro jjueros a centumviralibus causis auspicari,
ut ab Homero in scliolis. Nam hie quoque, ut illic,
pi'imum coepit esse, quod maximum est. At Hercule 3
ante memoriam meam (ita maiores natu solent dicere),
lie nobilissimis quidem adolescentibus locus erat, nisi
aliquo consulari producente : tanta veneratione pul-
clierrimuni opus colebatur. Nunc, refractis pudoris et 4
reverentiae claustris, omnia patent omnibus ; nee indu-
cuntur, sed irrunipunt. Sequuntur auditores actoribus
similes, conducti et redempti : manceps convenitur ; in
media basilica tam palam sportulae, quara in triclinio,
dantur. Ex iudicio in indicium pari mercede trans-
itur. Inde iam non inurbane XocpoKXsif vocantur [aTro 5
Tov cro(f)oi)9 KoX KaXsladai] : isdem Latinum nomen ini-
positum est laudicoeni. Et tamen crescit in dies foe-
ditas utraque lingua notata. Heri duo nomenclatores 6
mei (habent sane aetatem eorum, qui nuper togas
fiumpserunt) ternis denariis ad laudandum trahebantur.
Tanti constat, ut sis disertissimus. Hoc pretio quam-
libet numerosa subsellia implentur : hoc ingens corona

88 C. PLIXI SECU.VDI

colligitur : hoc infiniti clamores commoventur, cum

r ixsaoxopos dedit signum. Opus est enim signo apud

non intelligentes, ne audientes quidem : nam plerique

8 non audiunt, nee ulli magis laudant. Si quando trans-
ibis per basilicam, et voles scire, quomodo quisque
dicat, nihil est, quod tribunal adscendas, nihil, quod
praebeas aurem : facilis divinatio. Scito, eum pessime

9 dicere, qui laudabitur maxime. Primus hunc audiendi
morem induxit Largius Licinus : hactenus tanien, ut
auditores corrogaret. Ita certe ex Quintiliano, prae-

10 ceptore meo, audisse memini. Narrabat ille: Adsecta-
har Domitium Afrum. Cum apud centumviros diceret
graviter et Icnte (Jioc enim illi actionis genus erat), au-
diit ex proximo immodicum insolitumque clamorem.
Admiratus reticnit. Ubi silentium factum est, repetiit
quod ahruperat. Iterum clamor, iterum reticuit: et post

11 silentium, coepit idem tertio. Novissime, quis diceret,
quaesivit : responsum est, Licinus. Turn ijitermissa
causa, Centumviri, inquit, hoc artificium, periit.

12 Quod alioqui perire incipiebat, cum periisse Afro vide-
retur ; nunc vero prope funditus exstinctum et eversum
est. Pudet referre, quae, quam fracta pronuntiatione
dicantur ; quibus, quam teneris clamoribus excipiantur.

13 Plausus tantum, ao potius sola cymbala et tympana
illis canticis desunt : ululatus quidem (neque enim alio
vocabulo potest exprimi theatris quoque indecora lau-

14 datio) large supersunt. Nos tamen adhuc et utilitas
amicorum, et ratio aetatis moratur ac retinet. Vcremur
enim, ne forte non has indignitates reliquisse, sed
laborem fugisse videamur. Sumus tamen solito rari-
ores : quod initium est gradatim desinendi. Vale.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 89

C. 11. (iv. 24.)

[In this letter Pliny dwells on the changes which during
his connection with the court of the Centumviri he had wit-
nessed among his fellow advocates. Some were dead, some
were in exile, some in the enjoyment of a prosperous old age,
others had ceased to be civilians and were even commanding
armies. His own life too had been one of change. The time
measured by years was short, measured by events was an age.
It would seem that the period of which he speaks would com-
prise part of Domitian's reign, the whole of Nerva's, and part
of Trajan's.]

C. PLINIUS VALENTI SUO S.

Proxime cum apud centumviros in quadruplici iudi-
cio dixissem, subiit recordatio, egisse me iuvenem aeque
in quadruplici. Processit animus, ut solet, longius : 2
coepi reputare, quos in hoc iudicio, quos in illo socios
laboris habuissem. Solus eram, qui in utroque dix-
issem : tantas conversiones aut fragilitas mortalitatis
aut fortunae mobilitas facit. Quidam ex iis, qui tunc 3
egerant, decesserunt ; exulant alii ; huic aetas et vale-
tudo silentium suasit ; hie sponte beatissimo otio fruitur ;
alius exercitum regit ; ilium civilibus officiis principis
amicitia ex emit. Circa nos ipsos quam multa mutata 4
sunt ! Studiis processimus, studiis periclitati sumus,
rursusque processimus. Profuerunt nobis bonorum 5
amicitiae, bonorum obfuerunt, iterum prosunt. Si com-
putes annos, exiguum tempus : si vices rerum, aevum
putes. Quod potest esse documento, nihil desperai'e, 6
nuUi rei fidere, cum videamus tot varietates tam volu-
bili orbe circumagi. Mihi autem familiare est, omnes 7
cogitationes meas tecum communicare, isdemque te
vet praeceptis vel exemplis monere, quibus ipse me
moneo : quae ratio huius epistolae fuit. Vale.

90 C. PLIXl SECUNDI

C. III. (vi. 2.)

[In this letter, written on the occasion of Regulus's deatli.
Pliny notes the prejudicial effect which that event had pro-
duced on the elocjuence of pleaders. Regulus, though by no
means a first-rate orator, was so energetic a pleader that
his presence could not but be missed in the law courts. Even
liis peculiarities and aflectations, which are liere dwelt on,
proceeded, in Pliny's opinion, from a genuine esteem for the
pursuit of oratory. Hence his death, though it could hardly
be regarded as a misfortune, led to the decline of the eloquence
of the bar. Advocates were now expected to confine their
speaking within narrower limits, and cases were more promptly
decided. All this Pliny seems to have considered an evil, and
consequently, Avhenever he had to hear a cause, he says that
he invariably allowed the lawyers to speak as long as they
pleased, and never refused to listen to what miglit appear at
the outset to be irrelevant and superfluous matter. This, he
observes, was the practice of their ancestors, who were at least
as wise as their descendants.]

C. PLINIUS ARRIANO SUO S.

Soleo nonnuiiquam in iiidiciis quaerere Marcum Ke-
gulum, nolo eniui dicere, desiderate. Cur ergo quaero ?

s Habebat studiis honorem, timebat, pallebat, sci'ibebat :
quamvis non posset ediscere. Illud ipsum, quod oculiun
modo dextium, mode sinistrum circuniliuebat ; dex-
trum, si a petitore, alterum, si a possessore esset
acturus : quod candidum splcnium in hoc aut illud
supercilium transferebat : quod semper aruspices con-
sulebat de actionis eventu, a uimia su})erstitione, sed

8 tamen et a magno studiorum honore veniebat. lam
ilia perquam iucunda una dicentibus, quod libera tem-
pora petebat, quod audituros corrogabat. Quid cnim
iucundius, quam sub alterius invidia, quamdiu velis, et
in alieno auditorio quasi deprehensum commode dicere ?

4 Sed utcunque se habent ista, bene fecit Regulus, quod
est mortuus ; melius, si ante. Nunc enim sane poterat
sine male publico vivere sub eo principe, sub quo no-
cere non poterat. Ideo fas est, nonnunquam cum

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 91

tjuaei'ere. Nam postquam obiit ille, increbuit passim 5
et; invaluit consuetudo, binas vel singulas clepsydras,
interdum et dimidias, et dandi et petendi. Nam et qui
dicunt, egisse malunt, quam agere : et qui audiunt,
finire, quam iudicare. Tanta negligentia, tanta desidia,
tanta denique ii-reverentia studiorum periculorumque
est. An nos sapientiores maioribus nostris ? nos legi- fi
bus ipsis iustiores, quae tot horas, tot dies, tot compe-
rendinationes largiuutur ? hebetes illi et supi-a modum
tardi ? nos apertius dicimus, celerius intelligimus, reli-
giosius iudicamus, quia paucioribus clepsydris praecipit-
amus causas, quam diebus explicari solebant? O ^
Regule, qui iam ambitione ab omnibus obtinebas, quod
fidei paucissimi praestant ! Equidem quoties iudico,
quod vel saepius facio quam dico, quantum quis pluri-
mum postulat aquae, do. Etenim temerarium ex- 8
istimo divinare, quam spatiosa sit causa inaudita, tem-
pusque negotio finire, cuius modum ignores : praesertim
cum primam religioni suae iudex patientiam debeat,
quae pars magna iustitiae est. At quaedam super-
vacua, dicuntur. Etiam : sed satius est et haec dici,
quam non dici necessaria. Praeterea, an sint super- 9
vacua, nisi cum audieris, scire non possis. Sed de
his melius coram, ut de pluribus vitiis civitatis. Nam
tu quoque amore communium soles emendari cupere,
quae iam corrigere difficile est. Nunc respiciamus lo
domos nostras. Ecquid omnia in tua recte ? In mea
novi nihil. Mihi autem et gratiora sunt bona, quod
perseverant ; et leviora incommoda, quod adsuevi.
Vale.

92 C. PLINI SECUNDI

C. IV. (vi. 29.)

[Pliny's friend Quadratus had, it appears, consulted him
as to the character of the causes which a high-minded and
honourable advocate should undertake. This letter is Pliny's
reply. The causes in question are those of friends, those
which are likely to establish an important precedent, and
those the pleading of which is certain to bring with it fame
and distinction. Pliny, however, ad7aiits that he had himself
occasionally yielded to necessity, and undertaken cases at the
bidding of the senate. He mentions some of the principal
public trials in which his services had been engaged.

One other letter (A. VI.), in which Pliny gives us an account
of his impeachment of the delator Publicius Certus before the
senate, is addressed to Quadratus. He was, as it appears
from Ep. vi. 11, a young man of promise; he was a rising
advocate, and a man of letters. He is again mentioned Ep.
vii. 24, from which we learn that he was the grandson of a
rich lady, Ummidia Quadratilla, who left him two-thirds of
her property, and who was very possibly the sister of the
Ummidius Quadratus, Governor of Syria in the reign of
Claudius, as appears from Tacitus, Ann. xii. 45. Her name
also appears in an inscription discovered at Casinum in
Campania (OrelU Insc. No. 781), for the inhabitants of Avhich
she built at her own expense an amphitheatre and temple.]

C. PLINIUS QUADRATO SUO S.

Avidius Quietus, qui me unice dilexit, et, quo non
minimum gaudeo, probavit, ut multa alia Thraseae
(fuit enim familiaris) ita hoc saepe referebat, praecipere
solitum, suscipiendas esse causas, aut mmcorum, aut
destitutas, aut ad exemplum pertinentes. Cur ami-
corum ? Non eget interpretatione. Cur destitutas ?
Quod in illis maxime et constantia agentis et humanitas
cerneretur. Cur pertinentes ad exemplum ? Quia plu-
rimum referret, bonum an malum indueeretur. Ad
haec ego genera eausarum, ambitiose fortasse, addam
tamen claras et illustres. Aequum enim est, agere
nonnuuquam gloriae et famae, id est, suam causam.
Hos terminos, quia me consuluisti, dignitati ac vere-

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 93

oandiae tuae statiio. Nee me praeterit, usum et esse 4
et haberi optimum dicendi magistrum. Video etiam,
multos parvo ingenio, Uteris nullis, ut bene agerent,
agendo consecutos. Sed et illud, quod vel Pollionis 5
vel tanquam Pollionis accepi, verissimum experior:
Commode agendo factum est, ut saepe agerem ; saepe
agendo, ut minus commode : quia scilicet assiduitate
nimia facilitas magis quam facultas, nee fidueia, sed
temeritas paratur. Nee vero Isoerati, quo minus 6
haberetur summus orator, ofFecit, quod infirmitate
vocis, mollitie frontis, ne in publico diceret, impedie-
batur. Proinde multum lege, scribe, meditare, ut
possis, cum voles, dicere ; dices, cum velle debebis.
Hoc fere temperamentum ipse servavi. Nonnunquam 7
necessitati, quae pars rationis est, parui. Egi enim
quasdam a senatu iussus, quo tamen in numero fuerunt
ex ilia Tlu-aseae divisione, hoe est, ad exemplum per-
tinentes. Adfui Baeticis contra Baebium Massam. 8
Quaesitum est, an danda esset inquisitio : data est.
Adfui rursus iisdem querentibus de Caecilio Classico.
Quaesitum est, an provinciales ut socios ministrosque
proconsulis, pleeti oporteret : poenas luerunt. Ac- 9
cusavi Marium Priscum, qui, lege repetundarum dam-
natus, utebatur dementia legis, cuius severitatem
immanitate eriminum exeesserat : relegatus est. Tuitus lo
sum lulium Bassum, ut ineustoditum nimis et ineautum,
ita minime malum : iudieibus acceptis in senatu re-
mansit. Dixi proxime pro Vareno, postulante, ut sibi ii
invicem evoeare testes lieeret: impetratum est. In
posterum opto, ut ea potissimum iubear, quae me deceat
vel sponte fecisse. Vale.

94 C. PLINI SECUNDl

C. V. (vi. 31.)

[This letter gives an account of the trials which had lately
been heard by the Emperor Trajan. Pliny was acting as
assessor to the Emperor at his sjiecial request. These cases
were heard, not at Home, but at Centum Cellae (Civita
Vecchia), about forty-seven miles distant, where, as it ap-
pejirs, Trajan had a country house close to the sea. Pliny
found his visit particularly agreeable, and speaks of the
Emperor's kindness and courtesy in the warmest terms. He
describes the place, where Trajan was at this time having a
harbour Cdnstructed on a very considerable scale. Centum
Cellae, of which we hear nothing before Trajan's reign, ap-
pears from that time to have })ecome a town of some im-
portance.]

C. PLINIUS CORNELIANO SUO S.

Evocatus in consilium a Caesare nostro ad Centum
Cellas (hoc loco nomen) magnam cepi voluptatem.
•2 Quid enim iucundius, quam principis iustitiam, gra-
vitatem, comitatem in secessu quoque, ubi haec maxi-
ma recluduntur, inspicere ? Fuerunt vai'iae cognitiones,
et quae virtutes iudicis per plures species experirentur.

3 Dixit causam Claudius Ariston, princeps Ej)hesiorum,
homo munificus, et innoxie popularis : inde invidia, et
ab dissimillimis delator immissus : itaque absolutus

4 vindicatusque est. Sequenti die audita est Galitta,
adulterii rea. Nupta haec tribuno militum, honores
petituro, et suam et mariti dignitatem centurionis
amore maculaverat : maritus legato consulari, ille

5 Caesari scripserat. Caesar, excussis pi'obationibus, cen-
turionem exauctoravit, at que etiam relegavit. Supere-
rat crimini, quod nisi duorum esse non poterat, reliqua
pars ultionis : sed maritum, non sine aliqua reprehen-
sione patientiae, amor uxoris I'etardabat ; quam qui-
dem, etiam post delatum adulterium, domi habuerat,

6 quasi contentus aemulum removisse. Admonitus, ut
perageret accusationem, peregit invitus. Sed illam
damnari, etiam invito accusatore, necesse erat ; damua-
ta. et luliae legis ])oenis relicta est. Caesar et nomen

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 95

centuriouis, et commemorationem disciplinae militaris
sententiae adiecit, ne omnes eiusmodi causas revocare
ad se videretur. Tertio die inducta cognitio est, mul- 7
tis sermonibus et vario rumore iactata, de lulii Tironis
codicillis, quos ex parte veros esse constabat, ex parte
falsi dicebantur. Substituebantur crimini Sempro- 8
nius Senecio, eques Romanus, et Eurythmus, Caesaris
libertus et procurator. Heredes, cum Caesar esset in
Dacia, communiter epistola scripta, petierant, ut sus-
ciperet cognitionem. Susceperat. Keversus diem dixe- 9
rat: et, cum ex heredibus quidam, quasi reverentia
Eurythmi, remitterent accusationem, pulcherrime dix-
erat. Nee ille Polycletua est, nee ego Nero. Indulserat
tamen petentibus dilationem ; cuius tempore exacto,
consederat auditurus. A parte heredum intraverunt lo
duo ; omnino postularimt, ut omnes heredes agere
cogerentur, cum detulissent omnes, aut sibi quoque
desistere permitteretur. Locutus est Caesar summa u
gravitate, summa moderatione : cumque advocatus
Senecionis et Eurythmi dixisset, suspicionibus relinqui
reos, nisi audirentur. Non euro, inquit, an isti suspi-
cionibus relinquantur : ego relinquor. Dein, con versus 12
ad nos : 'ETrtcrTryo-are, quid facere debeamus ? Isti
enim queri volunt, quod sibi licuerit non accusare.
Tum ex consilii sententia iussit denuntiari heredibus
omnibus, aut agerent, aut singuli approbarent caussas
non agendi, alioqui se vel de calumnia pronuntiaturum.
Vides, quara honesti, quam severi dies, quos iu- 13
cundissimae remissiones sequebantur. Adhibebamur
quotidie coenae : erat modica, si px'incipem cogites.
Interdum acroamata audiebamus : interdum iucundis-
simis sermonibus nox ducebatur. Summo die abe- 14
untibus nobis (tam diligens in Caesare humanitas fuit),
xenia sunt missa. Sed mihi, ut gx-avitas cognitionum,
consilii honor, suavitas simplicitasque convictus, ita
locus ipse periucundus fuit. Villa pulcherrima cin- 15
gitur viridissimis agris : imminet litori, cuius in sinu
fit cum maxime portus ; cuius sinistrum brachium
firmissimo opere munitum est; dextrum elaboratur.
In ore insula adsurgit, quae illatum vento mare 16

U6 C. TLINI SECUNDl EPISTOLAE SELECTAE.

obiacens frangat, tutumque ab utroque latere decur-
sum navibus praestet. Adsurgit autem arte visenda.
Ingentia saxa latissima navis provehit : contra haec
alia suj)er alia deiecta ipso pondere manent, ac sensim
17 quodam velut aggere construuntur. Eminet iam et
apparet saxeum dorsum : impactosque fluctus in im-
mensum elidit et tollit. Vastus illic fragor, canumque
circa mare. Saxis delude pilae adiicientur, quae proce-
denti tempore enatam insulam imitentur. Habebit hie
])ortus et nomen auctoris, eritque vel maxime salutaris.
Nam per longissimum spatium litus importuosum hoc
receptaculo utetur. Vale.

Section D.

LETTERS CONNECTED WITH THE AUTHOR'S
PRIVATE LIFE AND CHARACTER.

H

99

D. I. (iy. 8 )

|_Pliny had been congratulated by a friend on having Deeu
appointed by the Emperor to an augurship. He gives his
reasons in this letter for feeling pecnliar pleasure at his pro-
motion. The office was ancient and dignified, and was be-
stowed for life It was also a gratifying circumstance to him
that he was chosen in the place of an eminent man, who
appears to have named Pliny as a wortliy successor to himself.
It should be understood that for a considerable period vacancies
in the College of Augurs were filled up by the process of co-
optatio,or self-election ; and though imder the Empire the I'ight
of choice belonged to the Emperor, it is natural to suppose that,
as is here suggested, the tradition of the old mode of appoint-
ment would still linger.]

C. PLINIUS AERIANO SUO S.

Gratularis mihi, quod acceperim auguratum. lure
gratularis : prlmum, quod gravissimi principis iudicium
in minoribus etiam rebus consequi pulchrum est : dein-
de quod sacerdotium ipsum cum priscum et religiosum,
turn hoc quoque sacrum plane et insigne est, quod
non adimitur viventi. Nam alia, quamquam dignitate 2
l)ropemodum paria, ut tribuuntur, sic auferuntur: in
hoc fortunae hactenus licet, ut dari possit. Milii vero 3
etiam iilud gratulatione dignum videtur, quod success!
lulio Frontino, principi viro, qui me nominationis die
per hos continuos annos inter sacerdotes nominabat,
tanquam in locum suum coojitaret ; quod nunc eventus
ita comprobavit, ut non fortuitum videretur. Te qui- *
dem, ut scribis, hoc maxime delectat auguratus mens,
quod Marcus Tullius augur fuit. Laetaris enim, quod
honoribus eius insistam, quern aemulari studiis cupio.
Sed utinam, ut sacerdotium idem et consulatum, multo 5
etiam iuvenior quam ille, sum consecutus, ita senex
saltem ingenium eius aliqua ex parte adsequi possim I
Sed nimirum quae sunt in manu hominum, et mihi et 6
multis contigerunt : illud vero, ut adipisci arduum, sic
etiam sperare niniium est, quod dari non nisi a diis
potest. Vale.

u 2

100 C. TLLXI SECUNDI

D. II. (iv. 13.)

[This interesting letter shows Pliny's kind feeling for his
native town, and his sound judgment as to what would be most
for its benefit. A youth who had come to pay his respects
had said, in answer to a question, that he was about to study
at Mediolanum (^filan). Thereupon Pliny asks his visitors :
Why not have the means of study at home? He is ready
himsell" to contribute a third part of any sum subscribed by
the town. The parents should have the right of choosing the
teachers ; if they secured men of eminence, they might make
their town a centre of education to the district. He now asks
Tacitus, whose reputation attracted men of education, to send
down such as might be willing to become candidates.]

C. PLINIUS CORNELIO TACITO SUO S.

Salvum te in urbem venisse gaudeo. Venisti autem,
si quando alias, nunc maxinie mihi dcsideratus. Ipse
pauculis adhuc diebus in Tusculano commorabor, ut

2 opusculum, quod est in manibus, absolvam. Vereor
enira, ne, si banc intentionem iam in fine laxavero,
aeo-re resumam. Interim ne quid festinationi meae
pereat, quod sum praesens petiturus, hac quasi prao-
cui-soria epistola rogo. Se(l prius accipe causas ro-

3 o-andi. Proxime cum in })atria mea fui, venit ad me
salutandum municipis mei filius praetextatus. Huic
ego, Studes ? inquam. Respondit, Etiam. — Uln ? —
MediolajiL — Cur non hie? Et pater eius (erat enim
una, atque etiam ipse adduxerat puerum), Quia nullos

4 hie praeceptores hubenni.i.— Quare nullus? Nam vehe-
menter intererat vestra, qui patres estis (et opportune
complures patres audiebant), liberos vestros hie potis-
simum diseere. Uhi enim aut iueundius morarentur,
qnam in patria, aut pudieius continerentur , qiiam sub

5 oeulis parentum, aut minore smnj)fu, quam donii? Quan-
tuhim est ergo, collata pccunia cunducere praeceptores ?
quodque nunc in habitationes, in viatica, in ea quae
peregre emuntur impenditis, adiicere mereedibus ? Atque
odeo ego, qui nondum liberos habco, parotus sum pro
republica nostra, quasi pro Jilia vel parente, tertiam

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. lUl

partem eins, quod conferre vobis placebif, dare. Totum ^
etiam pollicerer, nisi timerem, ne hoc munus meiun
quandoque ambitu corrumperetur, ut accidere multis in
locis video, in quibus praeceptorea publice conducuntur.
Huic vitio uno remedio occurri potest, si parenfibus 7
solis ius conducendi relinquatur, isdemque religio recte
iudicandi necessitate collationis addatur. Nam qui 8
fortasse de alieno negligentes, certe de suo diligentes
erunt, dabuntque operam, ne a me pecuniam nan nisi
dignus accipiat, si accepturus et ab ipsis erit. Proinde 9
consentite, conspirate, maioremque animum ex meo sumite,
qui cupio esse quam plurimum, quod debeam conferre.
Nihil honestius praestare liberis vestris, niliil gratius
patriae potestis. Educentur hie, qui hie nasfMutur,
statimque ab infantia natale solum amare, frequenture
consuescant. Atque utinani tarn claros praeceptores in-
ducatis, ut in Jinitimis oppidis studia hinc petantur,
utque nunc liberi vestri aliena in loca, ita mox alieni in
hunc locum conjluant ! Haec putavi altius et quasi a i®
fonte repetenda, quo magis scires, quam gratum inihi
foret, si susciperes, quod iniungo. Iniungo autem, et
pro rei magnitudine rogo, ut ex copia studiosorum,
quae ad te ex admiratione ingenii tui convenit, circum-
spicias praeceptores, quos solicitare possimus ; sub ea
tamen conditione, ne cui fidem meam obstringam.
Omnia enim libera parentibus servo. Illi iudicent,
illi eligant : ego mihi curam tantum et impendium
vindico. Proinde si quis fuerit repertus, qui ingenio '^
suo fidat, eat illuc ea lege, ut hinc nihil aliud certum,
quam fiduciam suam ferat. Vale.

102 C. PLINI SECUNDI

D. III. (vii. 18.)

[In reply to a friend and fellow-toAvrisman who wishes to
?«cno-\v how he may best secure the proper application after
his death of a fund which he was intending to devote to an
annual feast at Comuni, Pliny explains the plan which in a
similar case he had himself adopted ; namely, to make a charge
for the purpose on an estate.j

C. PLINIUS CANINIO SUO S.

Deliberas mecum, queraadmodum pecunia, quam
municii)ibus nostris in epuluin obtulisti, post te quo-
que salva sit. Honesta consultatio, non expedita sen-
tentia. Xuineres reipublicae summam? Verendum est,
lie dilabatur. Des agros? Ut publici, negligentur.

2 Equidem nihil commodius invenio, quain quod ipse
feci. Nam pro quingentis niillibus nummuin, quae in
alimenta ingenuorum ingenuai'umque promiseraiii,
agruni ex nieis, longe phiris, actori publico mancipavi :
euiidem vectigali imposito recepi, tricena millia annua

3 daturus. Per hoc enim et reipublicae sors in tuto, nee
reditus incertus, et ager ipse propter id, quod vectigali
large sui)ercurrit, semper dominum, a quo exerceatur,

4 inveniet. Kec ignoro, me plus aliquauto, quam don-
asse videor, erogavisse, cum pulcherrimi agri pretium

5 necessitas vectigalis infregerit. Sed oportet privatis
utilitatibus publicas, mortalibus aeternas anteferre,
multoque diligentius muneri suo consulere, quam facul-
tatibus. Vale.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 103

D. IV. (iv. 19.)

[Tliny here describes in terms of affectionate praise the
good qualities of his wife Calpurnia, her intelligence, her
affectionate disposition, and the keen interest which she felt
in her husband's pursuits. Calpurnia was the writer's second
wife, and had been educated by her aunt HispuUa, to whom
this letter and viii. 11 are addressed.]

C. PLINIUS HISPULLAE CALPUKNIAE SUAE S.

Cum sis pietatis exemplum, fratremque optimum
et amantissimum tui pari caritate dilexeris, filiamque
eius, ut tuam, diligas, nee tantum amitae eius, verum
etiam patris amissi adfectum repraesentes, non dubita,
maximo tibi gaudio fore, cum cognoveris, dignam patre,
dignam te, dignam avo evadere. Summum est acumen, 2
summa frugalitas : amat me, quod castitatis indicium
est. Accedit his studium literarum, quod ex mei
caritate concepit. Meos libellos habet, lectitat, ediscit 3
etiam. Qua ilia solicitudine, cum videor acturus,
quanto, cum egi, gaudio adficitur ! Disponit, qui nun-
tient sibi, quern adsensum, quos clamores excitarim,
quern eventum iudicii tulerim. Eadem, si quando
recito, in proximo discreta velo sedet laudesque nostras
avidissirais auribus excipit. Versus quidem meos can- 4
tat formatque cithara, non artifice aliquo docente, sed
amore, qui magister est optimus. His ex causis in 5
spem certissimam adducor, perpetuam nobis maioremque
in dies futurara esse concordiam. Non enim aetatem
meam, aut corpus, quae paullatim occidunt ac senes-
cunt, sed gloriam diligit. Nee aliud decet tuis manibus 6
educatam, tuis praeceptis institutam, quae nihil iu
contMbernio tuo viderit, nisi sanctum honestumque,
quae denique amare me ex tua praedicatione consue-
verit. Nam cum matrem meam parentis loco vener- 7
arere, me a pueritia statim formare, laudare, talemque,
qualis nunc uxori meae videor, ominari solebas. Cer- 8
tatim ergo tibi gratias agimus : ego, quod illam mihi,
ilia, quod me sibi dederis, quasi invicem elegeris.
Vale.

101 C. PLINI SECUNDI

D. V. (vi. 4.)

[This and the two following epistles are charming love-
letters, addressed by Pliny to his wife, the same Calpumia
whose praises he celebrates in tlie preceding letter.]

C. PLINIUS CALPURNIAE SUAE S.

Nunquam sum magis de occupationibus meis ques-
tus, quae me non sunt passae aut proficiscentem te
valetudinis causa in Campaniam prosequi, autprofec-

2 tam e vestigio subsequi. Nunc enim praecipue simul
esse cupiebam, ut oculis meis crederem, quid viribus,
quid corpusculo adparares, ecquid denique secessus
voluptates, regionisque abundantiam, inofFensa trans-

3 mitteres. Equidem etiam fortem te non sine cura
desiderarem. Est enim suspensum et anxium, de
eo, quem ardentissime diligas, interdum nihil scire.

4 Nunc vero me cura absentiae, tum infirmitatis tuae
ratio, incerta et varia solicitudine exterret. Vereor om
nia, imaginor omnia, quaeque natura metuentium est,

5 ea maxime milii, quae maxime abominor, fingo. Quo
impensius rogo, ut timori meo quotidie singulis, vel
etiam binis epistolis consulas. Ero enim securior, dum
legam ; statimque timebo, cum legero. Vale.

D. VI. (vi. 7.)

C. PLINIUS CALPURNIAE SUAE S.

Scribis, te absentia mea non mediocriter adfici,
imumque habere solacium, quod pro me libellos meos

2 teneas, saepe etiam in vestigio meo colloces. Gratum
est, quod nos requiris, gratiun, quod his fomentis adquie-
scis : invicem ego epistolas tuas lectito, atque identidem
in manus quasi novas sumo ; sed eo magis ad desideri-

5 um tui accendor. Nam cuius literae tantum habent
suavitatis, huius sermonibus quantum dulcedinis inest !
Tu tamen frequentissime scribe, licet hoc ita me de-
lectet, ut torqueat. Vale.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 105

D. VII. (vii. 5.)

C. PLINIUS CALPUENIAE SUAE S.

Incredibile est, quanto desiderio tui tenear. In cau-
sa amor primum ; deinde, quod non consuevimus abesse.
Inde est, quod magnam partem noctium in imagine tua
vigil exigo : inde, quod interdiu, quibus horis te visere
solebam, ad diaetam tuam ipsi me, ut verissime dicitur,
pedes ducimt : quod denique aeger et maestus, et simi-
lis excluso, a vacuo limine cedo. Unum tempus his
tormentis caret, quo in foro et amicorum litibus conte-
ror. Aestima tu, quae vita mea sit, cui requies in
labore, in miseria curisque solacium. Vale.

D. VIII. (iv. 1.)

[Pliny writes to his wife's grandfather, accepting an invita-
tion, but explaining that the arrival of himself and his wife
would be delayed by a duty which they had to perform in
the dedication of a temple at Tifernnm-on-Tiber, a town near
his Tuscan estate.]

C. PLINIUS FABATO PE.OSOCERO SUO S.

Cupis post longum tempus neptem tuam meque
una videre. Gratum est utrique nostrum, quod cupis ;
mutuo me Hercule. Nam invicem nos incredibili quo-
dam desiderio vestri tenemur, quod non ultra difFere-
mus. Atque adeo iam sarcinulas alligamus, festinaturi,
quantum itineris ratio permiserit. Erit una, sed brc-
vis, mora : deflectemus in Tuscos, non ut agros remque
familiarem oculis subiiciamus (id enim postponi potest),
sed ut fungamur necessario officio. Oppidum est
praediis nostris vicinum ; nomen Tiferni Tiberini ; *
quod me paene adhuc puerum patronum cooptavit,
tanto maiore studio, quanto minore iudicio. Adventus
meos celebrat, profectionibus angitur, honoribus gau-
det. In hoc ego, ut referrem gratiam (nam vinci in

2

106 C. PLIXI SECUNDI

amore turplssimum est), templum pecunia mea exstru-
xi : cuius dedic. tionem, cum sit piiratum, diflferre lon-

6 gius, irreligiosum est. Eriuius ergo ibi dedicationis
die, quern cpulo celebrare constitui. Subsistemus for-
tasse et sequent! : sed tan to magis viam ipsam cor-

7 ripiemus. Contingat modo te filiamque tuam fortes
invenire ! Nam continget hilares, si nos incolumes
i-ficeperitis. Vale.

D. IX. (i. 6.)

[Pliny tells his friend Tacitus that he had been boar-
nunting with great success, not, however, forgettiDg his lite-
rary pursuits, but honouring Diana and Minerva at once by
carrying his tablets. Sec. into the woods.]

C. PLINIUS CORNELIO TACITO SUO S.

Ridebls, et licet rideas. Ego ille, quern nosti, apros
tres, et quideni pulcberrimos, cepi. Ipse ? inquis. Ipse :
non tamen ut oinnino ab inertia mea et quiete discede-
rem. Ad r^tia sedebam. Erant in proximo, non vena-
bulura aut lancea, sed stilus et pugillares. Meditabar
aiiquid enotabamque, ut, si manus vacuas, plenas tamen

a ceras reportarem. Non est, quod contemnas hoc
studendi genus. Mirum est, ut animus agitatione mo-
tuque corporis excitetur. lamundique silvae et solitu-
do, ipsumque illud silentium, quod venationi datur,

3 mao-na cogitationis incitamenta sunt. Proinde cum
venabei-e, licebit, auctore me, ut panarium et laguncu-
1am, sic etiam pugillares feras. Experieris, non Dianam
magis montibus, quam Minervam, inerrare. Vale.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 107

D. X. (ix. 10.)

[_This letter has been attributed to Tacitus, and it certainly
looks like a reply to the preceding, in which Pliny recom-
mends his friend to unite the worship of Diana and Minerva.
The writer would do so, he says, but there are no wild boars
to be found. There is, however, an allusion to an opinion
about the composition of poetry, of which we find no hint in
D. IX. But it is possible that this opinion was expressed on
some other occasion.]

C. PLINIUS TACITO SUO S.

Cupio praeceptis tuis parere ; sed aprorum tanta
penuria est, ut Minervae et Dianae, quas ais pariter co-
lendas, convenire non possit. Itaque Minervae tan- a
turn serviendum est ; delicate tamen, ut in secessu, et
aestate. In via plane nonnulla leviora, statimque delen-
da, ea garrulitate, qua sermones in vehiculo seruntur,
extendi. His quaedam addidi in villa, cum aliud non
liberet. Itaque poemata quiescunt ; qute tu inter nemo-
ra et lucos commodissime perfici putas. Oratiuncu- 3
lam unam, alteram retractavi ; quamquam id genus
operis inamabile, inamoenum, magisque laboribus ruris,
quam voluptatibus simile. Vale.

D. XL (ix. 36.)

[We are told in this letter how Pliny was accustomed to
pass a summer day from its beginning to its close in the
retirement of his Tuscan villa. He contrived, he says, to
blend in an agreeable manner -study and recreation.]

PLINIUS FUSCO SUO S.

Quaeris, quemadmodum in Tuscis diem aestate dis-
ponam. Evigilo cum libuit, plerumque circa horam
primam, saepe ante, tardius raro : clausae fenestrae

108 c. TLixi s::cuxDi

2 manent. Mh*e enim silentio et tenebris ab ils, quae
avocant, abductus, et liber, et mihi relictus, non oculos
animo, sed animum oculis sequor, qui eadem, quae
mens, vident, quoties non vident alia. Cogito, si quid
in manibus, cogito ad verbum S{Til)enti emendantique
similis, nunc pauciora, nunc ])lura, ut vel difficile vel
facile componi tenerive potuerunt. Notarium voco, et,
die admisso, quae formaverani, dicto : abit, rursusque

3 revocatur, rursusque remittitur. Ubi liora quarta vel
quinta (neque enim certum dimensumque tempus) ut
dies suasit, in xystum me vel cryptoporticum confero ;
reliqua meditor et dicto. Vehiculum adscendo. Ibi
quoque idem, quod anibulans aut iacens. Durat in-
tentio, mutatione ipsa refecta: paullum redormio, dein
ambulo, mox orationem Graecam Latinamve clare et
intente, non tam vocis causa, quam stomacbi, lego :
pariter tamen et ilia firmatur. Iterura ambulo, ungor,

4 exerceor, lavor. Coenanti mihi, si cum uxore vel
paucis, liber legitur : post coenam, comoedus aut ly-
ristes: mox cum meis ambulo, quorum numero sunt
eruditi. Ita variis seruionibus vespera extenditur, et

ft quamquam longissimus dies cito conditur. Nonnun-
quam ex hoc ordine aliqua mutantur. Nam si diu ta-
cui vel ambulaAa, post sonmiuu demum lectionemque
non vehiculo, sed (quod brevius, quia velocius) equo
gestor. Interveniuut amici ex proximis oppidis, par-
temque diei ad se trahunt, interdumque lassato mihi

6 opportuna interpellatione subveniunt. Venor ali-
quando, sed non sine pugillaribus, ut, quamvis nihil
ceperim, nonnihil referam. Datur et colonis, ut vide-
tur ipsis, non satis temporis, quorum mihi agrestes
querelae literas nostras et haec urbana opera commen-
dant. Vale.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE, 109

D. XII. (v. 1.)

[This letter is about a legacy which Pliny had acquired
under somewhat peculiar circumstances. Pomponia Gratilla,
wife of Arulenus Rusticus, had for some reason or other dis-
inherited her son, and bequeathed her property to Pliny and
other distinguished men of the time. The son begged Pliny
to give up his share, with a tacit understanding that it should
ultimately pass into his possession. To this Pliny objected,
as not being a straightforward proceeding, and declared that
he was ready to waive all claim on the property in case it
should appear that the mother had unjustly disinherited her
son. The matter was referred to arbitration ; the son argued
his cause, Pliny briefly defended the conduct of the mother.
The decision of the arbitrators Avas that Pomponia had had
reasonable grounds of displeasure with her son. The case
was on the point of being carried into the court of the
centumviri, when Pliny's coheirs, who were, as he said, afraid,
not of the weakness of their cause, but of the peculiar dangers
of the time (it was during Domitian's reign), requested him
to talk the matter over with the son. This he did ; the
matter was privately discussed in tlie Temple of Concord, and
Pliny, having pointed out to him what he conceived to be a
reasonable view of the matter, finally agi-eed to make him a
present proportionate to the amount which he inherited under
Pomponia's will. The son appears to have been perfectly
satisfied, and to have acknowledged Pliny's kindness by leaving
him a moderate legacy.]

C. PLINIUS SEVERO SUO S.

Legatum mihi obvenit modicum, sed amplissimo
gratius. Cur amplissimo gratius ? Pomponia Gratilla,
exheredato filio Asudio Curiano, heredem reliquerat
me : dederat coheredes Sertorium Severum, prae-
torium virum, aliosque splendidos equites Romanos. 2
Curianus orabat, ut sibi donarem portionem meam,
seque praeiudicio iuvarem: eandem tacita conventione
salvam mihi pollicebatur. Respondebam, non conve- 3
nire moribus meis, aliud palam, aliud agere secreto :
praeterea non esse satis honest um, donare et locupleti et
orbo : in summa, non profuturum ei, si donassem.

110 C. TLIXI SIX'UNDI

profuturum, si cessissem, esse autem me paratum co-
* dere, si inique exheredatum milii liquerct. Ad hocille,
Bogo cofjnoscas. Cunctatiis paullum, Facium, inquam :
neqiie enim video, cur ij)se me mhiorem ]iutni), qudin
tihi videur. Sed iain nunc vieineut(t,iion defuturain inilu
constantiam, si ita Jides duxerit, secundum rnatrem

5 tuam pronuntiandi. Ut voles, ait : voles enim, quod
aequissimum. Adhibui in consilium duos, quos tunc
civitas nostra spectatissimos habuit, Corellium et Fron-

6 tinum. His circumdatus in cubiculo meo sedi. Dixit
Curianus, quae pro se putabat, Respondi paucis ego
(ueque enim adcrat alius, qui defunctae pudorom
tueretur), deinde secessi, et ex ccnsilii senteutia, }'id<-
tur, inquam, Curiane, mater tua iustas hahuisse causas
irascendi tibi. Post hoc ille cum ceteris subscrij)-
sit centumvirale indicium, mecuni non subscripsit.

7 Appetebat iudicii dies : coheredes mei componere et
transigere cupiebant, non diffidentia caussae, sed
metu temporum. Verebantur, quod videbant multis
accidisse, ne ex centumvirali iudicio capitis rei exiretit.

8 Et erant quidam in illis, quibus obici et Gratillae
amicitia et Rustici i)osset. Rogant me, ut cum

9 Curiano loquar. Convenimus in aedem Concordiae.
Ibi ego, Si mater, inquam, te ex parte quarta scripsisset
heredem, num queri posses ? Quid si heredem quidem
instituisset ex asse, sed legatis ita exliausisset, ut non
amplius apud te, quam qunrta, remaneret ? Igitur
sujfficere tibi debet, si, exheredutus a matre, quartam par-
tem ab Iieredibus eius accipias, quom tamen ego ougebo.

10 Scis te non subscripsisse mecum, et biennium transisse,
omniaque me usu cepisse. Sed ut te coheredes mei trac-
tabiliorem experiantur, utque tibi nihil abstulerit re-
verentia mei, offcro pro mea parte tantundem. Tuli
fructum non conscicntiae modo, verum etiam famae.

11 Ille ergo Curianus legatum mihi reliquit, et factum
meum, nisi forte blandior mihi, antiquum notabili

12 honore signavit. Haec tibi scripsi, quia de omni-
bus, quae me vel delectant vel angunt, non aliter
tecum, quam mecum, loqui soleo : deinde, quod durum
existimabam, te araantLssimum mei fraudare voluptate.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE, 111

quam ipse capiebam. Neque enim sum tarn sapiens, 13
ut nihil mea intersit, an iis, quae honeste fecisse me
credo, testificatio quaedara, et quasi praemiura accedat.
Vale.

D. XIII. (v. 19.)

[Pliny shows here his kind consideration for his depend-
ants. Zosimus, a freedman, an accomplished and amiable man,
was suffering from cough and spitting of blood. He had
already been sent to JEgypt, and had come back apparently
restored. Over-exertion had, however, brought on a relapse,
and Pliny now wishes to send him to Forum lulii, where his
friend Paullinus had a villa of which he begs the use.
Forum lulii (Frejus) was an important colony, the birthplace
of Agricola. Its climate would resemble that of Nice, from
which it was not far distant, and would therefore be suitable
to pulmonary complaints.

Paullinus (to whom other letters are addressed) was, as we
learn from Tacitus {Hist. iii. 42, 43), a native of Forum
lulii, had been a tribune of the Praetorian guard, and was
Procurator of Gallia Narbonensis, a.d. 69.]

C. PLINIUS PAULLINO SUO S.

Video, quam molliter tuos habeas : quo simplicius
tibi confitebor, qua indulgentia meos tractem. E^t a
mihi semper in animo et Homericum illud, irarrjp S' cos
riTTios r)sv, et hoc nostrum, pater familiae. Quod si es-
sem natura asperior et durior, frangeret me tamen in-
firmitas liberti mei Zosimi, cui tanto maior humanitas
exhibenda est, quanto nunc ilia magis eget. Homo 3
probus, oflficiosus, literatus, et ars quideni eius et quasi
inscriptio comoedus, in qua plurimum facit. Nam pro-
nuntiat acriter, sapienter, apte, decenter etiam ; utitur
et cithara perite, ultra quam comoedo necesse est.
Idem tam commode orationes et historias et carmina
legit, ut hoc solum didicisse videatur. Haec tibi 4
sedulo exposui, quo magis scires, quam multa unus
mihi et quam iucunda ministeria praestaret. Accedit
hue longa iam caritas hominis, quaui ipsa pericula

112 C. TLINI SECUNUI

5 auxerunt. Est enira ita natura comparatum, ut nilill
aeque amorem incitet et accendat, quam carendi mctus,

6 quern ego pro hoc non semel patior. Nam ante
aliquot annos, dum intente instanterque pronuntiat,
sanguinem reiecit, atque ob hoc in Aegyptum missus
a me, post longam peregriuationera confirmatus re-
diit nuper : deinde dum per continuos dies nimis
imperat voci, veteris infirmitatis tussicula admonitus,

" rursus sanguinem reddidit. Qua ex caussa desti-
navi eum mittere in praedia tua, quae Foro luli
possides. Audivi enim te saepe referentem, esse ibi et
aera salubrem, et lac eiusmodi curationibus accommo-

8 datissimum. Rogo ergo, scribas tuis, ut illi ^ villa,
ut domus pate at ; ofFerant etiam sumtibus eius, si quid

9 opus erit: erit autem opus medico. Est enim tam par-
ens et continens, ut non solum delicias, verum etiam
necessitates valetudinis, frugalitate restringat. Ego
proficiscenti tantum viatici dabo, quantum sufficiat
eunti in tua. Vale.

D. XIV. (viii. 16.)

[Pliny here speaks of the heavy trial which he had expe-
rienced in the illness and death of some of his slaves. He
finds some consolation in the thought that he has been an
exceptionally indulgent master to them.]

C. PLINIUS PATERNO SUO S.

Confecerunt me infirmitates meorum, raortes etiam,
et quidem iuvenum. Solatia duo, nequaquam paria
tanto dolori, solatia tamen : unum facilitas manumit-
tendi (videor enim non omnino immaturos perdidisse,
quos iam liberos perdidi), alterum, cum permitto ser-
vis quoque quasi testamenta facere, eaque, ut legitima,
2 custodio. Mandant rogantque, quod visum : pareo
ut iussus. Dividunt, donant, relinquunt, dumtaxat
intra domum. Nam servis respublica quaedam et

EPISTOLAE SELECT AE. 113

quasi clvitas domus est. Sed quamquam his solatiis "3
acquiescam, debilitor et frangor eadem ilia humanitate,
quae me, ut hoc ipsum permitterem, iuduxit. Non
ideo tamen velim durior fieri. Nee ignore, alios
huiusmodi casus nihil amplius vocare, quam damnum,
eoque sibi magnos homines et sapientes videri. Qui
an magni sapientesque sint, nescio : homines non sunt.
Hominis est enim adfici dolore, sentire, resistere 4
tamen et solatia admittere, non solatiis non egere.
Verum de his plura fortasse, quam debui, sed pau- 5
ciora, quam volui. Est enim quaedam etiam do-
lendi voluptas, praesertim si in amici sinu defleas,
apud quem lacrimis tuis vel laus sit parata, vel venia.
Vale.

Section E.
MISCELLANEOUS LETTERS.

117

E. I. (ii. 17.)

[This and the following letter have a special interest and
value. They are elaborate descriptions of two of Pliny's
principal villas with their various adjuncts. As indications of
the general tone and character of Roman taste in such matters
they may be studied with profit ; but it is, we think, a mis-
take to attempt anything like the construction of an actual
plan of the houses described and their grounds. We doubt
whether a Roman architect would have undertaken to do this
from the materials here supplied. In a folio volume. On the
Villas of the Ancients, printed by private subscription in
1728 (the work of a Mr. Robert Castell), these two letters are
translated with notes, to which are added plans and drawings
in illustration of them. Much labour and ingenuity were
evidently bestowed on the work, but it is easy to see that far
too much has been attempted. It is not likely that Pliny in-
tended to do more than to give the friends to whom he was
writing a tolerably distinct idea of the situation, size, and
arrangement of his Laurentine and Tuscan villas. This he
has certainly succeeded in doing. We can at least get from
these letters a good notion of the chief features of a Roman
country house.

The first letter describes his Laurentine villa. Laurentum
was about sixteen miles from Rome, and though apjtarently
not so beautiful or fashionable a place as Baiae, it still had
powerful attractions for the wealthy Roman nobles. It chiefly
consisted at this time of the villas of such men, and thus re-
sembled some of the more distant suburbs of London. In the
strict sense of the Roman term, Pliny's seat at Laurentum
was not a villa ; that is to say, it had no estate or farm build-
ings attached to it. In iv. 6, he says of it, ' I have nothing
in the place except the house and garden, and the beach.' All
provisions had to be procured from the neighbouring town of
Ostia ; and a house so supplied Varro (De Re Hustica, iii. 1)
will not allow to be a 'villa,' in which view Martial (iii. 36)
concui-p. Hence Pliny here speaks of it as merely a ' villula.'
It had, in fact, simply gardens and pleasure-grounds. We
gather from ix. 40, that he made it his residence during part
of the autumn and winter. In i. 9, he calls it his novatior, as
being a place specially favourable to study.

His Tuscan villa, described in the following letter, was in

118 C. PLIXI SECUXDl

the proper sense of the word a country house, and seems to
have been his principal seat. From D. X. lie appears to have
always lived in it during the summer. It was surroimded by
a large estate, and was situated near the town of Tifernum
Tiberinum, under the shelter of the Appennine range, at a
distance of about 150 miles from liome. It was in Etruria,
but close to the frontier of Umbria, in which country Tifer-
num stood (Comp. D. VIII.).]

C. PLINIUS GALLO SUO S.

Miraris, cur me Laurentinum, vel, si ita mavis,
Laurens meum tantopere delectet. Desines mirari, cum
cognoveris gratiam villae, oj)portunitatem loci, litoris

2 spatium. Decern et septem millibus passuum ab urbe
secessit, ut, peractis quae agenda fuerint, salvo iam et
composito die, possis ibi manere. Aditur non una via;
nam et Laurentina et O.stiensis eodem ferunt, sed Lau-
rentina aquartodecimo lapide, Ostiensis ab uudecimo re-
linquenda est. Utrimque excipit iter aliqua ex parte
arenosum, iunctis paullo gravius et longius, equo breve

3 et molle. Varia hinc atque inde facies. Nam modo
occurrentibus silvis via coarctatur, modo latissimis ju-a-
tis diffunditur et patescit. Multi greges ovium, mult a
ibi equorum boumque armenta, quae, montibus liieme

4 depulsa, herbis et tepore verno nitescunt. Villa usi-
bus capax, non sumptuosa tutela. Cuius in prima parte
atrium frugi, nee tamen soi'didum : deinde porticus in
D litterae similitudinem circumactae, quibus parvula,
sed festiva, area includitur. Egrcgium hae adversus
tem])estates receptaculum : nam specularibus, ac multo

5 magis imminentibus tectis muniuntur. Est contra
medias cavaedium hilare : mox triclinium satis -pul-
chrum, quod in littus excurrit, ac si quando Africo
mare impulsum est, fractis iam et novissimis fluctibiis
leviter adluitur. Undique valvas ant fenestras non
minores valvis habet: atque ita a lateribus a fronte quasi
tria maria prospectat : a tergo cavaedium, porticum, are-
am, porticum rursus, mox atrium, silvas et longinquos

6 respicit montes. Huius a laeva retractius paullo cubi-
culmn est amplum, deinde aliud minus, quod altera fene-

EnSTOLAE SELECTAE, 119

Btra admittlt orientem, occidentem altera retinet, hac et
subiacens mare longius quidem, sed securius intuetur,
Huius cubiculi et triclini illius obiectu includitur 7
angulus, qui purissimum solem continet et accendit.
Hoc hibernaculum, hoc etiam gymnasium meorum est
Ibi omnes silent venti, exceptis qui nubilum inducunt,
et serenum ante, quam usum loci, eripiunt. Adnecti- 8
tur angulo cubiculum in ayjrlSa curvatum, quod ambi-
tum solis fenestris omnibus sequitur. Parieti eius in
bibliothecae speciem armarium insertum est, quod non
legendos libros, sed lectitandos eapit. Adhaeret dor- 9
mitorium membrum, transitu interiacente, qui, suspen-
sus et tubulatus, conceptum vaporem salubri tempera-
niento hue illuc digerit et ministrat. Reliqua pars la-
teris huius servorum libertorumque usibus detinetur,
))lerisque tam mundis, ut accipere hospites possint.
Ex alio latere cubiculum est politissimum ; deinde vel lO
cubiculum grande, vel modica coenatio, quae plurimo
sole, plurimo marl lucet. Post banc cubiculum cum
procoetone, altitudine aestivum, munimentis hibernum:
est enim subductum omnibus ventis. Huic cubiculo
aliud et procoeton communi pariete iunguntur. Inde 1 1
balinei cella frigidaria spatiosa et efFusa, cuius in contra-
riis parietibus duo baptisteria, velut electa, sinuantur,
abunde capacia, si mare in proximo cogites. Adiacet
unctorium, hypocauston, adiacet propnigeon balinei :
mox duae celiac, magis elegantes, quam sumptuosae.
Cohaeret calida piscina mirifice, ex qua natantes mare
adspiciunt. Nee procul sphaeristerium, quod call- 12
dissimo soli, inclinato iam die, occurrit. Hie turris eri-
gitur, sub qua diaetae duae ; totidem in ipsa ; praeterea
coenatio, quae latissimum mare, longissimum littus,
amoenissimas villas prospicit. Est et alia turris : in 13
hac cubiculum, in quo sol nascitur conditurque: lata
post apotheca et horreum. Sub hoc triclinium, quod
turbati maris non nisi fragorem et sonum patitur, eum-
que iam languidum ac desinentem; hortum et gestatio-
nem videt, qua hortus includitur. Gestatio buxo, aut 14
rore marino, ubi deficit buxus, ambitur : nam buxus,
qua parte defenditur tectis, abunde viret ; aperto caelo

120 C. TLLVI SECUXPI

apertoque vento, et quamquam longinqua adspergine

15 maris inarcscit. Adiacet gestationi iiiteriore circui-
tu vinea tenera ct umbrosa, luidisque etiam pcdibus
mollis etcedens. Ilortum moms et ficus frcquens vestit:
quarum arborum ilia vcl maxime ferax est terra, malig-
nior ceteris. Ilac non dcteriore, quam maris facie, coe-
natio remota a mari fruitur. Cingitur diaetis duabus
a tergo, quarum fenestris subiacet vestibulum villae,

16 et hortus alius, pinguis et rusticus. Hinc cryptopor-
ticus, prope publici operis, extenditur. Utrinque
fenestrae, a mari plures, ab horto singulae, et alternis
pauciores. Hae, cum serenus dies et immotus, omnes,
cum hinc vel inde ventus inquietus, qua renti quies-

17 cunt, sine iniuria])atent. Ante cryptoporticum xystus
violis odoratus. Teporem solis infusi repercussu cry-
ptoporticus auget, quae ut tenet solem, sic aquiloneir.
inhibet submovetque : quantumque caloris ante, tantum
retro frigoris. Similiter Africum sistit, atque ita diver-
sissimos ventos, alium alio a latere, frangit et finit.

18 Haec iucunditas eius hicrae, maior aestate. Nam
ante meridiem xystum, post meridiem gcstationes horti-
qne proximam i:)artem umbra sua temperat : quae, ut
dies crevit decrevitque, modo brevior, modo longior liac

19 vel iliac cadit. Ipsa vero cryptoporticus tum maxime
caret sole, cum ardentissimus culmini eius insistit.
Ad hoc pateutibus fenestris Favonios accipit transmittit-
que, nee umquam acre pigro et manente ingravescit.

20 In capite xysti deincejjs cryptoporticus, horti diaeta
est, amores mei ; re vera amores : ipse posui. In hac
heliocaminus quidem, alia xystum, alia mare, utraque
solem, cubiculum autem valvis, cryptoporticum fene^^tra

21 prospicit. Qua mare contra parietem medium, zo-
theca perquam elegantcr recedit, quae specularibus et
velis obductis reductisve modo adiicitur cubiculo, modo
aufertur. Lectum et duas cathedras capit : a pedibus
mare, a tergo villae, a capite silvae : tot facics locorum

2j totidem fenestris et distinguit et miscet. lunctum est
cubiculum noctis et somni. Xon illud voces servulorum,
non maris murmur, non tempestatum motus, non ful-
gurum lumen, ac ne diem quidem sentit, nisi fenestris

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 121

apertis. Tarn alti abditique secret! ilia ratio, quod in-
teriacens andron parietem cubiculi hortique distinguit,
atque ita omnem sonum media inanitate consumit.
Applicitura est cubiculo hypocaustum perexiguum, 23
quod angusta fenestra suppositum calorem, ut ratio exi-
git, aut efFundit aut retinet. Procoeton inde et cubicu-
lum porrigitur in solem, quern orientem statim ex-
ceptum ultra meridiem, oblicum quidem, sed tamen
servat. In banc ego diaetam cum me recipio, abesse 24
mihi etiam a villa mea videor, magnamque elus vo-
luptatem, praecipue Saturnalibus, capio, cum reliqua
pars tecti licentia dierum festisque clamoribus personat.
Nam nee ipse meorum lusibus, nee illi studiis meis
obstrepunt. Haec utilitas, haec amoenitas deficitur 25
aqua salienti, sed puteos, ac potius fontes habet : sunt
enim in sumrao. Et omnino litoris illius mira natura :
quocunque loco moveris humura, obvius et paratus bu-
mor occurrit, isque sincerus ac ne leviter quidem tanta
maris vicinitate corruptus. Suggerunt afFatim ligna 26
proximae silvae : ceteras copias Ostiensis colonia minis-
trat. Frugi quidem homini sufficit etiam vicus, quern
una villa discernit: in hoc balinea meritoria tria, mao-na
commoditas, si forte balineum domi vel subitus adven-
tus, vel brevior mora calfacei'e dissuadeat. Littus 27
ornant varietate gratissima, nunc continua, nunc inter-
mi?sa tecta villarum, quae praestant multarum urbium
faciem, sive mari, sive ipso litore utare : quod nonnun-
quam longa tranquillitas mollit, saepius frequens et
contrarius fluctus indurat. Mare nou sane pretiosis 28
piscibus abundat: soleas tamen et squillas optimas sug-
gerit. Villa vero nostra etiam mediterraneas copias
praestat, lac in primis : nam illuc e pascuis pecora
conveniunt, si quando aquam umbramve sectantur.
lustisne de causis evun tibi videor incolere, inhabitare, 29
diligere secessum ? quem tu nimis urbanus es nisi con-
oupiscis. Atque utinam concupiscas ! ut tot tantisque
dotibus villulae nostrae maxima commendatio ex tuo
contubernio accedat. Vale.

122 C. TLIXI SECUNDl

E. n. (v. 6.)

C. PLINIUS APOLLINAEI SUO S.

Amavi curam et solicitudiiicm tuam, quod, cum
audisscs me aestate Tuscos meos petiturum, ne facerem

2 suasisti, dum putas iusalubres. Est sane gravis et
pestileus ora Tuscoi-um, quae per litus extenditur. Sed
hi procul a mari recesserunt : quin etiam Appennino,

3 saluberrimo montium, subiacent. Atque adeo, ut om-
nem pro me metum ponas, accipe tempericm caeli, regi-
ouis situm,'villae amoenitatem ; quae et tibi auditu, et

4 mihi relatu iucuuda erunt. Caelum est hieme frigi-
dum et gelidum : myrtos, oleas, quaeque alia assiduo
tepore laetantur, aspernatur ac respuit : laurum tamen
patitur, atque etiam uitidissimam profert, interdum, sed

r» non saepius quam sub urbe nostra, necat. Aestatis
mira dementia. Semper aer spiritu aliquo movetur ;

6 frequcntius tamcn auras, q«am ventos habet. Ilinc
scnes multl : videas avos proavosque iam iuvenum, au-
dias fabulas vetB«?s sermonesque maiorum : cumque

7 veneris illo, putes alio te seculo natum. Regionis forma
pulcherrima. linaginare auiphitheatrum aliquod im-
mensum, et quale sola rerum natura possit effingere :
lata et diffusa planities montibus cingitur : montes
suunna sui ])arte procera nemora et antiqua habent.

8 Frequens ibi et varia venatio: inde caeduac silvae
cum ipso monte descendunt ; has inter piugues tcrreni-
que colles (neque enim facile usquam saxum, etiam si
quaeratur, occurrit) planissimis campis fertilitate non
cedunt, opimamque messem serins tantum, sed non mi-

9 nus percoquunt. Sub his perlatus omne vineae porri-
guntur, unamque facicm longe lateque contexunt ; qua-
rum a fine imoque quasi margine arbusta nascuntur.

10 Prata inde cam pique : campi, quos non nisi ingentes
boves et fortissima aratra i)crfringunt. Tantis glebis
tenacissimum solum, cum ])rimum prosecatur, ad-

11 surgit, ut nono dcmum sulco perdometur. Prata
florida et gemmea trifolium aliasque herbas, teneras

EPISTOLAE SBLECTAE. 123

semper et moUes, et quasi novas, alunt. Cuncta enim
perennibus rivis nutrivmtur : sed ubi aquae plurimum,
palus nulla, quia devexa terra, quidquid liquoris acce-
pit, nee absorbuit, effundit in Tiberim. Medios ille 12
agros secat, navium- patiens, omnesque fruges devehit
in urbem, hieme durataxat et vere; aestate submitti-
tur, immensique fluminis nomen arenti alveo deserit,
auctumno resumit. Magnam capies voluptatem, si 13
hunc regionis situm ex monte prospexeris. Neque
enim terras tibi, sed formam aliquam, ad exiraiam pul-
ehritudinem pictam, videberis cernere: ea varietate,
ea descriptione, quocunque inciderint oculi, reficientur.
Villa in coUe imo sita prospicit quasi ex summo : ita 14
leniter et sensim clivo fallente consurgit, ut, cum ad-
scendere te non putes, sentias adscendisse. A tergo
Appenninum, sed longius, habet. Accipit ab hoc auras
quamlibet sereno et placido die, non tamen acres et
immodicas, sed spatio ipso lassas et infractas. Mag- 15
na sui parte meridiem spectat, aestivumque solem ab
hora sexta, hibernum aliquanto maturius quasi invitat
in porticum latam, et pro modo longam. Multa in hac
membra ; atrium etiam ex more veterum. Ante por- I6
ticum xystus concisus in plurimas species, distinctus-
que buxo ; demissus inde pronusque pulvinus, cui
bestiarum effigies invicem adversas buxus inscripsit.
Acanthus in piano mollis, et, paene dixerim, liquidus.
Ambit hunc ambulatio pressis varieque tonsis viri- 17
dibus inclusa : ab his gestatio in modum circi, quae
buxum multiformem, humilesque et retentas manu ar-
busculas circumit. Omnia maceria muniuntur : hanc
gradata buxus operit et sublrahit. Pratum inde non 13
minim jmtura, qnam superiora ilia arte, visendum :
campi delude porro, multaque alia prata et arbusta.
A capite porticus triclinium excuri-it : valvis xystum 19
desinentem, et protinus pratum, multumque ruris,
videt. Fenestris, hac latus xysti, et quod prosilit
villae, hac adiacentis hippodromi nemus comasque
prospectat. Contra mediam fere porticum diaeta
pauUum recedit, cingit areolam, quae quatuor pla-
tanis inumbratur. Inter has marmoreo labro aqua

124 c. ruxi SECUNDi

exundat, circumiectasque ])lataiios, et subiecta platanis
21 leni adspergine fovet. Est in liac diaeta dorinitorium
cubiculum, quod diem, claniorcin sonum([ue exclu-
dit ; iiinctaque ci quotidiana anm-orutn coenatio quae
areolaui illam, porticum aliani, eadenique omnia, quae

22 porticus, adspicit. Est et aliud cubiculum a proxima
platano viride et umbrosum, marmore excultum podio
tenus : nee cedit gratiae marmoris ramos insidentesque

23 ramis aves imitata pictura. Fonticulus in hoc ; in
fonte crater; circa siphunculi plures miscent iucun-
dissimum murmur. In cornu porticus amplissimum
cubiculum a triclinio occurrit; aliis fenestris xystum,
aliis despicit pratum, sed ante piscinam, quae fenestris

24 servit ac subiacet, strepitu visuque iucunda. Nam ex
edito desiliens aqua, suscepta marmore, albescit. Idem
cubiculum hieme tepidissimum, quia plurimo sole per-

25 funditur. Cohaeret hypocauston, et, si dies nubilus,
inmiisso vapore, solis vicem supplet. Inde apodyte-
rium balinei laxum et hilare excipit cella frigidaria ;
in qua baptisterium amplum atque opacum. Si natare
latins aut tepidius velis, in area piscina est, in proximo
puteus, ex quo possis rursus adstringi, si pocnitcat

26 teporis. Frigidai'iae celiac connectitur media, cui sol
benignissime praesto est ; caldariae magis : ])rominct
enim. In hac tres descensiones : duae in sole, tertia

27 a sole longius, a luce non longius. Apodyterio super-
positum est sphaeristerium, quod plura genera exer-
citationis, pluresque circulos capit. Non prucul a
balineo scalae, quae in cryptoporticum ferunt, prius ad
diaetas tres. Harum alia areolae illi, in qua })latani
quatuor, alia prato, alia vineis imminet, diversasque

28 caeli partes, ut prospectus, habet. In summa crypto-
})orticu cubiculum, ex ipsa cryptoporticu excisum, qu< d
hippodromum, vineas, montos intuetur. lungitur cubi-
culum obvium soli, maxime hiberao. Hinc oritur diaeta,
quae villae hippodromum adnectit. Ilaec facies, hie

29 usus a fronte. A latere acstiva cryptoporticus in
edito posita ; quae non adspicere vineas, sed tangcre
videtur. In media triclinium saluberrimum adflatum
ex Appenninis vallibus recipit : post latissimis fenestris

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 125

vineas, valvis aeque vineas, sed per cryptoportlcum,
quasi admittit. A latere triclinii, quod fenestris caret, 3o
scalae convivio utilia secretiore ambitu suwo-erunt. In
fine cubiculum, cui non minus iucundum prosjiectum
cryptoporticus ipsa, quam vineae praebent. Subest
cryptoporticus, subterraneae similis"; aestate incluso
frigore riget, contentaque acre suo, nee desiderat auras
nee admittit. Post utramque cryptoporticum, unde 3i
triclinium desinit, incipit porticus, ante medium diem,
hiberna, inclinato die, aestiva. Hac adeuntur diaetae
duae, quarvun in altera cubicula quatuor, altera tria,
ut circumit sol, aut sole utuntur, aut umbra. Hanc 32
dispositionem amoenitatemque tectorum late longeque
praecedit hippodromus. Medius patescit, statimque
intrantium oculis totus ofFertur, platanis circumitur.
lUae hedera vestiuntur, utque summae suis, ita imae
alienis frondibus virent : hedera truncum et ramos
pererrat, vicinasque platanos transitu suo copulat ;
has buxus interiacet ; exteriores buxos circumvenit
laurus, umbraeque platanorum suam confert. Rectus 33
hippodromi limes in extrema parte hemicyclio frangi-
tur, mutatque faciem ; cupressis ambitur et tegitur,
densiore umbra opacior nigriorque ; interioribus cir-
culis (sunt enim plures) purissimum diem recipit.
Inde etiam rosas effert, umbrarumque frigus non in- 34
grato sole distinguit. Finito vario illo multiplicique
curvamine recto limiti redditur, nee huic uni. Nam
viae plures, intercedentibus buxis, dividuntur. Alibi 35
pratulum, alibi ipsa buxus intervenit in formas mille
descripta, literas interdum, quae modo nomen domini
dicunt, modo artificis : alternis metulae surgunt, alter-
nis inserta sunt poma : et in opere urbanissimo subita
velut illati ruris imitatio. Medium spatium brevioribus
utrimque platanis adornatur. Post has acanthus hinc 36
inde lubricus et flexuosus, deinde plures figurae plu-
raque nomina. In capite stibadium candido marmore,
vite protegitur. Vitem quatuor columellae Carystiae
subeunt. E stibadio aqua, velut expressa Cuban tium
pondere, siphunculis effluit ; cavato lapide suscipitur,
gracili marmore continetur, atque ita occulte tempe-

126 C. PLIXI SECUXDI

37 ratur, ut Implcat, ncc rodunclet. Gustatorium gra-
viorque coena margini iiuponitur ; levior naucularum
et avium figuris innatans circuit. Contra funs eferic
aquaiu et recipit : nam expulsa in altum in se cadit,
iunctisque hiatibus et absorbctur et tollitur. E re-
gione stibadi adversum cubiculum tantum stibadio

38 reddit ornatus, quantum accipit ab illo. Marmore
splendet, valvis in viridia ])rominet et exit : alia
viridia superioribus inferioribusque fenestris sus-
picit despicitque. Mox zothecula refugit quasi in
cubiculum idem atque aliud. Lectus hie, et undique
fenestrae, et tamen lumen obscurum umbra premente.

39 Nam laetissima vitis per omne tectum in culmen
nititur et adscendit. Non secus ibi, quam in nemore,
iaceas : imbrem tantum, tanquam in nemore, non sen-
tias. Hie quoque fons nascitur, siniulque subducitur.

40 Sunt locis pluribus disposita sedilia e marmore, quae
ambulatione fessos, ut cubiculum ipsum, iuvant. Fon-
ticuli sedilibus adiacent ; per totum hippodromum
inducti fistulis strepunt rivi, et, qua manus duxit,
sequuntur. His nunc ilia viridia, nunc haec, interdum
simul omnia, iuvantur. Vitassem iamdudum, ne vi-
derer argutior, nisi proposuissem omnes angulos tecum

41 epistola circumire. Neque enim verebar, ne laborio-
sum esset legenti tibi, quod visenti non fuisset ; prae-
sertim cum interquiescere, si liberet, depositaque
epistola, quasi residere saepius posses. Praeterea in-
dulsi amori meo. Amo enim, quae maxima ex parte

42 ipse inchoavi, aut iuchoata percolui. In sunnna (cur
enim non aperiam tibi vel iudicium meum vel errorem?)
primum ego officium scriptoris existimo, ut titulum
suum legat, atque identidem interroget se, quid coe-
perit scribere, sciatque, si materiae immoratur, non
esse longum ; longissimum, si aliquid accersit atque

43 adtrahit. Vides, quot versibus Homerus, quot Ver-
gilius arma, hie Aeneae, Achillis ille, describat: brevis
tamen uterque est, quia facit, quod instituit. Vides,
ut Aratus minutissima etiam sldera consectetur et colli-
gat: modum tamen servat. Non enim excursus hie

44 eius, sed opus ipsum est. Similiter nos, ut parva

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 127

masnis, cum totam villain oculls tuis subiicere oona-
miir, si nihil inductum et quasi devium loquimur, non
epistola, quae describit, sed villa, quae describitur,
magna est. Verum illuc, unde coepi, ne secundum
legem meam iure reprehendar, si longlor fuero in hoc,
in quod excessi. Habes caussas, cur ego Tuscos raeos 43
Tusculanis, Tiburtinis, Praenestinisque meis praepo-
nam. Nam super ilia, quae rettuli, altius ibi otium et
pinguius, eoque securius ; nulla necessitas togae ; nemo
accersitor ex proximo. Placida omnia et quiescentia,
quod ipsum salubritati regionis, ut purius caelum, ut
aer liquidior, accedit. Ibi animo, ibi corpore maxime
valeo. Nam studiis animum, venatu corpus exerceo.
Mei quoque nusquam salubrius degunt ; usque adhuc 46
certe neminem ex iis, quos eduxeram mecum (venia
sit dicto) ibi amisi. Dii modo in posterum hoc mihi
gaudium, banc gloriam loco servent. Vale.

E. III. (ix. 7.)

[Pliny playfully describes in this letter his two villas on
the lake of Como, which he distinguished, according to their
lighter or more severe attractions, by the names of Comedy
and Tragedy.]

C. PLINIUS EOMANO SUO S.

Aedificare te scribis. Bene est: inveni patrocini-
um. Aedifico enira iam ratlone, quia tecum. Nam
hoc quoque non dissimile, quod ad mare tu, ego ad
Larlum lacum. Huius in litore plures villae meae, ^
sed duae ut maxime delectant, ita exercent. Altera
imposita saxis, more Baiano, lacum prospicit : al-
tera, aeque more Baiano, lacum tangit. Itaque ^
illam, tragoediam ; banc, appellare comoediam soleo :
illam, quod quasi cothurnis, banc, quod quasi soc-
culis sustinetur. Sua utrique amoenitas, et utra-
que possidenti ipsa diversitate iucundior. Haec lacu ■*
propius, ilia latius utitur : haec unum sinum molli
curvamine amplectitur, ilia editissimo dorso duos diri-

128 C. PLIXI SECUXDI

rait : illlc recta gestatio longo limite super litus cx-
tenditur, hie spatiosissimo xysto leviter inflectitur :
ilia fluctus non sentit, haec frangit : ex ilia possis de-
spieere piscantes, ex hac ipse piscari, hamumque e
cubiculo, ac paene etiam de lectulo, ut e naucula,
iaeere. Ilae milii causae utrique, quae desunt, ad-
6 struendi, ob ea quae supersunt. Etsi quid ego ra-
tionein tibi ? apud quern pro ratione erit, idem facere.
Vale.

E. lY. (viii. 20.)

[Pliny describes in this letter a remarkable lake which he
had lately seen (the Lacus Vadimonis, now Lnrihetto di Bas-
sand). It was in Etruria, amongst the Ciniinian hills, and
not far from the Tiber. A number of floating islands were
its principal feature. It was considered sacred. It had its
historical associations, though there is no allusion to them in
this letter. The Etruscans were twice defeated on the spot by
the llomans, in B.C. 309 and 283. Livy (ix. 39) describes
the former of the two engagements.]

C. PLINIUS GALLO SUO S.

Ad quae noscenda iter ingredi, transmittere mare
solemus, ea sub oculis posita negligimus, seu quia ita
natura comparatum, ut, proximorum incuriosi, longin-
qua sectemur, seu quod omnium rerum cupido lan-
guescit, cum facilis occasio est, seu quod differimus
tanquam saepe visuri, quod datur videre, quoties velis

2 cernere. Quacunque de causa, permulta in urbe
nostra, iuxtaque urbem, non oculis modo, sed ne
auribus quidem novimus : quae si tulisset Achaia,
Aegyptus, Asia, aliave quaelibct miraculorum ferax
commendatrixque terra, audita, perlecta, lustrataque

3 haberemus. Ipse certe nuper, quod nee audieram
ante, nee videram, audivi pariter et vidi. Exegerat
jn'osocer mens, ut Anierina ])i-aedia sua inspicerem.
Haec perambulanti mihi ostenditur subiacens lacus,
nomine Vadimonis : simul quaedam incredibilia nar-

4 rantur. Perveni ad ipsum. Lacus est in similitu-

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE 129

dinem iacentis rotae circumpcriptus, et undlque aequalis:
nuUus sinus, oblicjuitas nulla, omnia dimensa, paria, et
quasi aitificis manu cavata et excisa. Color caerulo
albidior, viridioi', et pressior; sulphuris odor saporque
medicatus : vis, qua fracta solidantur. Spatium mo-
dicum, quod tamen sentiat ventos, et fluctibus intu-
mescat. Nulla in hoc navis (sacer enim) sed in- 5
natant insulae, herbidae omnes arundine et iunco,
quaeque alia foecundior palus, ipsaque ilia, extre-
mitas lacus efFert. Sua cuique figura, ut modus :
cunctis margo derasus, quia frequenter vel litori vel
sibi illisae terunt terunturque. Par omnibus altitudo,
par levitas : quippe in speciem carinae humili radice
descendunt. Haec ab omni latere perspicitur, eadem- 6
que suspensa pariter et mersa. Interdum iunctae
copulataeque et continenti similes sunt; interdum dis-
cordantibus ventis digeruntur: nonnunquam destitutae
tranquillitate singulae fluitant. Saepe minores ma- 7
ioribus, velut cymbulae onerariis, adhaerescunt, saepe
inter se malores minoresque quasi cursum certamenque
desumunt ; rursus omnes in eundem locum appulsae,
qua steterunt, promovent tei-ram, et modo hac, modo
iliac, lacum reddunt auferuntque : ac tum demum,
cum medium tenuere, non contrahunt. Constat, pe- 8
cora herbas secuta, sic in insulas illas, ut in extremam
ripam, procedere solere, nee prius intelligere mobile
solum, quam litore abrepta, quasi illata et imposita,
circumfusum undique lacum pavent ; mox quo tulerit
ventus egressa, non magis se descendisse sentire, quain
senserint adscendisse. Idem lacus in flumen egeritur ; 9
quod ubi se pavdisper oculis dedit, s])ecu mergitur, alte-
que conditum meat : ac, si quid, antequam subducere-
tur, accepit, servat et profert. Haec tibi scripsi, quia lo
nee minus ignota, quam mihi, nee minus grata crede-
bam. Nam te qucque, ut me, nijiil aeque ac naturae
opera delectant. Vale,

130 c. PLixi si:rr.vr>i

E. V. (viii. 8.)

[This letter is a very exact and picturesque description of
the source of the Clituinnus, a small river in the south of
Umbria, which unites its waters with the Tinia, a tributiiry
of the Tiber. The surrounding scenery seems to have been
^=ingularly beautiful. The source itself was in a hill covered
with cypresses; hence Propertius (ii. 19, 25) speaks of it as
hidden in a grove : —

' Qua formosa suo Clitumnus flumina luco
Integit, et niveos abluit unda boves.'

In the second of the above lines is an allusion to the effect
which the clearness and purity of the water was supposed to
have on the flocks and herds in its neighboiuhood. To this
there is also reference in Virgil, Georcj. ii. 14G, Plinc albi,
Clitumne, greges ; and it is noticed by the elder Pliny,
N. H. ii. 103, 106. The river, it appears, was worshipped
with peculiar honour; there was an ancient tem[)le on the
spot, and a number of little chapels around it. The margin
of the stream was dotted with coimtry houses.]

C. TLINIUS ROMANO SUO S.

Vidistine aliquando Clitumnum fontem ? Si non-
dum (et puto nondum : alioqui uarrasses inihi), vide,

8 quem ego (poenitet tarditatis) proxime vidi. Modicus
collis adsurgit, antiqua cupresso nemorosus et opacus.
Hunc subter fons exit, et exprimitur pluribus vcnis,
sed imparibus, eluctatusque quem facit gurgitem lato
gremio patescit piirus et vitreus, ut numerare iactas

8 stipes et relucentes calculos possis. Inde non loci
devexitate, sed ipsa sui copia et quasi ponderc impelli-
tur. Fons adhuc, et iani amplissinmin fiumen atque
etiara navium patiens, quas, obvias qiioque et con-
trario nisu in diversa tendentes, transmittit et perf ert :
adeo validus, ut ilia, qua properat ipse, quamquam per
solum planum, rcmis non adiuvetur ; idem aegerriuie

♦ rcniis contisque superetur adversns. lucundum utrum-
que per iocum ludnmque fluitantibus, ut flexerint
cursum, laborem otic, otium laboi'e variare. Kipae

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. lol

fraxino multa, multa populo vestiuntur, quas per-
spicuus amnis, velut mersas, viridi imagine adnumerat.
Rigor aquae certaverit nivibus ; nee color cedit. Ad- 5
iacet templum, priscum et religiosum. Stat Clitiimnus
ipse, amictus ornatusque praetexta. Praesens numen,
atque etiam fatidicum, indicant sortes. Sparsa sunt
circa sacella complura, totidemque dii. Sua cuique
veneratio, suum nomen, quibusdam vero etiam ibntes.
Nam praeter ilium, quasi parentem ceterorum, sunt
minores capite discreti; sed flumini miscentur, quod
ponte transmittitur. Is terminus sacri profanique. In 6
superiore parte navigare tantum, infra etiam natare
concessum. Balineum Hispellates, quibus ilium locum
divus Augustus dono dedit, publice praebent, praebent
et hospitium. Nee desunt villae, quae secutae fluminis
amoenitatem, margini insistunt. In summa, nihil erit, "
ex quo non capias voluptatem. Nam studebis quoque,
et leges multa multorum omnibus columnis, omnibus
parietibus inscripta, quibus fons ille deusque celebra-
tur. Plura laudabis, nonnulla ridebis ; quamquam tu
vero, quae tua humanitas, nulla ridebis. Vale.

E. VI. (iii. 6.)

[A graphic description of a Corinthian bronze statue — the
figure of an old man — which Pliny, not generally accustomed
to indulge himself in such purchases, had lately bought out of
a legacy which had come to him.]

C. PLINIUS SEVERO SUO S.

Ex hereditate, quae mihi obvenit, emi proxime Co-
rinthium signum, modicum quidem, sed festivum et
expressum, quantum ego sapio, qui fortasse in omni re,
in hac certe perquam exiguum sapio : hoc tamen signum
ego quoque intelligo. Est enim nudum, nee aut vitia, 2
si qua sunt, celat, aut laudes i)arum ostentat. Effino-it
eenem stantem ; ossa, musculi, nervi, venae, ruo-ae

K 2

132 C. PLIXI SFX'UXDl

etiam ut si)Iriintis aj)parent : rari et cedentcs capilli, lata
frons, contracta facies, exile collum, ])enclent laccrti.

3 papillae iacent, recessit venter. A tergo quoqiie eadcm
aetas, ut a tergo. Aes ipsum, quantum verus color in-
dicat, vetus et antiquum. Talia denique omnia, ut
possint artificum oculos tenere, delectare imperito-

4 rum. Quod me, quamquam tirunculum, solicitavit ad
emendum. Emi autem, non ut haberem domi (neque
enini uUuin adhuc Coriiithium domi liabeo), verum ut

•*> in patria nostra celebri loco ponerem, ac potissimum in
lovis templo. Videtur enim digiuun templo, dignum
dco donum. Tu ergo, ut soles omnia, quae a me tibi
iniunguntur, suscipc banc curam, et iam nunc iube ba-
sim fieri, ex quo voles marmore, quae nomen meum
]i(moresque capiat, si hos quoque putabis addendos.

6 Ego signum i})sum, ut primum invenero aliquem, qui
non gravetur, mittam tibi: vel ipse, quod mavis, adf'e-
ram mecum. Destino enim (si tanien officii ratio

7 permiserit) excurrere isto. Gaudes, quod me venturum
esse polliceor, sed contrabes frontem, cum adiecero,
ad paucos dies. Neque enim diutius abesse me eadem
haec, quae uondum exire, patiuntur. Vale.

E. VII. (iv. 28.)

[This letter is a request from Pliny to one of his friends,
that he would undertake to procure portraits of Cornelius
Nepos and Titus Cassius for a distinguished man of letters
who wished to place them in his library. Pliny's friend came
from the same town as Nepos and Cassius, and would be able
to procure copies of any such likenesses, if they existed, on
the spot. Vei-oiia, if, as seems probable, Nepos was a native
of that place, would be the town in question.]

C. TLINIUS SEVERO SUO S.

Ilerennius Severus, vir doctissimus, magni aesti-
mat in bibliotheca sua ponere imagines municipum tu-
orum, Corneli Nepotis et Titi Cassi, petitque, si sunt
istic, ut esse credibile est, exscribendas pingendasque

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 133

(lelegem. Quam curam tibi potissimum iniungo, pri- 2
mum quia desideriis raeis amicissime obsequeris, de-
inde, quia tibi studiorum summa reverentia, sumraus
amor studiosorum, postremo, quod patriam tuam om-
nesque qui nomen eius auxerunt, ut patriam ipsam, ^
veiieraris et diligis. Peto autem, ut pictorem quara
diligentissimum adsumas. Nam cum est arduum, si-
militudinem effingere ex vero, tum lono;e diffiellliuia
est imitationis imitatio ; a qua, rogo, ut artificem,
quem elegeris, ne ia melius quidem sinas aberrare.
Vale.

E. VIII. (i. 12.)

[Corellius Rufus, whose death under peculiar Ij painful cir-
cumstances is described at length in this letter, is spoken of
with affectionate praise in Epp. iv. 17 ; vii. 11, etc. He was
many years older than Pliny, and, as Ave are here told, was
regarded by him almost as a father. We find, too, from Ep.
iv. 17, that Pliny attributed his success in life in a great
measure to his friend's advice and influence. In the present
letter we have a touching description of the tedious sufferings
of Corellius, and of his determination to end them by volun-
tary starvation. From the age of 32 he had been afflicted
with hereditary gout, which as he advanced in years became
intolerably acute. His earnest wish to survive the tyrant
Domitian was gratified, and it may be inferred from a passage
in Ep. iv. 17, that he lived to see the better times of Nerva
and Trajan. His death must have occurred at the beginning
of the latter Emperor's reign. Pliny's letters are our only
source of information respecting him.

Calestrius Tiro (to wliom several letters are addressed) was
one of Pliny's most intimate friends, having been associated
with him in military service and in the Quaestorship.j

C. PLINIUS CALESTEIO TIRONI SUO S.

laeturam gravissimam feci, si iactura dicenda est
tanti viri aiuissio. Decessit Corellius Rufus, et quidem
sponte, quod dolorem meum exulcerat. Est enim luc-
tuosissimuui genus morti<5, quae non ex natura, nee

lo4 C. PLINI SIXTXDI

2 laiali.s videtur. Nam utcunque in illis, qui inorho fini-
iintur, niaiiiuim ex ipsa necessitate solatium est, in
iis vcit), (JUGS arcessita mors aufert, hie insanabilis do-

3 lor e^■t, (plod crediiutur potuisse din vivere. Corellium
fjuiciem sunnna ratio, quae sa])ientibus pro necessitate
est, ad hoc consilium compulit, quamquam plurin)as
vivendi caussas habentem, optimani conscientiam, opti-
iiKun ilunam, maximam auctoritatem, praeterea filiam,
nxorem, ncnotem, sorores, interque tot pignora, veros

^ uniicos. Sed tarn longa, tarn inicjua valetudine con-
Hictabatur, ut haec tanta pretia vivendi mortis rationi-
bus vinccrentur. Tertio et triccsimo anno (ut ipsuni
praedicantem audiebani) pedum dolore correptus est.
Patrius hie illi : nam j)lerumque morbi quoque j)er

•^ successiones quasdam, ut alia, traduntur. Hunc absti-
nentia, sanctitate, quoad viridis aetas, vicit et fregit:
novissime cum senectute intjravcscentcni viribus animi

fi sustinebat, cum quidem incredibiles cruciatus et in-
dignissima tormenta pateretur. lam enim dolor non
j)edibus solis, ut prius, insidebat, sed omnia menibra
])ervagabatur. Vcni ad eum Domitiani temporibus, in

7 suburbano iacentem. Servi e cubiculo recesserunt
(habebat is hoc moris, quoties intrasset fidelior amicus):
quin etiam uxor, quamquam omnis secreti capacissima,

s digrediebatnr. Circuintulit oculos, et, Cur, in(iuit, me
putas hos tuntos dolores tamdiu siistinere? ut scili-
cet isti latroni vel nno die svpersim. Dedisses huic
animo par corpus, fecisset quod optabat. Adfuit tamen
dens voto, cuius ille compos, ut iam securus liberque
moriturus, multa ilia vitae, sed minora, retinacula ab-

9 rupit. Increverat valetudo, quam temperantia miti-
gare tentavit : perseverantem constantia fugit. Iam dies
alter, tcrtins, ([uartus : abstinebat cibo. Misit ad me
uxor eius Ilispulla communem amicum C. Geminium
cum tristissimo nuntio, destinasse Cvrellium mori, nee
uut suis autjiliae precibvs Jiecti ; solum superesse me,
10 o quo revucari posset ad vitam. Cucui'ri : ])erveneram
in ])roximnm, cum niihi ab eadem Ilispulla Inlius At-
licns nnntiat, nihil iam ne me quidem impetraturum :
tarn obstinate magis ac magis induruisse. Dixerat sane

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 185

medico admoveiiti cibum, KexpiKa, quae vox, quantum
admirationis in animo meo, tantum desiderii reliqiiit.
Cogito, quo amico, quo vivo caream. Implevit quidem ii
annum septiraum et sexagesimum, quae aetas etiani
robustissimis satis longa est : scio. Evasit perpetuam
valetudinem : scio. Decessit superstitibus suis, floren-
te republica, quae illi omnibus suis carior erat : et hoc
scio. Tamen tanquam et juvenis et firmissimi mortem 12
doleo ; doleo autem, licet me imbecillum putes, meo
nomine. Amisi enim, amisi vitae meae testem, recto-
rem, magistrum. In summa, dicam, quod, recenti do-
lore, contubernali meo Calvisio dixi : vereor ne neyli-
(jentius vivam. Proinde adhibe solatia mihi ; non haec, la
senex erat, mjirmus erat (haec enim novi), sed nova ali-
qua sed magna, (juae audierim nunquam,legerim nun-
quam. Nam quae audivi, quae legi, sponte succurrunt,
sed tanto dolore superantur. Vale.

E. IX. (v. 16.)

[This is a particularly pleasing letter, exhibiting as it does
the tender and affectionate side of Pliny's character. His
friend Fundanus had just lost his younger daughter, a charm-
ing and sprightly girl, who had not yet completed her four-
teenth year. She seems to have been a universal favourite,
and to have been as good and amiable as she was, for her years,
intelligent and accomplished. She was patient and resigned
throughout her last illness. Her death was all the sadder, as
she was betrothed to a young man of great promise, and the
very day of the marriage was fixed. The fether, though ac-
cording to Pliny he had from his earliest youth fortified him-
self with the study of philosophy, was utterly inconsolable
under this heavy affliction. Pliny begs his friend, in case ©f
his writing a letter of condolence, to use the language of the
tenderest sympathy, and carefully to avoid any expression
which might seem to savour of censure or reproof.]

C. PLINIUS MARCELLING SUO S.

Tristissimus haec tibi scribo, Fundani nostri filia
minore defuncta, qua puella nihil unquam festivius,

136 C. PLINI SECUNDI

amabilius, iiec modo longiore vita, sed projie immorta-

2 litate, dignius vidi. Nondum annos quattuordecim
iuipleverat, et iam illi anilis prudentia, matronalis gra-
vitas erat, et taincn suavitas puellaris ruin virginali

3 verecundia. Ut ilia patris cervicibus inhacrcUat ! ut
nos amicos pateruos et amanter et modeste coni])lecte-
batur ! ut nutrices, ut paedagogos, ut praeceptores, pro
suo queinque officio, diligebat ! Quam sludiose, (piain
intelligenter lectitabat ! ut parce custuditeque ludebat •
Qua ilia temperantia, qua j)atientia, qua etiani constan-

4 tia novissiniam valetudineni tulit ! Medicis obseque-
batur, sororcm, patrem adhoitabatur, ip^amque se des-
titutam cori)oris sui viribus \igorc animi sustinebat.

5 Duravit hie illi usque ad extremum, nee aut spatio
valctudinis aut metu mortis infractus est, quo plures
gravioresque nobis causas relinqueret et desiderii et

6 doloris. O triste jjlane acerbumque funus ! o morte
ipsa mortis tempus indignius ! Iam dtstinata erat egre-
gio iuveni, iam electus nuptiarum dies, iam nos voeati.

7 Quod gaudium quo moerorc mutatum est ! Non pos-
simi exprimere verbis, quantum animo vidnus accepe-
rim, cum audivi Fundauum ipsum (ut multa luctuosa
dolor invenit) praecipicntem, quod in vestes, marga-
rita, gemmas, fuerat erogaturus, hoc in tlnira et un-

8 guenta et odorcs impenderetur. Est quidem ille elni-
ditus et sapiens, ut qui sc ab ineunte aetate altioribus
studiis artibusque dediderit: sed nunc omnia, quae
audiit saepeque dixit, aspernatur, expulsisque virtuti-

9 bus aliis, juetatis est totus. Ignosces, laudabis etiam,
si cogitaveris, quid amiserit. Amisit enim filiam, quae
non minus mores eius, quam os vultumque referel^at,

\0 totumque patrem mira similitudine exscripserat. Pro-
inde si quas ad eum de dolore tam iusto litteras
n)ittes, memento adhibere solatium, non quasi castiga-
torium et nimls forte, sed molle et humanum. Quod ut
facilius admittat, multum faciet medii temporis spatium.

11 Ut enim crudum adhuc vulnus medentium manus re-
formidat, dcinde patitur, atcpic ultro requirit ; sic
recens animi dolor consolatii)nos roiicit ac rcfugit, niox
desiderat, et clemeuter admotis acquiescit. Vale.

EPISTOLAR SELECTAE. 137

E. X. (viii. 23.)

'This letter tells us all that we know about Pliny's friend
Jmius Avitus. His career, which was one of singular promise,
was, to the great grief of Pliny, who loved him almost as if he
had been his son, cut short by death.]

C. PLINIUS MARCELLING SUO S.

Omnia niihi studia, omnes curas, omnia avocamenta
exemit, excussit, eripuit dolor, quern ex morte luni
Aviti gravissimum cepi. Latum clavum in domo 2
mea induerat : sufFragio meo adiutus in petendis hono-
ribus fuerat : ad hoc, ita me diligebat, ita verebatur, ut
me formatore morum, me quasi magistro uteretur.
liarum hoc in adolescentibus nostris. Nam quotus- 3
quisque vel aetati alterius, vel auctoritati, nt minor, ce-
dit ? Statim sapiunt, statim sciunt omnia : neminem
verentur, imitantiir neminem, atque ipsi sibi exempla
sunt. Sed non Avitu?, cuius haec praecipua prndentia,
quod alios prudentioi-es arbitrabatur ; haec praecipua
eruditio, quod discci e volebat. Semper ille aut de 4
studiis aliquid, aut de officiis vitae consulebat : semper
ita recedebat, ut melior factus : et erat foetus vel eo,
quod avidierat, vel quod omnino quaesierat. Quod r,
ille obsequium Serviano, exactissimo viro, praestitit !
quem legatnm tribunus ita et intellexit et cepit, ut ex
Germania inPannoniam transeuntem,non ut commilito,
sed ut comes adsectatorque sequeretur. Qua industria,
qua modestia quaestor consulibus suis (et plures habu-
it) non minus iucundus et gratus, quam visui fuit I Quo
discursu, qua vigilantia, banc ipsam aedilitatem, cui
praereptus est, petiit I Quod vel maxime dolorem meum
exulcerat. Obversantur oculis cassi labores, et infruc- e
tuosae preces, et honor qnem meruit tantum. Kedit
animo ille latus clavus in penatibusmeis sumptus?rede-
unt ilia prima, ilia postrema suftVagiamea, illi sermones,
illae consultationes. Adficior adolescentia ipsius, ad- 7
ficior necessitudinum casu. Erat illi grandis natu pa-
rens: erat uxor, qnam ante annum virginem accej)erat ;

138 c. iM.ixi si-x'rxDi

erat filla, (luam ante annum sustulerat. Tot spes, tot
8 gaudia dies unus in diversa convertit. Modo designa-
tus aedilis,recens maritus, recens pater, intactum liono-
rem, orhani matrciu, viduam uxorem, filiani i)uj)illan>,
ionarani avi, patris, reli([uit. Accedit lacriniis ineis,
quod absens, et impendentis mali nescius, ])anter ae-
grum, pariter decessisse, cognovi, ne gravissimo dolori
s timore consuescerem. In tantis tornicntis eram, cum
scribereni haec, scribercni sola. Xe(|uc enini nunc ali-
ud aut cogitare aut loqui possum. Vale.

E. XL (i. 22.^

j In this letter we have a sketch of the character and attain-
ments of Titus Aristo, an eminent lawyer for whose learning
Pliny had the highest ri-spcct. Elsewhere (viii. li) Pliny
submits to him an intricate question in connection with the
forms of procedure in the Senate on which he desires an
opinion. We learn from the present letter that Aristo was
ssufFerinc from prolonged sickness, and had resolved, should
ilie physicians hold out no hope of his recovery, to put an end
to his"' life. Such hope, however, there was; Pliny rejoices
in it, and hopes soon to be sufficiently free from anxiety about
his friend as to feel justified in leaving Rome for his Lauren-
tine Villa.]

C. PLINIUS CATILIO SEVERO SUO S.

Diu iam in urbe haereo, et quidem attonitus. Per-
turbat me longa et pertinax valetudo Titi Aristonis,
(luem singulariter et miror et diligo. Nihil est enim
illo rrravius, sanctius, doctius : ut mihi non inius homo,
sed lilerae ipsae omnesque bonae artes in uno homine
i» summum periculum adire videantur. Quam ])critus
ille et pi-ivati iuris et publici ! Quantum rcruni, (piaii-
tum exemidoruni, quantuin anti<[uitatis tenet I Nilul
est, quod discere velis. quod ille docere non ywssit :
mihi certe, quoties aliquid abditum quaero, ille the-

EPISTOLAE SELKCTAE. 139

saurus est. lam quanta sermonibus eius fides ! quanta 3
auctoritas ! quam pressa et decora cunctatio ! quid est,
quod non statim sciat ? Et tamen plerumque haesitat,
tlubitat, diversitate rationum, quas acri magnoque iu-
dicio ab origine causisque priniis repetit, discernit, ex-
pendit. Ad hoc quaui parous in victu ! quam modicus 4
in cultu ! Soleo ipsum cubiculum eius, ipsumque lec-
tum, ut imaginem quandani priscae frugalitatis ad-
spicere. Ornat haec magnitudo animi, quae nihil ad o
ostentationem, omnia ad conscientiam refert, recteque
facti non ex populi sermone mercedem sed ex facto
petit. In summa, non facile quis quemquam ex istis, e
qui sapientiae studium habitu corporis praeferunt, huic
viro comparabit. Non quidem gymnasia sectatur aut
porticus, nee disputationibus longis aliorum otium su-
umque delectat, sed in toga negotiisque versatur, mul-
tos advocatione, plures consilio iuvat. Nemini tamen 7
istorum castitate, pietate, iustitia, fortitudine etiam,
primo loco cesserit. Mirareris, si interesses, qua patien-
tia banc ipsam valetudinem toleret, ut dolori resistat, ut
sitim differat, ut incredibilem febrium ardorem immo-
tus opertusque transmittat. Nuper me pavicosque s
mecum, quos maxime diligit, advocavit, rogavitque,
ut medicos consvderemus de summa valetudinis, ut, si
esset insuperabilis, sponte exiret e vita : sin tantum dif-
ficilis et longa, resisteret maneretque ; dandum enim 9
precibus uxoris, dandum filiae lacrymis, dandum etiam
nobis amicis, ne spes nostras, si modo non essent ina-
nes, voluntaria morte desereret. Id ego arduum in pri-
mis, et praecipua laude dignum puto. Nam impetu 10
quodam et instinctu procurrere ad mortem, commune
cum multis : deliberare vero et causas eius expendere,
utque suaserit ratio, vitae mortisque consilium susci-
pere vel ponere, ingentis est animi. Et medici quidem 1 1
secunda nobis pollicentur : superest, ut promissis deus
adnuat, tandemque me hac solicitudine exsolvat ; qua
liberatus, Laurentinum meum, hoc est libellos et pugil-
lares, studiosumque otium repetam. Nunc enim nihil
legere, nihil scribere aut adsidenti vacat, aut auxio
libet. Habcs quid timeam, quid optem, quid etiam 12

140 C. PL IN I SECUNDl

in posteriim dcstinem : tu quid egcri?!, quid agas, quid
velis agere, invicem nobis, sed laetioribus ei)istolis,
scribe. Eiit confusioni meae non mediocre solatium,
si tu nihil qucrcris. Vale.

E. XII. (vii. 19.)

[Fannia, the second wife of Helvidius Priscus, a lady whom
Pliny held in high esteem, was suffering from a severe illness
which she had contracted while attending on the sick bed of
one of the Vestal viigins. Piiiiy expresses in this letter hia
deep grief at the prospect of tlie heavy loss Avhich the State
will sustain by the death of so noble a woman. She had
twice accompanied her husband into exile, first in the reign
of Nero, "a second time in that of Vespasian. She was herself
sentenced to banisliment l)y Doniitian. Pliny here gives us
her courageous answer to the delator Metius Cams, on the
occasion of the trial of Senecio, Avhose crime consisted in
having written a laudatory memoir ol' her husband's lile. (See
Tacit. Afjr. 2.) She appears irom this letter to have been as
gentle and amiable as she couM be firm and fearless. "We
may conclude that she with many otliers returned from ban-
ishment alter Domitian's death.]

C. PLINIUS FRISCO SUO S.

Angit me Fanniae valetudo. Contraxit banc, dum
adsidet luniae virgini, sponte ])riuium (est enim adfi-

2 nis), deinde etiam ex auctoritate pontificum. Xam
Virgines, cum vi morbi atrio Vestae coguutur exce-
dere, matronarum curaecustodiaequemandantur. Quo
nuinere Fannia dum sedulo i'ungitur, hoc discrimine

3 implicita est. Insident febres, tussis inci'escit. suinma
macies, sununa defectio: animus tantuui et s})iritus vi-
get, Helvidio marito, Thrasea patre dignissimus : reii-
(|ua labuntur, mcqiie nou metu tautuiu, verum etiam

4 dolore conficiunt. Doleo eniui, umximam feminam
eripi ocidis civitatis, neseio an ali([uid simile vi.suris.
Quae castitas iUi ! quae sanctitas ! quanta gravitas !

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 141

quanta constaiitia ! Bis maritum secuta in exsilium
est, teitio ipsa propter maritum relegata. Nam, cum 5
Senecio reus asset, quod de vita Helvidii libros compo-
suisset, rogatumque se a Fannia in defensione dixisset,
([uaei'ente minaciter Metio Caro, an rogasset, respondit,
Roqavi ; an commentarios scrij)turo dedisset, Dedi ; an
sciente matre, Nescimte. Postremo nullam vocem ce-
dentem periculo emisit. Quin etiam illos ipsos libros, 6
quamquam ex necessitate et metu temporum abolitos
SC, publicatis bonis, servavit, babuit, tulitque in ex-
iliiun exiHi caussam. Eadem quam iucunda, quam 7
comis, quam denique (quod paucis datum est) non mi-
nus amabilis, quam veneranda ! Eritne, quam postea
uxoribus nostris ostentare possimus ? erit, a qua viri
quoque fortitudinis exempla sumamus ? quam sic cer-
nentes audientesque miremur, ut illas, quae leguntur ?
Ac mibi domus ipsa nutare, convulsaque sedibus suis 3
ruitura supra videtur, licet adhuc posteros habeat.
Quantis enim virtutibus quantisque factis adsequentur,
ut liaec non novissima occiderit ? Me quidem illudp
etiam adfligit et torquet, quod matrem eius, illani (nihil
possum illustrius dicere) tantae feminae matrem, rui-
sus videor amittere, quam haec, ut reddit ac refert
nobis, sic auferet secum, meque et novo pariter et re-
scisso vulnere adficiet. Utramque colui, utramque lo
dilexi : ntram magis, nescio : nee discerni volebant.
Habuerunt officia mea in secundis, habuerunt in ad-
versis. Ego solatium relegatarum, ego ultor rever- ,
sarum : non feci tamen paria, atque eo magis banc
cupio servari, ut mihi solvendi tempora supersint. In U
his eram curis, cum scriberem ad te ; quas si deus ali-
quis in gaudium verterit, de metu non querar. Vale.

142 C. I'LIXI SECUXDI

K XIII. (vi. 25.)

[A someM hat singular incident, which seems to show that
travelling in Italy was occasdonally dangerous, forms the sub-
ject of this letter. It is in reply to a communication received
from one of Pliny's friends, to the effect that a Roman knight
had mysteriously disjvppeared shortly alter leaving Ocriculum,
a town in Umbria, about forty-four miles from Eome. Pliny
fears that he has been murdered, and mentions a similar
circumstance in connection with a fellow-townsman of his
own, for whom he had procured a military command, giving
him at the same time about 350/. for his outfit. Nothing
was ever heard of the man afterwards ; and Pliny can only
account for his disappearance by the supposition of foul play.]

C. PLINIUS HISPANO SUO S.

Scribis, Kobustum, splendidum equitem Romanum,
cum Attilio Scauro, amico meo, Ocriculum usque com-
mune iter fecisse, deinde nusquam comparuisse : petis,
ut Scaurus veniat, nosque, si potest, in aliqua inquisi-

2 tionis vestigia inducat. Veniet ; vereor ne frustra.
Suspicor enim tale nescio quid Robusto accidisse, quale

3 aliquando Metilio Crispo, municipi meo. Huic ego
ordinem impetraveram, atque etiam jn'oficiscenti qua-
draginta millia nummum ad instruendum se ornandum-
que donaveram ; nee postea aut epistolas eius, aut ali-

■* quem de exitu nuntium accepi. Interceptusne sit a
suis, an cum suis, dubium : certe non ipse, non quis-
quam ex servis eius apparuit. Utiuam ne in Kobusto

5 idem experiamur ! Tamcn arcessamus Scaurum. De-
mus hoc tuis, demus optimi adolescentis houestissimis
])recibus, qui pietate mira, mira etiam sagacitate, patrem
quaerit. Di faveant, ut sic inveniat i])sum, quemad-
niodum iam, cum quo fuisset, invenit ! Vale.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 14 3

E. XIV. (vii. 27.)

[Pliny seems, from this amusing letter, which closely re-
sembles some modern ghost stories, to have been by no meana
free from superstitious tendencies. He avers his belief in the
reality of apparitions, and siipports it with four instances
which had come to his ears. One of them is the case of a
haunted house at Athens, in which, he says, some human
bones with chains about them were discovered on a spot to
which the apparition had been traced and where it suddenly
disappeared. He mentions a singular fact in connection with
himself at the end of the letter. It appears that an informa-
tion had been actually lodged against him by Carus Metius,
and the paper containing it was found in Domitian's portfolio
after the Emperor's death.

Pliny's friend and correspondent, Licinius Sura, was a man
of considerable importance in the reigns of Nerva, Trajan,
and Hadrian ; and he aj^pears, from the alkisions we have
to him in Dio Cassius, Aurelius Victor, and Spartianus' Life of
Hadrian, to have been to a great extent instrumental in ad-
vancing Trajan and Hadrian to the throne. He was employed
by Trajan to write his speeches, and in the Dacian war was
sent as an ambassador to the Dacian King Decebalus.]

C. PLINIUS SUEAE SUO S.

Et mihi discendi, et tibi docendi facultatem otium
praebet. Igitur perquam velim scire, esse phantasmata
et habere propriam figurara numenque aliquod putes,
an mania et vana ex nietu nostro imaginem accipere.
Ego lit esse credam, in primis eo ducor, quod audio 2
accidisse Curtio Rufo. Tenuis adhuc et obscurus
obtinenti Africam comes liaeserat : inclinato die spatia-
batur in porticu : offertur ei mulieris figura humana
grandior pulchriorque : perterrito, Africam se, futu-
rorum praenuntiam, dixit : itiirum enim Rommn, hono-
resque gesturum, atque etiam cum summo imperio in
eandem provinciam reversurum,ibiquemoriturum. Facta 3
sunt omnia. Praeterea accedenti Carthao-inem, ecrre-
dientique navem, eadem figura in litoi-e occurrisse
narratur. Ipse certe implicitus morbo, futura prae-
teritis, adversa secundis auguratus, speni salutis, nullo
s^iorum desperante, proiecit. lam illud nonne et 4

Ill C. PLINI SECUNDI

magis terribile ct non minus mirum est? quod ox

5 ponani, ut acccpi. Erat Athenis spatiosa et ca])ax
(luuuis, seel infainis et j)cstilens. Per silentium iioctis
sonus ferri, et, si attenderes acrius, strepitus vincu-
lorum longius primo, deiude e })i-oximo reddebatur :
mox apparcl)at idolon, senex raacie et squalore con-
fectus, proniissa barba, liorrenti capillo : cruribus
compodes, manibus catenas gerebat quatiebatquc. In-

6 de inhabitantibus tristes diraeque noctes per nietuni
viscilabantur : vio-iliam morbus et crescenle formidine
mors sequebatur. Nam interdiu quoque, quamquam
abscesserat imago, mcmoria imagiuis oculis incrra-
bat, longiorque caussa timoris timor erat. Deserta
inde et damnata solitudine domus, totaque illi monstro
relicta; proscribebatur tanicn, sen quis emerc, seu

7 quis couducere, ignarus tanti mali, vellet. Vcnit
Athenas philosopbus Athenodorus, legit titulum : au-
ditoque pretio, quia suspecta vilitas, percunctatus,
omnia docetur, ac niliilo minus, immo tanto magis con-
ducit. i^bi coejjit advesperasccre, iubet sterni sibi in
prima domus parte, ]X)Scit pugillares, stilum, lumen:
suos omnes in interiora dimittit, ipse ad scribendum
animum, oculos, maniun intcndit,ne vacua mens audita

8 simulacra et inanes sibi metus fingeret. Initio, quale
ubique, silentiiun noctis, deinde concuti ferrum, vin-
cula moveri : ille non tollere oculos, non remittere
stilum, sed obfirniare animum, auribusque praetendere:
tum crebescere Iragor, adventare etiani, ct iam ut in
limine, iam ut intra liinen audiri: resi)icit, videt, agno-

9 scitejue narratam sibi effigiem. Stabat innuebatque
digito, similis vocanti : hie contra, ut paullum exs])ec-
taret, manu significat, rursusque ceris ct stilo incumbit:
ilia scribentis cajnti catcnis insonabat : rci-picit rursus
idem, quod prius, innuentem : nee moratus, tollit lumen,

10 et sequitur. Ibat ilia lento gradu, quasi gravis vincu-
lis; postquam deflexit in arcam domus, rcpcnte dilapsa
deserit comitem : desertus hcrbas et folia conccrpta

11 signum loco ponit. Postero die adit magistratus, mo-
net, ut ilium locum eflfodi iubeant. Inveniuntur ossa
inserta catenis et implicita, quae oorjms aevo tcrracjue

EPISTOLAE SKLECTAE. 145

putrefactum nuda et exesa reliquerat vinculis : collecta
publice sepeliuntur : domus postea rite conditis manibus
caruitx/Et haec quideiii adfirmantibus credo. Illud 12
adfirim^ aliis possum. Est libertus inihi, non illite-
ratus. Cum hoc minor frater eodem lecto quiesce-
bat. Is visus est sibi cernere quendam in toro residen-
tem, admoventemque capiti suo cultros, atque etiam
ex ipso vertice amputantem capillos. Ubi illuxit, ipse
circa verticem tonsus, capilli iacentes reperiuntur.
Exiguum temporis medium, et rursas simile aliud 13
priori fidem fecit. Puer in paedagogio mistus pluribus
dormiebat : venerunt per fenestras (ita narrat) in tuni-
cis albis duo, cubantemque detonderunt ; et qua vene-
raut, recesserunt. Hunc quoque tonsum, sparsosque
circa capillos dies ostendit. Nihil notabile secutum, 14
nisi forte, quod non fui reus : futurus, si Domitianus,
sub quo haec acciderunt, diutius vixisset. Nam in
scrinio eius datus a Caro de me libellus inventus est ;
ex quo coniectari potest, quia reis moris est submittere
capillum, recisos meoi'um capillos depulsi, quod immi-
nebat, periculi signum fuisse. Proinde rogo, eruditio-
nem tuam intendas. Digna res est, quam diu mul- 15
tumque consideres : ne ego quidem indignus, cui
copiam scientiae tuae facias. Licet etiam utramque in 16
partem, ut soles, disputes : ex altera tamen fortius, ne
me suspensum incertumque dimittas, cum mihi consu-
lendi caussa fuerit, ut dubitare desinerem. Vale.

K XV. (iii. 1.)

[This pleasant and interesting letter describes the manner
of life which Vestricius Spurinna followed in the retirement
of his old age. Pliny had lately been on a visit to his house,
and had been impressed witli the regularity of his habits,
the refinement of his taste, and his general mental and bodily
vigour.]

C. PLINIUS CALVISIO SUO S.

Nescio, an ullum iucundius tempus exegerim, quam

L

146 C. PLIXI SECUNDI

quo nuper apud Spurinnam fui ; adeo quidem, ut ne-
niinem magis in senectute (si inodo senescere datiuu
est) aemulari vcliin : nihil est eniin illo vitae <^enere

2 distinctius. Me autem ut certus siderum cursus, ita vita
hominum disposita delectat, senum praesertim. Nam
iuvenes confusa adhuc quaedam et quasi turbata non in-
decent : senibixs placida omnia et ordinata conveniunt,

3 quibus industria sera, turi)is ambitio est. Hanc regu-
1am Spurinna constantissime servat ; quin etiam parva
haec, (parva, si non cotidie fiant) ordine quodam et

4 velut orbe circumagit. ISIane lectulo continetur : liora
secunda calceos poscit, ambulat millia passuum tria.
Nee minus animum quam coi'pus exercet. Si adsunt
amici, honcstissimi sermones explicantur : si non, liber
legitur : interdum etiam praesentibus aniicis, si tanieu

5 illi non gravantur. Delude considit, et liber rursus,
aut sermo libro potior : mox vehiculum ascendit, adsu-
mit uxorem singularis exemj)li, vel aliquem amicorum,

G ut me proximo. Quam pulchrum illud, quam dulce
secretum ! quantum ibi antiquitatis ! quae facta, quos
riros audias ! quibus praeceptis imbuare ! quamvis ille
hoc temperamentum modestiae suae indixerit, ne prae-

7 cipere videatur. Peractis septem millibus passuum,
iterum ambulat mille, iterum residit, vel se cubiculo ac
stilo reddit. Scribit enim, et quidem utraque lingua,
lyrica doctissima. Mira illis dulcedo, mira suavitas,
mira hilaritas, cuius gratiam cumulat sanctitas scriben-

8 tis. Ubi hora balinei nuntiata est, (est autem hieme
nona, aestate octava) in sole, si caret vento, ambulat
nudus. Delude movetur pila vehementer et diu : nam
hoc quoque exercitatioris genere pugnat cum senectute.
Lotus accubat, et ])aullisper cibuni diifert : interim audit
legentem remissius aliquid et dulcius. Per hoc omne
tempus liberum est amicis vel eadem agere, vel alia, si

9 malint. Apponitur coena non minus nitida quam
frugi, in argento puro et antiquo. Sunt in usu et
Corinthia, quibus delectatur nee adficitur. Frequenter
comoedis coena distinguitur, ut voluptates quoque
etudiis condiantur. Sumit aliquid de nocte et aestate.
Nemini hoc longum est ; tanta comitate conviviuin

o

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 147

trahitur. Inde illl post septimum et septuagesimum lo
annum aurium oculorumque vigor integer; inde agile
et vividum corpus, solaque ex senectute prudentia.
Haiic ego vitam voto et cogitatione praesumo, ingres- ii
sums avidissime, ut primum ratio aetatis receptui
canere permiserit. Interim mille laboribus conteror,
quorum mihi et solatium et exemplum est idem Spu-
rinna. Nam ille quoque, quoad honestum fuit, obiit
officia, gessit magistratus, provincias rexit ; multoque
labore hoc otium meruit. Igitur eundem mihi cursum, 12
eundem terminum statuo: idque iam nunc apud te
subsigno, ut, si me longius evehi videris, in ius voces
ad banc epistolam meam, et quiescere iubeas, cum
inertiae crimen efFugero, Vale.

E. XVI. (i. 5.)

[This and the three following letters tell us some singular
anecdotes about a well-known man of the time, who had been
a conspicuously successful ' delator.' Eegulus had made so
profitable a use of the opportunities afforded him by the reigns
of Nero and Domitian, that he had risen from obscure poverty
into almost fabulous wealth and an important social position.
He seems to have been a strange mixture of vindictiveness,
cowardice, preposterous affectation, and a certain sort of ability
which, coupled with indefatigable industry, brought him con-
siderable success at the bar. It is generally supposed that he
was the same man as the Kcgulus of whom Martial more than
once speaks in very complimentary language (see Ejng. i. 13,
83, 112 ; iv. 16). The poet always flattered the favourites of
Domitian, and looked to them for patronage.

In the present letter Pliny tells us with much self-compla-
cency how skilfully he contrived to avoid a trap laid for him
by Eegulus on the occasion of a trial in which he and Regu-
lus were counsel on ojiposite sides.]

C. PLINIUS VOCONIO EOMANO SUO S.

Vidistine quemquam Marco Eegulo timidiorem humi-
lioremque post Domitiani mortem ? sub quo non minora

148 C. TLINI SECUNDI

flagitia comniiserat, quam sub Xerone, sed tectiora.
Coepit vcreri, ne sibi irascerei : nee fallebatiir; irasce-

2 bar. Ilustiei Aruleni periculum foverat, exsultaverat
morte, adeo ut librum recitaret publiearetque, in quo
llusticum insectatur, atque etiam Stoicorum siiniam

3 appellat. Adicit Vitelliana cicatrice stigmosum. Ag-
noscis eloquentiam Keguli. Laccrat Herennium Sene-
cionem, tain intemperanter quidem, ut dixerit ei Metius
Carus : Quid tibi cum meis viortuis ? Numquid ego aut
Crasso aut Camerino moJestus sum ? quos ille sub

4 Xerone accusaverat. Haec nie Regulus dolenter tu-
lisse credebat, ideoque etiam, eum recitaret librum, non
adhibuerat. Praeterea reminiscebatur, quam ca})itali-

5 ter ipsum me apud centumviros lacessisset. Aderaui
Arionillae, Timonis nxori, rogatu Aruleni Rustic!.
Regulus conti-a. Xitebamur nos in parte causae sen-
tentia ISIetii Modesti, optimi viri : is tunc in exilic
erat, a Domitiano relegatus. Ecce tibi Regulus,
Qnaero, inquit, Secunde, quid de Modesto seiitias. Vidcs,
(juod ])ericulum, si respondissem, bene', quod flagitimn,
si, mule. Non possum dicere aliud tunc milii, quam
decs adfuisse. Resjwndebo, inquam, quid sentiam, si de
hoc centumviri iudicaturi suvt. Rursus ille, Quaero,

6 quid de Modesto sentius. Iterum ego, Solebant testes
in reos, non in damnatos intirroguri. Tertio ille, Non
iam quid de Modesto, sed quid de pietate Modesti sentias.

» Quaeris, inquam, quid sentiam 9 At ego ne interrognre
quidem fas puto, de quo pronuntiatum est. Conticuit :
me laus et gratulatio secuta est ; quod nee famam
meam aliquo response, utili fortasse, inhonesto tamen,
laeseram, nee me laqueis tam insidiosae interrogationis

g involveram. Nunc ergo conscientia cxterritus appre-
liendit Caecilium Celerem ; mox Fabiuui lustum rogat,
ut me sibi reconcilient. Nee contentus, pervenit ad
Spurinnam ; huic suppliciter (ut est, quum timet, ab-
iectissimus) : Rogo, incjuit, mane videas Plinium domi :
sed plane mane; ncque enim diutius ferre solUcitudinem
possum ; et quoquo modu efficias, ne mihi irascatur.

9 Evigilaveram. Kuntius a Spuvinna: Venio ad te. —
Jmmo ego ad te Coimus in portieu Liviae, cum alter

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 149

ad alterum tenderemus. Exponit Kegiili mandata,
addit preces suas, ut decebat optimum virum pro dissi-
millimo, parce. Cui ego : Dispicies ipse, quid renun- lo
tiandum Regulo putes: te decipi a me non oportet, Ex-
specto Mauricurn (nondum enim ab exilio venerat), ideo
nihil alterutram in partem respondere tibi possum, fac-
turus quidquid Hie decreverit. Ilium enim esse huius
consilii ducem, me comitem, decet. Paucos post dies 1 1
ipse me Kegulus convenit in praetoris officio : illuc
me persecutus secretum petit. Ait, timere se, ne animo
meo penitus haereret, quod iii centunivirali ixidicio ali-
quando dixisset, cum responderet mihi et Satrio Rufo :
Satrius Rufus, cui non est cum Cicerone aemulatio, et
qui contentus est eloquentia seculi nostri. Respondi, 12
nunc me intelligere maligne dictum, quia ipse confitere-
tur : ceterum potuisse honorijicum existimari. Est enim,
inquam, mihi cum Cicerone aemulatio, nee sum conten-
tus eloquentia seculi nostri. Nam stultissimum credo, 13
ad imitandum non optima quaeque proponere. Sed
tu, qui huius iudicii meministi, cur illius oblitus es,
in quo me interrogasti, quid de Meti Modesti pietate
sentirem ? Expalluit notabiliter, quamvis palleat sem-
per : et haesitabundus inquit, Interrogavi, non ut tibi
nocerem, sed ut Modesto. Vide hominis crudelitatem,
qui se non dissimulet exuli nocere voluisse. Sub- 14
iunxit egregiam causam : Scripsit, inquit, in epistola
quadam, quae apud Domitianum recitata est: Regulus,
omnium bipedum nequissimus ; quod quidem
Modestus verissime scripserat. Hie fere nobis ser- 15
raonis terminus. Neque enim volui progredi longius,
ut mihi omnia libera servarem, dum Mauricus venit.
Nee me praeterit, esse Regulum hva-Kadalpsrov : est
enim locuples, factiosus ; curatur a multis, timetur a
pluribus, quod plerumque fortius amore est. Potest
tamen fieri, ut haec concussa labantur. Nam gratia
malorum tarn infida est, quam ipsi. Verum, ut idem 16
saepius dicam, ex spec to Mauricum. Vir est gravis,
prudens, multis experimentis eruditus, et qui futura
possit ex praeteritis providere. Mihi et tentandi ali-
quid et quiescendi illo auctore ratio constabit. Haec 17

150 C, PLIM SECUNDI

tibi scripsi, quia aequuni erat, te pro amore mutuo non
solum omnia mea facta dictaque, verura etiam consilia
cognoscere. Vale.

E. XVIL (ii. 20.)

[Here we have anecdotes of Regiilus in the capacity of a
captator, or legacy-hunter.]

C. PLINIUS CALVISIO SUO S.

Assem para, et accipe auream fabulam, fabulas
immo. Nam me priorum nova admonuit : nee refert,

2 a qua potissimum incipiam. Verania Pisonis graviter
iacebat ; huius dice Pisonis, quern Galba adoptavit.
Ad banc Kegulus venit. Primum impudentiam ho-
minis, qui venerit ad aegi'am, cuius marito inimicis-

3 simus, ipsi invisissimus fuerat. E&to, si venit tantimi :
at ille etiam proximus torn sedit : quo die, qua bora
nata esset, interrogavit. Ubi audivit, componit vultuu),
intendit oculos, movet lal)ra, agitat digitos, computat —

4 nihil : din miseram exspcctatione suspendit. Ilahcs,
inquit, dhnactericum tcinpus, acd evades. Quod ut tibi
magis liqueat, aruspicem consulam, quern sum fre-

5 quentcr expertus. Nee mora : sacrificium facit, ad-
firmat, exta cum siderum significatione congruere. Ilia,
ut in periculo, ci'edula, ])oscit codicillos : legatum Re-
gulo scribit : mox ingravescit : clamat moriens, o ho-
minem neqiiarn, perjidum , ac plus etiam quam periurum !

6 qui sibi per salutem filii peierasset. Facit hoc Kegulus
non minus scelerate quam frequenter, quod iram deorum,
quos ipse cotidie fallit, in caput infelicis pueri detes-

7 tatur. Yelleius Blaesus ille locuples, consularis, no-
vissima valetudine conflictabatur : cnpiebat mutare
testamentum. Kegulus, qui speraret aiiquid ex novis
tabulis, quia nuper captare eum coeperat, medicos hor-
tari, rogare, quoquo modo spiritum bomini prorogarent.

8 Postquam signatum est testamentum, mutat personam,

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE, 151

vertit allocutionem, isdemque medicis, Quousque mi-
serum cruciatis ? quid invidetis bona morte, cui dare
vitam non potestis ? Moritur Blaesus, et tamquam
omnia audisset, Regulo ne tantulum quidem. Suffi- 9
ciunt duae fabulae, an scholastica lege tertiam poscis ?
Est unde fiat. Aurella, ornata femina, signatura tes- lo
tamentum, sumpserat pulcherrimas tunicas. Kegulus
cum venisset ad signandum, Rogo, inquit, has mild
leges. Aui'elia ludere hominem putabat ; ille serio in-
stabat. Necmulta: coegit mulierem aperire tabulas, ii
ac sibi tunicas, quas erat induta, legare : observavit
scribentem, inspexit, an scripsisset. Et Aui-elia qui-
dem vivit : ille tamen istud tanquam morituram coegit.
Et hie hereditateSj hie legata, quasi mereatur, accipit.
'AA,Xa Tt BcaTsivo/xat in ea civitate, in qua iampridem is
non minora praemia, immo maiora, nequitia et impro-
bitas, quam pudor et virtus, habent? Adspice Regu- 13
lum, qui ex paupere et tenui ad tantas opes per llagitia
processit, ut ipse mihi dixerit, cum consuleret, quam
cito sestertium sexcenties impleturus esset, invenisse se
exta duplicia quibus portendi, millies et ducenties ha-
biturum. Et habebit, si modo, ut coepit, aliena testa- 14
menta, quod est impi'obissimura genus falsi, ipsis,
quorum sunt ilia, dictaverit. Vale.

K XVIII. (iv. 2.)

[Regulus had lately lost his son, a lad of some ability and
promise. By the legal process termed emancipatio he had
released the youth from his paternal power, and thus enabled
him to acquire the right of becoming heir to the property of
his mother, who, we suppose, was unwilling, from fear of the
consequences, to make him her heir as long as he was under
his fatlier's control and could inherit nothing for himself
According to Roman law, whatever was bequeathed to a son
still under the patria potestas belonged, as a matter of course,
to the father. Eegulus, if popular gossip might be trusted, in his
anxiety to secure for himself his son's fortune, used to fawn upon

152 C. TLIXI SECUNDI

him with the most unseemly adulation. He made a singularly
grotesque show of sorrow on the occasion of his death. The
boy kei)t a number of pet animals : these the father had killed
on the funeral pile.]

C. PLINIUS CLEMENTI SUO S.

Regulus filium amisit : hoc uno malo indignus, quod
nescio an malum putet. Erat puer acris ingenii, sed
ambigui: qui tamen posset recta sectari, si patrem non

2 referret. Hunc Regulus emancipavit, ut heres matris
exsisteret. Mancipatum(ita vulgo ex moribus hominis
loquebautur) foeda et insolita parentibus indulgen-
tiae sirtiulatione captabat. Incredibile, sed Regulura

3 cogita. Amissum tamen luget insane. Habebat jnier
mannulos multos, et iunctos et solutos : liabebat canes
maiores minoresque : habebat luscinias, psittacos, me-

4rulas: omnes Regukis circa rogum trucidavit. Nee
dolor erat ille, sed ostentatio doloris. Convcnitxir ad
eum mira celebritate. Cuncti detestantur, oderunt, et
quasi probent, quasi diligant, cursant, frequentant :
utque breviter, quod sentio, enuntiem, in Regulo de-

5 merendo Regulum imitantur. Tenet se trans Tiberim
in hortis, in quibus latissimum solum porticibus im-
mensis, ripam statuis suis occupavit, ut est in summa
avaritia sumptuosus, in summa infjxmia gloriosus.

6 Vexat ergo civitatem insaluberrimo tempore ; et quod
vexat, solatium putat. Dicit se velle ducere uxorem :

7 hoc quoque, sicut alia, perverse. Audies brevi nup-
tias lugentis, nuptias senis : quorum alterum immatu-

8 rum, alterum serum est. Unde hoc augurer, quaeris?
Non quia adfirmat ipse (quo mendacius nihil est), sed
< I Ilia certum est, Regulum esse facturum, quidquid
fieri non oportet. Vale.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 153

E. XIX. (iv. 7.)

[This gives us additional anecdotes about the peculiar
manner in which Eegulus had manifested his sorrow for his
son, as well as a remark on the oratorical success which, in
spite of various defects, his self- confidence had gained for
him.]

C. PLINIUS LEPIDO SUO S.

Saepe tibi dico, inesse vim Regulo. Mirum est,
quam efficiat, in quod incubuit. Placuit ei lugere
filium : luget, ut nemo. Placuit statuas eius et ima-
gines quara plurimas facere : hoc omnibus officiuis agit.
Ilium coloribus, ilium ceVa, ilium aere, ilium argento,
ilium auro, ebore, marmore effingit. Ipse vero et nu- 2 (Zcn^txav
per, adhibito ingenti auditovio, librum de vita eius reci-
tavit, de vita pueri : recitavit tamen ; eundem in exem-
plaria transcriptum mi lie, per totam Italiam provin-
ciasque dimisit. Scrlpsit publice, ut a decurionibus
eligeretur vocalissimus aliquis ex ipsis, qui legeret eum
populo : factum est. Hanc ille vim (seu quo alio 3
nomine vocanda est intentio, quidquid velis, obtinendi)
si ad potiora vertisset, quantum boni efficere potuisset ! ^
Quamquam minor vis bonis, quam malis, inest, ac sicut
dfjuadia ^sv Opdaos, Xoytafios Bs okvov (pspsi, ita recta
ingenia debilitat vei'ecundia, perversa confirmat au-
dacia. Exemplo est Regulus. Imbecillum latus, os 4
confusum, haesitans lingua, tardissima inventio, memo-
ria nulla : nihil denique praeter ingenium insanum :
et tamen eo impudentia ipsoque illo furore pervenit, ut
orator habeatur. Itaque Herennius Senecio mirifice 5
Catonis illud de oratore in hunc e contrario vertit :
Orator est vir malus, dicendi imperifus. Non, meher-
cule, Cato ipse tiim bene verum oratorem, quam hie
Regulum expressit. Habesne, quo tali epistolae parem 6
gratiam referas ? Habes, si scripseris, num aliquis in
municipio vestro ex sodalibus meis, num etiam ipse tu
hunc luctuosum Reguli librum, ut circulator, in foro

154 C. TLIXI SECUXDI

legeris, kirdpas scilicet, ut ait Demosthenes, t^c (fxovrji',
7 Kai <y£y7]6ct)s, koI Xapvyyl^wi'. Est enim tarn ineptus,
lit risiini magis possit exprinicre, qiiain gemitiira.
Credas nun de })uero scriptutn, scd a pucro. Vale

E. XX. (i. 3.)

[Pliny in this letter urges his friend Caninius Rufua to take
advantage of his retirement amid the beautiful scenery of
Comnm for the accomplishment of some great literary work.
Caninius was Pliny's neighbour at Comum, and an intimate
friend. We hear from B. XVIII. that he thought of comme-
morating Trajan's achievements in Dacia in an epic poem.
Letters B. Xl'l., XVI., XVII., D. III., and E. XXVII. are ad-
dressed to him.]

C. PLINIUS C.4NINI0 RUFO SUO S.

Quid agit Comum, tuae meaeque deliciae? quid
snburbanum amoenissimum ? quid ilia porticus verna
semper ? quid platanon opacissimus ? quid Euripus
viridis ct gcmineus ? quid subiectus et serviens lacus ?
quid ilia mollis et tamen solida gcstatio? quid bali-
neum illud, quod plurimus sol imi)let et circumit ? quid
triclinia ilia ])0])ularia, ilia paucorum ? quid cubicula
diurna nocturna ? Possident te et per vices partiuntur ?

2 an, lit solebas, iuteutione rei familiaris obeundae,
crebris excursionibus avocaris ? Si te possident, felix

3 beatusque es : si minus, unus ex multis. Quin tu
(tempus est enim) humiles et sordidas curas aliis man-
das, et ipse te in alto isto j)inguique secessu studiis
adseris? Hoc sit negotium tuum, hoc otium : hie
labor, haec quies : in his vigilia, in his etiam somnus

4 reponatur. Eftinge aliquid et excude, quod sit per-
petuo tuum. Nam reliqua rcrum tuarum post te alium
atcjue alium dominum sortientur : hoc numquam tuum

5 desinet esse, si semel coeperit. Scio, quem animum,
quod horter ingenium. Tu modo enitere, ut tibi ipse
gis tanti, quanti videberis aliis, si tibi fueris. Vale.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 155

E. XXL (i. 9.)

[Pliny draws a contrast between city life, so busy and so
unsatisfactory, and the quiet and satisfying enjoyments and
occupations of the country.]

C. PLINIUS MINUCIO FUNDANO SUO S,

Mlruni est quam singulis diebus in urbe ratio aut
constet aut constare yideatur, pluribus cunctisque non
constet. Nam si quern interroges, Hoclie quid cgisti ? 2
respondeat. Officio togae virilis interfui, sponsalia
aut miptias frequentavi ; ille me ad signandum testamen-
tum, ille in advocationem, ille in consilium rogavit.
Haec quo die feceris necessaria ; eadem, si cotidie 3
fecisse te reputes, inania videntur, multo magis cum
secesseris. Tunc enim subit recordatio, Quot dies quam
frigidis rebus absumpsi ! Quod evenit mihi postquam 4
in Lauren tino meo aut lego aliquid aut scribo, aut
etiam corpori vaco cuius fulturis animus sustinetur.
Nihil audio quod audisse, nihil dico quod dixisse poe- 5
niteat. Nemo apud me quemquam sinistris sermoni-
bus carpit, neminem ipse reprehendo, nisi tamen me,
cum parum commode scribo ; nulla spe, nullo timore
sollicitor, nullis rumoribus inquietor : mecum tantum
et cum libellis loquor. O rectam sinceramque vitam ! 6
o dulce otium, honestumque ac paene omni negotio .
pulchrius ! O mare, o litus, verum secretumque
fiovaslov ! quam multa invenitis, quam multa dictatis !
Proinde tu quoque strepitum istum inanemqvie dis- 7
cursum, et multum ineptos labores, ut primum fuerit
occasio, relinque, teque studiis vel otio trade. Satius s
est enim, ut Attilius noster eruditissime simul et
facetissirae dixit, otiosum esse, quam nihil agere. Vale.

156 C. PLLVI SKCUXDI

E. XXII. (i. 15.)

[Pliny jokingly tells his friend Septicius, who had broken
an engagement to dinner, that he should bring an action
against him for damages. He hints that his friend had pre-
ferred more sumptuous fare elsewhere to the simplicity of his
own entertainment, but avows that he could not have enjoyed
himself more thoroughly.]

C. PLINIUS SEPTICIO CLARO SUO S.

Heus tu, promittis ad coenam, nee venis ! Dicetur
ius: ad assem impendium reddes, nee id modicum.

2 Paratae erant lactucae siiigulae, cochleae ternae, ova
bina, alica cum mulso et nive (nam lumc quoque com-
putabis, imrao banc in primis, quae perit in ferculo),
olivae, betacei, eucurbitae, bulbi, alia mille non minus
lauta. Audisses comoedum, vel lectorem, vel lyristen,

3 vel, quae mea liberalitas, omnes. At tu apud nescio
quem, ostrea, vulvas, echinos, Gaditanas, maluisti. Da-
bis poenas, non dico quas. Dure fecisti : invidisti, nescio
an tibi, certe mihi, sed tamen et tibi. Quantum nos lu-

4 sisseuius, risissemus, studuissemus ! Potes apparatius
coenare apud multos : nusquam hilarius, simplicius,
incautius. In summa, ex})enre : et nisi postea te aliis
potius excusaveris, mihi semper excusa. Vale.

E. XXin. (ii. 6.)

[Pliny tells us in this letter that he had lately dined at the,
house of a man who had been guilty of the bad taste of
treating some of his guests differently from others. Therf>
were three kinds of wine, the first and best for the host and a
select few, the second best for his inferior friends, the last and
worst kind for liis freedmen. Pliny takes care to let his friend
know that, whenever he entertained, he put only one kind of
wine on table, and warns him, as a young man, against beinf

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 157

imposed on by any such pitiful attempt to combine vulgar
show with economy.

Two of Pliny's friends, it appears, bore the cognomen of
Avitus. They were probably brothers. Both were young men
of singvilar promise, and both died young. In Ep. v. 21, wp have
mention of the death of a Julius Avitus, who died at sea as he
was on his return from a province where he had been quaestor.
He is spoken of as a youth of wonderful literary attainments,
and as certain to have risen to the highest honours of the state
had he lived. But a yet more intimate friend of Pliny would
seem to have been a Junius Avitus, of whom a short ac-
count is given in E. X. It was in Pliny's house that he
assumed the distinguishing dress of a senator ; and he seems
to have regarded Pliny almost as a fjither. He had served as
a military tribune in Germany and Pannonia, had risea to the
quaestorship, and was a candidate for the aedileship at the
time of his death. We may reasonably suppose him to be
the friend to whom the present letter is addressed.]

C. PLINIUS AVITO SUO S.

Longum est altius repetere, nee refert, quernadino-
dum accident, ut homo minirae familiaris coenarem
apud quendarn, ut sibi videbatur, lautum et diligentem ;
ut mihi, sordidum simul et sumptuosura. Nam sibi et 2
paucis opima quaedam ; ceteris vilia et minuta ponebat.
Vinum etiam parvulis lagunculis in tria genera descri-
pserat, non ut potestas eligendi, sed ne ius esset recusau-
di : et aliud sibi et nobis, aliud minoribus amicis (nam
gradatim amicos habet), aliud suis nostrisque libertis.
Animadvertit, qui mihi proximus recumbebat, et, an 3
probavem, interrogavit. Negavi. Tu ergo, inquit, quain
consuetudinem sequeris? — Eadem omnibus pono. Ad
coenain enitn, non ad notam, invito: cunctisque rebus
exaequo, quos mensa et toro aequavi. — Etiamne li- 4
bertos ? — Etiam. Convictores enivi tunc, non libertos,
puto. Ille: Magno tihi coristat? — Minime. — Qui fie-
ri potest ? — Quia scilicet liberti met non idem quod ego,
sed idem ego, quod liberti. — Et Hercule, si gulae tern- 5
peres, non est onerosum, quo utaris ipse, communicare
cum pluribus. Ilia ergo reprimenda, ilia quasi in ordi-
nem redigenda est, si sumptibus parcas, quibus aliquan-

158 C. PLIXI SECUNDI

to rectius tua contincntia, (juam aliena contumelia, con-
« sulas. Quorsuni haec ? Ne tibi, optimae indolis iuve-
ni, quorundain in mcnsa luxuria specie frugalitatis im-
ponat. Convenit auteni aniori in te men, quoties tale
aliquid iiiciderit, sub exeiiiplo ])raemonere, quid debcas
7 fugere. Igitur memento, nihil magis esse vitandum,
quam istam luxuriae et sordium novam societatem,
quae cum sint turpissima discreta ac separata, turpius
iunguntur. Vale.

E. XXIV. (iii. 12.)

[Pliny accepts an invitation to dinner on the condition that
the entertainment be of a moderate kind, and seasoned with
intellectual conversation, and illustrates what he says by an
anecdote of Cato.]

C. PLINIUS CATILIO SUO S.

Veniam ad coenam, sed iara nunc paciscor, sit expe-
dita, sit parca : Socraticis tantum sermonibus abundet :

S in his quoque teneat modum. Erunt officia antelu-
cana, in quae incidere impune ne Catoni quidem licuit,
quem tamen C. Caesar ita reprehendit, ut laudet.

8 Scribit enim, eos, quibus obvius fuerit, cum caput
ebrii retexissent, erubuisse : deinde adiicit, Futures,
noil ah illis Catonem, sed illos a Catone deprehcnsos.
Potuitne plus auctoritatis tribui Catoni, quam si ebrius

4 quoque tarn venerabilis erat ? Nostrae tamen coenae
ut apparatus et impendii, sic tcmporis modus constet.
Neque enim ii sumus, quos vituperare ne iniraici qui-
dem possint, nisi ut simul laudent. Vale

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 159

E. XXV. (viii. 22.)

[This letter is directed against tliat numerous class of per-
sons who, while they are slaves of their own caprices, cannot
bear with patience tlie fiults of others. It may be compared
with Hor. Sat. i. 3, presenting an almost exact parallel to the
lines : —

' Aequum est
Peccatis veniam poscentem reddere rursus.']

C. PLINIUS GEMINIO SUO S.

Nostine hos, qui omnium libidinum servi sic alionmi
vitiis irascuntur, quasi invideant, etgravissime puniunt,
quos maxime imitantur ? cum eos etiam, qui non indi-
gent dementia ullius, nihil magis quam lenitas deceat.
Atque ego optimum et emendatissimum existimo, qui 2
ceteris ita ignoscit, tanquam ipse cotidie peccet; ita
peccatis abstinet, tanquam nemini ignoscat. Proinde 3
hoc domi, hoc forls, hoc in omni vitae genere teneamus,
ut nobis implacabiles simus, exorabiles istis etiam, qui
dare veniam, nisi sibi, nesciunt ; mandemusque memo-
riae, quod vir mitissimus, et ob hoc quoijue maximus,
Thrasea, crebro dicere solebat : g/ii vitla odit, homhies
odit. Fortasse quaeris, quo commotus haec scribam.
Nuperquidam . . . Sed melius coram; quamquam ne tunc 4
quidem. Vereor enim, ne id, quod improbo, insectari,
carpere, referre, huic, quod cum maxime praecipimus,
rejmgnet. Quisquis ille, qualiscumque, sileatur ; quern
insignire, exempli nihil, non insignire, humauitatis plu-
rimum refert. Vale.

E. XXVI. (k- 6.)

[We have in this letter Pliny's views about the famous
Circensian games, which were annually celebrated at Rome
during the early part of September. He found, he says, so

160 C. PLINI SECUNDJ

little attraction in them that he did not care to leave liis lite-
rary work for the sake of witnessing them. Even tlie spec-
tators themselves were not drawn so much by the si^ht itself
as by the gambling spirit which made them back the green
or the red, &c. In the time of Domitian, six chariots ran in the
course, and to these there corresponded six companies (factiones),
distinguished as prasina, 7'assata, veneta, alba, aurata, ami
purpura. Of these the four first colours were meant to re-
present the seasons of the year. We gather from allusions to
the games in Martial and Juvenal that they formed at that
time a conspicuous element in Koman life. Cicero in one of
his letters (Epi'st. ad Fum. vii. 1) speaks somewhat contemp-
tuously of the games ; and Pliny may perhaps be here repro-
ducing his sentiments.]

C. PLINIUS CALVISIO SUO S.

Omne hoc tempus inter pugillares ac libellos iucun-
ilissima quiete transmisi. Quemadmodum, inquis, in
urhe potuisti? Circenses erant ; quo genere specta-
culi ne levissime quidem teneor. Nihil novum, nihil

2 varium, nihil quod non semel spectasse sufficiat. Quo
niagis miror, tot millia virorum tarn pucriliter identi-
dem currentes equos, insisteutes curribus homines vi-
dere. Si tamen aut velocitate equorum, aut hominum
arte traherentur, asset ratio nonnuUa : nunc favent
panno, pannum amant, et si in \\)&o cursu medioque
certamine hie color illuc, ille hue transferatur, studium
favorque transibit, et repente agitatores illos, equos
illos, quos procul noscitant, quorum clamitant numina,
relinquent. Tanta gratia, tanta auctoritas in una vilis-

3 sima tunica ; mitto apud vulgus, quod vilius tunica est,
sed apud quosdam graves homines, quos ego cum re-
cordor in re inani, frigida, assidua, tarn insatiabiliter
desidere, capio aliquam voluptatem, quod hac volup-

■» tate non capior. Ac per hos dies libentissime otium
meum in literis colloco, quos alii otiosissimis occupatio-
nibus perdunt. Vale.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 161

E. XXVIL (ix. 33.)

[Pliny tells in this letter a curious story about a dolphin ac
Hippo, which became wonderfully tame and familiar. A
similar story is to be found in Aulus Gellius.J

C. PLINIUS CANINIO SUO S.

Incidi in materiam veram, sed simillimam fictae,
dignamque isto laetissimo, altissimo, planeque poetico
ingenio. Incidi autem, dum super coenam varia mira-
cula hinc inde referuntur. Magna auctoris fides : ta-
metsi quid poetae cum fide ? Is tamen auctor, cui bene
vel historian! scripturus credidisses. Est in Africa 2
Hipponensis colonia, mari proxima : adiacet naviga-
bile stagnum, ex quo, in modum fluminis, aestuarium
emergit, quod vice alterna, prout aestus aut repressit,
aut impulit, nunc infertur mari, nunc redditur stagno.
Omnis hie aetas piscandi, navigandi, atque etiam na- 3
tandi studio tenetur : maxime pueri, quos otium ludus-
que solicitant. His gloria et virtus altissime provehi :
victor ille, qui longissime, ut litus, ita simul natantes,
reliquit. Hoc certamine puer quidam, audentior ce- 4
teris, in ulteriora tendebat. Delphlnus occurrit, et
nunc praecedere puerum, nunc sequi, nunc circumire,
postremo subire, deponere, iterum subire, trepidantem-
que perferre primum in altum : mox flectit ad litus,
redditque terrae et aequalibus. Serpit per coloniain 5
fama : concurrere omnes, ipsura puerum tanquam lui-
raculum adspicere, interrogare, audire, narrare. Pos-
ter© die obsident littus, prospectant mare, et si quid est
mari simile. Natant pueri : inter hos ille, sed cautius.
Delphinus rursus ad tempus, rursus ad puerum venit.
Fugit ille cum ceteris. Delphinus, quasi invitet et re-
vocet, exsilit, mergitur, variosque orbes implicitat expe-
ditque. Hoc altero die, hoc tertio, hoc pluribus, doneo 6
homines innutritos mari subiret timendi pudor. Ac-^
cedunt, et adludunt, et appellant : tangunt etiam, per-
trectantque praebentem. Crescit audacia experunento.

M

IG'J C. PLINl SECUNDI

Maxime puer, qui primus expertus est, adnatantis insillt
tergo : fertur referturque, agnosci se, aniari putat, amat
ipse : neuter timet, neuter timetur : huius fiducia,

7 mansuetudo illius augetur. Nee non alii pueri dextra
laevaque simul eunt hortantes monentesque. Ibat
una (id quoque mirum) delphinus alius, tantum spec-
tator et comes. Nihil enim simile aut faciebat aut
patiebatur: sed alterum ilium ducebat, reducebat,

6 ut puerum ceteri pueri. Incredibile (tam verum
tamen, quam priora) delphinum gestatorem colluso-
remque puerorum in terram quoque extrahi solitum,
arenisque siccatum, ubi incaluisset, in mare revolvi.

9 Constat Octavium Avitum, legatum proconsule, in
litus educto religione prava superfudisse unguentum,
cuius ilium novitatem odoremque in altum refugisse :
nee nisi post multos dies visum languidum et moestum ;
mox, redditis viribus, priorem lasciviam et solita minis-
lu teria repetisse. Confiuebant ad spectaculum omnes
magistratus, quorum adventu et mora modica res
publica. novis sumtibus atterebatur. Postremo locus
ipse quietem suam secretiunque perdebat. Placuit
occulte interfici, ad quod coibatur. Haec tu qua mise-
1 1 ratione, qua copia deflebis, ornabis, attolles I Quam-
quam non est opus adfingas aliquid aut adstruas :
sufficit, ne ea, quae suQt vera, minuantur. Vale.

E. XXVIII. (viii. 17.)

[This letter describes an inundation of the Tiber, which
appears to have been greatly increased by the simultaneous
overflowing of the Anio, one of the Tiber's chief tributaries.
Serious injury was inflicted on the rural population generally,
and on the country houses with which the banks of the Anio
were studded. The elder Pliny (iii. 5, 9) alludes to the
well -known superstitious fears which the Roman mind invari-
ably associated with such a calamity : ' Tiberis vates quodam-
modo intelligitur ac monitor, auctu semper religiosus.' Tacitus

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 16 O

(Hist. i. 76) in speaking of an inundation of the river during
Otho's reign gives us a similar hint. It seems that the
damage done on the occasion here described was confined to the
country districts, and was most extensive in the region now
known as the Carapagna.]

C. PLINIUS MACEINO SUO S.

Num istic quoque immite et turbidum caelum ? Hie
assiduae tempestates et crebra diluvia. Tiberis alveum
excessit, et demissioribus ripis alte superfunditur.
Quamquam fossa, quam providentissimus imperator 9
fecit, exhaustus, premit valles, innatat campis ; quaque
planum solum, pro solo cernitur. Inde, quae solet flu-
mina accipere, et permista devehere, velut obvius sistere
cogit ; atque ita alienis aquis operit agros, quos ipse
non tangit. Anio, delicatissimus amnium, ideoque 3
adircentibus villis velut invitatus retentusque, magna
ex parte nemora, quibus inumbratur, et fregit et rapuit.
Subruit montes, et decidentium mole pluribus locis
clausus, dum amissum iter quaerit, impulit tecta, ac se
super ruiuas ejecit atque extulit. Viderunt, quos ex- 4
celsioribus terris ilia tempestas deprehendit, alibi divi-
tum apparatus, et gravem supellectilem, alibi instru-
menta ruris ; ibi boves, aratra, rectores, hie soluta et
libera armenta ; atque mter haec arborum truncos, aut
villarum trabes varie lateque fluitantia. Ac ne ilia 5
quidem loca malo vacaverunt, quae non adscendit
amnis. Nam pro amne imber assiduus, et deiecti
nubibus turbines : proruta opera, quibus pretiosa rui'a
cinguntur : quassata atque etiara decussa monimenta.
Multi eiusmodi casibus debilitati, obruti, obtriti, et
aucta luctibus damna. Ne quid simile istic, pro men- 6
sura periculi, vereor : teque rogo, si nihil tale est,
quam maturissime solicitudini meae consulas : sed et si
tale, id quoque nunties. Nam parvulum diflPert, patia-
ris adversa, an exspectes : nisi quod tamen est dolendi
modus, non est timendi. Doleas enim, quantum scias
accidisse; tiraeas, quantum possit accidere. Vale.

M 2

164 C. PUN I SECUNDI

E. XXIX. (x. 4.)

[Pliny begs from the Emperor the promotion of his friend
Voconius Komanus to senatorial rank. The t^ame request had
been preferred to Nerva, but some difficulty had been inter-
posed by delay in transferring to him the property necessjiry
to give him a senator's qualification. This had now been
done, and all that was wanted was the Emperor's assent]

C. PLINIUS TKAIANO IIVIP.

Indulgentia tua, Imperator optime, quam plenissi-
mam exi)erior, hortatur me, ut aiideam tibi etiam pro
amicis obligari ; inter quos sibi vel praecipuum locum
vindicat Voconius Romanus, ab ineunte aetate condis-

2 cipulus et contubernalis mens. Quibus ex caussis et
a divo patre tuo petieram, iit ilhim in amplissimum
ordinem promoveret. Sed hoc votum meum bonitati
tuae reservatum est, quia mater Romani liberalitatem
sestertii quadringenties, quod conferre se filio codicillis
ad patrem tuum scriptis professa fuerat, nondum satis
legitime peregerat : quod postea fecit, admonita a no-

3 bis. Nam et fundos emancipavit, et cetera, quae in
emancipatione implenda solent exigi, consummavit.

4 Cum sit ergo finitum, quod spes nostras morabatur,
non sine magna fiducia subsigno apud te fidem pro
moribus Romani mei, quos et liberalia studia exornant,
et eximia pietas, quae banc ijjsam matris liberalitatem,
et statim patris hereditatem, et adoptionem a vitrico

5 meruit. Auget haec et natalium et patcrnarum facul-
tatum splendor; quibus singulis multum commenda-
tionis accessurum etiam ex meis preeibus, indulgentiae

6 tuae credo. Rogo ergo, Domine, ut me exoptatissimae
mihi gratulationis compotem facias, et honestis, ut spero,
afFectibus meis praestes, ut non in me tantum, verum
et in amico gloriari iudioiis tuis possim.

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 165

E. XXX. (x. 39.)

■"In the former of these letters Pliny puts before Trajan his
diificulties with regard to a new theatre Avhich was in pro-
cess of construction at Nicaea, and which seemed so insecurely
built that it was doubtful whether it would be well to continue
the work, and to a bath which was being made at Claudiopolis,
where a public grant of money seemed in danger of being
injudiciously spent. Trajan's answer remits both matters to
the judgment of Pliny. He is told that he can find a com-
petent architect in the province to inspect the works, and need
not seek one from Kome.]

C. PLINIUS TKAIANO IMP.

Theatrura, Domine, Nicaeae maxima iam parte con-
structum, imperfectum tamen, sestertium, ut audio
(neque enim ratio [plus] excussa est), amplius centies
hausit : vereor, ne frustra. Ingentibus enim rimis de- 2
scendit et hiat, sive in caussa solum humidum et molle,
sive lapis ipse gracilis et putris : dignum est certe de-
liberatione, sitne faciendum, an sit relinquendum, an
etiam destruendum. Nam fulturae ac substructiones,
<iuibus subinde suscipitur, non tam firmae mihi quam
sumptuosae videntur. Huic theatro ex privatorum 3
pollicitationibus niulta debentur, ut basilicae circa, ut
portions supra caveam. Quae nunc omnia difFeruntur,
cessante eo, quod ante peragendum est. lidem Ni- 4
caeenses gymnasium, incendio amissum, ante adventum
meum restituere coeperunt, longe numerosius laxiusque,
quam fuerat, et iam aliquantum erogaverunt : pericu-
liim est, ne parum utiliter ; incompositum enim et spar-
sum est. Praeterea architectus, sane aemulus eius, a
quo opus inchoatum est, affirmat parietes, quamquam
viginti et duos pedes latos, imposita onera sustinere
non posse, quia sint caemento medio farti, nee testaceo
opere pi-aecincti. Claudiopolitani quoque in depress© 5
loco, imminente etiam monte, ingens balineum defodiunt
magis, quam aedificant, et quidem ex ea pecunia, quam
buleutae additi beneficio tuo, aut iam obtulerunt ob
introitum, aut nobis exigentibus conferunt. Ergo cum 6

1G6 C. PLINI SECUNDI

tiiueani, ne ilHc publica pecunia, Lie, quixl est onini
j)ceuuia i)retiosius, nuiuiis tuuiii male coliocetur; co-
gor petere a te, non solum ob thealruni, verum etiam
ob haec balinea, mittas architectum, dispecturum, utiiim
sit utilius post sumptum, qui factus est, quoquo modo
consummare opera, ut inchoata sunt : an quae videntur
emendanda, corrigere, quae transferenda, transferre,
ne, dum servare volumus, quod impeusum estj male
impendamus, quod addendum est.

E. XXXI. (x. 40.)

TRAIANUS PLINIO S.

Quid oporteat fieri circa theatrum, quod inchoatum
apud Nicaenses est, in re praesenti optime deliberabis
et constitues. Mihi sufficiet indicari, cui sententiae
accesseris. Tunc autem a privatis exigi opera tibi
curae sit, cum theatrum, propter quod ilia promissa

2 sunt, factum erit. Gymnasiis indulgent Graeculi :
ideo forsitan Nicaenses maiore animo constructionem
eius aggressi sunt : sed oportet illos eo contentos esse,

3 quod possit illis sufficere. Quid Claudiopolitanis circa
balineum, quod parum, ut scribis, idoneo loco inchoa-
verunt, suadendum sit, tu constitues. Architecti til)i
deesse non possunt. Nulla pro^ancia est, quae non
peritos et ingeniosos homines habeat : raodo ne exis-
times, brevius esse ab urbe mitti, cum ex Graecia
etiam ad nos venire soliti sint.

E. XXXn. (x. 65.)

[These tAvo letters are interesting as bearing on the subject
of infanticide, a very prevalent custom in the days of the
Empire. Pliny asks what is to be done Avith a class of per-
sons called tipewToi, who had been exposed as children, brought
up as slaves by persons wlio had found them, and about Avhom
the question often afterwards arose, whether or no they Avere
free. To this question Trajan replies.]

EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. 167

C. PLINIUS TRAIANO IMP.

Magna, Domine, et ad totam provinciam pertinens
quaestio est de conditione et alimentis eorum, quos
vocant dpsTTTovs. In qua ego, auditis constitutionibus '-^
Principum, quia nihil inveniebam aut proprium, aut
universale, quod ad Bithynos ferretur, consulendum te
existimavi, quid observari velles. Neque enim putavi,
posse me in eo, quod auctoritatem tuam posceret, ex- 3
emplis esse contentum. Recitabatur autem apud me
edictum, quod dicebatur divi Augusti, ad Anniam per-
tinens : recitatae et epistolae divi Vespasiani ad Lace-
daemonios, et divi Titi ad eosdem et ad Achaeos, et
Domitiani ad Avidium Nigrinum et Ai'meniura Broc-
chum proconsules, item ad Lacedaemonios : quae ideo
tibi non misi, quia et parum emendata, et quaedam non
certae fidei videbantur, et quia vera et emendata in
scriniis tuis esse credebam.

E. XXXIII. (x. 66.;

TRAIANUS PLINIO S.

Quaestio ista, quae pertinet ad eos, qui liberi nati,
expositi, deinde sublati a quibusdam, et in servitute
educati sunt, saepe tractata est : nee quidquam inve-
nitur in commentariis eorum Principum, qui ante me
f'uerunt, quod ad omnes provincias sit contitutum.
Epistolae sane sunt Domitiani ad Avidium Nigrinum,
et Armenium Brocchum, quae fortasse debeant obser-
vari : sed inter eas provincias, de quibus rescripsit,
non est Bithynia . et ideo nee assertionem denegandam
iis, qui ex eiusmodi causa in libertatem vindicabuntur,
puto : neque ipsam libertatem redimendam pretio ali-
mentorum.

NOTES,

A. I. (iii. 16.)

4. exsequtas — sc. * the funeral procession.'

commodiorem — sc. ' going on more favourably.' An unusual
meaning of ' comniodus.' The phrase ' conmiodior valetudo ' occurs
in Celsus, -viii. 1. Comp. the expression, ^commode vales,' A,
XVI. 11.

quid ageret puer — sc. ' how the boy was going on.'

6. tanquam . . . reliquisset — that is, * she seemed to have laid aside
her sorrow at the bereavement, and to have left it outside the door
of the room.' The turn of expression is somewhat rhetorical, and
for this reason Ernesti thought it unworthy of Pliny on such an
occasion. It has however at least the merit of very forcibly
depicting Arria's self-control.

Paete, non dolet — comp. Martial's Epigram (i. 14), in which
these memorable words are introduced.

7. Scribonutnus . . . moverat. This incident is noticed by Suetonius
(Claudius, 13), Tacitus, Ann. xii. 52 ; Hist. ii. 75. Scribonianus,
it appears, was governor of Dalmatia, which in the time of the
Empire politically coincided with lllyricum, the province being
sometimes spoken of under the first name, sometimes, as here,
under the latter. The revolt of Scribonianus occurred during the
reign of Claudius. It was very brief, and was crushed in four
days.

8. nempe enim daturi estis, &c. — ' of course you are going to give,'
&c. Arria meant simply that she would relieve the soldiers of
the trouble and expense of providing slaves to wait on her hus-
band. ' Nempe ' often implies indignation ; here it need not be so
understood.

9. prqfiteretur indiciwn — for the phrase ' profiteri indicium ' (to
turn queen's evidence), comp. Sallust, Jnr/. 35, Tacit. Ann. vi. 3.

11. 7nale moriar — this is explained by the context as meaning a
hard and painful death (dura ad mortem via).

12. Fovillata — ' Having been revived.' A post-Augustan word.

13. Videnturne — 'Do they not seem ? ' Comp. for this use of ' ne '
E. 1. 29, ' Justisne de causis eum tibi videor incolere ? ' and B. Xlll.
6, * Meritone eum qui haec de me scripsit, defunctum esse doleo ? '

170 NOTES.

A. II. (vi. Ifi.)

2. quamvis . . . Occident. The meaning, which is not quite clearly
expressed, is this : * Although it was in a memorable catastrophe
which br<night ruin on the fairest regions of the earth that he
perished, destined ever to live in history, just as much as nations
and as cities (which have perished in like manner), &c., &c.
' Memnrabili casu ' should be taken as in apposition with ' clade.'
His uncle's death, Pliny means, was just as famous from its
circumstances as the downfall of a nation or city.

4. classem. Two fleets, both called praetorian, were stationed
respectively at Misenum on the Tyrrhene Sea, and at Kavenna on
the Adriatic. This, we learn from Tacitus, Attn. iv. 5, and Sueto-
nius, Oct. 49, was the policy of Augustus, and may very possibly
have had for its design the prompt suppression of any disturbances
at Rome, which with the mixed and disorderly city-population
were continually to be apprehended.

5. usus tile sole — * having taken a turn in the sun.' Comp. B.
XI. 11, 'post soletn plerumque frigida lavabatur.'

ffmtaverat—' he had lunched.' Comp. B. XI. 11, 'gustabat,' &c.,
and see note.

j)inns—8C. the Italian pine, with a top like an umbrella.

a. recenti . . . dedituta — ' carried upwards by a breath of wind
_3ust sprung up, then afterwards, as the wind fell, being left un-
supported,' &c. This metaphorical use of ' senescere ' is common
enough.

in latitudinem vanescehat — so. 'the cloud became thinner as it
broadened.'

7. Liburntcaj7i — sc. a species of cutter. It was called indifferently
'liburua' or 'liburnica,' from the Libumi, an Illyrian tribe noted
for piracy. The term had become thoroughly naturalised in the
Latin language from the time of the battle of Actium, in which
these vessels formed the fleet of Augustus.

8. egrediebatur , . . orahat — there is here such confusion in the
MSS., that we have but a choice of difficulties. To the common
reading which has a stop at ' codicillos,' Retinae for Rectinae, villa
ea for villa ejus, there are serious objections. It assumes that
* codicilli,' which nearly always means a note, a short letter, kc,
can be used for ' pugillares,' which is the regular word for small
writing tablets such as literary Romans carried about with
them. It implies that the crews of the fleet were stationed at
Retina (now Resina), a village some way from the coast. It de-
scribes their station by the inappropriate word ' villa ; ' and it
strangely represents that they could have escaped from it only on
shipboard. These difficulties have led us to adopt Giorig's reading
as on the whole the most satisfactory. According to tliis, Pliny's
uncle received a short hurried note from a lady named Rectiua, whose
villa was close to the scene of danger, begging for assistance from
the ships. She was, it seems, the wife of Caesius Bassus, a lyric
poet mentioned by Quintilian, who, if we may trust the Scholiast

KOTES. 171

on Persius (whose sixth satire is addressed to him), perished in
this eruption of Vesuvius.

9. quod studioso . . . ma.vimo — sc. what he had begun to do from
the thirst of knowledge, he now carries out in a noble and generous
epirit,

10. omnes Jiguras — sc. all the various phenomena attendant on
the eruption.

11. vadum suhitum — the effect of the eruption was t.i make the
sea retire, leaving the ships in shallow water and in danger of
running aground. Comp. the passage in the next letter, where
this effect is described at length (mare in se resorberi, &:c.).

rtiina montis litora ohdantia — understand by * ruina montis ' the
mass of stones, ashes, &c., descending from the mountain and
falling on the shore, and blocking it up so that it was difficult to
land. This is the meaning of ' obstantia.'

fortes fortimajuvat — an old proverb. Comp. Virg. Aen. x. 284.

Pomponiamim. He was very possibly the son of the Pomponius
Secundus, whose life the elder Pliny is said to have written. See
B. XI. 3. It is a pure conjecture that he was second in command
of the fleet.

12. Stabiis — Stabiae was a mere village at this time. The elder
Pliny himself says {N. H. iii. 5, 10) that it was entirely destroyed
by Sulla. The name, however, did not disappear ; Seneca speaks
of the littus Stahianum. We may suppose that it consisted of
nothing more than a few scattered country houses. It was about
four miles south of Pompeii.

sinu medio — ' by the intervening bay.
infunditur — sc. ' runs up into the land and forms a bay.'
certusfugae — a post-Augustan construction. It is common in
Tacitus.

13. excitabatur — * was thrown into clear relief.'
meatus animae — 'his breatliing.'

14. area . . . surrexerat — by ' area' is meant ' the open space in
front of the house.'

15. tre?noribus — * tremor terrae ' is a somewhat poetical expres-
sion for an earthquake, which is usually described as ' motus terrae.'

16. levium exesortimque — ' light and hollow.'

quod tamen . . . elegit — ' this alternative, however (that of going
into the open air), a comparison of dangers selected (as the best).'
They weighed the risk of remaining in the house and that of
leaving it, and decided that the latter was the least. The use of
the abstract subject (collatio periculorum) is hardly in accordance
with Latin idiom.

apud ilium . . . vieit — the moaning is : * He as a philosopher
acted as he did because the reason for so doing outweighed to his
mind the reason for remaining where they were ; with others it
was a mere conflict between their fears.'

17. solahantur — this is the emendation of Cortius, and is now
generally accepted with good reason, as it actually appears in one of
the best MSS. (that of Prague). The common reading ' solvebant '

172 NOTES.

would imph' that the darkness was quite dispersed by the ' faces
variaque luniina.' This is absurd. To say that they consoled
themselves amid the darkness with the light of torches is a some-
what poetical expression whioli Pliny would have been likely to
use. IJy ' varia luniina ' (as distinguished from ' faces ') it would
seem we are to understand the flames issuing from the mountain,
and the light from the burning houses in the surrounding dis-
trict.

ecqtiid . . . achnitteret — 'whether now the sea would at all allpw
us to embark.'

vastum — referring not merely to the size of the waves, but to
the generally appalling look of "the sea. The word denotes some-
what vaguely the kindred notions of loneliness and terror.

19. calujine — here ' vapour,' which would cause suffbcation by
filling the lungs.

stomacho — ' the windpipe.' This is the original meaning of the
Greek aTonaxoc ; and the word is so used by Homer. It appears
too to have been the proper meaning of ' stomachus ' from Cicero,
DeNat. 7). ii. 54, ' linguam ad radices ejus haerens excipit stotna-
chus.' It is however but very rarely that we find it in this sense.

frequenter aestttans — ' often inflamed.' It would seem that he
suffered habitually from a weak and often a sore throat, and his
death was indirectly due to this circumstance.

22. omnia me . . . persecidum — ' that I have described in detail
every incident at which I was present and every thing which I
heard on the spot, when the account was to be perfectly relied on.'

(A. ni. vi. 20.)

1. adductum . . . citpere — ' cupere' depends on 'ais,' not on 'ed-
ductuni.'

id enim ingressm ahrupernm-^ for I broke off" this part of the
subject after I had but just entered on it.' He refers to the con-
clusion of the preceding letter : ' interim Miseni ego et mater ; sed
nihil ad historian!,' &c.

quanquam . , . incipiam — Virg. Aen. ii. 12. With these words
Aeneas introduces the tale of Troy.

2. tempns studiis impendi — in Cicero the regular construction is
* impendere tempus, curam, &c., in aliquid.^ Later writers com-
monly used the dative.

3. quia Campaniae solitus — Pompeii had been almost destroved
by an earthquake a.d. G2. See Tacit. Ann.x\. 22. Seneca {Q.N.
vi. 1) alludes to this calamity, and speaks of Campaniae as ' num-
quam securam hujus mail.

4. ita invaluit . . . credercntur — 'the shock was so violent that it
seemed that everything was being not merely shaken but actually
overturned.' The preceding letter says nothing of these premoni-
tory shocks ; it merely states that the eruption was accompaHied
with an earthquake.

5. posco librum T. Lim, &c. &c. It has been ingeniously conjee-

NOTES. 173

tured that we have here an allusion to the work entitled ' Viii
lllustres,' which has been attributed to our author.

ut coeperam, excerpo — comp. the account, in B. XT. 10, of the
elder Pliny's practice of making extracts j 'nihil legit quod non
excerperet.^

ex Hispania — the elder Pliny had been proconsul of Spain.
See B. XL 17.

6. duhius dies — dies = daylight. Comp. D. XI. 2, admisso die.
So Statins, Theb. i. 2. For the expression dubius dies comp. Ovid,
Met. iv. 401, ' dubiae con fin ia noctis.'

8. eg7-essi tecta — ' having gone beyond the limits of,' &c. This ia
the force of the accusative; comp. A. V. 10, historia non debet
egredi veritatem. The stepping out of a particular building would
be expressed by an ablative.

9. ab altera latere . . . mqfores erant. The black cloud, broken as
it was by what seemed flashes of /or^ec? lightning (tortis vibratisque
discursibus) parted continually and showed great masses of flame
of various shape as a fiery backgi'ound. These latter phenomena
Pliny compares to sheet lightning (fulguribus) though they were,
he says, on a larger scale.

' Tortus ' expresses the zigzag movement ; ' vibratus ' its ra-
pidity. Ab altero latere = landwards, the sea being in front aa
described above.

10. si/rater . . . vivit. "We have followed Doring in not repeating
the pronoun ' tuus.' The single use of the word seems more ap-
propriate to the haste of the speaker as he turns from the mother
to the son.

11. aufertur — ' carries himself out of.'

14. quiritatiis — the monotonous cry of infants, though the word is
not confined to this use, comp. Cic. Epp. ad Fam. ix. 32, 'illi
misero quiritanti (saying over and over again), " Civis Romanua
natus sum." '

noscitabant — ' sought to recognize,' a not uncommon meaning
of frequentatives.

miserabantur — miseror = to express compassion.

15. metu mortis mortem precarentur — comp. Ovid. Met. vii, 604,
'mortisque timorem morte fugant.'

nasquamjam deos . . . interpi-etabantur. This final annihilation
of the universe, in which the gods themselves were to be included,
was a not uncommon notion among the ancients. So Seneca,
Thyestes, 831 :

' Iterumque deos hominesque premat
Deforme Chaos.'
See also Virgil, Georg. i. 468 :

* Impiaque aeternam timuerunt saecula noctem.
The belief also occurs in the Scandinavian mythology. Closely
connected with it was the notion that the destruction of a city
involved the departure of its tutelary gods.

iilud . . . illud — ditferent points indicated by the narrator as he
sjjoke.

174 NOTKS.

16, ntmtiahant — the indicative is used because certain definito
persons, present to the writer's mind, are spoken of.

ignis quidem . . . suhstitit — ' And there was tire, but it stopped
at some distance from us.'

17. nisi me cum ot)inibus . . . credidissem — comp. for a similar
sentiment Seneca, Thijest. iv. :

' Abeant questus,
Discede timor. Vitae est avidus
Quisquis non vult, mundo secum
Pereunte, mori.'

19. curatis utcunque corporibiis — ' having refreshed ourselves as
we could.'

suspensam noctem — ' a night of anxiety.' This use of ' suspen-
su8 ' is quite in the style of Tacitus, who is always fond of trans-
ferring the epithets expressive of buman feeling to surrounding
circumstances,

pleriqiie . . . ludijicahantur — that is, the predictions of many
persons were so full of extravagant terror as to make their own
calamities and those of others seem positively ludicrous. Terri-
ficis vaticinationibus is an instrumental ablative to be construed
with 'lymphati.'

20. non scriptunis leges — ' you will lead them, though you will
not incorporate them with your history.'

A, IV. (iv. 11.)

1. prqfiteri — 'to be a professor of rhetoric' This absolute use of
the word is post-Augustan, Comp, ii, 18, cum omnes qui proji-
tentur, audiero.

2. pratfafione — a ' praefatio ' answered to what later wi'iters
called a * prolusio,' and to our 'essay.' It is not to be taken in its
strict meaning. Comp. its use in B. XIV. 1.

es professoribtis senatores — alluding to Quintilian, who had been
raised by Domitian to the rank of a ' consularis.' For a precisely
similar sentiment comp. Juvenal, vii. 198,

* Si fortuna volet, ties de rhetore consul,
Si volet haec eadem, ties de consule rhetor.'
The profession of a teacher, though pursued at this time by many
clever and distinguished men, was considered quite beneath the
dignity of a Roman and a senator. It was confined almost ex-
clusively to Greeks.

amarihidink — the bitterness of the speech consisted specially
in its sarcastic allusion to Quintilian.

3. Graeco pallio amicUis. As an exile, Licinianus did not dare
to wear the ' toga,' which was a distinctively Roman dress. Tlie
' pallium,' which was originally and strictly Greek, was commonly
worn by the provincials, who in Suetonius (Jul. Caes. 48) are de-
scribed l)y the term ' pal/ioti.' Plays representing Greek life and
manners were called fabulae pnlUatne.

quibus . . . interdictum — the regular formula in which the judi-
cial sentence of ' e.xsilium ' was expressed. It referred only to
the limits of Italy.

NOTES. 175

se . . . hahitum mum — comp. Ovid. Met. iv. 317 ("Ante) quam
9c composuit, quam ci?'cumspexit amictus.

5. aestuabat ingenti invidia — * was boiling with intense indig-
nation.'

destitutus — 'being left in the lurch,' as we should say. Domi-
tian wished Cornelia to be convicted, but witnesses would not come
forward, and the evidence of Licinianus was all that could be
obtained against her.

6. Vestalium maxhnam — the eldest of the Vestals was also dis-
tinguished as virgo maxima, vetustissima. She appears also to
have been occasionally designated ' primigenia ' (Symmachus,
Epp. ix. 129). Maxima vestalis is the title given to her in
inscriptions.

defodere vivam. See Livyii. 42; viii. 15; xxiii. 57; Juv. vi.
10. The guilty vestal was buried alive near the * porta CoUina,'
in a spot known as the ' Campus Sceleratus.'

utqui. . . arbitraretur — comp. Suet. Z)o?/^^V. viii.: 'incesta vestalium
virginum, a patre suo quoque et fratre neglecta, varie ac severe
coercuit (Domitianus) more veteri.' Domitian was not like some
emperors content with the mere title of pontifex maximus ; he
actually exercised the duties of the office, among which was the
punishment of unchaste vestals.

Albanam villam — Domitian's palace at the foot of the Mons
Albanus on the Via Appia. It is the subject of frequent allusion.
See Suet. Domit. iv.; Martial, viii. -36 ; Juvenal, iv. 145 ; Tacit. Ayr.
46. Domitian made a practice of summoning the senators thither
instead of to the senate-house, the proper place of assembly.

cum ipse~i\\Q reference is to Julia, the daughter of Domi-
ti.an's brother, Titus. She was ' vidua ' at the time of his intrigue
with her; this explains the motive which prompted Domitian's act,
as described by the word ' occidisset.'

8. irridens — Cornelia, it is suggested, might have meant to ridi-
cule Domitian's celebration of triumphs over enemies whom he
had not seen, much less conquered. See Tacit. Agr. 39 : < inerat
(Domitiano) conscientia derisui super falsum e Germania trium-
phum.'

tamqunm innocens—thut is, all the circumstances of her death
pointed to the conclusion that she was really innocent, and such
was the general belief.

9. quasi plane — Connect this with casto piiroque corpore.
omnibusque numeric pudoris—lL\As expression implies a ' pudor '

as perfect as it could be. Comp. Cicero {De Fin. iii. 7), omnes
numeros virtutis continet. Pliny elsewhere praises a book as being
omnibus numeris absolutus.

10. 7r..A\(}. , &c. — from Euripides, Hec. 569, in the account of the
death of Polyxena. Ovid {Met. xiii. 476) has thus imitated the
passage :

' Tunc quoque cura fuit partes velare tegendas
Cum caderet castique decus servare pudoris.'

11. arripit — < arripere ' is used in Cicero and the best writers in

ITG NOTES.

the sense of ' suddenly coming down upon a man with an accusa-
tion.'

12. Kflrai UarpoKXoQ — Homer, //. xviii. (u') 20. In these words
Antilochus announces to Achilles the death of Patroclus. They
were always admired for their nervous conciseness. See Quintil.
X. 1, 49. With similar brevity Senecio announced the departure of
Licinianus from Italy.

13. non esse . , . instandum — Domitian meant that there was no
necessity for pressing Licinianus to throw aside his ' verecundia '
and return from exile with the view of defending himself. It
was to the emperor's interest that he should remain in exile, as
his doing so would seem to he a confession of his guilt and con-
sequently of that of Cornelia.

exsilium molle — Suetonius {Aug. 5) calls this ' exilium leve.'
It means exile under tolerably favourable conditions, as in a mode-
rately pleasant country.

14. seqiie . . . vindicnt — ' and avenges himself on fortune by his
essays,' of which we have had a specimen at the beginning of the
letter. ' Vindicare de aliquo ' is a rare construction ; comp.
Florus, iii. 21, 19, quanta saevitia opus erat ut Marius de Sulla
vindicaretur.

16. versus — * lines.' Comp. B. XI. 12.

A. V. (vii. 33.)

3. jmhlicis actis — also called ' acta senatus,' ' acta populi,' ' acta
diuma,' &c. ; sometimes simply termed ' acta.' These public
registers belonged to the imperial period of Rome, and they fur-
nished important material for history. Hence we have frequent
allusions to them in Tacitus, Suetonius, &c.

cuius . . . crevit — ' the popularity of which was heightened by
its danger.'

4. dederat me, &c. See C. IV. 8, where Pliny alludes to this
occasion.

postulattonibiis vacaturos — 'would be at leisure to hear claims
for restitution.' ' Postulatio ' was a legal term which meant ' a
citation,' * an impeachment,' or as here ' a claim for damages.' In
this case several of the provincials of Baetica would have claims
to make on the property of Massa, which the Senate on the con-
clusion of the trial had directed should be taken charge of by the
State.

quorum . . . debent — this expression of Senecio might be inter-
preted as a sort of side allusion to the emperor ; hence the charge
of 'impietas' preferred against him by Massa.

5. ex henejieio tuo — by ' beneficium ' Senecio meant Pliny's ser-
vices as counsel to the province.

7. dicit . . . ferebnt — ' Senecio makes some observations which
the circumstances of the case suggested.'

implesse — we have a similar use of ' implere ' in Tacit. Ann.
iv. 38, satis habeo si locum principem impleam ; Hist. i. 16, im-

NOTES. 177

pletum est omne consilium ; Ac/r. 44, vera bona . . . vnpleverat,
This use of the word is found chiefly in the silver-age writers.

8. impietatis reum postidat. ' Impietas ' here means something
more than ' vindictiveness,' which mi^ht intelligihly be laid to the
charge of Senecio for thus pursuing Massa. No definite legal
complaint could be made on such a ground, nor would there have
been the ' horror omnium ' which Pliny says resulted from
Massa's attack on Senecio. ' Impietas ' must imply an offence
against the sacred person of the emperor, and although Senecio
escaped on the present occasion, we know from E. XII. 5, and
Tacit. Agi: 2, that it was a charge of this nature which ultimately
proved fatal to him. Pliny would as a matter of course be in-
volved in the peril thus brought on Senecio, as he had supported
him throughout the entire case ; hence the 'periculum ' to which
he has already alluded as rendering his act the more popular,

we mihi . , . ohiecerit — that is, ' Massa by not naming me has
virtually charged me with being in collusion with him.'

9. privatus. Nerva was probably at this time, by the order of
Domitian, who was afraid of him, living at Tarentum.

A. VI. (ix. 13.)

1. de Helvidii idtione. Pliny refers to these books in vii. 30, and
says that his friend Genitor had compared them to the famous
speech of Demosthenes against Meidias.

quae . . . lihi-os — sc. ' matters not alluded to in the books at all
(extra), and matters which though connected with the subject of
the books (circa), were not fully related in them.'

2. statui mecum ac deliheravi — comp. Cic. Verr. ii. 1, 1, quod
iste statuerat ac deliheraverat non adesse. Deliberare signifies, the
final act of * resolving on a thing ' as well as the previous mental
process. So Horace, C. i. 37, 29 (of Cleopatra), deliherata morte

erocior.

se proferendi — 'of bringing oneself into notice.'

manus intuUsset — comp. Tacit. Agr. 45, mox nostrae duxere
Helvidium in carcerem manus, where it is implied that the accu-
sation and ruin of Helvidius was the united act of the senate. It
seems to have taken place a.d. 94, the year after Agricola's
death.

4. posttdavernnt . . . oppresserant — 'had no sooner impeached
than they had crushed.'

modestius et constantius — ' more reasonable and more effectual.'
Comp. for this use of ' constans ' Tacitus, Jlist. iii. 1, an ire corn-
minus et certare pro Italia constantius foret (whether to meet the
enemy and to fight for Italy would be the more effective policy).

communi temporum invidia — sc. ' the universal feeling of hatred
for the times of Domitian.'

propria crimine — ' a specific charge.'

defreniuisset— so most modem editors, after Cortius. The read-
ing 18 confirmed by the circumstance that * defremere ' occurs in

N

n

178 NOTES.

Siiloniiis Apolliiiaris (ix. 9), who was a well-known imitator
of rUuy.

5. adscrihi facto — sc. ' to associate themselves in the prosecu-
tion.' This was called * suhscribere,' and the person so actinp
' suhscriptor.' The name of the leading prosecutor would stand
first, and the names of his supporters would come next in order.

societatc — the ablative is regularly used with ' invidere ' bv
Pliny and his contemporaries. Comp. Tacit. Ger. 33, * ne specta-
culo quidem pvaelii hiiidere.'

G. j))-ovi(h'idis.simum — ' most far-sighted.'

sed non susdnui . . . indicarem — ' I could not, however, bring
myself to the resolution of not informing Corellius on the same
day that I was about so to do,' &c. &c. ' Sustinere ' here as else-
where answers exactly to the Greek TX»>aj. ' Non sustinui,' ' I
had not the heart,' * I could not prevail on myself.'

7. reum destinare. ' Destinare ' here signifies * to fix on as a mark,'
'to aim at,' &c. Pliny at first merely pointed in his remarks to
Certus, but did not single him out by name ; he was really aiming
at hini, but not clearly and unmistakably.

de i/uo extra ordinem referas — ' about whom you are bringing a
motion before the house m an informal manner.' The meaning is
that due notice of the prosecution and the defendant's name ought
to have been previously given in, failing which, Pliny's present
proceedin)^- was irregular.

q%ds est ante relationem reus ? By ' relatio ' was meant the formal
notice to the senate of a motion to be brought forward. In the
present case, such a notice would have specified the name of the
man to be accused and the crime or crimes laid to his charge. The
'jus relationis,' as it was called, rested with the emperor. It was
argued against Pliny that no person could be the subject of a
prosecution before the matter had been duly referred by the em-
peror to the senate.

8. susceptae rei honestas — 'creditable nature of the under-
taking.'

9. sententiae loco — ' in your proper turn.' That is, when the
time comes for asking the opinion of the senators, you shall say
what you please.

pertniseris. By this expression Pliny did not merely make a
request ; he asserted a claim. Render, ' you must grant me,' &c.
The reference is to the 'jus censendi,' as it was technically
termed.

10. curato sermone — ' in an earnest conversation.' Comp. Tacit.
Ann. i. 13, curatissimae preces (very earnest entreaties).

11. pracsentibus — sc. the good times of Nerva, which encour-
aged such an attempt as Pliny was making.

praefectum aerarii — this was a very high office, and was conferred
on praetors or ex-praetors. See Tacit. Hist. iv. 9.

12. omnia . , . peregi — Virg. Aen. vi. 105 (the words of Aeneaa
to the Sibyl).

18, quasi in medio relictum—ihfA is, the precise charge had not

MOTES. 179

been specified by Pliny ; it had been left by him a matter of con-
jecture, though there could not be really much doubt about it.

14. sum enim . . . persecutus — ' I have given it all at length in
their own words.'

15. Avidius Quietus — he was an intimate friend of Thrasea, and
was much attached to Pliny. See C. IV. 1.

Cornuttts TeHullus — Pliny's colleague in the consulate. See
^uneg. 90.

16. Helvidi Jiliae — her death in child-birth is mentioned iv. 21.
officii sui — sc. ' his duty as guardian.'

optimarnm feminaitim — sc. Arria and Fannia.

modestissimum adffctum — understand by ' adfectus ' affection for
Helvidius. The next sentence explains ' modestissimum.' Arria
and Fannia's affection miglit be spoken of as very reasonable and
moderate, inasmuch as it was satisfied with a comparatively slight
vengeance on Certus.

cruentae adtdationis — sc. flattery of Domitian, which neces-
sarily involved cruel and murderous deeds.

poena flac/itii — sc. exile or transportation to an island.

17. jmto, itiqtdt, &c. Rufus argued that for the present at least
Certus was entitled to an acquittal, inasmuch as he had not been
named by Pliny but only by others, and that no injustice could
thus be done which, in the event of anything being proved against
him, might not be subsequently redressed. Therefore (he implies)
the senate need not be troubled with any anxiety lest justice
should be defeated.

18. quihus clamorihus — sc. ' applause.'

proventmn orationis — 'the successful progress of the speech.'

19. Veiento. Although one of the worst of the ' delatores ' in
Domitian 's time, he enjoyed Nerva's friendship.

auxilium tribunonim. This was to enable any citizen to assert
his rights against oppression or intimidation. Veiento was exer-
cising the 'jus censendi,' which belonged to all senators.

20. peracta discessione — sc. ' having ascertained the vote of the
house by a division.' * Discessio ' is a well-known technical term
in this sense.

<o yepov, &c. — Hom. 11. viii. 102 (the o ening line of Diomed's
address to Nestor, in which he intreats the aged warrior to retire
from the battle).

21. intermissmn . . . rediixissem — Pliny in what he had done in
this case had broken through the regular precedent of the time,
according to which a matter could be brought under the notice of
the senate only by means of a ' relatio ' from the emperor. In
publicum consulendi, ' consulting the senate with a view to the
public good.' Susceptis propriis simultatibus, sc. ' at the cost of
private enmities.'

22. et relatiotiem . . . remisit. The effect of this, of course, was
that Pliny's intended impeachment of Certus was dropped. Pliny,
however, represents that he was satisfied with having been the
means of disgracing him to a certain extent.

N 2

180 NOTES,

A. VII. (iv. 22.)

1. cognitioni — 'cognoscere' and 'cognitio' were legal terms for
extraordinary cases tried, not by the ordinary judges, but by a
special commission of distinguished men. Comp. C. V. for a
similar compliment paid to Pliny.

Agoti — comp. Suet. Nero, 22, 23, where the expression 'musicus
ti(;(/n ' occurs.

duumviratu. The * duumviri ' in a * colonia ' or * municipium '
occupied a similar position among the ' decurionea,' or town
council, to that of the consuls in the Roman stnate, and were thus
important local functionaries. It is clear, however, from the
context, that their actual powers were very moderate, and that
they were regarded simply as representatives of the wishes and
intentions of their fellow-townsmen.

2. mature et gravitcr — 'judiciously and impressively.'

3. veritis — ' more truth-speaking.' This is a rare use of •' ve-
rus.'

4. Veiento. See Juvenal iii. 185, iv. 113 (where he is coupled
with Catullus), vi. 113. The mention of his name, as Pliny here
hints, recalled one of the worst and most crafty of Domitian's
favourites.

5. C'atuUo Me!fsaHno — Juvenal (iv. 113) calls him a caecus adu-
lator. He was one of the most infamous of the 'delatores' in Domi-
tian's time, and as such is alluded to by Tacitus, Agr. 45. As go-
vernor of Cyrenaica, known also as the Libyan Pentapolis, he was
guilty of atrocious cruelties towards the Jewish inhabitants, which,
according to Josephus (De Bel/o Judaico, 7), he expiated by a
miserable death. When it is said that ' to a cruel disposition he
added the evils of blindness,' Pliny's meaning is, that his cruelty
was intensified by the circumstance of his blindness ; conse-
quently ' he was a stranger to fear, to shame, to compassion,'
emotions which blindness makes it physically impossible to ex-
hibit.

7. nobiscum coenaret. This was said in sarcastic allusion to
Nerva's very mild and tolerant disposition, which seems almost to
have amounted to what Aristotle calls dofjyiinia.

A. VIII. (ii. ].)

1. perinde f diets — so. *as fortunate as he was great and illus-
trious.'

2. gloriae suae — ' gloria' must here be understood cona-etely of
Verginius's one specially great achievement.

posteritafi suae intcrfuit — that is, * he saw and enjoyed the
renown which is commonly posthumous.' For a similar expres-
sion comp. ix. 3, certus jwsteritatis cum fiitura gloria vixit.

privati hominis. Under the republic a citizen who held no state
office was * privatus.' But under the empire, even the consuls

NOTES. 181

and officers of the highest rank -were, relatively to the emperor,
* privati.' So Tacitus uses the word.

3. optimum — Nerva, in whose reign Tacitus succeeded Verginius
in the consulate.

citra dolorem — ' not amounting to pain.' A post-Augustan use
of ' citra.' Corap. Tacit. Agr. i., citra fidem, and 35, dtra Romsj^
num sanguineni.

5. vocem jyraepnraret — sc. practising his voice, and studying the
elocution to be adopted in the delivery of his speech.

achirus . . . gratias. It was usual for the consul to acknowledge
in a formal speech before the senate his gratitude to the emperor
for his promotion, and it was in this character that Pliny's Pane-
gyric was delivered, as he himself tells us, iii. 18, officium con-
sulatus injunxit mihi ut reipublicae nomine principi gratias age-
rem.

dtmi sequittir colUgitqiie — ' while he is trying to recover it and
picking it up.'

parum npte collocata — ' being clumsily set.'

6. laudattis est. The ' laudatio funebris ' would in the natural
course of things be delivered by the nearest relative of the de-
ceased. If he were not qualified to undertake it, the senate (as
in this case) specially commissioned some distinguished speaker
to do so. See Quiutiliau, iii. 7, 1, ' funebres laudationes pendent
frequenter ex publico aliquo officio atque ex senatusconsulto
magistratibus saepe mandantur.' This was done at Sulla's funeral,
his son Faustus being too young to discharge the duty.

attnuhis — ' the culminating point,' ' that which crowns,' &c.
The primary meaning of the word appears to be, not a ' pile ' or
'heap,' but the highest point or apex.

8. suffragio ornavit — sc. he acted the part of what was termed a
' suffragator,' one who interested himself on behalf of a candidate
for office.

eadem . , . Jinitima — the ' municipium' of Verginius was Alsium
(see next letter). This was in the same ' regio,' the country of
the Insubres, as Comum.

oMciis — answering to our ' levees.' C<mip. in praetoris officio
(E. XVI. 11).

illo die quo sacerdotes — probably January ] , or at any rate an
early day in the year. By ' sacerdotes ' Pliny means the College
of Augurs, who, although the actual choice (cooptatio) of new
members really belonged to the emperor, still exercised the privi-
lege of recommendation (nominatio), as we see by D. 1. 3.

0. quitiqiieviros — commissioners appointed by Nerva to investi-
gate the state of the public finances, which had been utterly de-
ranged by Domitian.

hujus aetatis — ' of this generation.'

12. recentibus — ' lively,' ' vivid.' So (A. XIV. 12), inveni ita
erectos aniuios eenatus, ita recenies, &c.

1 82 NOTES.

A. IX. (vi. 10.)

1. Ahiensein — Alsiura was a town on the coast of Etrurio,
where many wealthy Romans had villas. Comp. Cicero pro Mi-
lone, 20, where Pompeius ^[afniiis is mentioned as having a villa
in the place, and Epp. ad Fain. ix. G, where the same is said of
Caesar. I'liny's mother-in-law was Pompeia Celerina (see i. 4),
and the property of Pompeius Magnus may have come to her by
inheritance.

senectutis suae MiWf</j/?n— comp. Hor. Epist, I. 10, 6, tu yiidum
Bervas, &c.

2. reqiiirchant — comp. Ovid, Met. iv. 129, iuvenemque oculia
animoque nqiiirit. The word is more picturesque than ' deside-
rare,' but sometimes expresses less. Comp. C. III. 1, where Pliny
says that he misses Regulus without regretting him.

3. pest decimum annum — this marks the date of the letter, as
Verginius died A.D. 97.

sine titulo, sine nomine — there was not only no enumeration of
honours, but not even the name.

5. parata oblivio — 'Paratus' is often used absolutely as equivalent
to ' facilis.' Comp. Livy, v. 6, 'parata victoria.'

conditoria — Conditoriuni, a post-Augustan word, commonly
means ' coffin,' here ' tomb and monument.'

praesitmere — ' To undertake by anticipation.*

A. X. (ix. 19.)

1. Frontinum.'] — Comp. B. I. 3 ; D. XII. 5, where we have evi-
dence of the mutual esteem and affection which had existed
between Frontinus and Pliny.

2. immortalitatem . . sectantitr. Pliny very pn?.sibly had in his
mind Cicero's speech for the poet Archias, in which we meet with
a very similar sentiment (11), 'optimus quisque maxirae gloria
ducitur.'

3. supremis titulis — sc. an e))itaph.

4. prorogare — sc. * to extend into the future.'

in praedicando verecuiidin — we have the same expression in
Tacitus, Affr. 8. This absolute use of ' praedicare ' belongs to late
Latin.

5. seinel . . . referret — ' that once and once only he went so
far in my hearing as to mention this single circumstance in con-
nexion with his own affairs,' &c.

Cluiium — he is referred to as a historian by Tacitus, Ann.
xiii. 20 (where he is coupled with Pliny), and xiv. 2. He
wrote, it seems, an account of the reigns of Nero, Galba, Otho,
and Vitellius. The name Cluvius Rufus frequently occurs in
Tacitus. He is spoken of, Hist. vi. 43, as famous for his wealth
and eloquence, and under Galba he was governor of Spain.
This Cluvius Rufus is generally supposed to have been the
historian.

NOTES. 183

quae hidoriae Jldes debeatur — 'what truthfulness is demanded
by history.'

mefecme quod feci. In alhxsion to his having twice declined
the empire when offered him by the army.

6. parcior — sc. ' more sparing of his own praise.'

premior — comp. iv. 14, describimus aliquid modo pressius
modo elatius ; iii. 18, pressius et adstrictius scripsi. The notion
of pruning (premere) a luxuriant tree or that of pursuing a person
closely (premere vestigia), is the clue to this use of the word.

supeniacun — supervacanous is the form used by the Augustan
writers.

restrictius — nearly the same as ' pressius.' The word suggests
the idea of ' reticence ' and ' self-control.'

7. haheo propositum. A phrase belonging to the later Latinity.
apud te — ' in your judgment.'

A. XI. (ii. 11.)

2. qtiibm . . . praefuit. The province of Africa included the
ancient Carthaginian territory, which was known as Old Africa,
or Africa propria or Zeugitima, and New Africa, as it was called,
or Numidia. It was often spoken of simply as Provincia Pro-
consularis, and its governor as Proconsul. It was a veiy important
province, as Eome drew large supplies of com from it.

omissa . . . j)etiit. He gave up the defence (knowing the ex-
posure it would involve), and asked for the appointment of judges
who should undertake what was termed ' litis aestimatio,' that is,
assess the amount of compensation to be paid by him to the pro-
vincials. Such judges were called ' recuperatores.'

itissi — ' ordered by the senate.'

crimina . . . jwssent — ' crimes for the trial of which " indices "
could be assigned.' The crimes of Marius were too serious to be
dealt with in the way of * litis aestimatio ' by the praetor's court.

3. vela . . . irnplevit. This comparison of a vehement speaker to
a ship in full sail, is to be found in Cicero, who uses meta-
phorically the phrases, vela dare, facere, pandere. Comp. also
iv. 20, ' in quo tu ingenii simul dolorisque velis latissime veheris,'
and A. XVIII. 5, ' immitte rudentes, paude vela, ac si quando alias,
toto ingenio vehere.'

4. lege ccmclusam. Some argued that further judicial proceed-
ings on the part of the senate were barred by law. By le^e we
are not to understand the lex repetundarum (to which Marius was
amenable), or indeed any special law, but the general principle of
law, which in this case would, it was argued, screen Priscus from
worse consequences than those involved in the crime of extortion
(res repetundae).

5. quantumque . . . vindicandum — * and that the full extent of
the defendant's guilt ought to be punished.'

6. evocandos , . , vendidisse — ' that those persons ought to be

184 NOTES.

summoned (as witnesses) to whom he was said to have sold
punishments of innocent people.' One of these persons is said,
a little further on, to have bought (emisse) the punishment of ^
certain ' eques.'

8. qui . . . ittssi — sc. the persons alluded to above, ' evocandos,'
&c.

9. indtwtus est — * was brought to trial.' This is a post-Augus-
tan use of ' inducere.'

iure senutorio — * on the strength of his privilege as a senator,' by
which, when asked his opinion, he could decline to give it at the
moment.

ut Priscus certi'or Jierd, — ' that Priscus should be informed ' (of
the impeachment of Marcianus).

11. imnrjinare — * picture to yourself.' A post-Augustan word.

12. obvermhatur — 'was continually before my mind.'

stabat — ' there was standing before me one who had lately been
a consul,' &c.

ia?n neutrum. This usage seems strange and hardly classical.

1.3. accusare damnatum. Priscus wa-s already 'damnatus, ' inas-
much as he had given up his defence, and had so pleaded guilty to
a charge of res repetundae.

quern , . . tuebanUir — ' weighed down as he was by the friglitful
character of the accusation, he was still, as it were, screened by
the pity felt for him in respect of a conviction alrealy obtained.'
' Quasi ' seems better taken with the entire sentence tlian con-
strued solely with 'peractae.' We understand by peractae dam-
nationis miseratio, the sympathy felt for the criminal in consvqxettce
of the condemnation he had undergone on the minor charge of
simple extortion.

15. stucUum — ' kind feeling.'

voci , . . consiilrrem — ' that I should spare my voice and lungs.'
mp . , , tidiiidi — ' that I was exerting myself.' The middle
voice.

16. tieqite enitn . . . actio — sc. 'no new speech could be begun,' Szc.
dispositus. Said of a speaker who arranges his matter well.

Comp. E XV. 2, ' vita honiinum disposita dt-lectat.'

18. hidiis . . . abrumperet — sc. his speech was terminated by

evening, but not terminated abruptly.
prohationcs — sc. proofs drawn from evidence.

10. advocatione — .-^c. the defence of the provincials, which in-
volved the prosecution of Priscus. The duty had been imposed
(initincta) on Pliny and Tacitus, adesse provincialibus iussi.

20. releyandum — ' relegatio ' was a mitigated form of banish-
ment, first introduced by Augustus, and frequently employed by the
emperors. The ' relegatus ' forfeited neither his rights as a citizen
nor liis property.

21. solutiore vel moUiore — ' solutus ' convevs the notion of (nd-
pahle laxity ; ' mollis,' merely that of leniency.

2.3. \uTiivf<yiin- — ' a matter of public business.' The diminutival
form, which does not occur in Greek literature, seems used to ex-

NOTES. 185

press Ihat the affair, thougli not insignificant (non leve), was a trifle
compared -with the great case of which it was but an offshoot.

nani et . . . prohabatur — ' for both by the accounts of Martianus
and by a speech which he (Martianus) made before the town
council of Leptis, he (Firminus) was proved to have lent his as-
sistance to Priscus for a most shameful service, and to have bar-
gained to receive from Martianus 50,000 denarii (or about 1770/.).
There was a Leptis Magna and a Leptis Parva on the north coast
of Africa ; both were I'hcenician colonies. See Sail. Jug. 19 and
78. It is the first of these which is here referred to. It was on
the coast of Africa Zeugitana, to the east of Carthage, aiid near
Adrumetum.

notnine ungtientarii — 'imder the head of perfume-money.' Un-
guentarium is formed on the analogy of such words as clavarium,
calcearium, salarium, congiarium, &c., &c., and points to one of
the many unscrupulous ways in which Roman governors and their
underlings continued to wring money out of the provincials. It
reminds us of the pin-money which in modern times was granted
to royal ladies.

pumicati — pumicatus (rubbed smooth with pumice) is applied
by Martial (i. 67) to a book, the binding of which had been
polished by this process. Here it stands for a fop or dandy. Such
persons at Rome shaved close and carefully cultivated excessive
smoothness of skin.

25. oves delicatissimae — ' delicatus,' in its good sense (in which it
is here used) means 'choice,' 'beautiful.' Pliny (E. XXVIII. 3)
calls the Anio delicatissimus amnium. There is here also perhaps
the notion which Virgil expresses in molle pecus, and which comes
near to our 'softness,' ' delicacy,' &c. It should be noted that the
favourable sense of ' delicatus ' is found chiefly in post-Augustan
writers. In Cicero the word commonly implies censm-e.

A. Xn. (ii. 12.)

1. XuTovpyiov — see note 23 in preceding letter.

circumcisum . . . adrasum — the first word is the stronger of the
two, and implies a more complete finish and termination. The
notion of circumcidere is paring a thing all round, and so giving a
finish to it; that of adradere is merely paring off certain portions
of it. Pliny means to say, ' The affair is decided ; I don't say
finished as it should be, but still it is finished in a way.' Lord
Orrery, in his translation, renders the passage thus : ' The per-
fumer is shaved, whether close enough or not I cannot saj'.' This
supposed allusion to the ' unguentarium ' of the preceding letter
seems far-fetched. Possibly Pliny may be using a metaphor de-
rived from the treatment of wounds, in which ' circumcidere '
would denote a more vigorous application of the knife than
' adradere.'

2. iwto — sc. known from the previous trial.

ordhie movendum — ' to be expelled from the senate.'

Acutiis Nerva — this reading for * acutius/ which has little

186 NOTES.

ineaninp-, is confirmed by the fact that there appears to have lieen
nn Acutia gens at Home. It is now generally adO|»ted.

3. cvsectum—as we say, ' cut out of.' Properly, the word denotes
the 'cutting out of diseased portions of the body.'

4. «o^rt/M/«— properly, 'marked with the nota censoria;' here
simply equivalent to ' censured.'

5. sonhiim — sordes commonly signifies the meanness of a stingy
householder ; here it is used for avarice or rapacity on a great
scale, as in Tacitus, Hist. i. 52, sordem et avaritiam Fonteii Capi-
tonis, &c. ; and thus denotes an actual crime.

numerantur . . . ponderanftir — ' votes are merely counted, their
value is not estimated.' Speaking of actions which injure a few
and benefit many, Cicero (I)e Off. ii. 22) says, ' Non numero haec
judicantur sed pondere,^ precisely the reverse of what we have
here.

6. prioris . . , exsolvi — ' I have fulfilled the pledge given in mv
former letter.'

A. XIII. (iii. 9.)

1. quantum . . . e.rhauserim — this was the second occasion on
which I'liny was counsel for the provincials of Baetica. Comp.
A. V. 4. ^

2. fuit multiplex — sc. the caiwe Involved several issues.

3. dolor . . . facit — comp. Cicero in Verrem, iv. 4.3, where he
pays that the people of Sicily are never so badly oft' that they can-
not make a joke (numquam tarn male est Siculisquin aliquidfacete
et commode dicant). Dolor is here the pain arising from a sense of
wrong. ^ Venustus (here equivalent to our 'witty ') is used by the
best writers of intellectual as well as of physical grace.

6. provisum hoe legibus — sc. the laws provided for this impeach-
ment of one already deceased.

addidentnt Baetici—sc. 'they added to the impeachment of
Classicus, who was now dead, that of his agents,' &c.

7. dili(/erem . . . amare — the distinction between * diligere ' and
'amare ' is well marked in this sentence. The first denotes moral
preference for one person over another ; the second, afiection.

8. in studiis — sc. 'forensic studies and pursuits.'
I'lKoipwi'tiToi — the meaning is that in glory as in empire one must

be supreme ; there is something about it which is incommuni-
cable.

pari iugo — this is a common figure of speech with both Greek
and Roman writers. Comp. Theocritus, xii. 15, fi.\X//\o(ic ^' t'tiXti-
rau ta(i) Cvyi-j. The expression is equivalent to pari studio, labore,
&c.

cifius et mof/nitiido . . . subiretnus — the meaning is that in the
judgment of Tliny and his fellow-counsel, Lucceius, the case was
too heavy to be dealt with b}' a single process. It was better,
they thought, to separate the charges and proceed against the
defendants one by one.

9. ne gratia . . . acci/>ei-et — if all the defendants were put on their

NOTES. 187

trial together, there was reason to fear that each would get the
benefit of the collective influence of all. Pro singulis, ' on behalf
of each (defendant).'

vilissimo . . , dato — ' all the most insignificant (of the defend-
ants) being given up as scapegoats,' &c.

11. erat in consilio — 'there came into my mind.'
Sertorianum illud, &c. Tlie incident in question is related by
Plutarch in his life of Sertorius. It appears that Sertorius tried
to teach his soldiers the good effects of patience in the foUovdng
manner. He brought out in their presence two horses ; one was
old and feeble, the other in its full vigour and with a singularly
fine tail. Near the first he placed a tall and powerful soldier ;
near the second, one of the weakest and most diminutive. Each
was to pull out the tail of his respective horse ; the strong soldier
by a sudden effort, the weak, by gradually plucking the hairs. The
failure of the one and the success of the other taught the wisdom
of attempting a difficult work gradually and in detail. See Horace,
Epist. ii. 1, 45, and Orelli's note. Pliny means that the defendants,
who were very numerous, must be proceeded against singly, as the
hairs of the horse's tail were plucked out one by one. ' Vellere '
is to be understood after * caudam equi.'

^ 12. carperetur — ' cai-pere ' is here used with reference to the in-
cident explained above. There may too perhaps be an allusion to
its military sense, in which it signified the action of light trocps
in harassing an army on its march.
joroJan— understand 'nocentes,' from the following 'nocent«.'
duos . . . iunximus — so. * two we put on their trial along with
Classicus.'

14. iam sestertium . . . Baeticorum — ' T have now got in 4,000,000
sesterces (about 34,000/.) by having sold up half the people of
Baetica.' 'Redigere ' is ' to call in debts,' and is used of getting
in money lent on interest.

15. neque enim . . . negarent — that is, the line which their de-
fence took was not to deny that they had been agents of Classicus,
&c.

16. vigilans — this is said of a speaker who seizes all the points
<jf a case, and keeps a sharp look-out for flaws in his opponent's
arguments.

18. tribunus cohoHis — this was an officer peculiar to the later
times of the empire. It was confined to the first and strongest
cohort of a legion, which numbered over 1000 men. A ' tribunus

Uegionis' held a higher rank.

19. plures congregare — sc. ' to put several on their trial.'
cognoscentium — sc. 'the judices holding the cognitio.'
minores ret — ' the less influential defendants,'

Classid tixore — comp. Tacitus, Ann. iii. 33, where the liability
of a governor's wife to be invilved in charges of repetundae brought
against her husband, and other ill consequences arising from her
presence in a province, are dwelt upon at length. A motion, how-
ever, to provide a remedy by legal enactment failed. This was in

188 NOTES.

the reign of Tiberius. It was an attempt to revive the policy of
Augustus, who, as we learn from Suetonius, Oct. 24, legislated
on the matter. Subsequently na such attempts appear to have
been made, and governors of provinces were at perfect liberty to
have their wives witli tliem if they pleased.

20. ne smpicianibiis qui Jem haerebat — so. ' was not even so much
as involved in suspicion.'

21. ludicas ergo? — sc. 'Do you then take upon yourself the
function of a "index"?' Tliny's answer implies that being se-
lected out of the ' indices ' as counsel of the province, he might
fairly exercise his discretion as to the accusation of Classicus' wife
and daughter.

22. numerosisshnae causae — sc. ' a case with very numerous ra-
ni itications.' This is a post-Augustan sense of 'numerosus,' which
in the Augustan writers always means 'rhythmical.' Comp.
numei-osum agmen in this letter.

23. ditinum . . . par — both adjectives are to be construed with
* laboris.'

24. al(ercandinn—v.-e are to understand by this word the dis-
putes arising from time to time between the counsel on one side
and the other.

sublevandi — sc. ' to be helped through with their evidence,'
referring to the witnesses who were confused by the cross-exami-
nation of the opposing counsel.

26. Jides . . . offendit — sc. 'good faith (the honest discharge of
one's duty) gives oflence at the time to those whose wishes it
thwarts.'

in rem praesentem — this expression, which had passed into a
proverb, was taken from a legal custom, according to whicli the
judges or the plaintiti' and defendant went to the very place with
which the suit was connected, so as to see with their own eves the
actual state of affiiirs.

28. facit hoc J£o7?wrus—ao Cicero, Epp. ad Att. vartpuv np6rtpoi>
'OfirjuiKwc.

29. inqtdsitorem — sc. one who collects evidence with a view to
a prosecution. Comp. Cic. Verr. i. 2, 6, and Tacit. Ann. xv. GO.

tanquam . . . praevaricaretur—' praevaricatio ' is the crime of
one who plays into the hands of tlie oppo.site party and so defeats
justice. Norbanus wiis charged with this crime in regard to the
wife of Classicus, who, as we have been told, was an object of
suspicion, and as such was included in the prosecution, although
sufficiently clear proof of her guilt was not forthcoming. Iler ac-
quittal, it was suggested, was due to ' praevaricatio ' on the part of
Norbanus.

30. reus . . . peragatur — ' agere reum,' ' to prosecute a person ; '
'peragere reum,' 'to carry the prosecution through and convict
liiiii.'

31. ordo legis — sc. the ordinary legal procedure by which, as has
been above explained, the ' praevaricator ' was not tried till the
original prosecution had been successful.

NOTES. 189

Domitiani temporibus zisits — Domitian's reign was notori(_nisly
favourable to the ' delatores.' Of these Norbanus, it appears, had
been one, not without success.

ad inquirendum — so. to do the work of an ' inquisitor.' See
note 29.

32. dari sibi diem et edi crimina — comp. Tacit. Hist. ii. 10, dari
tenipus, edi crimina. Norbanus requested (1) that time should be
given him for his defence ; (2) that the charges against him should
be definitely stated.

malum pravumque — the combination of these epithets marks
the complete tyre of wickedness which is made up of both moral
and intellectual perversity.

33. conjidenter an constant e?- — ' confidenter ' may have a good or
bad sense; ' constanter ' is limited to 'courage in a good cause.'
* Confidenter ' here = audaciter. Comp. context, ' vel audaciam
vel constantiam pertulit.'

tanquam . . . adfuisset. The evidence of Rufus and Frugi seems
to have shown that Norbanus had helped on the accusation of
Salvius Liberalis by influencing one of the ' indices.'

34. res contraria et nova — that is, it was contrary to legal pro-
cedure, as explained already. In consequence, the prosecution of
Casta (wife of Classicus) fell through.

35. indicavimus . . . pi-obaretur — ' we (Pliny and his fellow-
counsel) explained to the senate that it was from Norbanus we had
received our instructions in the case, which was a public one, and
that we ought to have fresh instructions in the event of Norbanus
being convicted of ' praevaricatio,' &c.

dimi , . . sedi^nus — sc. during the trial of Norbanus for prae-
varicatio, we simply sat as spectators.

36. tanquam . . . peregissent — ' because they had not secured the
conviction of all the persons whom they had been deputed by the
province to prosecute.'

A. XIV. (iv. 9.)

1. laboriosus — sc. ' full of troubles.' The word thus used answers
to the Greek novrjuoc, tJo\Bifpnc.

ad senatum remissus — this was a bad omen for Bassus, as only
exceptionally serious crimes were referred to the senate. See the
letter on the prosecution of Marius Priscus, A. XI. 2.

pependit — 'he was in suspense.' Usually with 'animi' or
' animo.'

2. Titum . . . amicus — Suetonius' account {Tit. ix.) of the rela-
tions between Titus and Domitian hardly agrees with what these
words suggest. Titus according to that account did not regard
his brother with fear or jealousy though he was perfectly well
aware of his treasonable designs.

varias sententias habuit— that is, as we are told further on in
the letter, there was much difference of opinion in the senate about
his conduct.

3. Pomponius Rufus — see v. 20, where he is spoken of as Pom-

190 NOTES.

ponius Riifus Varenus, and from which it appears that he suc-
ceeded Bassus in the procou'>idate of IJithynia and was himself
impeached by the province, and defended by Pliny. The case
proved a tedious one ; it seems to have been ultimately dropped
by the accusing parties. See vi. 5, 13 ; vii. 0, 10.

paratiis — this is rather a favourite expression with Pliny. In
A. XIII. 1(5, he describes a pleader as quamlibet suh\t\s paratiis,
and characterises the style of a reply by the word ' paratissime.'
It seems to be decidedly preferable to ' peritus,' which some
editors have substituted for it, and to be more naturally coupled
with 'vehemens.'

fax accttsationis — ' fax ' is generally applied to persons who
originate or stir up something bad and mischievous. Comp.
Panegyr. viii. 5,/«x tumult us; Tacit. Hist. ii. 80, acerrimam /r/oe^n
bello praetulit ; Cic. Phihpp. ii. li), Antonius omnium Clodi in-
cendiorum fax.

omatnentis mis — ' his distinctions.' Comp. B. XXV. 1, ' prae-
dpua seculi omampnta,^

5. quam in quaesfu habebant — ' which they were treating as si
source of profit.' The accusers, if successful, secured for them-
selves a fourth part of the property of the accused. Hence they
were called * quadruplatores,' a word which naturally became iden-
tified with the notion of chicanery.

6. furta. His accusers tried to bring the acts of Bassus within
the legal definition of furtum by suggesting that he had received
and given presents with ' dolus mains.' Furtum was a very com-
prehensive term, and covered every species of action in which any-
thing like fraud or dishonest intention seemed to be an element.

kx- — no specific ' lex,' but a general principle of law which
from obvious motives of public expediency would forbid governors
of provinces to receive presents.

quod iter clefmsiom's — as we say, ' what lim of defence.'

7. 7iihil . . . reliquisset — that is, Bassus by his admissions (as ex-
plained in the next sentence) had not left his defence at the full
direction of his counsel. ' Mihi integrum est ' (' it is in my
power ') is a Ciceronian phrase.

11. iungere — sc. 'to go through continuously.' Equivalent to

* continuare.'

/n/7?«— either ' a cold reception from the audience ' or ' a tame
and spiritless manner on the part of the speaker,' as opposed to
' dicentis calor.' Comp. B. XXIII. 4, Paullo aliena deliratio ali-
quantum friyoris attulit, where the word is susceptible of both
meanings.

diniissum—sc. ' neglected,' and consequently extinguished. _ It
might seem that the word would be more aptly joined with

* concussio,' but by a not unusual construction it is referred to

* ignis.'

reniissione — ' remissio ' is precisely antithetical to ' intentio.'
13. contextum — a word occasionally found in Cicero, and regu-
larly accepted by the post- Augustan writers. Cicero explains its

NOTES. 191

precise menning (J)c Fin. v. 28) ; speaking of the Stoic philoso-
phers, he says their arguments have a remarkable ' contextus ' :
respondent prima extremis. In this sense it is here used ; it
had also in Pliny's time acquired a siguitlcation nearly equivalent
to that of our ' context.'

14. consulares — sc. Rufus and Pollio, both counsel for the pro-
vincials.

15. probationes — sc. ' the evidence and the examination of wit-
nesses.' A post- Augustan sense of the word.

16. censuit , . . desiynahis. It was in accordance with the pre-
cedents of republican times for the consul-elect to be the first
called on for his vote.

lege repetundanim. For a clear case of ' repetundae ' the pun-
ishment at this time was ' exsilium.' See Tacit. An7i. xiv. 28,
where we find a Roman eques so punished for this ofience.

Caepio . . . dandos. Caepio's view of the case, though differing
widely from that of Macer's in being much more lenient, did not
amount to a denial that Bassus was amenable to the law of ' re-
petundae ' ; it merely implied that the case might be dealt with
by the less formidable process of litis aestimatio, for which ' judices '
nominated by the praetor in the usual way would be appointed.
This seems evident from Pliny's own explanation. Nor was it in
Caepio's j udgment even necessary, as it would have been accord-
ing to the lex Julia de repetundis (b.c. 59), that Bassus, if con-
victed under this process, should be degraded fx-ora the senatorian
order j his ' dignitas ' as a senator might still be ' salva.' For the
phrase 'indices dandos,' see note 2, A. XI.

17. legem — * the law,' generally, with reference of course to the
many and various ' leges de repetundis.'

intendere — like our expression ' to strain.' It does not, however,
mean more than ' to insist on the law being fully carried out.'

quod solet residentibus — ' which is usually done when they re-
sume their seats.'

19. incongi'uentem — sc. 'inconsistent with the public interests.'
The word is post-Augustan and is rarely used, as here, abso-
lutely.

20. cui indices dederis — sc. one whose acts have been the subject
of a ' litis aestimatio,' in which an unfavourable verdict usually
carried vpith it the loss of a man's rank or office.

legationem renimtiasset — sc. ' had announced the " legatio " and
given in a full and official report of its object.' In this all the
charges of the provincials against Bassus would be specified.
Theophanes was the leading man among the 'legati,' the 'fax
accusationis.' His zeal in the prosecution had according to Paul-
linus drawn him within the meshes of the very ' leges ' under
which Bassus was accused. We may suppose that in getting up
the case there had been an interchange of presents, &c., between
hiai and some of the provincials whom he represented.

192 NOTES.

tf

A. XV. (ii. 7.)

1. triiimphalis statua—sc. a statue habited in the dress worn
by a general when celebrating a triumph. Tacitus (Af/r. 40) in-
cludes it among the ' triumphalia ornamenta ' bestowed on A^ri-
cola. *"

decusistud—' decus' and 'decora' are especially used of mili-
tary rewards and distinctions.

2. Ji ruder mn—see Tacit. Ger. 8;3, where it is said that the
Bructeri had been almost wlioUy destroyed by an irruption df other
tribes. At any rate, it may be presuiiied they were sufHciently
weakened to be not very formidable to Spurinua. They were an
important and widely-spread tribe, and are frequently mentioned
by Tacitus as coming into collision with the Komans.

ostentato ip//o— 'ostentare bellum ' is to display on a great
scale the actual preparations for a campaign. Comp. Tacit. Ger. 13
ipsa plerumque fama bellum prolligant. * '

5. qvo guidon . . . pruspectinn est—' by means of this distinction,
as far as my judgment goes, regard has been had not only to the
memory of the deceased and to the sorrow of a father, but also to
public example.'

ad libcros suscipicndos— there is here an allusion to that aversion
to marriage and its responsibilities which was so characteristic of
the empire, and which some of tlie emperors sought to overcome
by direct encouragements to married life.

consmttmatimDium— this word implies a rare combination of
moral and intellectual qualities. We have no single word by
which it can be adequately rendered. It is post-Augustan, ' per-
fectus' or ' absolutus ' being the corresponding expression in
Cicero and the writers of his time.

7. refertirr— 'is represented,' 'is recalled to memory.' Comp.
I.iucan, i. 358 : servati civis referentetn praemia quercum.

A. XVI. (iii. 20.)

2. in senntu—vahere the 'comitia' for the election of magis-
trates were held from the time of Tiberius. See Tacit. Ann. ii.
15, turn primuni e campo comitia ad 2}atres translata sunt.

o7nnes — so. all the senators.

3. liccntiam cuncionum — comp. Cicero, Epp. ad Fam. ii. 12, where
in allusion to the comitia he speaks of ' tumultuosae conciones.'
The scenes in the senate, it appears, were even more turbulent
than those of the popular assemblies.

4. in 7)iedio—sc. ' in the middle of the house.' The senators did
not remain sitting (non sedendi dignitas custodiebatur), and others
AS they came in hastily with their clients stood talking on the floor
of the house.

5. o)-dinem — ' form of procedure.'

mffragatoribim. A ' euffragator ' acted as the patron of a candi-
date, and recommended him, gave him introductions and spoke for
him.

XOTES. 193

6. natales . . . aid annos — sc. ' obscurity of birth/ or ' insuffi-
ciency of age.'

7. Quae . . . decucurrerunt — sc. * These proceedings having be-
come vitiated by an unrestrained partiality shown to certain
candidates, found a remedy in silent voting.'

8. ex ipso remedio vitia. Pliuy particularises in iv. 25, some of
the bad consequences which actually resulted from secret voting.
Comp. Cicero, De Leg. iii. 15, ' tabella vitiosmn sufFragium occultat.'

9. heneficio tabellarmn — ' thanks to the voting tablets.'
recuperatoriis iudiciis — sc. cases of ' litis aestimatio/ or assess-
ment of damages. The iudices in these cases were termed ' recu-
peratores ; ' they were nominated by the praetor almost on the spur of
the moment (' repente '), that they might be as impartial as possible.

sinceri — ' incorrupt,' inasmuch as there had not been time or
opportunity to tamper with them. The remedy applied, as ex-
plained, was sudden, and the people whom it affected were
* repente apprehensi.'

12. quidmii — sc. curae laboresque.

quasi 7)}inistrare, The metaphor in 'rivi ' is here kept up hj a
word which denotes ' furnishitDg a supply of anything.'

A. XVII. (vi. 19.)

1. Scis tu — A common interrogative formula.

expressit — sc. gave a somewhat umoilling expression to, &c. The
senate felt itself obliged to repress the scandal, but did it with
some reluctance.

pecunias deponant — sc. 'lodge money in the hands of a third
person.' The phrase * pecuniam deponere ' sometimes answers to
our ' investment of money.'

2. hoc tertium — sc. ' pecuniam deponere.'

3. Homallus. He was counsel with Pliny for Julius Bassus.
See A. XIV. 15.

sententiae loco — that is, ' by way of a motion.'

4. solo — sc. land and all immovable property.

hmiorem petituros — sc. men intending to become candidates.
stahulo — ' stabulum,' here as elsewhere = -ai'^oyfioi'.

5. sipoenitet te — 'if you are dissatisfied with,' &c.

A. XVIII. (viii. 24.)

2. veratn et meram Qraeciam. Achaia, as distinguished from
Macedonia, is so called inasmuch as it contained Athens and
Sparta, the two special representatives of Hellenism. With
' veram et meram ' we may compare such expressions as ' kith and
kin,' 'house and home,' &c.

hiiinanitas. Comp. what Cicero {Pro Flacco, 26) says of Athens :
' Adsunt Athenienses unde Jmmanitas, doctrina, relitrio, fruo-es.
lura, leges ortae, atque m omnes terras distributae putantur,' and
the opening lines of the sixth book of Luo<;etius, in which the
poet sings the praises of Athens,

o

\

194 xoTi:?:.

fruges mvetifae — alluding to the legend of Demeter and Trip-
tolenius.

onlinanchnn. The word ' ordinaie ' (which as here used is post-
Augustan) indicates very delicately the functions of government.

Uberannn cidtahim. The term ' free states ' was retained out of
a regard to Greek susceptibility of feeling after the reality it ex-
presses had passed away.

homines . . . liberos. They were men'm the best sense fmaxime),
because they were highly civilised ; they were free in the highest de-
gree (maxime) becausetheyhad so often fought bravely for freedom.

3. nomina deorum — in allusion to cities named after deities, as
Athens, Apollonia, Ileraclea, &c.

ffloriam vderem. Comp. Lucan, v. 52, < fama veteres laudantur
Athenae.'

Nihil etiam ex iadatione decerpseris. Comp. Cicero in Ten: iv.
56, ' nimium forsitan haec illi (the Greeks of Sicily) mirentur
atque eff.-rant,' &c. ; a passage which very possibly suggested this
part of I'liny's advice.

4. quae nobis . . . dederit — alluding to the so-called laws of the
Twelve Tables. See Livy iii. .31.

6. venei-atio — this word denotes the external m&vk& of respect and
honour ; ' reverentia ' is the feeling or sentiment of respect, and
would therefore be out of place here.

7. tibi ipsian . . . civitatum — ' to make yourself clearly under-
stand the nature and the importance of the work of governing free
states.'

eivilius — ' more constitutional.' ' Ordinatio ' excludes the notion
of despotic government, and (as we have noted above) hints deli-
cately at the exercise of authority.

8. eversione — sc. 'the destruction of all national life.'

tibi certamen est tecum — sc. ' you are your own rival ;' your past
merits (as the context explains) raise' our expectations of your
future career.

onerat te — ' weighs you down with responsibility.' This is
rather a favourite expression with I'liny. Comp. ]5." II. 5, ' onc-
rnhit hoc modestiam nostram ; ' also comp. Ovid, Ileroid. xvii.
1(57, 'fama quoque est oneri,' and Quintil. Decl. 269, 'me omrat
uiaiorum meorum dignitas.'

Q. mhurbana. Compared with so remote and wild a country a.s
Bithynia, Achaia might be thus fairly described. It was, at least,
within the limits of the civilised world, and was easily accessible
from Rome ; find the Romans might well for many reausons re"-ard
it as closely connected with themselves.

sorte — the quaestors were chosen by lot.

iudieio — sc. the oiuperor's deliberate choice and approval.

10. admonentvm, non praecipientem — 'in a tone of advice, not of
authority.'

quod . . . debet — that is to say, 'my love for j^ou.' which has
prompted this letter of advice, or of direction, if you like to call it
6ueh.

NOTES. 195

A. XIX. (ix. 5.)

1. persevera — so Cortius reads for (inquire enim et persevere).
He is followed by most modern editors.

humanitate — ' sympathy.'

ita a minorihus . . . diUc/are — sc. to have the affection of in-
feriors while at the same time you have the esteem of the chief
people.

2. sinisteritatis. This word (which is found only in one other
passage (vi. 17), where it is coupled with ' amentia ') denotes a
mental rather than a moral quality. It answers to the French
'gaucherie.' We may render the sentence thus, 'they get the
credit of a had head and also of a had heart.'

similis monenti — this implies that Pliny was rather afraid that
his friend might err on the side of kindness and good-nature.

nihil est ipsa aequalitate inaequaliiis — that is, the equality which
arises from a confusion of all distinctions, is itself full of the worst
inequalities and anomalies.

A. XX. (x. 96.)

1. sollenne est miJii — ' it is my regular practice.'

ignorantiam instruere — ' To instruct my ignorance.' A post-
classical use of 'instruere,' which, in the sense of ' instructing,'
is confined by Augustan writers to the phrase ' instruere ali-

quaeri — ' to be tried,' 'judicially investigated.'

2. discrimen aetatum, It was the practice of the Roman law to
make such a distinction. Trajan makes no allusion to it in hia
answer, leaving it, probably, to Pliny's discretion.

teneri — alluding to tenderness of age or of sex.

desisse — understand ' Christianos esse,'

Jlagitia cohaerentia nomini — that is, ' crimes popularly supposed
to be involved in the profession of Christianity.' On the subject
of this popular belief comp. Tac. Ann. xv. 44, and Suet. Ker.
xvi.

3. suppUciinn — ' capital pimishment.'
duci — sc. ' ad supplicium.'

4. siini/is amentiae — -'under a similar infatuation.^

quia cives Bomani erant. Such persons (of whom St. Paul was
one) could not lawfully undergo extreme punishment from a pro-
vincial governor. Comp. Trajan's letter to Pliny (X. 82).

ipso tractatu . . . crimine — that is, the very act of touching and
meddling with such a charge conduced to its wider spread. The
accusation would be inevitably vague, and so strike at a gTeat
number of persons, as the context explains.

2}lures species — ' many phases (of the alleged crime).'

5. Ubellus — sc. ' a document containing the names of accused
persons.'

praeeunte me — ' ■^ hile I dictated the form of words»'

n. 2

196 NOTKS.

tmaf/int tnae — such honours were not paid to the emperor 3
statue at Kome. Pliny {Paim/yr. lii. o) attributes this to Trajan's
own wish in the matter. It was as supposed political otFendera
that the Christians were required to pay these honours.

eryo dimittcndos. So Minucius Felix, one of the earliest Christian
apologists, speaking- of the treatment of Christians in his time,
says, ' si quis intirmior, malo pressus, Christianum se nogasset,
favebamus ei, quasi eierato nomine, iam omnia facta sua ilia nega-
tione purgasset.'

ante lucem, Tert. Apol. 2, speaks of 'coetus antelucani.'

7. carmen — either ' a hymn,' or, as often elsewhere, simply ' a
form of words.'

quasi Deo. Pliny here seems to give the Christian conception
of Christ. The language of the hymn, as described to him, sug-
gested the phrase.

dicere seeuni invicem — so, ' they repeated the " carmen " among
themselves with alternate recitations ;' antiphonally.

Sacramento. The word ' sacramentum,' which the Christians
themselves used, seems to have suggested to Roman governors the
notion of a conspiracy against the state, and perhaps connected
itself vaguely in their minds with recollections of the oath admi-
nistered to Catiline's associates. See Sallust, Cat. xxii., where
the nature of the oath is described.

promiscuum et innoxium — that is, the common ordinary food of
man, as opposed to that which popular belief associated with the
'sacramentum.'

hetacrias — A word borrowed from Greek writers, who used it
to denote ' a political club or society.' See Arnold's note (Thucyd.
viii. 54) on the word nvvwunnia. Pliny here alludes to a letter he
had received from Trajan (X. 43), forbidding him to permit the
establishment of a ' collegium fabrorum.' The emperor thought
that such a 'collegium' would soon become a 'hetaeria,' and
would endanger the order of the province. Bithynia and Asia
Minor generally were, it appears from Trajan's letter, often dis-
turbed by these societies, with wliich the Christian churches were
no doubt confounded.

8. ministrae — ' deaconesses.' The equity of Roman law, which
did not suffer slaves or servants to be questioned in a case affect-
ing their master's life, seems in this instance to have been dis-
regarded.

superstitionem — ' superstitio ' meant to a Roman any foreign
kind of worship or religious belief.

NOTES. 197

B. I. (i. 2.)

1. librum. The oration spoken of is possibly that which Pliny
delivered before the Centumviri on behalf of Accia Variola. This
iie describes in vi. 33, and there compares it with the famous ora-
tion of Demosthenes Pro Ctesiphonte.

Z>i\i;j — ' emulation,' and so, generally, ' effort.'

2. Calimrn — this was C. Licinius Calvus, of whom Seneca says,
' Diu cum Cicerone litem de principatu habuit.' Pliny's friend
had always, it seemed, made Demosthenes his model. Pliny him-
eelf had in this instance (nuper) moulded his style on the model
of Calvus, himself, according to Seneca, an imitator of the Greek
)rator.

patici, quos aeqnus amnvit — ' the few who are specially favoured.'
The quotation is from Virg. Aen. vi. 129.

3. improbe — arrogantly.

erat enim . . . dicendi — i.e. the speech was almost wholly occu-
pied with answering the arguments of my opponent.

4. \i]Kv'r'ovt; — the ornaments of Cicero's style as opposite to the
severe energy of Demosthenes ; Xi'jkvQoq is a cup or vase for hold-
ing unguenfi and perfume. Cicero {Ejnst, ad Att. i. 14) uses the
phrase of his own orations with the same signification : ' Totum
hunc locum, quem ego varie meis orationibus quarum tu Aristar-
chus es, soleo pingere, de flamma, de ferro (nosti illas \;j(ciiyovc) valde
graviter pertexuit.'

acres . . . tristes — energetic rather than harsh.

5. excejjtione — the * exception ' is his occasional .mitation of
Cicero just mentioned.

intendam Umam tuam — ' make your correcting pen more
vigorous.'

d modo . . . adieceris — if you give your vote in favour of the
resolve, possibly a mistaken one (error) which I have come to, of
publishing.' Calculus alius is an affirmative as opposed to calculus
ater, a negative vote.

B. II. (i. 8.)

2. sermmii — sermo is strictly used of the 'speech of ordinary
conversation.' Its use here, however, must not be understood as
implying that Pliny's address was not a regular set speech, which
in all probability it was, but merely as expressing the very
modest estimate which he wished it to be thought he had formed
of it.

8. universitati — sc. the subject-matter and general character of
the style. The word implies rather more than ' argumentum,'
which confines itself solely to the subject-matter.

5. Onerahit. The ' onus ' which Pliny feels to be involved in
the publication of his speech is, in his view, one to be borne
cheerfully, as arising out of a moral obligation rather than one of
a painful and degrading necessity. Pliny is fond of the words

198 NOTES.

'imerave' and 'onerosus' in this sense, Jind Cicero nccasioEnllj
uses 'onus' as simply equivalent to a serious and important duty
without intending; to suggest the notion of a tiresome or humi-
liating burden.

pressiis — a word regularly applied to sfi/Ie by the Roman -writers.
Occasionally it is used of the writer himself; see Tacitus, Dial,
de Orat. (of Cicero), 'nee satis 7>/v.s.s7«,' iS:c. It denotes the style
of an author who sticks close to liis subject-matter and confines
himself to what is strictly necessary, escliewing all rhetorical
ornaments and flourishes. Ilence it is closely allied to the notions
of brevity and conciseness. Its opposites are 'tumens,' ' inflatus/
'elatus,' 'luxurians/ ' superfluens,' &c. &c. It may be explainer!
\ti\\\ the metaphor of pruning a tree, one of the recognised niean-
.ngs of ' premere.'

demis^iis — ' quiet,' 'unostentatious.' The word tna;/ arfd some-
times does imply a fault, a weakness ; Tiere it stands simply m
contrast to a high-flown and ambitious style.

0. lenochiatw — * lenocinari,' in Pliny and his contemporaries,
means ' to set a thing off, to make it attractive/ as in ii. 10, ' pot-
est fieri ut lihro isti novitas hnocinetur.^ Here it is used with n
wider deviation from its proper meaning, and almost signifies 'to
excus'% justify,' &c.

7. ipse mecum — ' I consider with myself ' j ' I ask myself the
question.'

quod pleraque . . . retinent. The meaning is: Wliat is done by
way of preparation for any important business is apt to lose its
A-alue and its power of giving pleasure after the completion of the
business. The question for Pliny to consider was this : Would
the labour of revising his speech with a view to publication be
as usefully bestowed as that of its preparation in the first in-
stance ?

8. imiuijicentinc rntionem — ' ratio ' here, as often elsewhere, is a
comprehensive word, and denotes the general principle and pur-
pose of Pliny's liberality.

tractatu — tractu is the reading of some editors, who compare
tractiis verborum from Cicero and tractus belli from Tacitus, in
the sense of 'something drawn out to a great length.' ' 'J'ractatu,'
however, seems here preferable ; comp. i. 20, ' plcrisque lougiore
tracfcitu vis quaedam et pondus accedit ' ; also (.Juiiitilian, v. 8,
' latiore varioquo tractatu.'' The word in Pliny's time answered
almost exactly to our expression ' an author's treaituent of hia
.subject.'

Pliny means to say that we see the beauty of noble sentiments
(honestae cogitationes) all the more thoroughly the longer we
dwell on them and speak of them.

lanjitiimis — ' largitio ' is ' inconsiderate profusion without any
good object,' and is thus contrasted with ' liberalitas.'

9. non impetu sed consilio — ' not by a mere impulse bat by prin-
ciple.'

NOTES. 199

10. unnuos smnptus — these were defrayed out of the rent-charge
of an estate, as explained in D. III.

171 alimenta ingenuorum. Trajan first established funds for the
maintenance and education of free-born children who were orphans
or whose parents were too poor to bring them up. Perhaps Pliny-
was the first private individual who followed the emperor's ex-
ample. There is the fragment of a monument at Milan on which
his bounty is recorded. In later times such bequests became
frequent, and an officer known as ' procurator ad alimenta ' was ap-
pointed to administer them.

11. exquisitis adhortatioiiihus — sc. encouragements addressed
with singular skill and tact. ' Exquisitus ' is the opposite of

* commonplace.'

12. non jjennde populare — sc. not so popular as games or a
gladiatorial show.

inducere — this has been explained as equivalent to ' ornare ' or
' commendare,' and to have a metaphorical reference to the laying
on of brilliant colours, or to the wrapping-up pills in gold leaf, &c.
ft meaning of the word which is to be traced in the rhetorical
term 'inductio.' But 'inducere' may be simply equivalent to

* introdncere ' or ' instituere munus,' and so Cicero {pro Sextio, G4)
uses the word.

orhis—the ' orbi ' might be divided into two classes — (1) those
who might expect in the course of nature to have children ; (2)
those who hoped to attain some day the 'jus liberorum.' The
word ' exspectarent ' applies to the tirst, ' merereutur ' to the
second class.

13. intentionem ejfccfumqve — ' efFectus ' seems more suitably
coupled with ' intentio ' than affectus (read by some editors)
which can mean only ' the disposition which prompted the gift,'
and would thus be a mere repetition of ' intentio.'

14. praeterea . . . reponatur — ' Besides I am mindful what a
much nobler spirit it shows to place the reward of virtue in the
approval of one's conscience than in reputation.'

B. III. (v. 8.)

3. si qua me, &c. Virg. Georrj. iii. 8, ' Tentanda via est qua me
quoque possim ToUere humo victorque viruni volitare per ora.' The
idea was suggested by Ennius's epitaph on himself, ' volito vivu'
per ora virum.'

illml — sc. what follows, 'victorque virum,' &c.

quamquam o. Virg. Aen. v. 194 (from the description of the
rowing match), ' non jam prima peto, Mnestheus, nee vincere certo:
Quamquam o,' &c.

sed hoe, &c. — sc. diuturnitas et memoria posteritatis. Like
Mnestheus, Pliny does not dare to hope for the highest rank among
authors, but he aspires to distinction.

4. orationi . . . gratia — ' to oratory and poetry little thanks are
given,' &c.

200

NOTES.

clelectat. Of course Pliny is not to be understood as moanin"
that 'to give pleasure' is the Iiighest function of history; he
merely means that it cannot fail to do this, whatever else it
may fail to do. Comp. Cic. ad Fam. v. 12 (a letter in wliich
Cicero asks Lucceius to record in his history the part lie had taken
in public aifairs), ' nihil est antius ad delect atimiem lectoris quam
temporuni varietates, fortunaeque vicissitudines.'

nuda— there is an implied reference to the preceding 'eloquentia
summa,' which is said to be indispensable to oratory and pot^trv.
' Nuda cognitio ' denotes the knowledge which is conveyed in "a
bald and unadorned narrative.

rescribere—' to revise.' In this sense Suetonius (Jul. Caes. Ivi.)
couples the word with ' corrigere.'

9. hutc oneri — sc. ' the difficulty of succeeding as an orator.'
ilia . . . haec — the ordinary rule as to the use of these pronouns

would require that by ' haec ' we should understand historia, and
by ' ilia,' oratio. The sense, however, clearly will not allow this.
It would seem that in some instances, ' hie ' refers to that which
is most closely connected with the speaker, and ' ille ' to what is
comparatively remote from him. IV)rensic speaking was Pliny's
speciality; history he had not even attempted. The first woiild
as a matter of course have to deal with the familiar, and often
petty, incidents of daily life ; the second with matters requirin'r
deep research (recondita) and dignified treatment. "

10. Ilanc saephis ossa . . . decent. By the metaphor ' ossa, mus-
culi, nervi ' Pliny wishes to convey the notion of a vigorous con-
ciseness ; by 'tori et quasi iubae'that of a style which unites
vigour with a certain fulness and richness. Forensic speeches, he
nieans, should resemble the spare and muscular frame of an athlete
in training; historical composition should have plenty of fle.«h
and sinew, and of something which, like the horse or lion's mane,
i^^ at once fine and imposing. Pliny developes his meaning in the
next sentence.

troctu — sc. fulness and copiousness of description. Cicero,
Orat. XX. describes the style suitable for history as 'tracta et
fluens,' as contrasted with a ' contorta et acris oratio."

so?ius — ' rhythm.'

11. KT,~iiia . . . ayonnnna — Thucyd. i. 22; comp. Quintil. X. i. 31,
' non ad actum rei pugnamque praesentem, sed ad memoriam pos-
teritatis etiugenii famam componitur.' ' Xyu,vianci is a particularly
puitable word for ' forensic speaking,' which is in its nature ai?
intellectual contest.

ihi . . . Ajc — ' ibi ' in writing history, 'hie ' in forensic oratory.

7neis verbis — sc. ' the form of expression I use in the law-
courts.'

vniiam advocandi—& legal phrase expressing the idea of 'a
delay,'' respite.' ' Advocare ' denotes the step taken by the party
to a suit previous to the commencement of the action. The de-
fendant would ask the praetor for a reasonable time, within which
he could decide whether he should defend the action, or yield to

NOTES. 201

the plaintiff's demand. This time lie would employ in consulting
with his friends (advocati). Hence the delay itself was some-
times termed ' advocatio.'

12. parata . . . collatiu — ' the means of investigation are ready to
your hand, but the work of collecting materials is burdensome.'
Gierig explains ' onerosa collatio ' to mean ' comparison with other
authors is disagreeable.' The sense we have given to ' collatio '
is that which it usually bears, and we think it suits the context
better.

intacta tempora — ' times untouched by history.' Corap. the
expression ' intactus honor/ E. X. 8, of one who had been ap-
pointed to the aedileship, but who had not actually entered on the
office.

B. IV. (vii. 9.)

1. stiidere — this absolute use of studere, answering to onr ' to
study/ is limited to post- Augustan writers.

2. -multi praeeipim'it. Quintilian among the number (x. 5, 2).
Compare also the following passage in Cicero, de Orat. i. 34 (it is
put into the mouth of Crassus), ' quibus (Graecis orationibus) lectis
hoc assequebar ut cum ea quae legerem Graece, I,atine redderem,
uon solum optimis verbis uterer, et tamen usitatis sed etiam ex-
primerem quaedani verba imitando quae nova nostris essent, dum-
modo essent idouea.'

jjroprietas . . . vei-borum — 'proprietas' denotes the selection of
the most suitable words, and precision in their use. 'Splendor'
implies a certain beauty and dignity of expression, and the rejec-
tion of all mean and commonplace words. Compare the phrase
' splendor narrandi.'

vis explicandi— this includes 'forcible argument ' and powerful
description.

intelligentia et iudieium — this answers to our expression ' good
taste.'

3. Nihil . . . sci'ihere — ' There will be no harm in your writing,'
&c.

hactenus — 'with so much attention as to/ &c.

quid . . . commodius — 'what you, what the author you have
been reading, has expressed the most neatly.'

Licebit . . . electis — ' Occasionally you may both pick out some
very familiar passage and also try to rival what you have selected.'
To paraphrase successfully a passage with which we are very well
acquainted is, as we know, a peculiarly difficult task. The more
familiar are its words and expressions, the harder it is to find
genuine equivalents for them.

4. Audax . . . contentio — ' This is a bold, but, inasmuch as it is
done secretly, is not an arrogant kind of rivalry.'

quasque subsequi . . . antecessisse — ' satisfied if they could come
close they, actually, by keeping a good heart, got before them/

5. interscrihere — ' insert.'

202 NOTES.

7. orandi — orare = causas agere. Hence ' oratio,' a 'forensic
epeecli.'

recoliintur — * are refreshed, renewed.'

8. pressus jmrusque — 'pressus,' as an epithet of style, denotes tht
total absence of anythinir superfluous or redundant, and, by con-
sequence, brevity and precision. Uomp. stilus /wt'.ss^.vdeiiiissusque,
B. II. 5. ' Purus ' point.s to a style which is the reverse of ornate
and rhetorical, and such as a man of taste and education uses in
ordinary conversation. Somewhat similar in its meaning is ' pu-
rum argentum,' * plate without figures embossed on it.'

9. 7'emitti — 'give yourself relaxation.'

sed hoc . . . digfuu/uit—'' but pretty little scraps of poetry, which
make an excellent brealc in any sort of occupations and cares.'
Poetry of the epigrammatic and kindred kinds is intended. Argutus,
as elsewhere, conveys the notion of something neat and pretty.

uf laus ext cerae — ' as it is the merit of wax/ &c. Compare a
similar passage in Quintilian, x. 5, 9.

imsaque Jiat opus. This application of 'iubeo' to inanimate
objects is thoroughly poetic. So too pareo, impero, sequi, and
cognate woixis are used by a metaphor.

12. Work and relaxation were not only alternatives but went
on together.

13. fw vita — sc. ' in every phase of life.'

14 Iiust . . . utilitas — ' These little poetic effusions have too
the same advantage as other and larger poems,' &c. The advan-
tage, as he goes ou to explain, is that aft<^r having experienced the
restraint of metre one returns to prose composition with a sense
of freedom and relief.

16. providgatum-' so well known ' or ' so much discussed.'

B. V. (viii. 19.)

1. qunc . . .feram—' which make me feel adversity more keenly,
but bear it more patiently.'

2, qtu)d . . . hominum — sc. 'which I am going to publish.'
intende — this is a late use of the word ' intendere.' Cicero

would have added ' te' or 'tuam mentem.'

tU vacuo . . . laefoque — understand ' scriberem.'

liroveniunt — the word has here a double sense, as is indicated
by the change of construction. ' As a glad mind arises out of
studios, so are Biwdaes promoted by cheerfulness.' This last mean-
ing of 'provenire ' is not usual in the Augustan writers.

B. VI. (ix. 11.)

1. eo maximae quod — sc. ' a letter peculiarly acceptable, because,'
&c.

j/otior alia — 'other preferable subject-matter.'

Sunt . . . occurrent — 'for in this (subject-matter to which you
allude) there are some slight objections; look round and they will
occur to vou.'

yoTEs. 203

2. quihus . . . delector — ' wliicli I am delighted to find retain tlie
popularity which they gained at Home.'

discreta hominum iudicia — ' discreta indicia ' is more pointed and
forcible than ' discretorum hominum iudicia ' would be. The mean-
ing is tlie same.

o

B. VII. (vii. 20.)

1. Librwn tuum — we have no means of knowing what this book
was, but it was probably not one of the historian's chief works,
which may be attributed to a date later than that of this
epistle.

eximenda — ' eximere ' has here its usual sense of taking away
what may be profitably dispensed with.

2. vices — ' interchange.'

3. aetate . , . dignitate — so Keil reads with the best MSS. By
' dignitas ' we are to understand the distinctions of office. In age
tliere was really a greater difierence between Tacitus and Pliny
than would be suggested by the phrase ' propemodum aequales.'
It could scarcely be less than ten years. See Life.

4. cum. iam . . .fioreres — Pliny must be referring to the year a.d.
S8, in which Tacitus was raised by Domitian to the praetorship.
See Tacitus, Hid. i. 1 and Ann. xi. 11.

longo . . . intervallo — from Yerg. Aen. v. 320. Pliny's modesty
suggests the word proximus rather than ' secundus,' which would
have implied more. The notion of ' proximus' simply is that of
two objects at a considerable distance with nothing intervening.
So Horace, C. I. xii. 19, uses the word in reference to Jupiter and
Pallas, distinguishing it from 'secundus': 'nee viget quidquam
simile aut secundum, rro.viuwsiWi tamen occupavit Pallas honores.'
Pliny may possibly have had in his mind a precisely similar pas-
sage in Cicero, Brut. 47, ' duobus summis Cra^iso et Antonio
L. Philippus proximus accedebat, sed longo tamen intervallo
proximus.'

maxime . . . imitnndus — ' most suitable for imitation, most de-
serving of imitation.'

5. tmrt notm'natnur. See B. X.

sed nihil . . . iunr/imur — with the punctuation we have adopted,
the meaning will be, 'still the fact remains, we are spoken of to-
gether, 1 care not in what position relatively to other authors.'
dehes adnotasse — 'you ought to have noted the following fact.'
stvprema hominum iudicia — sc. men's judgments as expressed in
their wills. Precisely the same phrase, with the same meaning,
occurs in Suetonius, Aitf/. 66, 'amicorum suprema iudicia mo-
rosissime pensitavit.' Indicium by itself was susceptible of
this meaning, and is thus used more than once. See Just.
XII. XV. 3, ' otsi non voce nuncupatus heres, iudicio tamen electus
videbatur.'

20-t NOTES.

B. VIII. (viii. 7.)

1. eontra—sc. ' discipulus.'

m scholam revocas. Comp. Martial, v. 85, 'jam tnstis nucibus
puer relictis | clamoso i-evocatwr a niagistro.' The Saturnalia co-
incided with the month of December, and corresponded to our
Christmas holidays.

2. Num potui . . . faccre — ' could I have used a longer paren-
thesis ? ' ' Ilyperbaton ' means, a long-er parenthesis than the
rules of grammar strictly allow. Quintilian (viii. G, 65) explains
the term. It includes the notion of any awkward or clumsy ex-
pression, arising from the transposition of a word or of a clause.

Non modo maffister, &c. For this construction of * non modo '
for *non modo non' comp. Cic. de Senect. 16, 'ad quem (agrum
bene cultum) fruendum non modo retardat, verum etiam invitat
atque allectat senectus.'

In quo te uldscaris — * on which you may take your revenge.'

B. X. (ix. 23.)

2. own quodmn. So Cortius reads for ' equitem Romanum,'
which is the common reading. The alleged objection to it is that
Tacitus, who was a senator, could not well have been sitting by
the side of an eques, as distinct places had been assigned to the
two orders by jNero. See Tacit. Ami. xv. 32. But how should it
happen that a senator did not know Tacitus by sitrht? This
seems inconceivable, and we must suppose that Tacitus on this
occasion was not sitting among the senators. It appears from a
passage in Dion Cassius that a senator, provided lie laid aside his
distinctive dress, had the privilege of sitting where he pleased.

3. Uteris fedduntur. ' Reddere ' is to give back something due
to a person ; hence, the meaning here is that literature has a sort
of claim on the names of T.acitus and Pliny, as worthil}' repre-
senting it.

4. liecumhehdt. meciim — * was dining at the same house.'

5. noscitavit. 'Noscitare' means 'to recognize.' As is often
the case with our word, it implies both the recognition and
the gesture or speech which indicates that the recognition
has been made. The anecdote is told also by Cicero, Dispid.
Tuj^c. v. 86.

B. XI. (iii. 5.)

2. indieis. ' Index ' denoted what we call the ' title ' of a book,
also the * table of contents,' and thus answered to the Greek terms
tMtaiQ, KUTaXoyor, tTriat]fj(iwfTtc, &c. In its precise modern sense it
appears to have been imknown to the Romans.

studiofis — ' to students.' ' Studiosus ' used absolutely for ' stu-
diosus litterarum ' is post-Augustan. It is in this sense equivalent
to ' scholasticus.' * Studere ' and * studiosus ' had a special refe-
rence to the study cf oratory.

NOTES. 205

lie laculatione equestri. Soldiers who fought in this manner
v/ere termed ' equites ferentarii,' ' jaculatores.'

3. Poniijonii ISecundi. He is said to have been a ' scriptor tragoe-
diarum ' (vii. 17), in which capacity Quintilian (x. 1, 98) assigns
him a high rank. Tacitus {Ann. v. 8) describes him as a man
' multa morum elegantia et ingenio illustri.'

4. bellormn Germaniae. Comp. Tacit. Ann. i. 69, where there
is a reference to this work (tradit Plinius, Germanicorum bello-
runi scriptor, &c.).

latissime victor. Comp. Virg. Aen, i. 25, populum late regem.
Drusus penetrated into Germany as far as the Elbe.

5. stiidiosi tres — ' studiosi ' (after the analogy of the other titles)
is the yenitive. These were books on the study of oratory, and as
such are alluded to by Quintilian (iii. 1, 21) where he classes
the elder Pliny among the writers on this subject.

volumiiia. The work in question was in three 'libri' or divi-
sions, according to the subject-matter, and in six rolls, for the
sake of convenience. Authors would often make the ' libri ' and
* volumina' coincide, but of course, as in this case, there would be
exceptions.

duhii sermmiis. This was a work on grammar which discussed
verbal forms and analysed ambiguous phrases and expressions.

ojnne studiorum . . . erectius. I'he allusion is to books of history,
biography, politics, &c., which under Nero could not be under-
taken with safety. Compare what Tacitus says of the danger of
such writing in reference to Domitian's time {Ayr. 2).

6. AJvne Aujidii Bassi — Pliny's work was a continuation of the
history of Aufidius Bassus, who lived in the reigns of Augustus
and Tiberius, and related the events of his time. He is ranked
among great historians by Quintilian (x. 1, 103) from whom it
appears that he wrote a narrative of the German war. A passage
from his works describing the death of Cicero has come down to
us. The elder Pliny, in the preface to his Natural History, says,
' uos quidem omnes, patrem, te (sc. Vespasianum) fratremque
diximus opere juste, temporum nostrorum historiam orsi a fine
At/fidii JBassi.'

7. scnqmlosa — ' involving difficulty.'

8. prindpum — Vespasian and Titus,

Vulcanalibus. The Vulcanalia or feast of Vulcan fell on August
23, when from the shortening of the days ' lucubratio ' (working
by candle-light) becomes a necessity for students.

no7i auspicandi causa — sc. not merely for the sake of making a
lucky beginning, &c. Pliny means that his uncle did not begin
early rising at a particular time simply for the sake of conforming
to the Roman fashion of entering on any serious work on certain
important days of the year, but with a view to diligent study.

stativi a node nmlta — ' Nox multa,' here ' midnight,' the same,
in fact, as 'sexta bora.'

somni paratissimi. For this use of ' paratus ' comp. E. I. 2o,
obvius et paratus humor occurrit. 'Paratissimus ' seems to sug-

206 NOTES.

gest tbe notidii of an enemy ntlaeldng (instantis) him, and quil-
ting (deserontis) him agiiin wlieii resisted.

U. ad delegatum sibi ojfficium — sc. ' any business entrusted to
him.'

11. (jitstahat — sc. 'he took a light lunch.' The 'gustatio,' also
called ' promulsio,' was properly the^^Vs^ course of the coena ; it
also denoted the light meal taken by the llomans between tbe
'prandium' and 'coena.'

12. vci-siis — not ' verses,' but ' lines,' as in A. IV. IG (speaking
of a letter), ego non pagiiias tantum sed etiam versus syllabasque
numerabo.

13. intra primiim nocteni — sc. before 7 p.m.

14. interioribus. The next sentence seems to show clearly that
by ' interiora ' we are to understand the period of actual immer-
sion in the bath, not ' studia,' as has been suggested, after the
analogy of Cicero's phrase, ' interioi-es et reconditae litterae ' (Cic.
de N. D. iv. 10).

destrim/iiur. The ' strigilis ' was used in this process.

1.5. notarins — ' a secretary who could write shorthand.' 'Nota'
is a mark or symbol used in such writing. Cicero's freedman,
Tiro, had the credit of having invented the art. The perfection
to which it had been brought is attested by Martial, xiv. 208,
* currant verba licet, manus est velocior illis.' Shorthand writers
were also called 'actuarii' (Suet. Jid. Iv.).

17. hac intent tone — ' by this intense industry.'

electorum — passages selected from various writers, with a view
to future works. The word finds its explanation in the preceding,
nihil legit quod non excerperet.

connncntarios — ' note-books.'

opidhot/r(ij)hos — comp. Juv. i. 0, ' scriptus et in tergo necdum
finitus Orestes.' Writing materials were Cf>stly, and so occasion-
ally, as in the case of these ' commentarii ' which were merely
bocks of reference for Pliny's own use, the back or reverse side of
the roll was written on. This was done by children in their
exercises, as we infer from Martial, iv. 87, 'inrersa pueris arande
charta.'

procurarct — 'procurare' is used absolutely by later writers, as
'curare' is by Sallust {Cat. lix. '5 ; Ju;/. xlvi. 7). Pliny the elder
was one of tlie emperor's procurators. These officers were appointed
by Augustus both for Home and the provinces, and were respon-
sible for the payment of the revenue into the fiscus.

qmtdriiK/odis miUihus nanunum — about .'^,200/. This would re-
present the value of the copyright of the work.

instantia — a post-Augustan word, meaning much the same as
' intentio,' used above, only rather stronger.

B. XII. (iii. 7.)

1. inedia vitam Jinivisse — compare the case of Corellius Eufus
(E. VIU.) Cicero's friend Atticus put an end to his life in the same
way.

NOTES. 207

3. sponte accusavisse — comp. Tacit. Hist. iv. 42, where the noto-
rious Kegulus i3 said (when quite a youth) ' sponte accusationem
subisse.'

imhtstriae — in ironical allusion to his practices as a ' delator,'
already hinted at. ' ludustria ' usually implied ' diligence in
imhlic business/ which in a Roman citizen was the highest pos-
sible merit.

in 1 itellii . . . gesserat — comp. Tacit. Hut. iii. 65.

laudabili otio — sc. ' his literary occupations,' employment which
the Romans often described as ' otium.'

4. cubiciflo semper non ex fortuna frequenti. We may take these
words as a locative ablative, or as an ablative absolute. The
lueauing is that the chamber of Italicus was crowded with visi-
tors, who came out of respect and friendship for the man, not out
of regard to his rank (fortuna), which was no longer what it had
been.

7. iisque ad emacitatis reprehensionem — comp. what Spartianus
(life of Hadrian) says of that Emperor, ' venandi usque ad repre-
hensionem studiosus.' Emacitas is a post- Augustan word.

8. Veryilii . . . natalem — October loth, B.C. 70. See Martial, xii.
68, ' Octobres Maro consecravit Idus.^

ut templum. Statins, Silvae, IV. iv. 54, speaks of Vergil's tomb
as Maroueum tem2}lum.

10. uUtDius . . . periit. He was consul at the time of Nero's
death, and he outlived all wliom Nero had made consuls.

12. Pisonis illius. This was the grandson of the Piso who was
suspected of having poisoned Germanicus. He was proconsul of
Africa under Vespasian, and there was murdered, a.d. 70. The
circumstances are related by Tacitus, Hist. iv. 48-50.

10. tantae midtitudinis — sc. 'such a number of senators,' which
since the time of Augustus had been fixed at 600.

Xerxen, &c. See Herod, vii. 45, 46.

14. tanto magis hoc — ' all the more for this reason.'

materia in aliena ninnu — tliat is, the opportunity for great ac-
tions was not in onn's own power, but rested with the Emperor.
proferamus — ' let us lengthen out.'

15. 'Aya^'r) ?' ipi(^. From Hesiod, Works and Dags, v. 24, a pas-
sage in which the poet speaks of the effects of emulation in
increasing wealth.

B. Xm. (iii. 21.)

1. Aeutiis — an epithet especially applicable to a writer of epi-
grams, whose chief merit is point.

et qui . . . minus. This clause explains the particular force and
meaning of the preceding epithets ; hence the subjunctive 'haberet.'
' Et saVis et fellis ' is a comprehensive expression to denote smart
and pungent wit. For * candoris ' comp. Paneggr. 84, where
' candor' is coupled with ' simplicitas ' and ' Veritas,' and is about
equivalent to its English derivative. It seems to have much the
feime meaning here, along with the notion of clearness and per-

208 NOTES.

spiciiity of style, which in Martial, Pliny would imply, was the
reflection of a" frank and straightforward character.

2. prosecutm . . . gecedentem. Prosequi (originally used of a
procession in honour of a person) is a suitable word here, and
si'mities the paying of a marked compliment. Martial was leav-
ing Rome for Bilbilis. his n:itive place in Spain, where he died.
The ' viaticum ' was a present in money.

3. fitit maris antiqui. So Pompey the Great made Theophanee
of Mitylene, by whom his life had been written, a Roman citizen.
The poet Arcliias, too, as we learn from Cicero, had received the
same reward in acknowledgment of his literary distinction.

4. liemitterem te — ' I would refer you,' kc.

5. adloquitiir, &c.— The epigram here quoted in part is extant,
uud appears as X. 19.

tempore nou tiio — sc. ' at an unfavourable time.' The precise
meaning is explained by the context, haec Jiora est tua, &c.

tetricae Miiurcae. In reference to the dry and severe character
of Pliny's forensic studies. The next line alludes to the court of
the centumviri.

Arpinis chartis — sc. the writings of Cicero, who was a native of
Arpinum.

B. XIV. (ii. 3.)

1. graciles. This epithet conveys the idea of ' neatness,' ' ele-
gance,' ' finish,' kc, and is akin in meaning to ' subtilis.' Quintil.
xii. 10, 30, uses it of style (' non possumus esse tani yraciles ;
simus fortiores).'

{/raves . . . ercctae — ' occasionally impressive and stirring.' Mel-
moth : 'solemn and majestic' Elegance was the chief, but not
the only merit of these exordiums.

2. amicitur — ^ ha arranges his toga.' Comp. A. IV. 3, where
it is said of Licinianus, a professed rhetorician, that he rose to
spoak ' postquam se composuit, circumspexitque habitum suuni.'
Qiiiutiliau (xl. 3, loO) also refers to the same practice, the ob-
ject of which he thus explains — ' ut et amictus sit decentior et
aliquid spatii ad cogitandum.' Amictus is properly used of an
outer vestment, such as was the toga or pallium.

muUa . . . elucet. — that is, 'his extempore speeches show much
reading, and much practice in composition.'

3. colli{iit fortiter. ' He sums up forcibly.' Colligere here is
' to recapitulate ' rather than ' to infer,' Collectio and enumeratio
are thus used by Cicero, answering to the Greek terms tivciKt-
•i'liXouomc, nvvayioyii, &c. The notion of 'powerful reasoning ' is
implied in the preceding ' pugnat acriter.'

ornal excelse — alluding to metaphors and rhetorical figures.

ro»';/iarn— sc. ' short Striking reflexions,' called by Quintilian
(xii. 10, 48) 'sententiae' and thus defined, 'feriunt animum et
uno ictu frequenter impellunt, et ipsa brevitate magis haerent, et
delectatione persuadent.'

NOTES. 209

ctreumscnjrii — ' concise,' ' condensed.' Comp. B. XIX. 5, wliere
circumscriptus is coupled with pressus and adductiis.

effecti — ' perfect,' * complete,' and consequently ' thoroughly
effective.' Cicero would have expressed this by ' absolutus ' or
' elaboratus.' Comp. Quintil. xii. 10, ' aures nitidius aliquid atque
effectws postulantes.'

q^lod . . . est — ' a result which it is a great thing to attain even
with the pen.'

5, scholasticus tmitum — sc. he is simply a rhetorician (decla-
luator) and never applies his eloquence to professional advocacy.

rnatitiae — ' malitia ' here as elsewhere means a sort of low un-
principled cleverness, such as the practice of the law is apt to
develope.

6. auditorium — answering to the * gymnasia.' Comp. E. XI. 6.

8. Gach'ta/ium — ' a man from Gades ' (Cadiz), which to the
Homan mind conveyed a notion of extreme remoteness.

dtiXoKaXui — a word denoting the absence of all taste and culti-
vation.

9, acriora. . . legas — sc. ' what you read is more clearly under-
stood than what you hear.'

B. XV. (v. 5.)

2. Ve7-itate p7-omptissiinus — Veritas here seems to denote an in-
tellectual rather than a moral quality. It signifies the accuracy
of an able and clear-headed man.

prosecutus est — understand some such word as 'legatis.' Comp.
Suet. Claud, iii. legato circa sestertium vicies prosecutus.

3. subfiles — 'finished,' of style.

Latinos — this epithet specially denotes grammatical correctness.
The phrase ' Latiue loqui ' is used in this sense by Cicero de Orat.
i. 32, iii. 13.

inter sermonem historiamque medios — ' sermo ' means the style
which is adapted to the expression of the oi'dinary circumstances
of daily life. In D. 111. 9 the difference in character between
' oratio ' and ' historia ' is pointed out. We must not associate
with sermo the notion of careless, slipshod writing ; it merely
points to something rather less dignified and stately than historical
composition.

4. aceria — almost the same as ' immatura.' Comp. E. IX. 6 (of
the death of the daughter of Fundanius), ' triste acerbumque funus,'
and Virgil, Aen. vi. 429, ' funere mersit acerbo.^

vivcndi . . . Jiniunt — ' put an end every day to all motives for
living.' Comp. Juv. viii. 84, ' propter vitam vivendi perdere
causas.'

abrumpat — ' abrumpere,' to break oiF a thing, so that it is never
resumed, but remains unfulfilled.

5. imaginatus est — * imaginari ' is an entirely post-Augustan \
word. Suetonius, Jul. Caes. Ixxxi. uses it for ' somniare ' (' Cal-
purnia uxor imaginata est collabi fastigium domus ').

P

210 NOTES.

revohiasc — we sliouM have expected evolvisse. The words how-
ever seem to be interchanged. So Livy xxxiv. 5, ' tuas adversus
te Origines (Cato's work on early Italian history) revolvam.'

B. XVI. (vi. 21.)

1 . lassa et effeta — comp. Lucr. ii. 1 1 50 :

' lanique adeo fracta est aetas, effetaque tellus
Vix animalia parva creat.'

2. Verf/ilium liomanum — his name occurs only in this passaqre,
from which we gather that he was writing a play on the model
of the Aristophanic comedy. lie wrote also, as it appears, plays
after the style of the new comedy as represented by Menander.

3. ahsolutum — 'when thoroughly well done.'

5. non tanquam inciperet — ' not as if he were now making the
attempt for the first time.'

granditas — the Greek equivalent to this word is v\l^oc. Cicero
expresses the notion of it by the following periphrasis, ' ampla et
sententiarum gravitas et maiestas verborum.' He once uses the
phrase ' granditas verborum ' (Brut. 31).

B. XVII. (ix. 22.)

1. eoque . . . praen'pum — 'and consequently exceedingly like
him (Propertius) in that in which he is pre-eminent,' sc. elegiac
poetry.

2. <ers^j<»i— properly, 'wiped clean ' ; hence 'correct,' 'elegant,'
&c.

7}iolle — a word specially applicable to elegiac poetry as appeal-
ing to the tender passions.

7nohilit(is — this implies that, as is explained in the context, Paa-
aenus could readily and gracefully pass from the description of one
kind of emotion to that of another.

omnia . . . ahsolvit — ' in a word, he does everything to perfec-
tion, just as if it was the only thing he attempted.'

3. 2^>'o ^oc . . . animo — sc. ' distressed in mind for such a friend,
6uch a man of genius,' &c.

tandem . . , recepi — sc. ' he is at last restored to me, and I am at
last restored to myself.' ' Se recipere,' ' to recover oneself,' is a
well-known phrase.

B. XVIII. (viii. 4.)

1. fam copiom tarn lata — sc. so rich in strange events, and em-
bracing such varieties of scene.

2. immissn . . .Jlumina — a poetic way of saying ' rivers turned
into new channels.' There is a special reference to the river 8ar-
getia, on which stood the palace of the king Decebalus. It was
diverted from its course by Trajan, with the view of .-jecuiing the
royal treasures, which, he had understood, were concealed beneath
it« bed.

N0TE3. 211

novos pontes — referring to Trajan's famous bridge over the
Danube.

pulsion etiam vita. Decebalus ' killed himself when he found
that he could not escape capture. His head was brought to
Rome. ' Pulsum vita ' is a highly poetical expression ; it can be
justified onlj' as a kind of zeugma in connexion with 'pulsum
regia.' Comp. Ovid, Metam. ii. 312.

3. amjdissimis ajxribits iticrescat — this answers to our phrase
' rising to the occasion.'

reffis ipsins. The name Decebalus would suit hexameter verse.
The name, however, appears as Diurpaneus in some writers, a
less tractable form, to which perhaps Pliny alludes.

4. Graecis . . . i-esidtent — ' do not respond to Greek verses,' that
is, ' do not suit them.' Martial in ix. 12, 13, 14, complains of
the intractability in verse of the name Earinus, and Virgil is said
by his biographers to have been deterred from celebrating the
Alban kings in consequence of their unpoetical names.

mollia — that is, soft, and easily moulded to the exigences of
poetry. We may render it ' plastic,' ' tractable.'

hvitatem — ' smoothness of expression.' So Quintilian, x. i. 52,
* levitas verborum.'

5. delicata — 'capricious,' ' affected.' As opposed to ' necessaria '
the word here implies a needless and arbitrary licence in changing
the forms of words and names.

immitte rudmies, &c. Pliny seems to have imitated a passage
in Verg. Aen. viii. 707, &c. ; comp. also Verg. Georg. ii. 41 ; Ovid,
Fast. i. 4. The comparison of a poem to a ship was very familiar
to the Roman poets.

toto ingenio — sc. 'with the full tide of your genius.'

6. prima . . . absolveris — ' as soon as you have finished each part
of your introduction.'

7. similia nascentibus — comp. an expression of Claudian {De
Consulatu Theodori, 115}, ' nascentes libri.' So we speak of a work
' in embryo.^

carjjfiin td contexta — we should have expected ' carpta,' answer-
ing to the following ' inchoata.' Ernesti's explanation that Pliny
meant to oppose carptim texta to contexta, and for brevity's sake
omitted 'texta,' is fur-fetched. There is, however, some justifica-
tion for the text as it stands in a rather similar construction in
Sallust, Jugxirth. 5, 'cuius in Africa magmim atque late imperium
valuit,' where 'latum' would seem more natural. Comp. also
Livy xxviii. 25, ' seu carptim partes, seu universi mallent,' where
again there is a similaily ungrammatical construction.

B. XIX. (i. 16.)

1, varium — 'versatile.' Applied to character the word has a
bad meaning, and denotes ' shifty,' ' unsteady,' &c. This is by far
the more usual meaning of the word.

multiplex — ' many-sided.'

F 2

212 NOTES.

2. tenet, habet, jwssukt—a. legal formula to express full and com-
plete possession.

sentoitiae — answering to our 'general reflections.'

constructio — sc. tbe structure of the periods.

sonantia — ' impressive.'

antiqua — 'old 'in the sense of simple and iinafl'ected. Pliny-
does not so much mean to contrast genuine Latin words and
phrases with those of new and foreign origin as the simple, natural
style of earlier writers with that of some of his contemporaries,
which was highly artificial and always straining after effect. More
or less this was characteristic of all the Latinity of liis time.

omnia . . . retractentur — that is, the compositions of Satiirninus
give pleasure not only when they are heard, but when they are
read and studied. So Quintilian (x. 1, 19) says of reading in con-
trast with mere hearing, 'lectio libera est nee actionis impetu
transcurrit/ meaning that what one 7-eads can be judged of more
fairly and dispassionately than what one hears under the influences
of excitement.

4. conciunibus — ' concio,' proper!}- ' a popular assembly,' then ' a
popular harangue,' here means a speech which a historian after
tlie manner of Thucydides or Livy introduces into his narrative.
' Oratio ' is a ' foreusic speech,'

5. pressior, circunucriptior, adducttor — these words all denote
conciseness, terseness, and compression under somewhat different
aspects. For ' pressus ' see note on word, B. II. 5. The notion of
' adductus ' (a word which Tacitus often uses in its metaphorical
sense) is derived from the phrase ' adducere habeuas.' The later
writers regularly use it of a condensed style.

amaiitudinis — 'pimgency.' In allusion to the character of his
wit.

data opera — ' designedly.'

7. cum remittor — comp. B. IV. 9, ' fas est carmine remitti.^
hortor et moneo — ' hortari 'is 'to appeal to the feelings,^ 'mo-

nere ' ' to appeal to the reason.'

8, gratia — sc. his power of pleasing,

B. XX. (iii, 11.)

2. philosophi ab ttrbe submoti — this was done by the order of
Doniitian, a.d. 9.3. See Suet. Domit. x. ; Tacit. Agr. 2 and 45,
Pliny also alludes to it, Panegyr. 47, by way of pointing a contrast
between Trajan and Domitian.

3. grafuifam — sc. ' without the payment of interest.' Comp.
Suet. Jul. Caes. xxvii. ' g?-atuito aut levi fenore obstricti.'

fidininihus quasi ambustus — this metaphor recurs Pancggr. 00
(of Domitian), ' utrumque nostrum . , , in proximum inciofu/mine
adflaverat.' Comp. Livy xxii. 35, ' Aemilius Paullus damnatione
coUegae et sua ^rope ambusfHs; Juvenal viii. 02, ' qniim fuimine
iusto et Capito et Numitor ruerint,' Sec. The phrase points to
gome ver}- heavy calamity, such as exile or death.

NOTES. 213

5. pruximum simiUimnmque sajji'enti — this is added by way of
qualification, inasmuch as the wise man of the Stoics existed only
in idea.

inteUigere — not ' to understand his philosophical teaching,' but

* to see and recognise his worth and ability.'

7. aclsectatoribus — sc. suitors of the daughter of Artemidorus.
The word frequently means ' hearers,' ' pupils ' ; but this meaning
is out of place here, as it can hardly be supposed that all the
philosopher's pupils solicited the hand of his daughter.

B. XXI. (i. 10.)

2. in Syria — it was in Syria that Pliny also made the acquaint-
ance of the philosopher Artemidorus ; see B. XX. Sj'ria was a
general term for the district properly so called, and the adjoining
countries of Palestine, Mesopotamia, &c.

militarem-^sc. serving as a military tribune.

obvius et expositus — that is, Euphrates was something more than

* easily accessible ' ; he would himself make the first advances to-
wards friendship. 'Expositus' means 'one who throws himself
open to you without reserve.' Quiutilian (ii. 5, 19) speaks of a
person as ' candidissimum et maxime expositum.' Statins (Silvae,
V. ii. 24G) has the expression ' expositi mores ' in the sense of
openness and candour.

3. quia niagis intelUgo — ' because I better appreciate them.'

5. latituch — this word, for which Cicero uses 'amplitudo,' implies
a fulness and richness in the development of a writer's ideas and
arguments. This was specially characteristic of Plato. It seems
out of place to suppose that there is a play in ' latitude ' on the
connection of Plato's name with n'SaTor. It is much more likely
that the word is suggested by a Greek expression nXari'-tjg -/)(;
tpfupHag which is found in Diogenes Laertius, iii. 4. In Ep. i. 20,
we have the phrase 'lata oratio,' where 'lata' is coupled with
' magnifica ' and ' excelsa ' ; and would seem to denote 'full,' ' luxu-
riant,' and thus be opposed to 'pressa,' 'adstricta,' epithets which
exclude rhetorical ornament.

7. Nullus . . . cultti — sc. no affected negligence in his dress and
appearance.

tri&titia . . . severitatis — severitas would represent the good side,
tristitia the bad side of Stoicism. The first conveys the notion of a
genuine and noble earnestness ; the latter that of an affected gloom
and austerity.

refonnides — the special idea of ' reformidare ' appears to be the
kind of fear which can give no distinct account of itself, but which
arises from vague and undefined presentiments of something dis-
agreeable or dangerous. Perhaps our word ' shrink ' is its nearest
equivalent.

pendens — comp. Ovid, Ileroid. i. SO, ' narrantis coniux pendet ab
ore viri.'

pcrsuaderi . . , ctipias—tlie meaning is, ' you wish to hear further

214 NOTES.

arguments from him cren when you are already convinced ; ' his
eloquence is so attractive and deli^^htful.

8. a/tissiiiias conditiones — 'conditio' was technically used in
legal piinuseology to denote a ' betrothal ' or ' marriage contract.'
This, no doubt, is its meaning here, so that by ' altissiuiae condi-
tiones ' we are to understand ' the highest and most illustrioua
matches.'

9. officio. It was only in the time of the Empire that * ofRcium'
was used to mean ' a public office ' or employment, which pre-
viously had been expressed by ' honos,' ' magistratus,' * munue
publicum,' &c. Pliny is here alluding to the ' praefectura aerarii,'
which he held for two years with Comutus TertuUus for his col-
league. Ep. V. 15.

sidmoto libcUus — ' libellus' here has a comprehensive meaning,
and may stand for accounts of receipt and expenditure, and for
various petitions and applications which would come before the
praefectus aerarii. Subnoto means, * I write my name at the
bottom ' (as a voucher of the accuracy of the accounts), or, ' I
write my opinion on the matter submitted to me under the
petition.'

illiteratismnae Jiterae — comp. the similar expressions ' concordia
discors,' Hor. Epist. I. xii. 19; 'insaniens sapientia,' Ilor. C i. 14;
' irmumeri numeri,' Lucret. ii. 1052.

cognoscere — sc. ' to hear causes.'

ipsi — sc. philosophers.

B. XXII. (i. 13.)

1. praventum — provenire and proventus are especially used by
Pliny and his contemporaries to denote intellectual activity and
progress. Comp. B. V. 2, ' studia hW&ritnie proveftixHf.'

mense Aprili — July and August wej^i the months daring which
these recitations were most frequent, legal business being for the
time suspended. The poets it appears were too impatient to wait
beyond April.

nullusfere dies — so Martial (x. 70), ' auditur toto saepe poeta die.'

2. statioiiibm — the ' stationes ' were lounging places chiefly in
the neighbourhood of the Forum, where people met and chatted
together in the intervals of business. Thej' were under tht
shelter of porticoes, and were provided with seats, and to a cer-
tain extent answered to our taverns. Pliny says of himself when
canvassing for a friend (Ep. ii. 9), 'domos statiomsfnie circumeo.'
Comp. Juv. Sat. xi. 4, ' convictus, thermae, statiums, oniiie thea-
trum,' kc. Statio in this sense is post-Augustan, and answers
to the Greek Xfiy;/.

audii'ndi fahulis — ' the time which should have been spent in
listening to the recitation was frittereil away in gossip.' By
'fabula' Pliny means what inEp. viii. 18, he calls ' fabulae urbia,'
town gossip.

3. INuninnum — Servilius Nonianus is mentioned by Tacitu.%
Ann. xiv. 19, Di(d. de Oral. 23 ; and by Quintilian, x. 1, 102. H«

NOTES. 215

was, it appears, distinguished both as a pleader and as a histo-
rian. Quintilian says that he admired his speeches, but thought
his style too rhetorical for history. The poet Persius had a high
esteem for him, and regarded him almost as a father.

4. quia non perdiderit — Gierig would read ' perdidit,' so as to at-
tribute the sentiment to Pliny, as at first siglit appears reason-
able. By the subjunctive, however, Pliny may well mean to
hint at the debased tone of the man who would complain that
he felt he had wasted a day just because he had not wasted it in
idle gossip.

B. XXIir. (vi. 15.)

1. excepit — Pliny means that when he came to town every one
met him with the anecdote.

splenduhts — as applied to an eques, generally means a man of dis •
tinguished birth.

Prince tubes. These were, in all probability, the opening words
of the first line. It would have been an act of excessive rudeness
in Priscus if, as some suppose, the words had been addressed to
him and he had met them with such an answer. The anecdote
has been made the subject of much controversy. Priscus was an
eminent lawyer, some of whose legal wisdom is still preserved in
the Pandects ; and it has excited much surprise, not to say indig-
nation, that the phrase diibiae sanitalis should have been applied
to him. We may suppose it to mean nothing more than excessive
absence of mind. His friendship with the poet had brought him
to assist at a proceeding which we may suppose not to have been
very much to his taste. Deep in thought about other matters he
is roused by hearing his own name, and in the forgetfulness of the
moment makes the ludicrous remark or answer which forms the
subject of the anecdote.

3. ius respondet — the phrase ' ius respondere ' or * de iure respon-
dere * was the technical definition of the functions of the jurist.
It occurs in Cicero, De Leg. i. 4 ; ii. 12 ; and in Hor. Epist. I, iii.
23, where we have ' Civica iura Respondere paras.'

aliquantum frigoris attulit — as we should say, ' it threw a damp
over the whole afiair.' Frigus denotes either the chilled feelings
of the audience or the cold and languid manner in which Paullus
gave his reading, in consequence of the interruption of Javolenus.
Pliny uses the word in this latter sense in A. XIV. 11 : ' erat peri-
culum ue reliqua actio mea frigus ut deposita pateretur.' It has
something like this meaning in Horace, Sat. II. i. 62, ' maiorum
ne quis amicus Frigore te feriat.'

B. XXIV. (viii. 12.)

1. praemiuyn. This seems to be hardly a suitable word, and
Schaefer accordingly prefers to read 'gremium,' which Cicero
(pro Caelio, 24) couples with ' sinus.' Pliny, however, especially
in 8uch passages as this, is not always over-scrupulous in his choice
of words. The following expression, ' omnium exemplum,' ia

216

NOTES.

somewhat tame and out of place, after such phrases as ' portus,'
' sinus,' &c.

reformator — a word resting solely on the authority of this pas-
sage; 'reformare' is a good word, although it is post-Augustan.
Pliny uses it in Taney. 53.

2. domum. . .praebet — comp. Juvenal vii. 40, 'Maculosas com-
modat aedes.' If an author had not a room suitable for a rending
in his own liouse, he would either hire one, or asli a rich patron to
lend him the use of one.

mihi . . . nunquam — sc. ' he has never failed to be present at one
of my readings if only he was in Rome.'

S. obeioiti vadimonia mea. We have also the pln'a=>es ad vadi-
monia venire, currere, decurrere, descendere, &c. ' Vadimonium'
denotes not meiely the security given, but also the dav on which
the person undertaking to furnish it had to appear in court.

tanta . . . possum — sc. ' to one wlio often takes sucli pains to do a
thing, of which I will not say that it is tiie only tiling which can
lay me under an obligation, but which certainly can do so in the
very highest degree.'

4. honcstate materiae. 'The excellence of the subject-matter
(of his reading).'

B. XXV. (viii. 21.)

2. in tncllnio — sc. at dinner-time. Pliny, as we know, liked
an intellectual accompaniment on such occasions.

lulio mense. July and August were vacation time at Rome, and
ordinaiy law suits were suspended. We see however from this
letter that legal business might be occasionally tran>acted.
lites intcrqicicscxnt — comp. Statius, .SVVr. IV. iv. 3U,
* Certe iam Latiae non miscent iurgia leges,
Et pacem pipei annus habet, messesque reversae
Dimisere forum.'
cathedris—Bc. writing-desks. Comp. for this us»> of the word
Propert. IV. v. 37, 'posita tu scribe cathedra Qdidlibet/ kc. and
E.I. 21 (of a 'zotheca') 'duas cathedras capit.' It is implied that
Pliny's friends would from time to time put their thou"-hts into
writing as the reading proceeded. "''

3. praelfxjuendi—sc. ' of oileriug an apologv,' which Pliny would
do before the reading began.

advocntioncm. ' Advocatio' was a kind of legal assistance or
advice, and did not necessarily imply 'pleading a client's cause in
court.' But in this case we must suppose that Pliny had not only
to advise a client, but to say sometliing in his b.dmlf bt-fore a
court, although he would not have to make the regular speech of
a counsel.

vt irrever-entem operis—sc. ' as though I slighted the work of
reading aloud.'

fjnod . . . ahs/i/tuissem — ' because wlien about to read aloud
though simply to a small circle of friends, I vet liad not kept
myself clear of other friends and of law-business.*'

NOTES. 217

4. opusculis vartis et meti'is — sc. on various subjects and in various
metres.

imputanfqHe quod trmiseitnt — 'make a merit of omitting them.'

electM recitantibus — ' those who read (to their friende), only
select passages from their works.'

itliid — sc. the practice of reading select passages. * Ulud,' which
usually means 'the former,' here happens to denote 'the latter,'
on the principle that the writer is speaking of something done by
others, not by himself.

6. i-everentiiis — ' more respectful.'

hoe — sc. this my own practice.

simplicms et amantkis — ' more artless and loving.'

amat . . . pertimescat — ' for a person really loves you who
thinks that you love him so much that he is not afraid of tirina:
you.'

quid pracstant sodales — 'what good do friends do you?' The
meaning is that an author gets no useful hint from hia friends if
they come to hear him only for their own amusement.

delicatus — that is, one who is so fond of his own amusement as
to give himself no trouble for the sake of a friend, one who, as we
might say, will not let himself be bored. It is clear from the
context that the idea of fastidious criticism, or indeed of anything
implying serious intellectual effort, is quite absent from the word.
Quintilian's ' delicatae aures' (iii. 1, 3) is meant to express this
notion.

6. nmsteum. A post-Augustan word used in a similar sense by
Sidoniiis Apollinaris (viii. 8), Pliny's imitator.

hmijiore mora — sc. ' the delay of excessive revision.'

C. I. (ii. 14.)

2. paud . . . dicere — ' there are few with whom it is any pleasure
to act as counsel.'

expresse. ' Exprimere rem 'is 'to represent a thing clearly and
vividly ' ; hence ' expresse dicere ' means to use a striking or
picturesque expression.

ut ab Homero in scholis. Homer in a Roman school was regarded
as the foundation of all learning and culture ; he was studied both
for style and for subject-matter. Next to Homer, Hesiod and
Menauder appear to have taken their place in the course of study.

hie quoque . . . est — sc. in the lawcourts as in the schools that
which is the most important is the first thing to be studied and prac-
tised. Just as the greatest of authors is the first to be read in
schools, so in the forum the actual practice of the law precedes
the declamatory exercises which were always supposed to be a
necessary preparation for it.

4. condudi et rede»ipti. There were, it appears, people at Rome
exactly like tlie 'claqueurs' in the Paris theatres. The worst
speaker could tor a consideration secure applause, and the context

'218 NOTES.

shows plainly that the business was reduced to an orpanised
system. These hired claqueurs were rewarded with a dinner nr
with ready money, as it appears, to the amount of almost tliree
denarii, or approximately 2s. 8(1.

ftianceps convtnitur — ' an agreement is made with a contractor.'
By 'manccps'is meant the person who undertakes to hire and
arrange the claqueurs.

in media, &c. — this is the beginning of a new sentence. It
was the fact tliat these sportulae were distributed as openly in a
place where the courts were sitting, as by long-recognised custom
they were given at the entertainments of the rich, which Pliny
considered so disgraceful. The ' basilica ' referred to would be
the Basilica Julia, in which it was usual for four courts (quad-
ruplex indicium, as Pliny calls them, Ep. i. 18) to sit at the same
time. The punctuation we have adopted is not that of the older
editions, except that of Cortius ; it is, however, that of recenteditions,
aiid seems, as we have explained, to bring out the meaning more
forcibly. The gist of the sentence lies in the contrast between
' basilica ' and ' triclinium.' By ' sportulae ' Pliny nieans ' pre-
sents in monei/' (as in £pp. ad TraJ. 118) which were habitually
accepted without any sense of degradation by the clients of thn
rich, and even by men of genius, such as Martial.

o. So vk\hc — sc. persons among the audience who continually
applauded the speaker with the exclamation Toi.r,;. Laudicoeni (an
incoiTectly-formed compound, perhaps after the analogy of tibicen,
fidicen, i^'c.) — ' persons who praise to get a dinner.'

6. Nomiiiclatorvs — such slaves would be youths who had been
carefully trained and educated. They were brought up in the
paedagogium, as it was called. See E. XIV. 1.3.

hahent, &c. — this age was fifteen.

tanti . . . disertissimus — 'so much does it cost to be very distin-
guished for eloquence.'

9. Laryius Licinus — he is mentioned in B. V. 17 as having
offered a great sum of money to the elder Pliny for a portion of
his works. It appears from the context that he did not go so far
as to hire an audience, but only begged people to be present while
he was speaking in court.

10. assectabar, &c. — ' I used to go to hear.'

Do7nitit/m A/rum. See Tacit. Ami. iv. 52, 6G ; xiv. 19 ; and
Dial, de Orat. 13, 15, whence it apjiears tliat he turned his great
oratorical powers to base purposes, and sought the favour of Tibe-
rius by accusing persons obnoxious to the Emperor. Quintilian
pronounces him to have been in his time at the head of the Roman
bar. He lived into the reign of Nero.

12. /loc artijiciuvi — sc. ' this art of forensic eloquence.'

quod alioqui, &c. — ' indeed generally it was beginning,' &c.
Alioqui means, that apart from the incident just mentioned, there
were other circumstances which tended to the decay of the 'arti-
ficium ' above named.

fracta pronwUiatione — 'fracta' is equivalent to 'mollis' Or

NOTES. 219

* effeminata,' and conveys the notion of affectation. Comp. frncti
soni, Tacit. Ann. xiv. 20. It is used of a feeble, nerveless style ;
also of soft, voluptuous music. Tener in teneris clamoribus has
the same meaning. Our word ' sing-song ' fairly represents both
these epithets.

13. cymhala . . . tympana — these instruments were used in the
worship of Cybele and of Bacchus, as being suitable to rites of a
soft and effeminate character. Consequently Pliny suggests that
they would be a very suitable accompaniment to the effeminate
eloquence of these youthful orators. Quintilian (v. 13, 17) has
the phrase ' tympana eloquentiae ' for a soft, nerveless rhetoric.

illis cantids — by * cantica ' are meant the speeches which were
spoken like songs. To this practice, as stupid and offensive, Quin-
tilian alludes (xi. 3, 57), ' quodcumque vitium magis tulerim quam
quo nunc maxime laboratur in caussis omnibus scholisque, cantandi.'
So that it would appear that both in pleadings at the bar, and in
rhetorical declamations, a kind of sing-song delivery had become
fashionable.

ululattts — the same as ' teneri clamores.'

14. ratio aetatis — ' my age,' Pliny means to say, ' is not yet suffi-
ciently advanced to excuse me from such legal practice.' The ex-
pression 'ratio aetatis' occurs E. XV. 11.

C. II. (iv. 24.)

1. in qttadruplici iudicio — this is wanting in several MSS. It is
quite possible that either these or the preceding words ' apud cen-
tumviros ' may have been added by a copyist by way of explana-
tion. The court of the ' centumviri ' was known as the ' quad-
ruplex indicium.' They sat in the Basilica Julia. Occasionally
(in what cases we do not know) they sat as four distinct courts,
each of which by itself heard causes ; this may perhaps explain
what otherwise would be a mere repetition, and Pliny's exact
meaning will be, ' one of the four courts into which the "centum-
viri " are divided.' Comp. Quintil. xii. 5, 6.

4. studiis . . . processimus. Three periods are glanced at : (1) the
beginning of Domitian's reign ; (2) its latter years, so dangerous to
virtue and distinction ; (3) Nerva and Trajan's reign. By 'studia'
he means as elsewhere ' forensic eloquence.'

G. nihil . . .jidere — some word like ' oportere ' seems to have
dropped out. As the sentence stands, it can only be rendered,
' this may be taken as a proof that we despair of nothing,' &c.
For the meaning ' this may warn us not to despair,' &c., we should
iacve, ^ ue quid desperemus,' &c.

C. III. (vi. 2.)

1. ncmnunquam — * pretty often,' interdum = occasionally.
quaere)-e . . . desiderare — Pliny means to say that he missed
(quaerere) Regulus, so zealous had he been in his profession, but

220 NOTES.

reniombcring his odious chnracter could not regret him (desi-
derare). Coiup. A. A'lll. 7, wliL're desiderandus is used to complete
the sense of quaerendus.

2. habehat . . . scribehat — ho thought so muili of his work that
he was exceedingly anxious ahout his success (timebat) ; he ap-
plied himself intensek to his labour (pallebat — conip. Pers. i. 124) ;
and even took the trouble of writing out his speeches (scribehat^.
This is a favourite practice of painstaking extemporary speakers.

c(/jsf«-e —' though lie could not learn by heart.' This is what
Keil substitutes for the common reading which put.s a full stop at
scribfbaf, and has dediscere, connecting it with the following clause,
' He never could unlearn the habit.'

circumlinebat — this can scarcely mean, as some think, that he
imitated the dark rings round the eyes which betoken excessive
study. It would have been eminently absurd to paint one eye
only. Most probably it signifies that he put some })igment round
the eye which might give it more expression, applying it to the
eye that bore on his antagonist. Compare, however, for the first
iignitication Pers. iii. 44 :

' Saepe oculos, niemini, tingebam parvus olivo
Graudia si noUem morituri verba Catonis
Disccre.'
At the best the matter is somewhat unintelligible.

s/>/('H/V/«— properly a medical term for the bandage on a wound.
We gailier from .Martial tliat the wearing of these was not an un-
usual practice with fops and dr.ndies. See Epig. ii. 29, in which
he ridicules a certain Pufus, and hints that if you were to strip
off the 'splenia' from his face you would find out that he was a
branded runaway slave. Regulus possibly wore his ' spleuiura ' to
add height to the forehead.

m uspices considebat — Regulus, as appears from E. XVII. 4, did
this on other occasions.

3. ilia — sc. the two practices mentioned in the next clause,
' quod . . . petebat ; quod , . . corrogabat.'

una dicentibiis — ' to those who were engaged as counsel in the
eame case.'

libera tempora — sc. an indefinite time for speaking. The time,
as we learn from this letter, was subsequeutlv limited by the
clepsydra ; the influence of Ilegulus secured his freedom from any
such limitation.

quod . . . corrofjahat — * because he got together an audience.'
This practice of getting an audience by entreaty or even by coarser
methods is alluded to in C. I. 4, * sequuntur'auditores actoribus
similes, condueti et redempti.' It appears to have been by no
means rare with Poman advocates of Pliny's time.

sub alteriiis iniidia — by * invidia ' is meant the odium which the

Eractices above mentioned would be sure to bring on an advocate.
!ut as Pegulus set the example of them, this 'odium' would
fall upon him rather than upon those who, being engaged aa
counsel in causes in which he was concerned, merely did what he

NOTES. 221

did. Consequently such persons might claim the privilege of
speaking- as long as' they pleased (liberuni tempus) at the expense
of Regulus.

in nlieno . . . dqwehensum — alienum auditorium is 'an audience
collected by another' (Regulus in this case got the audience to-
gether). The notion of ' deprehensus ' is that of a man who sud-
denly hnds himself in circumstances on which he did not in the
least calculate. An advocate had thus two advantages — (1) he
could speak as long as he pleased on the strength of Regulus' ex-
ample ; (2) he could exhibit his eloquence laefore an audience
which he found collected for him without any trouble on his
part.

commode dicere — sc. to speak at your convenience, without any
interruption and without any anxiety as to time.

poterat — comp. the use of ti with the imperfect to express con-
tingencies no longer possible.

dimidia — the Augustan writers used ' dimidius ' with * pars '
only.

pmcidorum — ' periculum ' specially denotes a danger arising out
of judicial proceedings, just as studium here and elsewhere has a
correspondingly restricted meaning. Cicero, Pro Archia, ii. couples
together the words indicia and pericula in one signification.

comperendinationes — comperendinatio (from ' perendie,' * the day
after to-morrow ') is the adjournment of a cause to the third day.
It is said in a similar passage in Tacit. Dial. 38, that ' liberae
comperendinationes' (adjournments without any limit), were very
common in the old days of tlie republic and tended to promote
eloquence.

7. O Hegnle . . . praestanf — * O Regulus, you who by your per-
tinacious vanity got from all our judges a privilege which only a
very few grant to sincere conscientiousness.' Ambitio and tides
are words for which it is hardly possible to find English equiva-
lents. The first denotes a kind of restless self-display, the love
of speaking merely to show off one's eloquence ; the second, a
conscientious anxiety to do full justice to the cause on trial.

aquae — sc. as much time measured by the water-clock as waa
demanded.

8. priinam — sc. his very best.

religioni — the word is to be imderstood as including both the
oath itself taken by the judge and the scrupulous regard which he
ought to feel for it.

etiam — 'just so ' = vai.

9. amove communium — this must mean either ' love for the
general interests of the state,' or love of things in which Pliny and
the friend to whom he was writing, took a common interest. The
first view seems preferable. ' Communia ' may very well imply
* things in which all people take an interest ' — sc. the state and its
welfare. There is, it would appear, a contrast between com-
mimia and * domos nostras ' in the next sentence. Both Gierio-

222 NOTES.

and Schaefer acquiesce in tliis reading, which is that of the MSS.
and is consequently retained by Keil.

C. IV. (vi. 29.)

1. jyrohavit — 'esteemed.'
jyraccijxre solitum — sc. Thrasea.

destiUdas — * causes which were either so difficult or so dangei-
ous that no advocate would undertake them.'

ad exemplum pcrtinentcs — ' such causes as would establish a pre-
cedent.' Pliny explains his meaning a little further on.

2. quia . . . induceretur — ' because it was of vast importance
whether a good or a bad precedent was introduced.' "\Ve have
the subjunctive 'referret' because Thrasea's opinion is being
quoted, and the sentence is consequently in the oblique narra-
tion.

5. commode . . . minus commode — Quintilian, x. 3, 10, has a
very similar passage : ' cito scribendo non fit ut bene scribatur ;
bene scribendo fit ut cito.'

G. moUitie frontis — we speak of a person as being ' brazen-
faced ' ; mollifies frontis denotes exactly the opposite character.
Mollities naturae is used by Cicero {Att. i. 17) to imply what we
should call 'delicacy of feeling,' 'sensitiveness.' Cicero (De
Orat. ii. 3) says of Isocrates, ' Ipse p.ater eloquentiae de se
Isocrates scripsit ; pudore a dicendo et timiditate ingenua quadam
refugisti.'

7. tempn-amevfum — underetand by this word the ' principle
which had guided Plinj' as an advocate in his choice of cases.'
Its idea is, choosing some things and rejecting others. It is seldom
found but in writers of the silver age.

8. quaesitum . . . inquisitio — * the question was asked (in the
senate) whether a judicial inquiry ought to be granted.'

9. ufehatur . . . Icqis — the meaning is that Marius begged to be
tried before a commission of iudices, as he might have been in an
ordinary case of ' res repetundae,' rather than to be impeached
before the senate. lie thus threw himself on the mercy of the
law.

10. iudicihtis acceptis — Bassus, as we learn from A. XIV. 9, was
allowed to ha\ c his cause tried before an inferior court. This is
expressed by iudices accipere.

11. postulante . . . liceret — Varenus proconsul of Bithynia when
accused by the provincials, asked to be allowed to summon in his
defence witnesses from the province. Se« Ep. v. 20.

C. V. (vi. 31.)

1. hoc loco nomen. We may suppose that the place had re-
cently received its name. Centum Celiac.

2. uhi haec maxime recludipUur — * where they, 8C. iustitia, &c.,

NOTES. 223

are preeiiiin -ntly revealed.' Comp. Tacit. Ann. vi. 6, si reclu-
dantur tyrannorum mentea.

3. innoxie jmpularis — his popularity had no ill effects ; no one
was the worse for it. Cicero (De Off. i. 25) opposes to the 'po-
pularis ' the man ' studiosus optimi cuiusque.'

delator immissus — ' an accuser was hounded on.'

5. e.xcussi$ prohationiliis — ' having thoroughly sifted the evi-
dence.' Probatio in this sense is confined to the silver age.

exauctoravit — ' cashiered.' The word, however, originally does
not mean 'dismissal with disgrace.' It means merely release from
the military oath (sacranieutum). Those who were so released
were called * veterani,' and as such had to serve again mider
special circumstances. In this sense the word is used by Tacitus,
Aim. i. 36, ' e.vauntorari qui sena dena fecissent ac retineri sub
vexillo ceterorum immunes nisi propulsandi hostis.'

contentus — the participle of ' contineo.' Its construction with
the infinitive appears to be confined to j^oets of the Augustan age
and to later writers.

6. luliae legis poenis. These penalties were (1) forfeiture of
half the woman's dower and of a third of her property ; (2) the
kind of exile known as relegatio in insulam.

Caesar . . . videretur. The meaning is, that the emperor, in
passing sentence marked the case as an exceptional one, naming
the particular centurion and dwelling on the importance of main-
taining military discipline. He did not wish it to be thought that
he intended to try all similar cases.

8. siibstituehantur mmini — ' were brought under the charge.'
Subjicere is used in the same sense.

procurator. He was, as was often the case with freedraen
under the emperors, employed in the administration of the fiscus,
and probably, too, in that of the emperor's private property. In
this latter capacity he would answer to our 'steward.'

9. Pohjcletus. Mentioned by Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 39 ; Hist. i. 37,
ii. 95, from which passages we gather that he was a favourite
freedman of Nero, and used his opportunities for amassing enor-
mous wealth. Trajan of course meant that his freedman Eury-
thmus never had such opportunities.

10. cum detulissent o»i?jes—' since all had made the charge.'
The full phrase, as it appears in the Augustan writers, is ' deferre
nomen,' i.e. 'to give in the name of the accused person to the
praetor with a view to trial.' Later writers, as Pliny, Tacitus, &c.,
simply use deferre in the sense of * to accuse.'

11.* isti — sc. Senecio and Eurythmus.

12. isti enim . . . accusare. Trajan'smeaningis, that it rested with
these persons originally whether or no they would bring forward
their accusation ; that having done so, and being under an obliga-
tion to follow it up, they ought to think themselves fortunate in
being allowed to drop it.

aut singidi . . . agendi — ' or that they should one by one give
satisfactory reasons for not pursuing the action,' &c.

224 NOTES.

aliogui . . . pronuntiaturum — the plaintiffs (the heredos) were to
understand that they must either fjo on with tlie action or jrive
■;ood reasons for dropping it, or else the emperor would at least
pronounce them guilty of ' calunmia,' a legal term which denoted
the crime of one who from corrupt motives brought a false or
vexatious accusation against another.

l.'i. acroamata — the word acroama had become naturalised in the
Latin language. Cicero uses it several times. It might be a
piece of music, or a play, or something more intellectual in the
shape of a reading or recitation of pi'ose or poetry.

14. xenia — these presents were also called apophoreta, 'things
which the guests were to carry away with them.' We learn from
yuetonius that Augustus, and even the parsimonious Vespasian,
were in the habit of making presents on such occasions as the
Saturnalia. Suet. Aug. 74 ; Vesp. 19.

simpluifas co)U'ictus — ' the perfect freedom of our social inter-
course.' Comp. Tacit. Ann. vi. 5, ' convivalium fabularum sim-
plicitas.'

15. cum maxime — this implies that the harbour coincided exactly
wiili the * sinus ' or 'bend in the shore.'

IG. elahuratur — 'is in process of completion.'

insula — tliis artificial island was to serve as a breakwater.

arte viscnda-- by a process well worth seeing.'

contra — this word seems to have little meaning, whether joined
with ' provehit ' or with the following haec. If it is retained, it
must be taken to mean, 'facing the harbour seawards.'

17. saxcuin dorsum — sc. the 'insula' above menticned.

pilae — ' piers,' which projected from the breakwater and gave it
additional strength, ^'irgil, in his description of the harbour of
Baiae, uses the word in this sense :

' Talis in Euboico IJaiarum littore quondam
SaxeapjVa cadit.' Aen. ix. 710.

D. I. (iv. 8.)

3. in hoc . . . possit — sc. ' all that fortune can do is to bestow
this honour ; she cannot take it away.

lulio Frontino — comp. 1). XL, where Frontinus is spoken of as
' spectatissimus'; A. X., where he is said to have forbidden the
erection of a monument to his memory. He was an able soldier,
as we gather from Tacitus, Agr. 17 (vir magnus quantum licebat),
and was Agricola's predecessor in the government of Britain.
He was the author of a military worlc, which has come down
to us.

princi]>i viro — comp. Horace, Epp. I. xvii.oo, ' principibu^ viri^.'

j)er hot) continnos annos — the pronoun denotes recent time.
Comp. A. XIV. 1, caussam per hos dies dixit Julius Bassu.s.

NOTES. 225

tanqiiam cooptaret — with the iutention of electing me into hia
place.'

6. quae sunt . . . hominum. Referring to such distinctions as
the consulate, &c., which, it is implied, were within the reach of
a fair amount of energy and industry.

illucl — sc. the genius of Cicero.

D. 11. (iv. 13.)

2. injme. This is Cortius's emendation of the common read-
ing ' in finem/ which cannot he defended. It is now genei'^Uy
accepted.

«e . . . pereat — sc. ' that my impatience may lose nothing.
Festinatio here denotes ' an impatient eagerness ' in a good sense.
It is almost equivalent to 'alacritas.'

3. praecursoria. A post- Augustan and very rare word, for the
use of which Plin_y apologises.

praete.vtatus. This implies that the youth was under 17.

stitdes ? — ' do you go to school ? ' This absolute use of studere
(to be a student) is confined to post-Augustan writers.

Mediolam — Mediolanum (now Milan) was, in Pliny's time, the
chief city of northern Italy, and had a specially great literary re-
putation. Cellarius quotes an inscription in which it is described
as ' Novae Athenae.'

5. quantuhim est — ' what a trifling matter it would be !'
viatica. Like the Greek iii>6^ia, this denoted money for travel-
ling expenses, and was used as here in reference to the expenses
of a student away from home.

mercedibus — sc. the fees or salaries of professors and masters.
This is a by no means uncommon meaning of ' merces.' Comp.
Cic. Acad. ii. 30, ' merces dialecticorum.'

6. ambitu corrumperetur — ' be spoilt by jobbery.' The best
masters, Pliny was afraid, would not be chosen unless the towns-
people themselves bore a fair share of the expense, and were under
a direct motive to see that their money was usefully spent.

7. ius cotiducendi — the right of engaging masters.

religio recte iiidicandi — ' conscientiousness in making a right
choice.'

10. haec . . . repetenda — that is, ' I thought it best to tell you
the whole story from the beginning, so that you might know my
reasons for making this request of you.'

«e cvi . . . obstringam — sc. * that I do not pledge my word to
anyone.' As is explained in the next sentence, the choice of
teachers is to rest with the parents, not with Pliny.

12. eat illuc . . .fet-at — ' let him go to Comum on condition that
he takes with him no other certainty but confidence in himself.'
The meaning is, that if a teacher thinks fit to go and offer his ser-
vices, he must not count on being a successful candidate ; if he fails,
he must lay the blame on himself for having over-estiniftted his
qualifications for the position.

Q

226 KOTES.

D. III. (vii. 18.)

1 . Deliheras niectim — ' you consult me.'
post te — ' after your death.'

numeres . . . sntyimam — ' would you pay over to the " muni-
cipium " (Comum) the entire capital ?'

?ie diluhittur. As we should say, ' that it will be frittered
away.'

afjros — farms.

2. a(jrum , . . daturtis — ' I made a fictitious transfer to the
public agent of one of my landed estates, which was worth con-
siderably more (than 500,000 sesterces) ; this same estate I had
re-eonveyed ]);ick to me with a rent-charge upon it, on condition
that I was to pay 300,000 sesterces.' The ' actor publicus ' was
an officer who stood in a similar relation to the state that a steward
or agent stands in to a private individual. Purchases or sales of
property, and all the business arising out of them, would pass
through his liands. He would have to keep accounts of such trans-
actions and hand them in to the aerarium. His office was pro-
bably subordinate to that of the * procuratores aerarii.' We hear of
liim only under the empire. On two occasions during tlie reign
of Tiberius the slaves of a suspected and accused man were pold
to the ' ai'tor publicus ' with a view to their being examined by
torture as to their master's guilt. See the account in Tacitus,
Ann. ii. 30 ; iii. 67, of tlie trials of Libo Urusus and Silanus.

3. sors — ' the principal.'

reditu^ — ' the interest,' as opposed to the principal. In this
case it coincided with the ' vectigal,' or the rent-charge,

quod . . . inmniet — ' because it greatly exceeds in value the
rent-charge, it will always find a tenant to cultivate it.' Pliny
explains in this sentence the efi'ect of the precaution he had
taken. The capital was safe, being invested in an estate ; the
interest was secured, as Pliny intended, to the benefit of the town,
since it was permanently charged as a vectigal on the estate, to
be paid over yearly by the occupying tenant.

D. IV. (iv. 19.)

1. Fratrcm optimum — Calpurnia's father.

amitne affectum — affectus in the sense of ' fondness,' * affection,'
is post-Augustan. Comp. Suet. (Ttius, 8), 'parentis atlectum.'
In Cirero and his contemporaries it rather denotes 'a mental
state ' or ' condition ' generally.

reprnexenfes. Repraesentare in its strict and original meaning
eignified ' the doing something without a moment's delay, on the
spot.' It is used, however, by such writers as Cicero and Horace
much as it is here.

2. quod . . . indicium est. Pliny's meaning is explained by the
context ; * Non aetatem meam aut corpus,' &c. — His wife's love

NOTES. 227

was chaste, because it was attracted by what was noble and en-
duriug in her husband.

3. cum videor acturus — ' when she thinks I am going to plead
a cause.'

clamores — equivalent to ' plausus.'

4. formatque cithara — ' sets them to the lyre.' ' Modulari ' is
the more technical word in this sense.

6. contuhernio — contuberniuni, properly a military term, was
used by the post- Augustan writers to denote specially ' the society
and friendship of a teacher.'

D. V. (vi. 4.)

1. in Campaniam — probably to the warm baths of Baiae.
e vestif/io subsequi — to follow immediately.

2. corpusetdo—~?i diminutive of affection.

inoffensa. Pliny expresses a hope that his wife had traversed
these luxurious and pleasure-seeking regions without meeting any-
thing to harm her.

3. /o/-i!em=bene valentem. Oomp. D. XIV. 7.

D. VI. (vi. 7.)

1. vesfiffio — the place where I was wont to sit, to recline, &c.

2. his fotnentis adquiescis — ' that you find rest in these consola-
tions.'

D. VII. (vii. 5.)

1. similis excluso — Pliny borrows the common language of
lovers.

D. VIII. (iv. 1.)

2. vestri — sc. Fabatus and his daughter.

atque adeo . . . alligamiis — ' and indeed we are actually packing up.'

3. itineris ratio — ' the plan of our route.'
171 Tuscos — ' to my Tuscan estate.'

4. Tiferni Tiberini. Two towns of Umbria bore the name
Tifernum. They were distinguished as ' Tiberinum ' and ' Metau-
rense,' the latter epithet being derived from the river Metaurus.

patrotium. Towns were accustomed to choose a patron or pro-
tector, who, among other duties, would act as what we call ' a
standing counsel.' Comp. Suet. Aug. 17 ; Tiber. 6. Cicero {Div.
in Caeci/iiwi, 16) speaks of the 'patronus' of a state or province as
the ' defensor sui juris : ultor injuriarum.' It would seem, from the
present passage, that the custom of selecting a patronus had become
a mere formality. Adoidare patronum is the usual expression,

si-idio — ' kindly feeling.'

6. ei)ulo celehrare. The 'epulum' would naturally follow the

a2

228

NOTES.

'sacrlficium,' which was an essential part of the ceremony of a
'dedicatio.'

viam ij)sam corripieimis. A poetical expression. Comp. Verg.
Aen. i. 418, ' corripuere viani interea.' Comp. also the common
phrase, ' corripere gradum.' It means * to hurry over.' Some-
what similarly we say, ' to devour the way.'

D. IX. (i. 6.)

1. et quidem. Writers of the Augustan age would have gene-
rally said, ' et eos,' in this connection.

i)iertia mca et quiete. By this expression Pliny modestly de-
scribes his literary pursuits. So Sallust (Jug. 4) says that he
supposes that some persons will give the name of * inertia' to his
historical labours. A Roman was naturally inclined to think
meanly of any work or occupation which was not connected with
politics, or was not of a thoroughly practical character ; and
spoke of it by tlie term ' otium.' This word had special reference
to the life and emphiymeuts of a man of letters, and thus an-
swered to our ' learned leisure.' ' Inertia ' seems to be here used
deliberately by I'liny, as a word of less difiuity and importance
than 'otium.' In E. XXI. 8, he speaks of himself, wlien in the
retirement of the country, and busy with his books, as ' otiosus.'

3. j)U(jiUares — answering to our note or memorandum books.
What was written in them could be easily and quickly eifaced.
(The process of erasure was desciibed by the phrase 'stilum ver-
tere.') The term is derived from ' pugilhis,' and means some-
thing which may be conveniently held in the hand.

ceras — sc. ' pugillares,' which w ere made of wax.

laijunculam — ' a wiue-iiask.'

D. X. (ix. 10.)

2. delicate — 'lazily,' in a dilettanti fashion. Suetonius (Caluj.
43) couples the word with ' segniter.'

ut in secessu, &c. — ' as is to be expected in retirement,' &c.

in via — sc. ' when out walking or riding.' Pliny's uncle under
the same circumstances could give his mind to serious stud^-. See
B. XI. 15.

ea , . . seruntur — 'in the chatty fashion in which conversation
is carried on in a carriage.' ' Serere sermones ' is a familiar
phrase. Comp. Virg. Aen. vi. IGO: ' Multa inter sese vario sci--
7itoHe serehat.' ' Serere ' and ' sermo ' are cognate words.

extendi. In allusion to the diifuseness of style which arises from
lazy and careless writing. Its meaning is explained by the pre-
ceding * garrulitas.'

3. inanioemtm. This is a rare word, and found elsewhere oniv
in poets. Properly it lias reference to gloomy, dismal scenery ;
here it may be rendered ' repulsive.'

NOTES. 229

D. XI. (ix. 36.)

1. diein disponam — comp. Tacit. Ger. oO : ' dispouere diem,' ' to
portion out the day.'

2. non ocidos . . . sequor. The meaning is, that instead of allow-
ing his eyes to determine the direction of his thoughts, he took
care that his thoughts should control his eyes.

si quid in manihus. As we should say, ' if I have any work in
Land.'

cogito . . . emendanti. Pliny means that he not merely pursued a
certain train of thought, but that he also put his thoughts into
words, just as if he were actually writing, and was careful at the
time to choose the best words. Comp. Quintil. x. 7, 25, where
this mental exercise is spoken of as ' exercitatio totas materias vel
silentio (duni tamen quasi dicat intra se ipsum) persequendi '
(following out whole trains of thought in silence, provided, how-
ever, one does it as if one was talking to oneself).

nt vcl , . . potiuTimf, — according as (my thoughts) have admitted
of be'ug put together and retained witli ease or with difficulty.

notarius. See note, 13. XI. J 5.

die admisso — sc. ' having opened the windows.'

quae formcweratn — ' what £ had put into shape.' ' Formare ' im-
plies that the words and phrases liad been provided as well as the
thoughts — t\\&form as well as the matter. ' Componere ' would
not necessarily have meant so much as this,

3. ut dies suasit — sc. according to the weather ; ' dies ' is ofteu
almost equivalent to 'caelum ' in the post- Augustan writers.

durat intentio — sc. ' my mental exertion is still continued.'
stomachi — sc. ' digestion.' Celsus the medical writer says (i. 8),
* si quis stomacho laborat, legere dare debet.'

4. cu7n meis . . . eruditi. Gierig understands by ' meis ' Pliny's
slaves, among whom, as we know, were some highly educated
youths. He is probably right.

dies cito conditur. For the phrase ' condere diem ' (to see the
day go down), comp. Verg. Eel. ix. 52 :

' saepe ego longos
Cantando puerum memini me condere soles.'
Hor. Carm. iv. 5, 29 :

' Condit quisque diem coUibus in suis.'
Lucr. iii, 1000 :

* Vivendo conda'e saecla.'
The expression is imitated from CaUimachus (Ep. ii. 3) :

i'jkiov li> AfTy;; KaTiCvffaf-UV.

6. non sine jnic/iUaribtis. Oomp. D. VUI. 3 (a letter to Tacitus
on this subject).

colonis — ' to my tenants.'

quorum . . . querellae. In ix. 15, Pliny alludes to the annoy-
ance he experienced from letters of complaint addressed to him
by his tenants, when he was at his Tuscan villa. (Tam multia
undique rusticorum libellis, et tam querulis inquietor.)

230 KOTKS.

hacc urhana opei'a. 'These city occupations.' It maybe hence
inferred that the present letter was written from Rome.
commetidant — 'malie more delightful,'

D. XII. (v. 1.)

1. air amplissimo grathts. This repetition, though wanting in
some MSS., is thoroughly characteristic of Pliny's style.

2. praciudteio. ' I'raeiudieiuni,' though usually denoting an
' unfavourable judgment/ is really a ' vox media,' and may, as
here, mean the opposite. Of course, if Pliny gave up his share of
the property to Ciirianus. it would imply that he thought the man
bad been wrongfully disinherited, and it would be an example or
precedent which the other legatees would be likely to follow.

3. wow esse . . . orbo. The meaning is that it would have a bad
and suspicions appearance to make a handsome present to a rich
man who Iiad no children.

no» profirturum . . . cesinsKej)}. If Pliny handed over his legacy
as a present to Curianus, he would be treating him as an object of
pity, which would do Curianus no good ; if he waived his claim to
it, he would get for Curianus the credit of having been unfairly
disinherited.

liqueret — a legal term, which Pliny uses deliberately, as imply-
ing the certainty arising from clear evidence.

4. minurem — sc. * of less honour, uprightness/ &c. Pliny's
meaning is : ' If yow think me equal to giving a fair and upright
decision, there is no reason why I should think myself unequal
(minorem) to doing so.'

amdnnfiam — sc. the moral courage which will not shrink from
telling a person a disagreeable truth.

6. sedi. * Sedere ' was the technical word for ' sitting as a
judge.' As such it is here purposely chosen.

ptidorem — sc. the virtuous self-respect which -would be incapable
of a harsh or unjust action.

ex consilii sentenfia. ' Consilium ' here as elsewhere means * the
persons engaged in deliberation/ 'the arbitrators.'

sxbscripsit centumvirale iudivium — ' gave them notice of an action
before the court of the Centumviri.' ' Subscribere cum aliquo,'
properly, * to sign one's name to an accusation as plaiutitl' against
a person.' The phrase is an unusual one, and seems to have had
its origin in the circumstance that the plaintiff and defendant both
had to sign their names to the notice of the action. In this case
Curianus was the plaiutilY; the legatees, with the exception of
Pliny, were the defendants.

7. meiu Uinporum. It was in the time of Domitian. Eusticus
had been put to death ; his wife Gratilla was banished, and people
might well be afraid of anything which might seem to imply
friendship with them. The legatees were naturally anxious to
get the matter settled as quietly as possible, as the context
explains.

NOTES. 231

8. ne ex centmnvtrali .... exirent. The Centumviri could not
rondenm to death, their jurisdiction being civil, not criminal. But
a criminal case might arise out of an action tried before their
court, and of this the defendants under all the circumstances of
the aftair, and considering the Emperor's disposition, were afraid.
It was quite possible that the property miglit be claimed by the
' fiscus,' and judicial proceedings might on this ground be instituted
against them with a fatal result.

9. ex parte quarta. Heferring to the lex Falcidia passed in the
time of Augustus, which provided that a fourth part of the estate
should be secured to the heir at law. It applied to persons who
died, as Gratilla did, in exile. Hence the ' quarta pars ' is some-
times spoken of as ' legitima et debita portio.'

10. omnia vie nsti cejnsse. Possibly these words are due to a
trauscriber. They describe the consequences of Pliny having been
in possession of the property for ttro years, a period which, accord-
ing to Roman law, conferred a prescriptive right (usucapio) of
ownership in the case of land and immovable goods.

12. honure signavit. Comp. Ovid, Fasti, v. 474, ut celebrem
festo signet honore diem. ' Honor ' has sometimes the special
meaning of a 'complimentary legacy'; here, however, perhaps
' honore signare ' may be taken as simply equivalent to ' honorare.'

D. XIII. (v. 19.)

1. tuos — so. servos.

2. indulyentia. Usually this word has a slightly unfavourable
eense. Here it has a good meaning, and denotes ' fair and merciful
treatment,' as contrasted with the ordinary harsh and capricious
exercise of authority by a Roman master over his slaves. Comp,
Tacit. Agr. 4, 'in matris sinu indidgentiaqtie educatus.'

■nciriip, &c. Homer, Odyss. ii. 47, 234.

3. literatus. The context explains this epithet. Zosimus, like
Bome other slaves, had had an intellectual training which fitted
him to be a reader or a secretary to his master. Such slaves very
frequently received their freedom. ' Servus literatus ' in Plautus is
humorously used for 'a branded slave.'

inscriptio — a title describing his various qualifications was at-
tached to the neck of a slave when he was ofi"ered for sale. This
was called ' inscriptio.' In the case of Zosimus the word ' comoe-
dus ' would have been his ' inscriptio.'

acriter — ' with distinct articulation.'

sapienter — sc. ' so as to show that he understands what he is
reading.'

apte, decenter etiam. ' Decenter ' implies more than ' apte,'
which hardly goes beyond the idea of correctness and propriety.
An actor might be said to represent a character * apte,' if he ex-
hibited at all adequately its chief features ; he would represent it
' decenter ' only if he seized all its various points, and skilfully
combined them into a harmonious whole.

232 NOTES.

G. in Acgyptum, &c. — Tlie elder Pliny dwells on the good effecta
of a voyage down the Mediterranean for consumptive people. (See
N.H. xxxi. 6, 33.) The medical writer Celsus (iii. 22) recom-
mends such people to go from Italy to Alexandria.

nimk imperat voci — 'tasks his voice too severely.' Corap.
Virg. Geory.i.QQ, ' im^jerat arvis' (he gets as much as he can
out of the land). In the same sense we meet with the expression
^imperare vitibus' (to task vines by n-akiug them bear as much
fruit as possible).

D. XIV. (iv. 1.)

7. fortes — ' in good health,' Fortis in this sense is a fayourite
word with Pliny. It is like our ' hearty.' Comp. D. V. 3.

D. XIV. (viii. IG.)

1. Infinnitafes, Only post-Augustan writers use this word in
the sense of ' an infirmity ' or ' iudisposition.' Comp. B. V. 1,
' injii-mitate uxoris.'

facilitas maninnittendi — ' my readiness in granting them free-
dom.' The construction is changed in the succeeding clause,
'alterum quod,' &c. Comp. Tacit. Ger. 43: ' ( )so3 Pannonica
lingua coarguit non esse Gennanos, et qtiwl tributa patiuutur.'
Pliny (vii. .32) commends his friend Fabatus for having availed
himself of a favourable opportunity to bestow freedom on a
number of his slaves.

qmisi tcstamenta facere — sc. ' to make a sort of will.' In the
strict sense of the word it would be a ' testament um.'

2. quad civitas — that is, their ' domns ' (the establishment to
which they belong) in the case of slaves answers to the ' civitas '
of the free born. A slave had no ' civitas,' consequeutlv he was
legally debarred from all tlie acts of a ' civis,' and could neither
make a wiU nor inherit property under a will.

3. h(ic ip$u7n — sc. ' the privilege of leaving their property in the
manner described.'

eoque . . . videre. Pliny perhaps alludes to the elder Cato, snr-
named ' sapiens,' who, it appears from Plutarch, left his cruel
treatment of his slaves on record in his Be 7-e ntstica. lie would,
however, certainly have before his own eyes nianv similar in-
stances, and tlie prevalence of Stoic sentiment may have made
Buch insensibility fashionable.

4. non, solotiis non etjere — 'it is not human to be aboTe the need
of consolation.'

6. dokndi voluptas — comp. Ovid. Trist. IV. iii. 37 :

* Est quaedam flere voluptas :
Expletur lacrimis, egeriturque dolor.'

NOTES. 233

E. I. (ii. 17.)

1. Lnurentinum . . . Laurens — comp. the forms Piceus, Pice£-
tinum ; Gamers, Camertinum, &c.

2. opportunitatern loci. lu allusion to the near neighbourhood
of Rome, Ostia, Laurentum, &c., and to the convenient and plea-
sant roads leading to these places.

litoris spatium. This has been explained of the distance of
Pliny's villa from Rome along the seacoast. It seems, however,
much better to understand it as meaning the wide frontage of the
villa and its grounds to the sea.

secessit. Pliny compares his villa to a man who has gone into
retirement.

salvo. . .die — 'salvus dies' is opposed to ' perditus dies;' *a
day on which no duty has been omitted.' ' Compositus dies ' is
a day on which everything is in its right place, and the duties of
which are well arranged. It excludes the idea of hurry and
bustle. Pliny means that he could get through all his business
with comfort to himself, and then pass the evening at his country
house in a tranquil frame of mind.

iunctis — 'for carriages.' Comp. E. XVIII. 3, ' mannulos junctos,'
' carriage horses.' Columella (ii. 22) uses ' junctum ' for a car-
riage : 'Junctu advehere non permittitur/ &c. Usually the Roman
carriages were drawn by mules.

3. varia . . .fades — 'on either side the scenery is diversified,'
&c.

tepore verno. ' Tepor ' is the exact expression for mild spring
breezes. Comp. Ovid, Met. i. 107, &c. :

' Ver erat aeternum, placidique tepentibus auris

ISIulcebant Zephyri natos sine semine flores.'

nitescunt — nitere and nitescere were words regularly used for

denoting the sleek condition of well-fed cattle. So Virg. Aen.

vi. G54 : ' quae cura nitentes Pascere equos.' Lucretius (ii. 189)

has the expression '■ nitidae fruges,' 'smiling crops.'

4. usihus capax — that is, ' roomy enough for all sorts of pur-
poses.'

non snmptiiosa tutela. This is a descriptive ablative. ' Tutela '
means what we call ' keeping up a house,' and includes all ex-
penses connected with furniture, repairs, &c. So Columella (vii.
1, 2; speaks of tlie ass as ' tutelae exiguae animal,' meaning that
his keep is not expensive.

atrium . . . sorduhim. By the word * frugi ' a contrast is in-
tended between this atrium and the splendidly furnished atria of
some great houses, which were crammed with statues and works
of art. There was, however, nothing niggardly or shabby (sor-
didum) about it. The atrium, or entrance hall, was, as we see by
the context, distinct from the cavaedium afterwards mentioned.

D litterae. This is probably the right reading, though some

234 NOTES.

have preferred 0. In that ca^e, however, Pliny would, as we
f-hould suppose, have expressed his nieaninjr ditferently. D, it
may be observed, is the only other letter which includes a space,
as these porticoes are said to do.

fesfiva—8C. 'bright and cheerful.' So Plautus {Cure. I. i. 9.3)
has the expression ' aedes festim'sstmae.' Pliny uses this word of
a fine statue (E. VI. 1); also of a sprijrhtly and charming girl
(E. IX. 1). Very possibly the pavement of the area was of mosaic
work.

apecularibns — ' specularia ' were windows made of a ' lapis
specularis ' which under the empire came into very general use.
See Pliny, N.H. xxxvi. 22, 4.5 (Spain and Cappadocia are said to
have furnished the best quality of these stones). Commonlv the
Roman windows were simple apertures in the walls, and rain or
bad weather was kept out by wooden shutters, or curtains. In
Pliny's time, however, it seems clear that the windows in the
better class of houses were furnished with thin transparent plates
cut out of this 'lapis specularis,' or with * vitrum ' (something
like our modern gla«s), as appears from discoveries at Herculaneum
and Pompeii. Martial (viii. 14) implies that the ' lapis specularis '
was sometimes used for greenhouses. See also a passage in
Seneca (Epist. 90) which speaks of specularia as a comparatively
modern discovery in his time.

bnminentibus tecfis — * by the projecting roof.'

madias — sc. portions.

o. cavncditim hihire. Here the cavaedium would seem to have
answered to what elsewhere is called ' impluvium.' ' Ililare '
must mean ' light and cheerful,' and is perhaps intended to suggest
the presence of sculpture or of frescoes.

fenestras non minores — both ' valvae ' and 'fenestrae' were
openings in the wall which might be closed with blinds or shutters.
* Fenestrae,' however, were properly small apertures at a consider-
able height, and were thus usually distinguished from *valva«,'
which would often be almost level with the floor of tlie room.

(i Jitdus . . . amplum — ' on the left of this cavaedium,' rather
further (from the sea), is a spacious chamber, i^-c.

admittit . . . refinet—sc. ' it has both the morning and evening
sun.' ' Retinet ' means that the room has the light till the sun
has entirely set, and perhaps suggests that the warmth is felt
throughout the night.

7. longius intuetiir. The meaning is that the prospect of the sea
is more distant but is more enjoyable. There seems to be an im-
plied contrast between this room and the ' triclinium,' which, we
are told, is sometimes washed by the waves in rough weather.

hunts cubicuU . . . accendit — sc. 'The angle formed by the pro-
jection of this chamber with the ' triclinium ' before mentioned,
retains the warmth of the sun at its height, and intensifies it.'
The rays of the sun are at this point collected, as it were, into a
focus, as though by a concave lens.

eerenum . . . eripiunt. That is to say, it is the increasing dark-

NOTES. 235

ness from the clouds rather than the bad weather and the cold,
which at last makes it impossible to use the room.

8. apsida — not ' a vaulted roof,' as the older interpreters after
the analogy of the expression ovpavia iii/n: (the vault of heaven)
used to explain it, but ' a semicircle.' One end of the room was
semicircular in form, answering to our ' bow-window.' The
windows at this end were, as it appears, so arranged as to receive
alternately the morning and afternoon sun. In ecclesiastical
writers ' apsis ' denotes the choir or chancel of a church.

in bibliothecae speciem. From the time of Sulla and LucuUus,
who brought with them from the East vast collections of books,
the Roman villa was commonly furnished with a library. Pliny
out of modesty prefers to use the term ' armarium ' (book-case)
rather than the more dignified word ' bibliotheca.'

9. membrmn — ' room.' So used in the following letter. The
metaphysical senses of the word are very widely extended. It is
akin to the Greek j.ifpoc.

suspensus et tuhulatus. ' Suspensus ' mnat mean that the ' transi-
tus,' or passage from one part of the house to another, is raised
on pillars after the manner of a bridge. ' Tubulatus ' is read by
most recent editors in place of ' tabulatus,' and it derives confirma-
tion from the ' subulatus ' and ' sublatus ' of some MSS. It yields
also a good sense. The covered passage was 'furnished with
pipes' (tubuli), by which the heat was diffused. There is a
passage in Seneca {Epist. 90) which alludes to an apparatus of
this kind, and which by the mention of 'impressi parieti tuhi per
quos circumfunderetur calor qui ima simul et summa foveret
aequaliter,' forcibly reminds us of our modern method of heating
rooms. The reading ' tabulatus ' can mean only ' made of boards/
and is open to the objection of being vague, and far less suitable
to the context than ' tubulatus,' which tells us how the heat was
received and dispersed. Comp. a passage in the following letter
from which we may infer that these pipes for the transmission of
heat were connected with the bath-rooms — (cohaeret hypocauston,
et si dies nubilus, immisso vapore solis vicem supplet.)

conceptum vaporem. We may take this to mean the heat re-
ceived by the covered passage, or the heat already engendered in
the ' hypocauston.'

plerisque, kc. — this cannot conveniently be referred to ' usibus ' ;
it is better to understand some such word as ' membris ' or ' cubi-
culis,' which may be naturally connected with ' reliqua pars
lateris.'

10. jmlitisshnum. * Politus ' usually implies * literary culture ' ;
hence the phrases ^polita oratio,' ^poh'ta epistola,' &c. Applied as
here, to a room, it means ' tastefully and elegantly furnished.'
Comp. Phaedr. iv. 5, 6, ' domus polita.' Anything like vulgar
show is deliberately excluded by the word.

vel cuhicidum . . . coenatio. That is, a room large for a sleeping
apartment, small for a dining-room. ' Coenatio ' is confined to
post-Augustan writers.

0 NOTES.

phirimo mart hwet — the room is bright with the reflection of
the sun from a wide extent of sea.

aUitvdin^ aestintm. ' Altitudo ' has been wrongly explained to
mean ' depth under ground.' The coolness of the room and the
suitability for summer was due to its height and consequent free
circulation of air. This seems the obvious explanation. We
have no hint of the existence of underground apartments.

vnmimentis — sc. the protection of trees, buildings, &c.

11. cella friyuhniu. in addition to this the Roman bath was fur-
nished witii a ' cella tepidaria ' and 'cella caldaria.' Cold water
bathing had become fashionable among the Romans ever since the
court physician Antonius Musa had successfully prescribed it to
the emperor Augustus.

vchit electa sinuantur — ' electa ' means that the basins (baptis-
teria) project from the walls; being a rather bold word, ' velut '
is prefixed to it. ' Sinuantur ' describes the circular, or at least
the c-urved, form of the basins.

abuiide . . . cogites — ' more than sufficiently large if you bear in
mind the close proximity of the sea.' That is, when you can, if
you please, bathe in the sea itself, it seems almost superfluous to
Iiave swimming-baths of a very great size within the house.

elegantes — 'in good taste.' 'Elegans' of a room means much
the same as ' politus.'

12. sphaeristeriiim. Playing at ball was the re<rular Roman
preparation for the bath. 'See Martial, E}). xiv. 108; also Suet-
onius (Vesp. 20), whence it appears that Vespasian ttsed to
etrengthen himself by means of this exercise. The 'sphaeris-
terium ' seems to have been a circular hall, and was always to
be found in a Roman country liouse of an}- pretensions.

turris. Hardly a ' tower ' in our sense, but simply a part of the
villa which contained one or more stories. Occasionally, aa in
Horace, C I. iv. 14 (regumque turres), it denotes a grand and lofty
pile of building.

diaetae — ' day-rooms,' from * dies.' A post-Augustan word.
Diaeta would seem sometimes to have denoted a suite of rooms as
well as a single spacious apartment. It was quite distinct from the
dining-room (coenatio).

l-'5. apotheca — answering to our ' wine-cellar ' ; only the Romans
kept their wine at the top of the house. Here at least it would
appear to be the same as what is elsewhere called ' cella vinaria.'

15. interiore circuitu — that i.o, the vine plantation is enclosed by
the ' gestatio.'

rinca tcnera et timhosa. It is diflicult to reconcile these two
epithets. If it was a young and newly- fonned vineyard (aa
' tenera ' would seem to imjly) the vines could not have been
' umbrosae.' Gierig refers ' tenera ' to the character of the ground,
and explains it by the coTitext. In this case ' umbrosa ' is very
awkwardly interpos"d, and the epithet itself seems superfluous.
Perhaps Pliny uses the word rather vaguely, meaning merely to
hint at the delicate nature of the plant, and to introduce a sort of

NOTES. 237

ornamental epithet. The 'tenera vitis ' had passed into a stock
phrase, and as such, very possibly liuds a place here.

hac . . .facie — 'this prospect of the garden, whicli is no less
pleasant than that of the sea.'

cinyitur . . . tergo—'' the back of the " coenatio " is closed in
by two day-rooms or parlours.' For ' cingitur ' (which does not
seem quite a suitable word), Cortius and other editors prefer
' vincitur,' which wovild mean that the rooms in question are, so
to speak, ' bound or linked together.'

hortus . . . rusticus — sc. ' a kitchen or vegetable garden,' as op-
posed to an ornamental or pleasure garden. ' Hortus pinguid '
would naturally mean ' a productive garden ' ; so Virg. Gevry. iv.
118. Pliny adds ' rusticus ' to make his meaning perfectly clear.

16. cryptoporticns. This was like our arcade, and would be
particularly agreeable in such a climate as that of Italj', on ac-
count of its comparative darkness and coolness. The word (which
is partly Latin and partly Greek) is found only in Pliny, though
no doubt it was a recognised term.

prope 2»'blici operis. A descriptive genitive. Comp. Suetonius,
Jtd. 47, ' Fabulas ojjei'is antiqtti.'

utriinque . . . pauciores. Were it not for the ' alternis
pauciores,' the meaning would be that for every two windows
towards the sea there was one in the opposite wall looking on the
garden. But the * alternis pauciores ' seems to imply that there
was but one such window for every other two windows looking
seaward.

serenus . . . dies — comp. Tacit. Hist. i. 86, where we have
exactly the same conj unction of words. ' Immotus ' in prose is
post-Augustan.

17. xystus. The Greek xystus (so called from its smooth and
polished floor) was an adjunct of the gymnasium ; it was in fact a
portico or colonnade for the convenience of the athletes in winter
or bad weather. Ifoman writers transferred the term from the
portico to an open space immediately adjoining the portico. Our
' terrace ' seems very nearly to represent the Roman ' xystus,' but
it does not appear that the xystus was necessarily a raised walk.
It may bave been simply like a lawn coming close up, as is often
the case, to the windows of a house. Being to some extent
sheltered by the portico, it was a pleasant place for a stroll, and
this was its special purpose. It was usually adorned with flower
beds and statues.

18. na^n ante . . . cadit. The meaning is, ' during the forenoon
the " cryptoporticns " throws a cooling shade upon the " xystus,"
during the afternoon, upon the part of the promenade and of the
garden close to the " xystus," the shade being greater or less as
the day approaches noon or inclines towards evening.'

19. ad hoc — ' in addition to this ' (advantage).
aiire . . . wanente — ' close and stagnant air.'

inyravescit — ' becomes oppressive ' ; * gravis ' in this sense ia
joined with ' odor,' ' aestas,' ' umbra/ ' coelum,' &c.

238 NOTES.

20. i« capitc xt/sti — ' at the upper end of the xystus.'
deinceps crijptopoHicus. Either parallel to one side of the

xystus, or beinj^ an extension of it. It is impossible to determine
the matter with certainty, as ' deinceps' is a vague word, and, like
the Greek *£;/..-, merely siguilies that llie ' xystus ' and the ' crypto-
porticus ' closely adjoin each other. Of course this cryptoporticus
IS distinct from the one previously mentioned.

Iiarti diaela — this is in apposition witli ' cryptoporticus,' which
here is iu fact a sort of garden-room, or rather, several such rooms.

heliocnminus. This word mrans a room as much as possible
exposed to the sun.

cubicuhim, &c. — this room opened on to the * ci-j-ptoporticus,' by
' valvae,' and was tlius almost part of it. All these rooms were
included in the ' horti diaeta.'

21. zotheca — properly ' a cage for live animals.' The word is
very rare. It is used by Sidouius Apollinaris, and is found in an
inscription at Tibur. It seems to have meant a little room or
cabinet especially devoted to statuettes, pictures, and other works
of art. Although separated by curtains (as here explained), it was
merely part of a larger room. The word ' recedit,' and the ex-
pression in the following letter (zothecida refugit) indicate that it
was of the nature of a recess.

tot fades . . . miscet — that is, ' so many different views can
either be seen separately, or blended into one prospect.'

22. cuhiculum . . . somni — rather a poetic form of expression
for the simple ' cubiculum nocturnum.' ' Cubiculum' w/wje (as
we see tliroughout these two letters) would not have this meaning.

ta7n alti . . . eousuiiiit — ' the cause of this profound tran-
quillity is that a passage between the two separates the chamber
from the garden, and thus drowns all sound by the intervening
vacancy.' * Aiidron,' in writers of this period, has a meaning
quite distinct from its Greek signification. It denotes either a
passage or corridor connecting two rooms in a house, or, as here,
a passage between two walls.

23. ajyjdicitum . . . retinet — 'close to this chamber is a tiny
stove room, which, by means of a little aperture, lets out or retains
the heat from underneath.'

24. festisque clamoidnis. For this use of ' festus,' which is
poetical, and post-Augustan, comp. Tacit. Ann. iii 0, ' domiis
festa ornatu ' ; xii. (59, \fest<ie voces'; xiv. 13, ' festus cultus'; G'er.
40, 'festa loca,' &c. Earlier prose writers used the word in a
more restricted sense.

25. haectdilitns . . . saUenti — 'these advantages and charms are
partially spoilt by the want of a running stream,' &c. ' Aqua
saliens ' is the running water of a brook which leaps over rocks
and stones, &c. ; hence it answers to our ' fresh water.' Comp.
Virg. Eel. V. 47.

pidcos , . . f antes. Tuteus ' differs from 'fons ' in being at a
greater depth. Comp. Columella (de Jlortis, x. 26).

NOTES. 239

' Ant fons illacrimet j)utei non sede profunda,
Ne gravis hausturis tendentibus ilia rumpat.'

in summo — ' on the surface.'

26. corruptus — now generally read for * salsus,' the common
reading. It has good MSS. authority ; and it seems more likely
that ' salsus ' was a gloss in explanation of ' corruptus ' than the
contrary. Pliny was just the writer to choose the less obvious
word.

qtiem . . . discernit — * between which and my house there is
but one villa.'

balnea meritofia — ' baths, for the use of which people paid.'
* Meritorius,' in various applications, was commonly used by the
writers of this period.

27. contimia — ' continuus ' denotes that the parts of which a
thing is made up hang together closely ; ' perpetuus ' altogether
excludes the notion of division into parts. Pliny here means villas
wliich adjoin each other without being actually connected.

mullit . . . huhirat. The jvate?' hardens the sand over which it
flows. This, in a tideless sea, happens during rough weather
only. Editors ignorant of this phenomenon have explained the
passage by giving an unusual meaning to 'moUit' and 'indurat: '
' A continuance of fine weather makes it (the shore) pleaisant for
walking, but the frequent dashing of the waves upon it more often
renders it disagreeable.' If this is the right interpretation, Pliny
has expressed his meaning obscurely, and in very affected lan-
guage. ' Mollire,' after the analogy of the phrase ' mollire
clivum ' (to make the ascent of a hill easy) may admit of such an
explanation, but ' indurare ' seems to be used in a very harsh and
strange manner. ' Oontrarius ' has probably the twofold meaning
of ' dashing against the shore,' and ' of being hostile to persons
walking on it.'

29. incolere, inhahitare — a strong way of marking his attach-
ment to the place, and the care he bestowed on it. Similarly,
Silius Italicus, xiv. 672 (of the gods), templa incolere atque
habitare.

nimis tirbonus — a sort of play on the word ' urban us,' which
almost always had a good sense.

dotihus — ' charms.' ' Dotes ' often stands for good qualities of
both body and mind. It is unusual to apply it to a thing distinct
from either of these, but it is quite in Pliny's manner to do so.

E. II. (v. 6.)

2. Ora . . . extenditur. This is not a mere repetition, as ' ora '
and * litus ' are by no means synonyms. The first is what we
terra the coast-land generally ; the second, the sea-coast or shore

?roperly so called. ' Ora ' embraces much more than ' litus.'
'liny's meaning consequently is — ' that part of the coast-land

240 NOTES.

■which consists of the mere strip of sea-coast, is unhealtliy ; my
estate, thou<rh situated on the coast-land, is too far up tlie country
to be allected by its iinhealthiness.

hi — sc. Tusci niei.

4. f/elidum — ' gelidiis ' is a stronger word than ' frigidus,' and
implies a degree of cold suiTicient to produce frost and ice.

iiifidissinKun — ' nitidus ' and ' nitere ' are applied to plants
when in their richest bloom. Ovid {Met. i. 552) says of a laurel,
' remanet nitor unus in ilia.'

auras . . . ventos — * aura ' specially denotes a gentle sea-breeze.

8. caeduae . . . descriiilind — ' caeduae silvae ' are opposed to the
preceding ' procera nemora et antiqua.' The meaning is, tliat as tlie
mountain sinks and descends into the plain, the more timber fit
for cutting is found.

terreiii colles — these are opposed to the rocky or stony hills in
the neighbourhood.

10. nono sidco. Pliny's uncle speaks of rich soils in Italy re-
quiring to be ploughed up five times before they could receive the
seed. It is therefore quite possible that the statement here made
may not have been an exas-'geration.

11. J/orida et c/emmen — this is a sort of hendiadys. 'Glitter-
ing with flowers ' is Plinv's meaning.

12. siimmittitur—' m\\ii below its banks.' The middle voice.

13. formam . . . pidam — 'a landscape painted with a view to
an exceedingly beautiful effect.' Pictures of this kind, as may bo
gathered from passages in I'liny's Natural Ilidory, had long been
familiar to the IJomans.

descriptione — * arrangement of objects,' which, it is implied, was
singularly pleading.

14. x'iUa . . . nummo. Pliny's meaning is not quite clear, and
it has been suggested that ' imo ' and ' summo ' should change
places. Gierig ventured on this alteration, contrary, however, to
the MSS., and he is followed by Doring. Their notion is that
' prospicit ex imo ' is a sort of intentionally paradoxical expres-
sion (such expressions being characteristic of Pliny), implying that
the ascent is so gradual as to be almost imperceptible, and that,
consequently, though the villa itself was on the top of the hill, the
view which it commanded seemed to be from the foot. As good
a meaning may, we think, be got out of the words as they stand.
The villa is at the foot of the hill, the slope of which is so gradual
as to make little perceptible difference in the prospect at various
stages of the ascent. Ilence the villa may be said to have almo^t
as good a view as if it stood on the summit. This explanation,
however, is not quite satisfactory. The following sentence, ' ita
. . . leniter ascendisse,' seems to imply that one must ascend the
hill in order to reach the house. Very possibly by ' villa,' I'liny
may mean both the house and its grounds, the house itself being
at the foot of the hill, and the grounds stretching up the slope to
its top. Thus the villa may be described aa possessing the advan-
tage denoted by the words ' prospicit quasi ex summo.'

NOTES. 241

15. infractas. 'In-' has here simply a stremitliening force.
'Infractus/ in the sense of 'unbroken,' is not found in classical
writers.

•pro modo longam — long in proportion to its breadth.

membra — rooms.

atrium ex more veterum. This seems to imply that in Pliny's
time the atrium, usually a necessary part in every great Roman
house, was not generally found in a ' villa.'

10. Pulvinus — this word (properly meaning ' a cushion,' as dis-
tinguished from ' pulvinar,' a couch) had acquired in Pliny's age a
technical meaning in reference to gardens, and denoted a sort of
terrace, or raised border, thus difl'ering not very materially from
* xystus.' • The ' pulvinus ' here spoken of was closely connected
with the ' xystus,' and sloped down from it.

liquidus — this is a translation of Theocritus' iypdg uKavOuQ
(i. 55), which Virgil (^cl. iii. 45) renders by * mollis.' The
notion of the word is * waving in the breeze.' For the acanthus
(the acacia), see Pliny, N. H. xxii. 34.

17. varie tonds — cut in various shapes.

viridihus — shrubs ; this meaning of ' viridia ' is found only in
vniters of the silver age.

retentas manu — ' kept back by the hand pruning.'

gradaf.a — ' cut into steps.' Pliny seems to have borrowed this
word from his uncle, who uses it in his Natural History (xiii. 4, 7),
in reference to the palm-tree.

subtrahit — ' withdraws from view.'

18. superiora ilia — sc. the xystus, pulvinus, &c.

19. quod prosilit villae — * the projecting wing of the house.'

20. subiecta — sc. loca,

22. podio tentis — ' as far as the ceiling.' ' Podium,' it would
appear, means the projecting part of the wall of the room (cor-
responding with our cornice), from which the ceiling (lacunar)
was built. The word was generally confined to the upper part of
the wall which surrounds the arena of the amphitheatre, and was
consequently used to denote the first tier of seats.

24. fenestris servit — this implies that the special purpose of the
pond was to present a pleasant view from the windows.

albescit. So Ovid uses ' recandescere,' Met. iv. 530 : ' percussa
recanduit unda.'

25. plm-imo sole — the room has several windows to take the sun.
This is the force of ' plurimus.'

apodyterium — 'the stripping-room,' for which the Latin language
supplies no equivalent but ' spoliarium,' which was restricted to a
different meaning. For those who began with the warm bath, the
' tepidarium ' answered this purpose.

puteus . . . adstringi. A cold bath was often taken by the Romans
jifter a warm one, with the view of counteracting any mischief
which might arise from the pores of the skin being too much
opened. This is the force of the word ' adstringi,' which implies
a bracing and strengthening of the system.

K

245 NOTES.

2G. cnlddiiac )natjis—&c. 'sol niagis praesto est.' 'Cald.iria' oi
' caldariuin ' wns a room in which a vapour-bath was taken, and
was hence also called ' sudatorium,' t&c.

ilcscomones — ' places sunk in the floor of the room to various
depths, for swimming or plunging baths.'

27. circidos — ' sets of players.'

28. jungitur ciibtculuni — ' another chamber joins on to that just
mentioned.'

30. amhitu — 'aditu' might seem a more appropriate word, and
has been suggested as an emendation. All the best MSS., how-
ever, have ' ambitu,' by which we must understand the commu-
nication to have been a winding staircase.

32. ditfpositionem. In Cicero this word is confined to an
' arrangement ' in a rhetorical sense. The meaning it has here is
post-Augustan.

medixs — sc. ' in the middle of the grounds.'
iliac — sc. ' platani.'

33. rectus . . .faciem. It was in this form a

circidis — sc. circular paths or walks, into which the hippodrome
was divided. The outermost of these, as it seems, was shaded by
trees ; the inner oue« were left comparatively open to the sun.

34. nmhrarxm . . . distinfjuit — that is to say, the hippodrome in
its different paths combines the variations of cool shade, and of a
not unpleasantly warm sun.

multiplici — ' containing many winding paths.'

recto limiti rtddititr — * it returns to its straight course.'

3.5. in formus mille dcscriptn. Martial in allusion to this practice

•ipeaks of the * tonsils buxetum,' iii. 58, 3.

metulae — sc. box-trees cut into pyramidal forms, in imitation of

the conical colunms in the circus at Home.
jwrna — ' fruit-trees.' Those contributed to give the hippodrome

the rural appearance spoken of in the next sentence.

36. lubrinis et Jlexuosus. See note on liquidus (10). These
epithets suggest a comparison between the acanthus and a serpent.

stihadium — a semi-circular sofa, adapted to what the Romans
termed a ' mensa lunata,' which had become fashionable at this
time. Martial thus describes a stibadium (xiv. 87) :
* Accipe lunata scriptum testudine sigma ;
Octo capit ; veniat quisquis amicus erit.'
in capite — ' at the head of the hippodrome.'
columellae CaryMiae — columns of Carystian marble.' The green
marble of Carystus in Euboea was very highly prized by the
Romans.

37. gustatorium, coena — both these words here stand for parts
of the dinner service.

mnrfjini — either the margin of the ' stibadium,' or of the marble
basin already mentioned.

iunctis hiatibus — ' by consecutive apertures.'

f reyione . . . cithicuhim — *a chamber exactly facing the stiba-
dium.'

NOTES. 243

40. stihchuitur — se subducit. Comp. ' se subducere colles,'
Virg. E ix. 7. ' The fountain rises and disappears.'

argutior — ''too chatty.' So Cicero ad Attic, vi. 5: 'Obvias
mihi literas quam arqufissimas de omnibus rebus crebro mittas.'

48. j^ercohii — ' brought to perfection.'

vel iudicium meuni vel errorem — ' either my deliberate opinion
or my prejudice.'

si materiae immoratur — ' if he lingers on his subject.'

si aliquid . . . attraJiit — ' if he introduces and drags in anything
irrelevant.' * Arcessitus ' sometimes answers to our expression
' far-fetched.'

43. quia . . . instituit — sc. because he does what he purposes t<*
do, and does not go beyond it.

Aratus. He was the author of two astronomical poems, and
lived in the third century B.C. He is the writer from whom St.
Paul quotes the words, 'we are also his offspring' (Acts xvii. 28).

excuisiis — ' a digression.' This meaning of the word is confined
to post-Augustan writers. ' Excessus ' is also used by them in
the same sense. See below, ' in quod excessi.'

44. rit parva magnis — understand ' componamus.' The reference
is to Virgil, Eel. i. 23 : sic magnis componere parva solebam.

hiductum — sc. introduced merely for the sake of efi'ect. ' In-
ducere ' often means ' to introduce a topic for discussion.'

45. pinguius — 'more comfortable, snug.' Comp. E. XX. 3,
pinguis secessiis ; 2}inguis vita (vii. 26), and Ovid, Hetn. Amor. 206,
pinguis quies.

7mlla necessitas togae — the Romans always associated the ' toga '
with state occasions and matters of business. As the * vestiR
forensis ' it suggested to them a number of tiresome duties.
Martial (iii. 46) in allusion to these uses the phrase ' opera
togata.' At home or in the country the * toga ' was exchanged for
the 'tunica'; hence Martial (x. 51) speaks of 'tunicata quies'
(rural retirement), and (x. 41) mentions ' toga rara ' as one of the
chief elements in a happy life.

quod ipsuni . . . accedit — ' which veiy circumstance (the tran-
quillity of the place) is just as much an addition to the healthfulness
cf the district as is the unusually pure sky and clear air.'

46. venia sit dicto — this is said in allusion to the idea of the
Nemesis supposed to threaten excessive prosperity. Comp. Herod.
i. 32, where in the conversation between Solon and Croesus this
belief is brought out. There was an old word ' praefiscine ' used
by Plautus with just the same meaning as Pliny's 'venia sit
dicto.' It was connected with the superstitious dread of the evil
eye, to which the words ' fascino,' jBaoKaivio point.

(E. III. ix. 7.)

1. patrocinittm — sc. 'the encouragement of a patronus,' of one
who could set Pliny an example. Rich Romans of this time had

b2

•J 44 NOTES.

an almost insane passion for building, and created a sort of pre-
judice against it by the ridiculous lengths to which they sometimes
carried it. Hence Pliny felt that he was glad to shelter himself
under his friend's example.

Aedijico ratione — ' It is with good reason that I am building,' &c.

M< maxime . . . exercent — ' wliile they very much charm me they
also find me occupation,' ' call out my ingenuity,' &c.

2. more Baiaiio. The villas at Baiae looked on the bay. See
Horace, Ejnst. I. i. 83 : ' NuUus in orbe sinus Baiis praelucet
amoenis.' Baiae, as a peculiarly choice and favourite place, be-
came as to the style and situation of its houses a model and
example.

3. quasi cofhunu's — the rocks on which the house stood are com-
pared to the * cothurnus,' or high-heeled buskin of tragedy.

sua tdrique amoenitas — ' each has its own special charm.'

4. latius utitur — sc. enjoys a wider prospect (of the lake).

haec . . . amplectitur — the meaning is that the villa is so built
as to follow the bend in the shore of the lake.

duos — sc. ' sinus,' which the ridge (dorsum) separates.

illic . . . injlectitur — that is to say, to the villa furthest from the
lake is attached a straight (recto limite) promenade, at some
height above the shore, while the other villa had a promenade
with a slight bend at one point, which bend had been made into a
spacious ' xystus.'

hae mihi . . . supersunt — ' such are my reasons for adding to
each villa what is wanting to it, in consequence of its many ex-
isting advantages.' In other words, ' each villa is so good and
attractive that I will make it as perfect as possible.'

5. quid ego . . .facere — 'why should I speak to you about my
reasons for doing this, when I know that with such a person as
yourself doing what I do will be reason enough.' Pliny means
that any sensible man would at once recognise the utility of what
he was doing without further explanation.

E. IV. (viii. 20.)

1. nt proximorum . . . sectemur. For a similar sentiment
comp. Pindar (^Pyth. iii. 19, 20), dWa rot yparo twv dTriovTwVy and
Ausonius,

' spemimus in commune onines praesentia.'

2. Achaia — sc. Peloponnesus, Attica, Euboea, and other islands.
This was the regularly accepted meaning of the term * Achaia '
under the Empire. Comp. its use in A. XVIII.

miraculorum . . . co^nmendatrix — sc. a land which not only
abounds in wonders, but also procures general belief for them.
' (/ommendare miracula ' would mean ' to make wonders gene-
rally believed,' * to vouch for their authenticity.'

3. Amerina. — Ameria was a town in Umbria, about 56 milea
from Rome^ near the junction of the Tiber and the Nar. It waa

NOTES. 245

A ' municipium,' and would appear from Cicero's speech for
Sextus Roscius to have been a moderately flourishing country
town.

stibiacens Incus. The town of Ameria stood on a hill ; hence the
force of ' subjacens.'

4. in similitudinem . . . aequnlis — that is, ' perfectly circular.'
Were it not for the words ' undique aequalis,' the lake might be
supposed to be of an oval form. By ' subiacens rota ' is meant ' a
wheel lying on the ground.' Pliny purposely avoids technical
language, by which he might have expressed his meaning more
concisely.

nullus sinus, obliquitas nulla. ' Sinus ' and ' obliquitas ' denote
' an irregular bend, or winding,' which would have destroyed the
circular form of the lake. ' Obliquitas ' is a post- Augustan word.
dimensa — ' regular in form,' the curve being of exactly the same
kind in all parts of the circumference. Comp. Virg. Georg. ii. 284,
* Omnia sint paribus numeris dimensa viarum.'

quasi artijiciis . . . excisa — this seems to mean that the lake,
besides being exactly circular in its outlines, is also hollowed out
in such a manner as to form a perfect hemisphere, thus presenting
a thoroughly artificial appearance.

pressior. Words which denote colour are generally difficult of
interpretation. * Pressior ' here has been variously explained. It
has been understood by some as meaning 'Tainter,' * less distinct '
than the colour denoted by ' coerulus,' by others, as denoting
exactly the reverse. As 'pressus' may mean 'close,' 'concen-
trated,' as well as * dark,' ' obscure,' &c., both these explanations
are justified, and we have little or nothing to guide us in choosing
between them. We have, indeed, one passage in which the word
is used of colour in the latter of these senses, being coupled with
' nubilus ' and opposed to ' acutus.' It occurs however in Solinus,
a very inferior writer, whose date is quite uncertain. Forcellini
explains it to be ' niger, albicanti mixtus ' (a sort of iron-grey)
and meaning much the same as ' spadix,' which Virgil uses of a
horse.

sapor medicahis — ' its flavour has medicinal properties.'
quafracta solidantur — 'by which fractures are healed.'

5. quaeque alia . . . effert — ' and with whatever other (plants)
the surrounding marshy ground, and the edge itself of the lake,
produce in greater abundance.'

sua . . . modus — ' each island has its peculiar shape and size.'

derasus — ' worn away,' so as to present a broken and uneven
outline.

altittido — sc. ' depth in the water.'

par levitas — that is, all these islands move with equal facility.

hwnili radice — ' humilis,' as opposed to ' altus,' implies that
the roots or foundations of thei slands reach only to a slight depth
under water. Hence their resemblance to a ship's keel.
' Humilis ' means * low ' in the sense of being on the surface.

6. haec — sc. radix.

246 NOTES.

perxpicitur — ' is clearbj seen.'

eadrnique . . . merstt — ' both that portion of the " radix " which
is above and that which is under water.' Tlie meaning seems
to be that on whatever side jou view this ' radix,' its keel-like
form is distinctly perceivable.

destitutae. Either ' forsaken by the wind ' (from the preceding
' ventis '), or else ' quitting their place.' The first rendering
seems to be confirmed by a passage in A. II. C, ' nubes recenti
spiritu evecta, dein senescente eo (spiritu) destituta/ &c.

tranqtdllitate — ' when there is a calm.*

7. cursmn cert(nnenque. A hendiadys, meaning, in fact, 'a race,'
to which the motion of the islands, relatively to each other, is
compared.

desumunt — a word implying choice and voluntary action, and
consequently suitable to the context.

qua steterimt, jirotnovent /e;vo>?i— that is, the place which they
quit, they restore to the lake ; the place which they occupy in
turn, they take from it.

8. non contrahunt. Of course in one sense the presence of the
islands contracts or diminishes the size of the lake. The meaning,
however, is that when they occupy tlie middle of it, its circular
form is not broken, and there is no apparent contraction of ita
dimensions.

quasi illata et imposita — ' as if they had been forcibly placed on
shipboard.'

descendisse . . . ascendisse. Both words are used in their
technical sense of ' disembarking ' and ' embarking.' The fioating
islands are aptlv compared to ships.

siibduceretur—comy>. E. II. 40, ' fons simul nascitur subdu-
citurque ' (withdraws itself from view],

E. V. (viii. 8.)

2. exjrrimitnr—' \)nrs.t» forth.' The weight of the hill, as it
were, squeezes the stream out of it, somewhat after the manner of
a hydraulic engine.

ehictaticji . . . (pn-gitem — ' the pool which it forms after having
broken loose.' '"Ehictatus ' answers to ' expriniitur,' ' gurges ' is
♦equivalent to 'lacus,' with the notion of the water being rough
and agitated with tiie rapidity of the stream. Both words are
picturesque and somewhat poetic, and were, no doubt, carefully
selected. Construe the passage as if it stood, ' gurges, quern
eluctatus facit, lato greiuio,' &c.

3. iactas stipes—' little c^ins thrown in.' It was usual to make
such offerings to rivers. Seneca (Quacst. Nat. iv. 1>) alludes to the
custom in connexion with the Nile : ' in haec ora stipem sacerdotea
iaciunt.'

relucentes calculos — comp. Ausonius (of a similar stream),

* lucerque latetque
Calculus, et viridem distinguit glarea museum.'

NOTES. 247

fms . . .fiumen — sc. ' It is but a spring (i.e. still close to its
Bource), and already it is a considerable river,' &c.

obvias — ' meeting the current.' The stream carries such vessels
along witb it (transmittit et perfert), though, as afterwards ex-
plained, it can be overcome by extreme exertion.

ilia — seldom used adverbially, never by the Augustan writers.
The usage occurs in Plautus, and is afterwards met with in post-
Augustan writers.

4. per iocum ludumque fluitantibus — 'those who sail about by
way of amusement and sport.'

qiias perspicuus . , . adnunierat — that is, the reflexion (imago) is
as distinct as the actual object ; the very number of the trees can
be clearly distinguished ; this of course was a mark of the singular
transparency of the water.

Hee color cedit. ' Nor is the colour inferior to that of snow.'
Such water would be described as ' limpidus ' or ' liquidus.' Martial
{^Epig. vii. 31, 11) has the phrase ' niveae undae.'

stat Clitumnus ipse. The chief deity of Umbria was known as
Jupiter Clitumnus. Hence the erect position of the statue ; this
was characteristic of Jupiter and the other celestial deities ; whereas
river gods were usually represented in a reclining attitude, resting
the head on the elbow.

5. praesens numen. The notion of 'propitious' is contained only
indirectly in 'praesens,' which is in fact 'cuius vis et potestas in
promptu.' ' Powerful and ever ready ' represents the idea of the
word.

capite disereti — sc. ' taking their rise from different sources.'

6. navigare . . . nature. Roman religious feeling was very sen-
sitive on all such points. Tacitus {Ann. xiv. 22) tells us that
Nero was believed to have been visited by the gods with a severe
illness as a punishment for having bathed in the sacred waters of
the 'fons Marcius.'

Hispellates. The town of Hispellum (now Spell o) in Umbria
was more than twelve miles distant from the temple mentioned
above. It is described in inscriptions as Colonia Julia Hispelli,
and Colonia Urbana Flavia, titles which connect it as a ' colonia '
with both Augustus and Vespasian. It would seem iu Pliny's
time to have been a considerable town, as it is mentioned by
several writers, and as its existing ruins are by no means con-
temptible.

7. legas . . . inscripta—^ joii will be able to read a number of
inscriptions written by a number of persons on all the pillars and
walls/ &c. Comp. Claudian, Idi/ll. vi. 5 :

' Et sit nulla manus cuius non pollice ductae
Testentur memores prospera vota notae.'

See also Aristophanes, Achar. 144, and Kiister's note on the
passage.

248 XOTES.

E. VI. (iii. 6.)

1. festivum et e.rprcs.vnn — ' pleasin<r and life-like.' ' Expressus.'
of a statue, ' exhibiting a sharp, distinct outline,' as opposed to
' adumbratus ' ; of prontiiiciation, ' clear,' * articulate.'

in hac . . . sapio. Cicero speaks of liis acquaintance with art in
the same depreciatory terms, Verr. iv. 2, 3 ; ii. 36. Such languajre
•was considered to be in good taste, as it contrasted with the silly
affectation of artistic knowledge which was fashionable in cer-
tain sets.

2. est cnini nudum. Pliny means that it would require a
special knowledge of the rules of art to judge of the merits of
a draped, as opposed to a nude, statue. Anyone, he implies, could
tell whether limbs, sinews, &c., were accurately represented.

laudes — ' its merits.'

tit spirantis — comp. Virgil's expression ^ spirant ia signa,' Georg.
iii. 34, and ' spirant in mollius aera,' Ae7i. vi. 847. The Greeks
used the similar phrase, t6 f^ixpvxor, of a good statue.

cedcntes — nearly the same as ' rari.' The hair was thin and
beginning to fail. Perhaps ' receding from the forehead.'

pendent lacerti. The arms, instead of exhibiting well-knit
muscles, hung down loosely and feebly. Comp. Ovid, Met. xv. 231 :
' fluidos pendere lacn-tos.'

papillae iacent. ' laceve ' conveys the contrary notion to that of
fullness and vigour, and so here implies a shrunk and shrivelled
state of the frame. It thus means nearly the same as the follow-
ing * recessit.'

6. honores — *the offices he has held.'

7. excurrere isto — ' to make an excursion to a given neighbouir-
hood.' ' Isto ' as an adverb often occurs in Cicero's letters.

E. VII. (iv. 28.)

2. iniungo — a word specially used of imposing something painful
or disagreeable, but also, as here, denoting the act by which a
serious responsibility is intrusted to anyone.

3. quarn diligent issi^num — ' as painstaking as possible.'

ex vero — from the reality : ' from the life.' Gierig, it wo\ild
seem, rightly explains this by ' ex animali exemplo.'

E. VIII. (i. 12.)

1. si iactura dicenda est. Pliny thus corrects him!=elf for using
a word which properly denotes the loss of earthly and recoverable
possessions. ' Iactura ' is said to mean in its original signification
the act of throwing overboard part of a ship's cargo in a storm.
and it appears to have been quite exceptional to apply the word
to a very grievous loss or calamitv.

2. quae non . . . fatalis. It is by no means clear that we can
here distinguish between 'mors ex natura ' and 'mors fatalis.'
The latter has indeed been explained to mean the death which

NOTES. 249

results from the accident of shipwreck, fire, murder, &c., and
which may be just as unavoidable as death by disease. Whether
it can bear this meaning seems questionable ; it is at any rate
certain that the phrase 'fato concedere ' very often simply signifies
what we call ' a natural death.' ' Mors fatalis ' would thus appear
to be substantially the same as 'mors ex natura,' and to differ from
it only in introducing the idea of a fixed and appointed destiny.

3. plurimas vivendi causas. Comp. Juvenal viii. 84 :

' Summum crede nefas animam praeferre pudori,
Et propter vitam vivendi perdere causas.''
pignora — applied specially to children, as pledges or tokens of
affection. It is however used in a wider sense, and comprehends
relations and intimate friends. Comp. Tacit. Ger. 7 (of the Ger-
mans on the field of buttle) in proximo jnynorn.

4. pretia vivendi — sc. the various things which make life worth
having, as ' conscientia,' 'fama,' &c.

8. latroni — sc. Domitian, one of whose special vices was rapa-
city.

ut iam secvrus . . . ah-upif — * feeling that he could now die
in security and freedom, he broke through those numerous but
now less forcible attachments to life.'

9. persevernntem constantia fugit — ' he escaped by a courageous
resolution the persistent attacks (of the disease).'

10. Hispidla — Pliny's aunt.

lulius Atticus. His stirname pointed to his Greek attainments,
for which he is praised by Martial, vii. 32, 'Attice, facundae
renovas qui nomina gentis.' He was the author of a work on the
cultivation of the vine, as we learn from Columella. He is pro-
bably referred to by Juvenal, xi. 1, ' Atticus eximie coenat,' &c.

E. IX. (v. 16.)

3. nutinces . . . paedagogos. Both would belong to the upper
class of slaves. The ' paedagogus ' had however nothing to do
with what we undei-stand by the education of the child ; he simply
had to take care of its bodily safety and welfare. The distinction
implied in the words ^paedagogus instituit, magister docet ' is not
sufficiently definite.

6. acerbum fimus. Comp. Juvenal, xi. 44 (for this use of
' acerbus '), 'non praematuri cineres nee funus acerhtmi.''

8. altiorihus studiis — sc. such studies as history and philosophy,
which imply deep research. The notion of ' altus,' as in the
phrase ' altius repetere,' is carrying an inquiry about a thing up
to its verj' first cause and origin.'

9. pietatis est totiis. A Graecism, answering to oXoq tlvm tivoq.

11. clemetiter admotis adquiescit — ' is lulled by their gentle appli-
catioTu'

250 NOTES.

E. X. (viii. 23.)

1. (nira^ — ' business,' with special reference to Pliny's forensic
duties.

avocamejif a— sc. amusements, which he elsewhere speaks of aa
' lusus,' * solatia.'

4. semper ita . . . facttts — 'he always parted fr)m you with
the feeling of having been made better.'

5. excwtissiuui — sc. one so perfect himself that he would have a
very high standard of duty and be very difficult to please.

cepit. Either in the sense of 'percepit ' (' fully understood and
appreciated him') or el.-e eriuivalent to 'suuni fecit,' ' sibi ad-
junxit' (endeared himself to him). Perhaps this latter is pre-
ferable. Comp. f<»r this use of ' capere,' Horace, A. P. 3G2 (ut
pictura . . . te cofnat.)

comes adsectatorquc — * his friend and admirer.' ' Comes '
implies the notion of inferiority, and may be defined as ' is qui
officii causa maiorem comitatur.' It is thus in sharp contrast with
' commilito.'

modestia — sc ' respectful bearing towards a superior.'

fliseursu. — 'bustling about.' Generally ' discursus ' has rather
.an unfavourable meaning ; here it denotes a praiseworthy energy.
It is commonly found in post-Augustan writers, as well as the
\erb ' discursare.'

6. preces. Alluding to his canvassings for office.

quern viendi tantum — sc. which he only won by his merit, but
trever enjoyed.

rtdit ammo. The obvious phrase would have been 'redit in
luemoriam,' for which Pliny substitutes an expression more exactly
answering to the preceding ' obversantur oculis.'

7. necesdfAidtinim casu — 'the misfortune uf his familv.' ' Necessi-
tudines' bere = ' necessarii.' The word has, at least in post-
Augustan writers, a comprehensive meaning.

tixor . . . acccperat — answering to Homer's KovptSli) dXoxoQ.

8. intadum Jionorem — 'an honoui- uuenjoyed.'

E. XI. (i. 22.)

1. attoiiitm — this is a very strong word, and denotes a condition
nf complete mental stupor.

2. pnvafi jnris et puhlici — 'Ins publicum,' a citizen's rights and
duties in relation to the state ; ' ius privatum,' in relation to his
fellow-citizens.

rentm — sc. hinnan affairs. History and its kindred studies are
included in 'res.'

excmplorum . . . tenet, — comp. Cicero, de Orat. i. 5 ; 'tenenda
est oratori omnis antiqmtas cxeniplonnnque vis.'

8. quam prcssa . . . cinidatio — 'Mi'hnoih renders this, 'how
humble, yet liow graceful his diffidence.' ' Pressa ' is not, we
think, equivalent to our ' humble,' nor correctly expliuned by

NOTES. 251

' modesta,' ' demissa,' &c. The expression ' pressus o^radus ' (which
occurs in Livy xxviii. 14, and denotes ' a firm and measured step '
gives the key to its meaning. ' Pressa t-uuctatio ' implies the hesi-
tation which is accompanied by the quiet and subdued manner of
one who, along with his caution and reserve, is perfectly conscious
of his intellectual strength. Hence, so far from there being a
contrast between ' pressa ' and ' decora,' the two epithets are ap-
propriately c )upled together. The ' cunctatio ' of Ariston was
marked by a quiet firmHess and graceful dignity.

E. Xir. (vii. 19.)

1. Virgini — sc. the chief of the Vestals.

2. atrio T^estae. It was in the forum between the Capitoline and
Palatine hills. The ' atrium ' was the dwelling-house attached to
the temple of the goddess.

3. sjyiritus. The word here approaches our ' soul ' or ' spirit,' as
it does in Tacitus, A7in. xvi. .34, ' dissociatio spiritus corporisque.'
It has, however, also the particular notion of ' courage and high
spirit.'

4. his maritum aeciita — Helvidius had been banished by Nero,
and recalled by Gulba ; then again banished, and finally put to
death by Vespasian. Comp. Suet. Ves]}. 15.

5. qtiod (le vita. . . . compostfisset. Comp. Tacitus, Aff7: 2,
where we are told that Herennius Senecio was put to death by
Domitian for having eulogised Helvidius, and that his work was
publicly burnt in the forum.

rogatum se — sc. that he had been asked to write the memoir of
Helvidius.

Metio Coro— comp. E. XIV. 14 and E. XVI. .3.

commentmios — ' notes,' the rough materials out of which the
regular and elaborate history was afterwards to be composed.

6. abolitos — in allusion to the destruction of Senecio's book in
the time of Domitian, Tacit. Agr. 2.

7. qnam sic. . . . legiintur. The meaning is, we admire Fannia
while she is yet alive as much as we admire those whom we have
never seen but only read about.

8. ac mild. . . . videtur. ' For my part I believe the house itself
(the family of Fannia) is now tottering, and will shortly fall, up-
rooted from its foundations.'

quantis. . . . Occident. ' For by what merits or by what actions
will they attain as a result that not the last (of Roman women)
has fallen in Fannia.' So in Tacitus, Ann. iv. 34, the expression
' ultimus Romanorum ' is said to have been applied to Cassius by
Cremutius Cordus,

10. rescisso vulnere. ' Rescindere vulnus' is the regular phrase
for tearing open a wound which has been sewn up.

nan feci. . . paria — sc. what I did for them was not commensu-
rate with their deserts. Properly the phrase is used of money-

252 NOTES.

accounts, and should stand aa follows : Non feci paria expensa
acceptis. The liii;ure is kept up by the refereuce to payment in the
expression ' solvendi tempoia.'

E. XIII. (vi. 25.)

ordinem. Both ordo and ordines are used for the rank of a ceL-
turion. Tacitus {Hist. iv. 59) has the expression ' alti ordines,'
meaning the command of a ' primipili centurio.' Conip. also
Hist. i. 52, 'redditi plerisque ordines.

interceptus. Comp. Tacitus, Ar/r. 4.3, 'veneno interception.'
The word ' intercipere ' does not seem to have deliuitely acquired
this meaning in the Augustan age.

E. XIV. (vii. 27.)

1. esse phantasmata—ao most modern editors for ' esse aliquid,'
the common reading. ' Aliquid ' may very possibly have crept in
from the subsequent ' aliquod.' Casaubou without sufHcient reason
preferred to read 'pbasmata.' All the best MSS. (as Cortius points
out) have ' phantasmata.' There is no dilTerence of meaning be-
tween the two words. The Mostellaria of Plautus was founded on
a play of Menander, entitled ' Phasma ' (the ghost) of which word
* monstrum ' or the diminutive ' moatellum ' is the nearest Latin
equivalent. Pliny uses ' moustruni ' in this sense in the course of
the letter (domus tola illi munstro relicta).

propriam Jiijxiram — sc. a distinctive form of their own.

nmnen aliquod — that is, as we might say, a real supernatural
existence. Numen=a divine objective reality.

an inania, &c. In indirect questions the second half is usually
that to which attention is specially drawn. Pliny intimates that
he expects that his friend Sui-a will incline to the sceptical view
about ghosts and apparitions.

2. Ciirtio Biifo — comp. Tacit. Ann. xi. 21, where there is a brief

has come down to us, or whether ho was a person glanced at by
Suetonius in a book about rhetoricians, or whether the two were
one and the same is a question we have no means of deciding.

ttwiis .... haeserat — 'whil' il a person of slight importance
and little known, he had attached himself as companion to the
then governor of Africa.'

htiniana grandior — a somewhat poetic expression and very suit-
able to a description of something supernatural. Tacitus, {Ann.
xi. 21) describes the apparition thus: 'oblata eispecies ultra modum
humanum.' Suetonius {Claud, i.) says that a similar phantom
presented itself to Drusus in Germany (species barbarae mulieris
humana amplior) and warned him against carrying the Roman
arms beyond the limit of the northern ocean.

NOTES. 253

aim smnmo tmperio. This phrase must be distinguished from
'cum imperio,' which implies merely military command. It de-
notes the possession of supreme military and civil power in a
province.

3. implicitus morbo — comp. an expression in E. XII. 3 (of
Fannia) discrimine tmplicita. Seneca (de Tranq. 9) has explicitus
morbo in the opposite sense.

b. pestilens — generally 'unhealthy,' as opposite to 'salubris.'
Cicero (de Off. iii. 13) applies the word to a house. Here it has
even a stronger meaning, and almost answers to 'deadly.'

idolon. The Latin equivalent ' spectrum ' was not as yet a
word recognised by good writers. Cicero {ad Fam. xv. 16) ridi-
cules the expression.

6. ocidis inerrabat. A Graecism rarely found except in the later
writers. ' luhaerebat ' has been suggested but unnecessarily.

damnata solihtdine — sc. ' condemned and passed by because of
its deserted condition.'

7. titulum. The ' titulus ' merely announced that a particular
house was to be let or to be sold ; it did not necessarily notify the
price.

sterrii sibi. The phrase usually points to arrangements for dinner
or for sleeping, not, as here, for study.

8. obfinnare , . . praetendere. This is no doubt the right read-
ing, though tnere is some little difficulty in the construction.
Cortius compares SaUust, Cat. 58, timor animi auribus officit, which
however does not quite explain the present passage. 'Animum
auribus praetendere ' must mean 'he makes his presence of mind
serve as a guard or a protection to his ears,' — that is, ' he screws
up his courage so as to disregard the noises.' 'Praetendere' often
has the notion of ' screening a thing from danger.' Sometimes we
find it in the military sense of guarding a frontier, as in Tacit.
Hist. ii. 6, quidquid castrorum Armeniis praetenditur ; and in
Claudian, de Bella Getico, 416, extremis legio praetenta Britannis.

12. rite conditis manibus caruit — ' was no longer haunted by the
spirit now duly laid to rest.' For the phrase 'condere manes,'
comp. Virg. Aen. iii. 67, 'animamque sepulcro Condi imis,' and Ovid,
Fasti, v. 451, Romulus et tumulo fraternas cotididit umbras. Ac-
cording to the old Roman religious belief, the spirit of the dead
person who had been duly interred rested in the tomb ; hence the
appropriateness of the expression ' condere manes,' &c. Comp.
Hor. I. C. i. 28 (the prayer of the unburied Archytas).

13. priori Jidem dedit — ' gave credit to the previous occur-
rence.'

14. Caro. Carus Metius, one of the worst ' delatores ' of Domi-
tian's time. He is mentioned in E. XII. and XVI., and by Tacitus,
Ayr. 45.

submittere cajrilhim. Lettijig the hair grow long was a chief
feature of the ' squalor ' which persons in affliction assumed.

25-4 NOTES.

E. XV. (iii. 1.)

2. vita disposita — sc. a well-ordered and arranged life, in whicli
every thin;: is done in the riglit time and the riglit place. In
A. XL 17 we have 'dispositus ' applied to a s^peaker wlio arranges
his topics skilfully. Cicero {de Off. i. 40) defines the virtue here
praised by Pliny as ' scientia earuiu reruni qujie agentur aut di-
centur, loco suo coUocandarum. VJiTntin is the Greek equivalent.

3. industria. . . . amhitio. ' Industria ' to a Roman meant the
activity of a lawyer or politician ; it was concerned exclusively
with public life. Ambitio (in which there was always a shade Jf
unfavourable meaning) here denotes ' a restless pursuit of oiHce,'
which would be peculiarly unbecoming in an old man.

parva. . . . circu/iua/if — ' these trifling matters, trifling, that is
to say, if they are not done every day, he repeats in a certain order
and in a kind of cycle.' The meaning is, that repetition of the
easiest and most trifling things day after day demands a degree of
thought and vigilance which raises them into dignity and im-
portance.

4. honest issii7ii sennones cxpUcantur. * Explicare ' suggests
something intricate and complex ; consequently the ' sermones '
ia question were, it may be presumed, of an intellectual character.

7. praecipere — sc. * to be laying down the law.'

scribit. . . . doctissima. Four odes under the name of Vestricius
Spurinna, which Barth in 1G13 said he found in a MS. at Merse-
burg and had printed, have come down to us, but tliey are probably
not genuine, though possibly they may be early fabrications based
to some extent on existing fragments of Spurinna's poetry. At
any rate, they by no means justify the description which Pliny here
gives of Spurinna's merits as a poet.

8. in sole. . . . nudus. This was supposed to be a particularly
healthy exercise. A Roman usually anointed himself by way of
preparation for it ; hence the singular expression ' unctus sol ' (Cic.
ad Att. xii. 6).

pupiat cum senectute. Comp. Cic. de Senect. 11, pugnandum
tanquam contra morbum sic contra senectutem.

9. arycnto piiro et antiquo. 'Argentum purum ' also termed
leve (smooth) Juv. xiv. 02, and ' grave ' (Seneca, de Tranq. 1) in
allusion to its solidity as contrasted with mere beauty, was plate
without any embossed work or bas-relief figures. Plate so orna-
mented was described as caelatum, asperum, &c. The epithet
' antiquum' is best explained by the passage of Seneca above re-
ferred to; argentum grave, rustici patris, Sec.

qfficitiir. The word denotes any sort of mental agitation.
Spurinna was a contrast to the man pointed at by Horace, Sat. i.
4, 28, hvmccapit argenti splendor, &c.

et aestate — 'even in summer.' 'Et' for * etiam ' is post-
Auguetan.

11. solaque ex senectute prudentia — that is, he has got experience
from old age without any of its accompanying discomforts.

NOTES. 255

receptui canere — ' to sound a retreat/ sc. withdraw from my
public occupation.

obiit offieia Alluding specially to Spuriuna's/orensi'c labours.

12. idqtie, . . . suhsigno — sc. to this I pledge myself with you, &c.
' Subsignare ' and ' subscribei'e ' both signify in later writers ' to
give a solemn assurance.'

in ius voces. Pliny playfully says that his friend must call him
to account, :md bring an action grounded on an appeal to this
very letter in the event of his transgressing the limit which he
here prescribes for himself.

E. XVI. (i. 5.)

2. Hustici Anileni pcriculum — comp. Tacit. Agr. 2, where we
are told that he was put to death by Domitian for having written
a laudatory memoir of Paetus Thrasea. See also Tacit. Ami. xvi.
26 (where he is spoken of as a youth of high spirit), and Hist. in.
80 (referred to in the following note).

3. Vitelliana cicatrice stigmosum. From Tacit. Hist. iii. 80 it
appears that in the war between Vitellius and Vespasian, Arulenus,
who was a Vitellianist, was wounded. He with other envoys
from the senate was endeavouring to arrange terras of peace, but
his sacred character as ambassador did not save him from violence
at the hands of the enemy's soldiery. The ' Vitelliana cicatrix '
alludes to the wound received by him on this occasion, and the
word ' stigmosus ' (applied by him to Regulus) suggests that the
scar, so far from being an honourable one, was a mark of disgrace,
like the brand (stigma) on a runaway slave. ' Stigmosus ' is an
incorrectly formed word, having a Greek root and a Latin termi-
nation, and Regulus showed ignorance in using it.

meis mortuis — ' my dead men,' sc. the men who owed their
death to my informations. There is a studied brutality about the
expression.

Crasso. Crassus was a brother of Piso, whom Galba adopted,
and had been put to death by Nero. See Tacit. Hist. i. 48.

Camerino. Sulpicius Camerinus (see Tacit. Ann. xiii. 52) was
accused under Nero of extortions committed during his procon-
sulate of Africa. He was acquitted. Both be and his son, as it
appears from Pion, were afterwards put to death on a frivolous
charge, of which we may infer from this passage Regulus was the
author.

4. quam capitaliter — ' with what deadly purpose.' ' Capitaliter '
in a way to affect the life (caput). The adverb is rarely used.

5. aderam Arrionillae — ' I was counsel to Arionilla.' A well-
known use of ' adesse,' common in the best writers.

nitehamur. . . . Mvdesti — ' in one branch of our case we relied on
the opinion of Melius Modestus.' Of Modestus we know nothing
but from this passage, from which it may be inferred that he was
au eminent 'jurisconsult.'

25(5 NOTES.

ecce tihi Begulm. Ratlier a colloquinl use of the pronoun, as we
iniglit say, ' Here is a pretty fellow for you.'

G. de pietate — ' concorniiig: the loyalty of .N[ode9l(U9.' ' Pietas '
might well have this meaning in the time of the empire. So

* impietas ' denoted an offence agninot the person of the emperor.
See A. V. 7, and note on passage.

7. protiim datum est — * Pronimtiare ' in its legal sense is * to pro-
nounce a veidict.'

8. conscientia e.vterritus — comp. for a like use of ' conscientia '
Tacit. Ai/r. 2 and 39. The word is almost equivalent to our
' conscience ' in the later writers.

Cctedlium Celerem. Probably from his name a kinsman of
Pliny.

9. Sptirinna. Vestricius Spurinna, the subject of the preceding
letter.

10. Mauricum — the brother of Arulenus Kusticus. See A. VH.,
Tacit. Hist. iv. 40, Agr. 45.

11. in praetorts officio — ' Offuium' here has been taken to mean

* the praetor's court,' a meaning which it may possibly have ac-
quired in post- Augustan writers, and which is certainly supported
by the analogy of ' indicium,' which denoted both the ' bench of
judges' and 'the court in which they sat.' Of this however we
have no other instance, and it is perhaps better to take the expres-
sion as signifying ' a ceremonial visit ' paid by Pliny to a newly
elected praetor. This is a well-known and familiar sense of
'otficium.'

Satrius liuftts. See A. VI. 17, where he is mentioned as one of
the senators who took part in the proceedings against Publicius
Certus. He would seem to have been an advocate.

eloqueiitia saeculi nostri. Comp. Seneca's complaint (Ep. 40j,
Romana eloquentia a Nerone exsiluerat.

15. nequissinius. The special notion of ' nequam ' seems to be
tliat particular sort of wickedness which is connected with roguery
and which hates honest industry. The word was thus peculiarly
applicable to a man who had grown rich as a ' delator.' Cicero
(pro Fonteio, 13) contrasts it with 'frugi.'

15. curutur a multis—sc. ' his interests are anxiously considered
by many ' ; that is, those who possibly might be involved in his
ruin.

16. 7?iihi. . . . constahit. The meaning is, ' I shall have with the
aid of bis advice a settled principle to guide me in taking action
or in remaining quiet.' ' Mfhi constat ' jiere, as elsewhere, \?.
nearly equivalent to 'niihi certum est.' ' Ilatio constat' is rather
a favourite phrase with Pliny (comp. E. XXI. 1 ). It may be
sometimes explained as a metaphor borrowed from money accounts,
the primary meaning of 'ratio ' being a ' reckoning, a calculation.'
Here it is hardly necessary to give this meaning to the word, which
stands simply for ' plan/ ' system,' &c.

NOTES. 257

E. XVII. (ii. 20.)

1. assetn para. Sec. Pliny, by way of a joke, compares himself
to persons who picked up a little uioueyby telling amusing stories,
and who were known as ' circulatores,' a word which soon came to
mean much the same as our * quack.'

auream — ' fine, beautiful, first-rate,' &c., a meaning which
' aureus ' often has in the poets, and in the later prose writers.

2. Vermiia Pisonis — * Verania, Piso's wife.' A common for-
mula, to be explained as an ordinary possessive. Verania is men-
tioned by Tacitus (Hist. i. 47). She purchased the head of her
murdered husband from his assassins. Galba's adoption of Piso
is related by Tacitus (Hist. i. 14-16).

3. esto, si venit tantuni — that is, * granted that he was an impu-
dent fellow if he only paid her a visit.'

agitat digitos — sc. he counts on his fingers.

4. climactericum temiyus — ' a critical period.' * Climactericus,
from KXifial, KXinciKTiio, ' the step of a ladder ' ; hence associated
with the notion of danger.

G. qui . . . peierdsset. This is explained by the context. It was
not unusual to pray that the evil effects of a perjury might fall
upon a son. as the dearest object. Regulus's guilt was all the
more atrocious, both because he was knowingly perj uring himself,
and because he invoked the consequences of his perjury not on
himself but on his son.

7. Velkius Blaesus. Blaesus was a well-known name under the
empire. The one here referred to does not appear elsewhere.
Very possibly he was the son of the Jimius Blaesus, the governor
of Gallia I^ugdunensis under Vitellius, the circumstances of whose
death are described in detail by Tacitus, Hist. ii. 38, 39.

8. ve7-tit allocutionem — ' reverses his exhortations.'

9. scholastica lege — * according to the rule which obtains in
rhetoric' Three was regarded as a complete and perfect number.
Hence the Greek ' trilogy.'

10. ornata. An epithet denoting a combination of high moral
and intellectual qualities. Its full meaning is, ' excellent and ac-
complished.'

12. dWd ri PiaTtii'onai. ('Why do I distress myself by giving
vent to my indignation ? ' or ' why do I continue to dwell on these
matters ? ')

13. exta dupUcia. Pliny the Elder (xi. 37, 73) speaks of a simi-
lar phenomenon as having presented itself to Augustus when, on
the fii'st day of his imperial power, he was sacrificing at Spoletum.
It was told him, on the same occasion, that he would double the
empire.

14. genus falsi. ' Falsum ' specially denoted the crime of tam-
pering in any way with a person's will. It was a very common
otfence at Rome, and was the subject of a lex Cornelia, one of
Sulla's ' leges.' Regulus was not actually guilty of the legal

S

258 NOTES.

crime, though, as Pliny implies, in using an improper influencfl
over people making their wills, he was guilty of something far
worse.

E. XVIII. (iv. 2.)

\ . hoc WW malo indignus. This is said sarcastically. To such a
man asRegulus the death of his son, under the circumstances here
explained, was a piece of good fortune of which, Pliny says, he
was unworthy. The hitter tone of the letter does not allow these
words to he taken as an expression of pity.

2. einancipavit. The legal process ' emancipatio,' by extinguish-
ing the 'patria potestas,' gave the son the full ri^ihti of a Roman
citizen. Only in this manner could he legally inherit and acquire
property.

viancipahim. This word (for which we might have expected
' emancipatum ') implies that the boy, though legally released
from his father's power, was really as much as ever under his
control through the corrupting influences brought to hear upon
him. Consequently, people who knew the character of Regulus
s^poke jestingly of the lad as ' mancipatum,' i.e. 'handed over to
his fatlier,' meaning that the ' emancipatio ' was a farce.

•3. iitttnmdos. These were little Gaulish horses remarkable for
swiftness. They were often used by Romans of rank when they
rode from Rome into the country, and by ladies and youths for
pleasure. Comp. Horace, C iii. 27, 7 ; Epod. iv. 14 ; Epp. i.
7, 77.

omnes .... triicidavit. By this absurd piece of affectation Re-
gulus sought to imitate the funeral customs of the heroic age. See
Homer's description of the funeral of Patroclus (//. xxiii. 166),
where we find various animals slaujjhtered over the hero's tomb.

5. statuis siiis — ' statues of himself.'

6. vexat .... tempore. The time referred to as ' insaluberri-
nmm ' would be the period of the excessive heats of summer or
autumn. Regulus showed his want of consideration fnr his friends
by obliging them to pay visits of condolence on him at Rome
during this unhealthy season, and Pliny adds that he took a
pleasure in so doing.

7. immaturum — sc. too soon after his son's death.

E. XIX. (iv. 7.)

1. vim—^ energy, enterprise.'

quam cfficiat. This use of 'quam ' (which is commonly joined
with adjectives) is rare in Cicero and the best writers.

2. auditorio. Rarely used, as here, of ' the audience.' The
Greek ' acroasis ' is used by Cicero (Epp. ad Att. xv. 17) for ' a
learned audience.'

NOTES. 259

»crij)sit publice — sc. he wrote letters addressed to the various
states and ' municipia.'

3. afxaOia .... ^ipii. From Pericles' funeral oration, Thucyd.
ii. 40.

4. OS confusmn. This is not to be understood of Regulus' coun-
tenance, •which he was no doubt perfectly able to command, but of
his articulation, which, it would seem, was defective and indis-
tinct. In Up. vi. 11 Pliny uses the phrase 'os planum ' with pre-
cisely an opposite meaning.

inventio. This was a technical term in rhetoric, and is defined
by Cicero {Tiisc.i. 25) as the vis (faculty) quae investigat occulta,
and by the Auctor ad Herenuium (i. 2) as the excogitatio rerum
verarum aut verisimilium quae cau.sam probabilem reddant. It was
clearly essential to success as an advocate.

5. Cntonis illud. Cato's definition of an orator is quoted by
Quiutilian (xii. 12, 1), Vir bonus, dicendo peritus.

6. Demosthenes, &c. The passage here referred to is in the
Speech for the Crown. Aescbines is reproached for announcing a
public calamity in a loud and jubilant tone, and Pliny here suggests
that very possibly Regulus' book about his sou may have been read
out in a similar manner.

E. XX. (i. 3.)

1. meae delieiae. It must be remembered that Pliny had several
villas on the lake of Como.

jylatanon. Platanetum is the proper Latin equivalent of the
Greek Tr^nTmiov. Martial (iii. 19, 2) has the Greek form of the
word. Pliny is rather fond of introducing Greek words and forms
in describing villas, gardens, &c.

Etiripiis .... gemmeus. By Euripus, properly the narrowest
part of the strait which separates the island Euboea from the
mainland, is here meant ' a canal ' or ' aqueduct' connected with
the lake. The word seems to have been thus used by certain
writers in Cicero's time, though he rather sneers at it \De Leg.
ii. 1), ductus aquarum quo.s isti Nil(}s et Euripos vocant, &c.).
The epithets ' viridis,' ' gemmeus,' refer to the banks. ' Gem-
meus ' (bright with flowers) is applied to ' prata ' (E. II. 11). In
this sense it is a rather poetic word.

subiectus et serviens lacus — ' subiectus,' ' close at hand ' ; ser-
viens, * receiving the waters of the canal, and so acting as a servant
to it.' Cump. the expression ' piscina fenestris servit ' (E. II. 15),
' the pool is serviceable to, gives a pleasant prospect to, the
windows,'

mollis .... gestatio. ' Mollis ' suggests that the ' gestatio ' was a
walk or promenade on turf.

plurimus sol — that is, ' as much sun as the room could possibly
get.' This would be the most approved kind of bath-room, re-
ceiving, as Seneca {Ep. ii. 88) says, totius diei solem amplissimis

s2

260 NOTES.

fenestris. Comp. also E. I. 8, cubiculum quod ambitum solis om-
nibus fenestris sequitur.

2. intentione rei familiaris obeundae — * by close application to
the management of his property.' ' Intentio ' is almost equivalent
to 'iutentus animus.' It is implied that Caninius looked after his
estates himself, and dispensed as much as possible with the em-
ployment of bailiffs.

3. uniis ex 7nultis — 'you are only an ordinary mortal.' The
Greeks had a proverb, ovrocj irirh' ii> ttoAXi/Ti;.

jmgui secessu — ' snug, comfortable retirement.' For this use of
* pinguis ' comp. jyinguis vita {Ep. vii. 2G) and pingue otium (Ep.
ix. 3). It would seem to be a post-Augustan use of the word.

reponatur — ' be reserved.'

4. effinge . . . et exciide. ' Excudere ' denotes a higher form of
art than ' effmgere,' the notion of which is simply moulding a
piece of wax or clay into a particular shape. Ilence it appro-
priately follows the less forcible word.

nam reliqua . . . sortientur, A similar sentiment occurs in Horace,
Epp. ii. 2, 171-174.

E. XXI. (i. 9.)

1. quam singulis . . . constet. 'Ratio constat' is a phrase pro-
perly used of money accounts, the full expression being 'ratio
accepli et expensi constat ' ('the accounts balance'). Pliny here
means, that if he reckons up each day what he has done, he finds,
so to speak, his accounts correct, and that he has reason to be
satisfied with his performances, but that, if he looks back upon
many days taken collectively (pluribus cunctisque), he observes
that there is, as it were, an error in his accounts — that is, he miglit
in that period of time have accomplished more satisfactory results
than are actually forthcoming. See E. XVI. 10, mihi .... ratio
cotistabit, and note.

2. o^cio togae virilis — sc. all the ceremonies connected with the
assumption of the 'toga virilis,' for which the Roman youth ex-
changed the 'toga praetexta'in his fifteenth or sixteenth year.
The day was termed ' dies tirocinii,' and was a great occasion, on
which friends paid congratulatory visits and brought presents, &c.

advocationc7n. ' Advocatio ' denotes both the professional ser-
vices of a counsel and the attendance of influential friends, whose
presence might be supposed to impress the ' indices ' in favour of
the plaintiff or defendant. Here probably it has the latter mean-
ing. Comp. I 'ivy, iii. 47, ' Virginius filiam cum ingenti advocatione
in forum deducit.'

3. frigidis rebus — frigidus here = inanis. Comp. the Greek

8. satins est . . . agere — ' it is better to have nothing to do than
10 be doing nothing.' Scipio the Elder (as appears from Cicero,
de O^. iii. 1) used to say, ' se nunquam minus otiosum esse quam
cum otiosus sit.' By ' otium ' a Roman meant not absolute idle-

NOTES. 261

ness, but freedom from public busineas. Hence tbe word was
often applied to literary pursuits. See D. VlII, 1 (^inertia mea),
and note.

E. XXII. (i. 15.)

1. dicetur ius — sc. ' my legal demand on you shall be as fol-
lows,' &c.

2. laijtucae singtdae — 'a lettuce for eacli guest.' It was sup-
posed to stimulate the appetite, and so was a suitable beginning.

olivae — these were eaten both at the beginning and the end of
the repast.

3. Gaditanas — ' dancing girls from Gades in Spain.' These
are contrasted with * comoedi,' ' lector,' &c. ' Gaditana ' also
denoted songs of a loose and voluptuous character. See Juv.
xi. 102.

4. nisi postea . . . exaisaveris — that is, * if ever afterwards you
will not by preference decline the invitations of others, always de-
cline mine.'

E. XXIII. (ii. 6.)

1. diligentem. ' Diligens,' properly ' one who gathers up,' op-
posed to ' negligens ' ; hence ' frugal,' ' economical.' ' Diligentia '
is defined by Auctor ad Herennium (iv. 25) as * accurata conser-
vatio suorum ' ; hence it was the special virtue of the head of a
household.

3. ad coenam van ad notam invito. The antithesis between
'coena ' and ' nota ' is more pointed if we suppose Pliny is dwel-
ling on the derivation of coena from koivoq. ' Nota ' denotes
something which distinguishes, separates, &c. ; possibly there is
an allusion to the ' nota censoria.' * I ask my friends to a dinner
in which they are all on the same footing, not one in which dis-
tinctions are drawn,' is Pliny's meaning, though its expression
is rather strained and artificial.

5. ilia — sc. gula.

in ordinem redigenda. The phrase ' redigere, cogere in ordinem '
implies restraint and even some sort of degradation. It was strictly
used of bringing a man who held public office down to the level
of a ' privatus.'

6. aliena contumelia — sc. treating others with contempt by making
a distinction (nota) between your guests.

E. XXIV. (iii. 12.)

1. expedita — ' free and easy.'

2. officia antelucana — ' officia ' here seems to mean ' visits of
ceremony ' or possibly ' the persons paying such visits.' Comp.
the expression 'in praetoris officio' (E. XVI. 11), and see note.
Such visits were generally made by the Romans in the early
morning.

262 NOTE*.

C. Caesar . . . laudet. This was probably in his work termed
Anti-Cato, written in reply to Cicero's eulogy of Cato.

3. potuitne , . . erat — comp. Seneca de Tranq. 15, who alludes
to this weakness of Cato : * Facilius efficiet quisquis obiecerit, hoc
crimen honestum quam Catonem turpem.'

E. XXV. (viii. 22.)

2. lenitas — sc. the temper of mind which makes allowance for
others' faults. Comp. Horace, Sat. i. 3, 43, &c., where we have a
good definition of ' lenitas.'

emendntissbmnn — ' most faultless.'

3. qui vitia . . . odit. Comp. a somewhat similar sentiment in
Seneca {de Tranq. 15) : in hoc quoque flectendi sumus ut omnia
vulfri vitia non iuvisa nobis sed ridicula videantur et Democritum
potius iniitemur quam Pleraclitum, &c.

qnaeris . . . scribam — ' perhaps you ask who has provoked me to
write in this strain.'

4. qualiscunque — a contemptuous word.

quern insignire . . . refert — ' to expose whom is no good as an
example, while to spare him is exceedingly good in the interests
of leniency.' Pliny means that the man is so contemptible that
the exposure of his fault would go for nothing in the way of
example. Observe that this construction of 'refert' with the
genitive, except in such a phrase as ' magni refeii,' is post-
Augustan.

E. XXVI. (Lx. 6.)

1. Vh-venses — called also ludi Romani, magni. See Livy, i, 35.
At this time the chariot race seems to have been their most coQ-
spicuous feature.

2. trahere7itur. ' Trahi,' as denoting u passdonate interest in
anything, is a stronger word than ' duci,' 'teueri,' &c.

jmnno. Pliny no doubt intentionally uses a word of disparage-
ment. The allusion of com-se is to the different colours by which
the factions of the circus were distinguished.

studium favorque — ' entliusiasm and popularity.'

gratia — ' attractiveness.'

3. jnitto apud iidgus — ' I say nothing of its having influence with
the common people,' &c.

frigida — ' tame,' ' uninteresting.' Comp. E. XXI. 3, quot dies
qusLUi frigidis rebus absumsi.

E. XXVII. (ix. 33.)

1. laetissimo — ' laetus ' of a tree means 'fruitful,' 'luxuriant';
hence applied to ' ingeniuni ' it suggests the notion of richness,
variety, cVc, and so would come very close to our phmse ' an exu-
berant imagination.'

NOTES. 26°

o

poetico. See E. XVIIL, where Pliny dwells on the poetical skill
of his friend Caninius.

super coenam — ' over the dinner table.'

magna auctoris Jides. It is somewhat singular that Pliny does
not quote the authority of his uncle, who {N.H. ix. 8, S) mentions
simihar phenomena.

quid poetae cum jide ? — ' what have poets to do with credi-
bility ? '

2. stagnum. A word used indifferently of both salt and fresh
water. Virg. Aen. i. 126, imis stagna refusa vadis. The pool in
question could have been navigable only at high water.

aeshiarium. Livy (x. 2) explains the precise meaning of this
word by the periphrasis ' stagna irrigua aestibus maritimis.' In
this case the creek or estuary opened out into the above-mentioned
pool.

prout aestus, &c. — that is, * at low or high tide.'

3. his gloria et virtus — ' with these (the boys) it is a fine and
manly achievement,' &c. A somewhat poetic form of expression.

ulteriora — sc. ' further seawards than the others.'

4. subire — ' takes him on his back.'

5. obsident litus — 'they throng the shore.'

si quid est mari simile. Referring to the estuary and the pool.

variosque . . . expeditque — that is, the dolphin perpetually makes
a series of circular movements and retraces those movements.
The word 'implicitat ' (frequentative of ' implico,' found only in this
passage) conveys the notion of the intricacy of the creature's move-
ments, which from their peculiarity bear a certain resemblance to
the process of twining and untwining. In Virgil's well-known
description of the equestrian show with its complicated manoeuvres
we meet with the expression alternos orbibus orbes Impediunt
{Aen. V. 584), of which what we have here, though not the same
in meaning, reminds us.

9. educto — sc. delphino.

stiperfudisse unguentum — this was apparently done with a view
of averting any possible evil consequences which such a prodigy
might be supposed to portend. It would in fact be a part of the
process denoted by the term ' procuratio.'

10. mo7-a — 'prolonged stay.'

mndica respublica — sc. 'a state with rather a small revenue.'
secretmn. Often used as a noun by the writers of the silver
age to denote anything either entirely hidden or partially with-
drawn from view.

E. XXVIII. (viii. 17.)

1. istic — 'in your neighbourhood.'

2. de7nissioribus ripis — sc. the left bank of the Tiber, on which
Rome was situated. Comp. Horace's description of the inimda-
tion of the Tiber (C. i. 2, 13-16), in which, in accordance with the
popular notion, he represents the river as violently driven back

264 ^0TE3.

from its Etruscan shore, and consequently overflowing its left or
lower bank,

quae solet Jtumina accipere. Keferring to such streams as the
Tinnia, Clanis, Nar, and Anio,

devcherc — ' to carry down to the sea.'

vdut ohvius sistere coyit — ' as it were, meeting (these streams), it
compels them to halt in their course.' Under ordinary circum-
stances the streams in question flowed into and met the Tiber ; now
this wa.s reversed, and the Tiber, so to speak, advanced to meet
them. The effect, as here explained, was to drive back these
streams on lands which the Tiber itself could not reach.

3, delicatissimtts amnium — ' most delightful of rivers.' ' Deli-
catus ' suggests the idea of rich and beautiful rather than grand
scenery. It points to what would be congenial to highly luxurious
tastes, Comp. for this use of the word, I'liaedus, iv. 4, 20, domum
politam et delicatos hortulos. So too Curtius (v. 2, 9) uses the
expression, ' delicatam aquam ' of the river Choaspes.

velut invitatm retentusque. Here we have a sort of poetical hy-
pallage. The country houses on its banks are said by a very
natural figure of speech to attract and detain the stream. Its
sudden and destructive fury is thus brought into stronger contrast
with its usual gentleness,

4, eieeit atque extuUt, Of the Nile Lucan says (vi, 471), Nilum
non extidit aestas. ' Eieeit ' points to the sudden violence of the
inundation ; * extulit ' to its continuance for a considerable time.

gravem supellectilem — sc. all the more valuable articles of furni-
ture. Comp. the phrase 'grave pretium.'
rectores. Here = aratores.

5, opera . . . cingunlur — sc. hedges, fences, enclosures, &c., such
as would be required on valuable farms.

monimenta — ' public buildings.' Comp. Horace, C. i. 2, 15 :
ire deiectum moni7nenfa regum, ifcc.

debilitati — ' maimed.' ' Debilis,' ' debilitatus,' mean one who
has a broken or paralysed limb.

atida hictibus dauma — sc. to losses of property has been added
the mourning consequent on deaths.

pro mensura periculi — ' on a scale commensurate with the danger.'
If (Pliny means to say) we have had such disastrous flooils in the
neighbourhood of Rome, how have you, Macrinus, fared, living, as
you do, in a part still more exposed to such perils ? Macrinus, it
appears, had estates in the neighbourhood of the lake of Como.

E. XXIX, (x, 4.)

1. {nduJgentia, The word usually ha.s an vnfavourahle sense,
and denotes the culpable weakness which cannot refuse a request.
Under the emperors it seems to have become a regular compli-
mentary expression, answering to our ' grace,' ' bounty,' &c.

2. amplissimum ordinem. A phrase restricted to the rank of
Benator. ' Amplus ' and its derivatives had special reference to

NOTES. 265

tlio liio:hest officers of the state. Voconius, it must be remembered,
Lad hitlierto been simply an ' eques.'

(juadritif/eitties — about 340,000/., a sum enormously in excess of
tliH aumuut at which Augustus, according to Suetonius (Auff. 41),
hxed liie minimum of the property required for admission into the
senate. (This is set down at duodecies sestertii, about 5,000/.)
If therefore we have the right reading (which critics have ques-
tioned), we must suppose that there had been a prodigious increase
of private wealth during tlie empire, and that, as a natural con-
sequence, it had become necessary for a senator to be immensely
rich. * Quadringenties ' is the reacling of all the best MSS.

3. nondmn satis leyitime — sc. without having as yet completed
all the necessary legal forms.

fimdos emancipavit — * she made over certain estates to her son.'
She surrendered by the legal process of ' mancipatio ' all her pro-
prietary rights in these estates in favour of Voconius. See note on
word, iE. XVIII. 2.

4. subsifftio . . . .Jidem — sc. 'I vouch for,' &c. * Fidem inter-
ponere ' was the more usual phrase. ' Subsignare ' seems to have
been a more solemn and technical expression, and would have
nearly answered to our formula, ' I deliver this as my act and
deed.'

statim. From this it would appear that there was something
exceptional in the disposition of Voconius' father's property.
Roman law gave the son his full inheritance immediately upon
the father's death, the widow having no claim to a life-interest
in it.

5. quibus singidis . . . credo. Pliny's meaning is that the dis-
tinction which he wishes the emperor to bestow on Voconius will
be universally approved, and so will enhance the lustre derived
from his birth and from his splendid inheritance. Ex meis preci-
bus — sc. from my request being granted.

mdiciis tuis — sc. your choice of persons for promotion.

E. XXX. (x. 39.)

1. plus. For this, which can hardly be the right reading, though
found in all the MSS., Doring suggests ' prius.' Pliny's meaning
would seem to be that the accounts had not previously been
thoroughly examined, and that he could only speak of the matter
from hearsay. The only possible explanation of ' plus ' is that the
accounts have not been examined further than simply to show
that more than 1,000,000 sesterces had been expended.

2. descendit. * Discedit ' has been suggested as a more appro-
priate word. But ' descendit ' may fairly be retained, indicating,
as it does, the sinking of the soil.

fulturae — ' buttresses,' as contrasted with underground supports
(substructiones).
quibus subinde suscipitur — ' by means of which it is from time to

266 NOTES.

time kept up. ' Puseipere ' is ' to catch up something falling ' j
hence it is here a well-chosen word.

3. basilicae — sc. spacious corridors with lofty marble columns.
These were a usual adjunct of the Roman theatre in the time of
the empire.

4. ccssante . . . est — ' from the stoppage of the work which must
first be completed.'

tnimcrositis — ' on a more extensive scale,' sc. with more rooms
iuid more places for exercise. ' Numerus ' sometimes means ' a
part ' or ' section ' of anything ; so, with reference to the army, it
occasionally stimds for ' cohortes ' in Tacitus, Suetonius, &c. This
seems to be the key to the right explanation of this passage.

incompositum . . . est — ' it is an ill-arrunged and scattered build-
ing.' ' Sparsum ' implies want of compactness and the inconve-
nience consequent on it.

sane ae7)iulus, Sec. This is a sneer at the architect, whose opinion,
it is suggested, was not quite to be depended on. ' Sane ' often
introduces a sarcastic insinuation.

cnemento — 'coarse rubble.' If we have the right reading, this
must be the meaning of ' caementum,' which ordinarily denotes ' a
large unhewn block of stone from the quarry ' (as in Hor. C. iii. 1 ,
34, caementa demittit redempta) such as would serve for the
foundation of a building. Walls filled in with rubble would re-
quire a covering of tiles (testaceum opus) as a protection from
wet, &c.

5. buleutae — 'the members of the town council,' elsewhere
called ' decuriones.' Persons specially chosen by the emperor into
this body had usually to pay a fixed sum into the imperial trea-
sury. The words ' additi beneficio tuo ' suggest that in the present
case this payment was remitted. Buleutae for decuriones is natu-
rallv used in the case of a Greek town.

ob introitttm — 'for their admission into the council.'
(j. illtc — sc. in the case of the theatre.

viuntis tmtm — that is, ' your bounty to the " buleutae," ' as ex-
plained above, which had enabled the bath to be constructed.

I E. XXXI. (x. 40.)

1. m re praesenti — 'on the spot.'

a privatis exigi opera — sc. that contracts for works be entered
into with private persons.

2. GraecuU. Even under the empire, with its relaxed morality
and luxurious tone, the Komans continued to apply this contemp-
tuous designation to the people to whom they owed what taste
for art and culture they possessed. The gymnasium, to which
Trajan says the Greeks were so passionately addicted, had dege-
nerated from its original purpose of promoting strength and en-
durance, and was now chiefly devoted to useless feats of mere
agility and sports practised for the mere sake of pleasure.

NOTES. 267

3. circa halineum — ' witli regard to the bath.' A post- Augustan

use of * circa.

E. XXXII. (x. 71.)

1. OpiTTTovc. The meaning of this term is explained in Trajan's
reply. From another point of view, such children were called
'.Kiitroi, which word has been substituted in this passage for Gpiu-rovc,
but without sufficient authority. Parents throughout the entire
ancient world had the right to expose their children and leave
them to their fate. Hence would sometimes arise the question
whether such a child, if found and brought up by another, was
entitled to his freedom, whether also the person thus adopting
him must grant him his freedom without repayment for the cost
of maintenance. The first was a question ' de conditione,' the
second ' de alimentis.' epe-rToc might stand for a slave bom and
brought up in the master's house, answering to the Latin ' verna.'

2. nihil . . . ferretur — ' nothing either special or general which
might be applied as a precedent to the Bithynians.'

exemplo — sc. the precedent established by former emperors.
Gierig understands by ' exemplum ' actual copies of the imperial
edicts, which had become much corrupted in the process of dis-
tribution through the provinces. Pliny, however, merely means
that in cases requiring, as he thought, Trajan's decision, he must
not depend on general precedent, which might indeed, as he goes
on to say, be gathered from doubtful and imrevised documents.

3. 7ion certaejidei — ' of doubtful authenticity.'

sa-iniis — sc. the imperial archives, in which the original docu-
ments of all decrees and edicts which had been issued were
deposited.

E. XXXIII. (x. 72.)

1. expositi. Like tKTiB'svai, exponere was the regular word for
the exposure of a child.

sublati. Tollere filium was 'to acknowledge a child, and to
indicate one's intention of bringing it up.'

2. adsertionem, Adserere, like ' vindicare,' has a twofold mean-
ing. It may mean ' to claim a thing for oneself or ' to prefer a
just claim as against a wrongful one.' Hence, of a person, it is
either * to bring him into slavery,' or ' to rescue him from it.'
Here obviously it has the latter meaning.

pretio alimentorum. This decision of Trajan, the effect of which
would be that persons would be slow to adopt an abandoned child
which, when brought up, its unnatural parents could claim back
without any compensation for its nurture, seems haish, and we
find that it was disregarded by the later emperors in their legal
decisions on the subject.

INDEX NOMINUM.

Achilles, E. ii. 43

Acutius Nerva, A. xii. 2

Aeneas, E. ii. 43

Aeschines, B. xir. 10

Afer, Domitius, C. i. 10, 12

Albinus, A. ix.

Albinus, Lucceius, A. xiii. 7 ; A.

xiv. 13
Ammius Flaccus, A. vi. 13
Annius Severus, E. vi.
Anteia, A. vi. 4 seq.
ApoUinaris, Domitius, E.ii. ; A. vi.

13
Aratus, E. ii. 43
Aristo, Titus, E. xi. 1
Ariston, Claudius, C. v. 3
Armenius Brocchus, E. xxxii. 3
Arria, B. xx. 3 ; A. i. 2 seq. ; A.

vi. 3 seq.
Arrianus, B. i. ; A. xi. ; A. xii. ;

B. xxiv. ; C. iii.
Arrianus Maturus, D. i.
Arrionilla, E. xvi. 5
Artemidorus, B. xx. 1
Arulenus Rusticus, E. xvi. 2, 5
Asudius Curianus, D. xii. 1
Athenodorus, E. xiv. 7
Atticus, lulius, E. viii. 10
Attilius Crescens, C. i. 2
Attilius Scaurus, E. xiii.
A.ttius Clemens, B. xxi. ; E. xviii.
Autidius Bassus, B. xi. 6
Augustus, E. V. 6
Aurelia, E. xvii. 10, 11
Avidius Nigrinus, E. xxxii. 3
Avidius Quietus, C. iv. 1 ; A, vi.

15
Avitus. E. xxiii.
Avitus, Junius, E. x. 1
Avitus, Ootavius, E. xxvii. 9

Baebius Macee, B. xi. ; A. xiv. 16
Baebius Massa, A. v. 4 ; C. iv. 8
Baebius Probus, A. xiii. 12
Bassus, Aufidius, B. xi. 6 •►
Bassus, lulius, A. xiv. 1 ; C. iv. 10
Blaesus, Velleius, E. xvii. 7, 8
Brocchus, Armenius : t;, Armenius

Caecilkts Celee, E. xvi. 8
Caecilius Classicus, C. iv. 8
Caecina Paetus, A. i. 3
Caepio Hispo, A. xiv. 16
Caesar, C. lulius, E. xxiv. 2
Calestrius Tiro, E. viii.
Calpurnia, D. iv. ; v. ; vi. ; vii.
Calvisius, E. viii. 12; xv ; xvii.;

XX vi.
Calvus, C, B. i. 2 ; xix. 5
Camerinus, E. xvi. 3
Caninius, Rufus, B. xii.; xvi.; xviii.;

D. iii. ; E. xxvii.

Capito, Titinius, B. iii. ; xxv. 1
Carus, Metius, E. xii. 5 ; xiv. 14;

xvi. 3
Catilius Severus, E. xi. ; xxiv.
Catius Fronto, A. xi. 2
Catius Lepidus, E. xix.
Catius, Titus, E. vii. 1
Cato, B. xiii. 5 ; E. xix. 5 ; xxiv. 3
Catullus, B. xix. 5
Catullus Messalinus, A. vii. 5
Celer, A. iv. 10
Celer, Caecilius: v. Caecilius
Cerialis, Tuccius, A. xi. 9
Cicero, M. Tullius, B. i. 4 ; D. i. 4 ;

E. xvi. 12

Clams, Septicius, E. xxii.
Claudius Ariston, C. v. 3
Claudius Caesar, A. i. 7, 9 ; B. xxii ^

270

INDEX NOMINUM.

Claudius Fuscus, A. xiii. 18
Claudius Marc'ollinus, A. xi. 15
Claudius Restitiitus, A. xiii. 16
Clemens Attius, B. xxi. ; E. xviii.
Cluvius, A. X. 5

Collega, Pompeius, A. xi. 20, 22
Corellius Kut'us, A. vi. 6 ; E. viii.
Cornelia, A. iv. G, sqj.
Corielianus, C. v.
Cornelius Minicianus, A. iv.; xiii.
Cornelius Nepos, E. vii. 1
Cornelius Prisons, B. xiii.
Cornelius Tacitus : v. Tacitus
Cornelius Ursus, A. xiv.
Curnutus TertuUus, A. xi. 1 9, sqq. ;

xii. 2
Cottius, A. XV. 3.
Crassus, E. xvi. 3
Crispus Metilius, E. xiii. 2
Curianus, Asudius : v. Asudius
Curtius Rufus, E. xiv. 2, sqq.

Demosthenes, B. i. 2 ; x. 5 ; xiv.

10; E. xix. 6
Domitianus, A. iv.; vi. 2 ; xiii. 31,

33; xiv. 2; E. viii. 6; xiv. 14 ;

xvi. 1, 5, 14
J)oniifius A for, C. i. 10
Domitius Apollinaris, A. vi. 13;

E. ii.
Drusus Nero, B. xi. 4

Erucius, B. xix.
Euphrates, B. xxi. 2, sqq.
Eurythmus, C v. 8, sqq.

Fabatus, Calpurnius, D. viii.
Fabius Hispanus, A. xiii. 12, sqq.
Fabius Justus, E. xvi. 8
Fabius Maximinus, A. vi. 13
Fabius Valens, C. ii.
Fabricius Veiento, A. vi. 13
Fadius llufinus, B. x. 4
Fannia, A. i. 2 ; B. xx. 3 ; E. xii.

1, sqq.
Fannius, C, B. xv. 1, 5
Ferox, lulius, A. xi. 5
Festus, Valerius, B. xii. 12
Fii-minus Ilostilius, A. xi. 23 ; xii. 2
Flaccus, Ammius : v. .iLinmius

Flavius Marcianus, A. xi. 8, sqq.
Frontinus lalius, A. x. 1 ; D. i. 3;

D. xii. 5
Fronto, Catius, A. xi. 3, 18; xiv.

15
Frugi, Libo, A. xiii. 33
Fundanus, E. ix. 1
Fundanus, Minutius, E. xxi.
Fuscus, B. iv. ; 1), xi.
Fuscus, Claudius: v. Claudius

Gai.ba, E. xvii. 2
Cialitta, C. v. 4
Gallus, E. i. ; iv.
Geminius, C, E. viii. 9
Geminus, B. vi. ; E. xxv.
Gratilla, Pomponia, B. xx. 3 ; D.
xii. 1 ; A. vi. 1, sqq.

Helyibius, A. vi.; B. xx. 3 ; E.

xii. 3, 5
Herennius Pollio, A. xiv. 14
llerennius Senecio, A. iv. 12; v.

14 ; E. xvi. 3 ; xix. 5
Herennius Severus, E. vii. 1
Hispanus, E. xiii.
Hispanus, Fabius, A. xiii. 12, sqq.
Hispo, Caepio, A. xiv. 16
Hispulla, Calpurnia, D.iv. ; E. viii.

9
Homerus, A. xiii. 28 ; B. xviii. 4 ;

C. i. 2; E. ii. 43
Homullus, A. xiv. 15 ; xvii. 3
Honoratus Vitcllius, A.xi. 8
Horatius, B. xvii. 2
Hostilius Firminus : v. Firminus

Iavolentjs Pkiscus, B. xxiii. 1 sqq.

Isaeus, B. xiv. 1

Isocrates, C. iv. 6

Italicus, B. xii.

lulianus Pompeius, B. xxi. 8

lulias Atticus : v. Atticus

lulius Bassus : v. Bassus

lulius Ferox: v. Ferox

lulius Frontinus : v. Frontinus

lunia, E. xii. 1

lunius Avitus, E. x. 1, sqq.

Junius Mauricus, A. vii. 3 ; B. xx. 3

lustus, Fabius : v. Fabiua

INDEX NOMINUM.

271

Lakgius Licinus, B. xi. 17 ; C. i.

9,11
Liberaiis, Salvius, A. xi. 17 ; xiii.

33, 36
Li bo Frugi : v. Frugi
Licinianus, Norbauus, A. xiii. "29,

sqq.
Licinianus, Valerius, A. iv. 1, sqq.
Licinius, Largius: v. Largius Lici-

nius
Livia, E. xvi. 9
Livius, T., A. iii. 5 ; B. xiv. 8
Lucceius Albinus : v. Albinus

JIacek, Baebius : v. Baebius
Macrinus, A. xv.
Marcellinus, E. ix.
Marcianus, Flavius : v. Flavius
Marius Priscus, A. xi. 12 ; xiii. 2 ;

C. iv. 9
Martialis, Valerius, B. xiii.
Massa, Baebius: v. Baebius
Matui'us Arrianus : v. Arrianus
Mauricus, Junius : v. Junius
Maxinius, B. v. ; C. i.
Menander, B. xvi. 4
Messalinus, Catullus: «. Catullus
Messius Maximus, A. xvi.
Metilius Crispus: v. Crispus
Melius Carus : v. Carus
Metius Modestus, E. xvi. 5, sqq.
Murena, A. vi. 19
Musonius, B. xx. 6, 7

Nefos, a. xvii. ; B. xiv. 11
Nepos, Cornelius *. ?'. Cornelius
Nero, B. xi. 5 ; xv. 5 ; C. v. 9
Nero, Drusus : v. Drusus
Nerva, A. iv. 14 ; vii. 4 ; xiv. 2
Nigrinus, Avidius : v. Avidius
Nerva, Acutius : v. Acutius
Nonianu^s, B. xxii. 3
Nonius Maximus, B. xv.
Norbanus Licinianus: v. Licinia-
nus

OcTAvius AviTus : V. Avitus
Paetus, a. i. 6, sqq.

Paetus, Caecina : v. Caecina

Passennus PauUus, B. xvii. 23

Paterhus, D. xv.

PauUinus, D. xii.

PauUinus, Valerius, A. xiv. 22

Paullus, Passennus : v. Passennus

Plato, B. xxi. 5

Plautus, B. xvi. 4 ; xix. 6

Plinius, C, Secundus, A. ii. ; iii. ;

B. iii. 5 ; xi.
Pollio Asinius, C. iv. 5
Pollio Herennius : v. Herennius
Polyclitus, C. V. 9
Pompeius Collega : v. Collega
Pompeius lulianus : v. lulianus
Pompeius Saturninus, B. ii. 19
Pomponia G-ratilla : v. Gratilla
Pomponius Eufus, A. xiii. 33 ;

xiv. 3
Pomponius Secundus, B. xi. 3
Pomponianus, A. ii. 3
Priscus, Cornelius: v. Cornelius
Priscus, lavolenus : v. lavolenus
Priscus Marius : v. Marius Priscus
Priscus Stilonius, A. xiii. 18
Probus Baebius, A. xiii. 12
Proeulus Vettius, A. vi. 13
Propertius, B. xvii. 2; xxiii. 1
Publicius Certus, A. vi. 13

QUADRATTIS, A. vi

Quietus, Avidius,

iv. 1
Quintilianus, C. i 9

Civ.
A. vi. 15; C.

Eectina, a. ii. 8

Eegulus, A. xi. 22 ; C. iii. ; E.

xvi.; xvii.; xviii.; xix.
Eobustus, Claudius, E. xiii.
Eomanus, A. viii.; B. xxiii.; E.

iii. 5
Eomanus, Vergilius, B. xvi. 2
Eomanus, Voconius, E. xvi.
Eufinus, Fabius, B. x. 4
Eufinus, Trebonius, A. vii. 1
Eufus, Caninius : v. Caniuius
Eufus, Corellius, E. viii.
Eufus, Curtius, E. xiv. 2, sqq.
Eufus, Pomponius, A. xiii. 33 ;

xiv. 3
Eufus, Satrius, A. vi. 17 J E. xvi. 3

272

IXDEX NOMINUM.

Rufus Scmpronius, A. vii.
Rufiis, Verginius, A. viii. ; ix. ;
Ruso, A. X.
Rusticus Arulenus : v. Arulenus

X.

Salvius Liberajlis : v. Liberalis
Satrius Rufus : v. Rufus, Satrius,
Saturumus,Pompeius: y.Pompeius

Saturninus
Soaurus, Atilius: u. Atilius Scaurus
Scriboniauus, A. i. 7, 9
Secundus, Pomponius : v. Pompo-

nius
Sempronius, Rufus : v. Rufus Sem-

pronius
Seuecio, Herennius : v. Herennius
Senecio, Sempronius, C. v. 8, 11
Senecio, Sosius, B. xxii.
Septicius Clarus : v. Clarus
Sertorius, A. xiii. 11
Sertorius Severus, D. xii. 1
Severus, Herennius : v. Herennius
Silius Italicus : v. Italicus
Socrates, E. xxiv. 1
Sosius Senecio: v. Senecio
Spurinna, E. xv. ; xvi. 8, 9
Spurinna, A. xv. 14
Stilonius Priscus : v. Priscus

Tacitus, Cornelius, A. ii. ; iii.; viii.

6 ; xi. 2, 17 ; B. vii. ; viii. ; ix. ;

X. ; D. ii. 9 ; x.
Tereutius, B. xvi. 4 ; xix. 6
Tertullus Cornutus : v, Cornutus
Theophanes, A. xiv. 3, sqq.
Thrasea, A. i. 10 ; C. iv. 1,7; E.

xii. 3 \ XXV. 3

Thucydides, B. iii. 11

Timo, E. xvi. 5

Tiro, Calestrius : v. Calestrius

Tiro, Julius, C. v. 7

Titinius Capito, B. iii.

Titus Aristo, E. xi. 1

Titus Homullus : v. Horaullus

Titus Imporator, A. xiv. 2

Trobonius Rufinus : i'. Rufinus

Tuccius Cerialis : v. Cerialis

Fabius
Festus
V. Licinianus

Valens, Fabius : v.

Valerius Festus: v.

Valerius Licinianus

Valerius Martialis: v. Martialis

Valerius PauUinus : v. Paullinus

Varenus, C. iv. 11

Veiento Fabricius, A. vi. 13; vii.

4.
Velleius Blaesus : v. Blaesus
Vespasianus, A. xiv. 1 ; B. xi. 9 ;

E. xxxii. 3
Verginius Rufus : v. Rufus
Vestricius Spurinna : v. Spurinna
Vettius Proculus : Proculus
Vibius Seronus, E. vii.
Vitellius, B. xii. 3
Voconius Romanus : v. Romanus

Uescs, Cornelius, A. xiv.

Xeuxes, B. xii. 13

Zosurus, D. xiii. '.

INDEX

OF

WORDS AND PHRASES REFERRED TO AND EXPLAINED IN THE NOTES.

ACERBUS = premature, B. xv. 4 ; E.

ix. 6
Achaia, province of, A. xviii. 2 ;

E. iv. 2
aeroama, C. v. 13
actor publicus, D. iii. 2
adductus, of style, B. xix. 5
adsertio, twofold meaning of, E.

xxviii. 2
advocatio, various meanings of, A.

xi. 19; B. iii. 11; B. xxiv, 2;

E. xxi. 2
aestuarium, exact meaning of, E.

xxvii. 2
Africa, province of, A. xi. 2
Albana villa, A. iv. 6
altus, used metaphorically, E. ix. 8
amaritudo, a rhetorical term, B.

xix. 5
amictus, proper meaning of, B.

xiv. 2
apodyterium, E. ii. 25
apotheca, E. i. 13
apsis, E. i. 8
argentum purum, antiquum, grave,

etc., E. XV. 9
armarium, E. i. 8
Arpinae chartae, B. xiii. 5
arripere, legal sense of, A. iv. 1 1
auditorium, B. xiv. 6
aureus, metaphorical use of, E.

xvii. 1

Basilica, E. xxx. 3
bibliotheca, E. i. 8
buleuta, E. xxx. 5

Caementtim, E. xxx. 4
caldaria, E. ii. 26
caligo= vapour, A. ii. 19

cantlcum, peculiar meaning of, C.

i. 13
cathedra, B. xxiv. 2
cavaedium, E. i. 5
centumviri, their legal powers, D.

xii. 8
Circenses (ludi), E. xxvi. 1
circulator = quack, E. xvii. 1
circumscriptus, a rhetorical term,

B. xiv. 3 ; B. xix. 5
citra, post-Augustan use of, A.

viii. 3
climactericus = critical, E. xvii. 4
coenatio, E. i. 10
cognoscere, cognitio, legal terms,

A. vii. 1
coUectio, rhetorical meaning of, B.

xiv. 3
commentarius, B. xi. 17 ; E.

xii. 5
commodus, unusual meaning of, A.

i. 4
comperendinatio, legal term, C.

iii. 6
concio, proper meaning of, B. xix.

4
conditorium, A. ix. 5
conscientia, post-Augustan use of,

E. xvi. 8
consilium, legal sense of, D. xii. 8
coTifitans, constantia, A. vi. 4 ;

xii. 4
consummatus, A. xv. 5
contextus, A. xiv. 13
contubernium, peculiar meaning

of, D. iy. 6
corrigere, distinguished from

' emendare,' C. iii. 9
cumulus, proper meaning of, A

viii. 6
cryptoporticus, E, i. 16

274

INDEX OF WORDS AND niRASES.

Descensiones, of baths, E. ii. 26
docus, peculiar meaning of, A.

XV. 1
deferre nomen, a legal expression,

C. V. 10
defremere, A. vi. 4
deliberare, meaning of, A. vi. 2
delicatus, various meanings of, A.

xi. 2o ; B. xviii. 5 ; B. xxiv. 5 ;

E. xxviii. 3
diaeta, E. i. 12
diligens, proper meaning of, E.

xxiii. 1
discessio, technical use of, A. vi. 20
discursus = energy, activity, &c.,

E. X. 5
dispositus, of a speaker, A. xi. 16;

of a mode of life, E. xv. 2
dubius dies, A. iii. 6
duumviratus, of a ' colonia,' A.

vii. 1

Effectus, a rhetorical term, B.

xiv. 3
enumeratio, special meaning of, B.

xiv. 3
epulum, D. xiv. 6
excursus, post-Augustan meaning

of, E. ii. 43
expositus = open, candid, B. xxi. 2
extra ordinem, A. vi. 7

Faxsum, legal term, E. xvii. 1 4
fatalis, mors fiitalis, E. viii. 2
fax, of mischievous persons, A.

xiv. 3
fenestrae, E. i. 5
festivus. applied to a room, E. i. 4 ;

of a statue, E. vi. 1
festus, post-Augustan use of, E.

i. 24
focillare (post-Augustan), A. i. 12
formare, of literary composition,

D. xi. 2

fractus, of pronunciation, C. i. 12

frigidaria cella, E. i. 11

frigus, metaphorical use of, A. xiv.

1 1 ; B. xxiii. 4
fulmcn, metaphorical use of, B.

XX. 3
funebris laudatio, A. viii. 6
furtum, legal meaning of, A. xiv. 6

Gaditanae, n xxii. 3
gracilis, of st}dc, B. xiv. 1
gradatu«, applied to trees, E. ii. 17
Graeeia = Achaia, A. xviii. 2
granditas, of style, B. x\'i. 5
gustare, special meaning of, A. ii.
6; B. xi. 11

Heliocamintjs, E. i. 20

hetaeriae, A. xx. 7

Homer, quotations from, A. vi. 20 ;

how studied in Roman schools,

C. i. 2
honor, special meaning of, D. xii.

12
hortus rusticus, E. i. 15
hyperbaton, grammatical term, B.

viii. 2

Jactura, singular use of, E. viii. 1

imaginari, B. xv. 5

impietas, special meaning of, under

the Empire, A. v. 2 ; E. xv. 6
implere, peculiar meaning of, A.

V. 7
inamoenus, D. x. 3
index, meaning of, B. xi. 2
inducere, different meanings of, B.

ii. 12
indulgentia, D. xiii. 2 ; E. xxix. 1
industria, special meaning of, B.

xii. 3 ; E. xv. 3
inertia, peculiar meaning of, D.

ix. 1
infirmitas = indisposition, D. xv. 1
ingraveseere, peculiar meaning of,

E. i. 19
inquisitor, legal meaning of, A.

xiii. 29
inscriptio, technical meaning of, D.

xiii. 3
instantia, post-Augustan use of, B.

xi. 17
inventio, a rhetorical term, E.

xix. 3
jubae, metaphorically of style, B.

iii. 10
judices dare, legal phrase, A. xi. 2
judicium, peculiar moaning of, B.

vii. 5
junctum = carriage, E. i. 2
JUS publicum, privatu n, E. xi. 2

INDEX OF WORDS AND PHRASES.

275

Latitudo, a rhetorical term, B.

xxi. 5
lenoeinari, post-Augustan use of,

B. ii. 6
lex Julia, penalties of, C. v. 6
libellus, peculiar sense of. A, xx. 5 ;

B. xxi. 9
liburnica, A. ii. 7
literatus, of slaves, D. xiii. 3

Malitia, peculiar meaning of, B.

xiv. 5
mannulus, E. xviii. 3
manceps, C. i. 4

membrum = room of a house, E. i. 9
merces, a teacher's fee, D. ii. 5
metula, peculiar meaning of, E.

ii. 35
mobUis, mobilitas, of poetry, B.

xvii. 2
mollities, as a moral quality, C.

iv. 6
musculi, of style, B. iii. 10
musteus, B. xxiv. 6

Ne, interrogative, peculiar use of,

A. i, 13

nempe, force of, A. i. 8

Nemesis, allusion to the idea of, E,

ii. 46
nequam, precise meaning of, E.

xvi. 15
nervi, of style, B iii. 10
nitere, nitescere, nitidus, used of

cattle, E. i. 3 ; of plants, E. ii. 4
nomenclator, C. i. 6
noscitare, meaning of, A. iii. 14;

B. X 5
notarius, B. xi. 15

numerus, peculiar meaning of, A.

iv. 9
numerosus, post-Augustan use of,

A. xiii. 22 ; E. xxx. 4
nudus, of style, B. iii. 4

Officixtm, special meaning of, A.

viii. 8 ; E. xvi. 1 1 ; E. xxiv. 2
onerare, peculiar use of. A, xviii.

8 ; B. ii. 5
opisthographu*. B. xi. 17
oratio, its proper meaning, B. xix. 4

ordinare, ordinatio, A. xviii. 2

and 7
ora, distinguished from ' littus,' E.

ii. 1
ordo, ordines, E. xiii. 2
ornatus, meaning of, E. xvii. 10
ossa, used of style metaphorically,

B. iii. 10
otium, peculiar meaning of, B.

xii, 3

Paedagogus, E. ix. 3

pallium, in contrast to the toga,

A. iv. 3

paratus = facilis, A. ix. 5 ; of a
speaker, A. xiv, 3 ; of things,

B. xi. 8, E. i. 25
patrouus, D. xiv. 4
pestileus = unhealthy, E. xiv. 5
phantasma, E. ix. 3
philosoph), banishment of from

Rome, B. xx. 2
pinguis = snug, E. ii. 45; E. sx. 3
pinus, shape of, A. ii. 5
platanon, E. xx. 1
podium, E. ii. 22

politiis, applied to a room, E. i. 10
postulatio, legal meaning of, A. v. 4
praecursorius, post-Augustan, D.

ii. 3
praefatio, meaning of, A. iv. 2
praefectus aerarii, A. vi. 1 1
praejudicium, D. xii. 2
praesens, meaning of, E. v. 5
praevaricatio, A. iii. 29
pressus, various meanings of, A.

X. 6 ; B. ii. 5; B. iv. 8 ; B. xix.

5 ; E. iv. 4 ; E. xi. 3
probatio, legal term, C. v. 5
procurare, peciiliar use of, B. xi. 17
profiteri (indicium) A. i. 9
, to be a professor, A.

iv. 1
proprietas, of style, B. iv. 2
provenire, proventus, peculiar

meaning of, B. xxii. 1
publica acta, A. v. 3
pugillares, D. ix. 3
pulvinus, E. ii. 13
pumicatus, of a fop, A. xi. 23
purus, of style, B. iv. 8
puteus, distinguished from ' fons,'

E. i. 25

27G

INDEX OF WORDS AND rnR.\SES.

QUADRUPLEX JUDICITTM, C. ii. 1

quinqueviri, A. viii. 9
quiritatufl (cry of infants), A. iii.
14

Ratio, ratio constat, E. xvi. 16 ; E.

xxi. 1
recens = ' lively,' A. viii. 12
recuperatoria judicia, A. xvi. 9
refert, post-Augustan construction

of, E. XXV. 4
reformidare, proper meaning of, B,

xxi. 7
relatio, legal meaning of, A. vi. 7
relegatio, A. xi. 20
repetundae, punishment of, A. xiv.

16
repraesentare, meaning of, D. iv. 1
rescribere (to revise), B. iii. 4
respondere jus, B. xxiii. 3
reverentia, meaning of, A. xviii. 6

SaCHAMENTUIT, a. XX. 7

scholasticus, B. xiv. 3

scrinium, peculiar meaning of, E.

xxxiii. 3
sermo, proper meaning of, B. ii. 2 ;

B. XV. 3
severitas, of the Stoics, B. xxi. 7
sinisteritas, A. xix. 2
sordes, meaning of, A. xii. 5
speculana, windows, E. i. 4
sphaeristerium, E. i. 12
spiritus, meaning of, E. xii. 3
splenium, C. iiL 2
sportula, C. i. 4
etati ines, B. xxii. 2
etatua triumphalis, A. xv. I
stibadium, E. ii. 36
stigmosus, E. xvi. 3
8tomachus=the windpipe, A. ii. 19
etudere, absolute use of, B. iv. 1 ;

B. xi. 2; D. ii. 3
subnotare, technical meaning of,

B. xxi. 9
subscribere, subscriptor, legal

terms, A. vi. 5 ; D. xii. 6

subsignare, legal term, E. xxix, 4
suffragator, A. xvi. 5
superstitio, A. xx. 8
Syria, vague meaning of, B. xxi. 2

Terstjs, of style, B. xvii. 2
Thucydides, quotation from, B. iiL

11
titulus, of an epitaph, A. x. 3
toga, its metaphorical use, E. ii. 45
tori, of style, B. iii. 10
tract.-itus, how used by post- Augus-
tan writers, B. ii. 8
tribunus cohortis, A. xiii. 18
tristitia, of the Stoics, B. xxi. 7
tubulatus, of hot air-pipes, E

i. 9
tutela, peculiar meaning of, E.

i. 4
turris, peculiar meaning of, E. i.
13

Varius, its meanings, B. xix. 1
vastus, meaning of, A. ii. 18
vulvae, E. i. 5
vela implere, used metaphorically,

A. xi. 3
venu8tu8 = witty, A. xiii. 3
versus, meaning of, A. iv. 16; B.

xi. 12
Vestalium maxima, A. iv. 6
veneratio, proper meaning of, A

xviii. 6
Veritas, its twofold meaning, B.

XV. 2
viaticum, D. ii. 5
vindicare, rare construction of, A.

iv. 14
viridia = shrubs, E. ii. 17
unguentarium, A. xi. 23
Vulcanalia, B. xi. 8

Xenium, C. v. 14
xystus, E. i. 17

ZOTHECA, E. i. 21

PRINTED BY

8P0TTISW00DE AND CO., NEW-STREKX SQUABS

LOXDON

PA

6638
A4
1882

Plinius Caecilius Secundus, C
Select letters New ed.

PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SUPS FROM THIS POCKET

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY

:^>